text:
How then shall we eat? Insect-eating attitudes and sustainable foodways
- First Online:
- Accepted:
DOI: 10.1007/s10460-013-9450-x
- Cite this article as:
- Looy, H., Dunkel, F.V. & Wood, J.R. Agric Hum Values (2014) 31: 131. doi:10.1007/s10460-013-9450-x
Negative attitudes toward invertebrates are a deep-seated, visceral response among Western peoples. These internalized aversions toward insects and other terrestrial arthropods, both in general and specifically as a food source, subtly and systemically contribute to unsustainable global foodways. Insect cuisine is, for Westerners, emblematic of the alien, a threat to our psychological and cultural identity. Yet failure to embrace entomophagy prevents us from seeing the full humanity of those of other classes, races, and cultures, and leads to agricultural and food policy decisions that fail in their objectives to improve nourishment for all people. Key to enabling the world's peoples to live sustainably with the land are: (1) awareness of the psychological and cultural barriers to a more insect-positive perspective (2) embracing insects as a desirable food resource, (3) understanding the processes by which those barriers are constructed, their negative consequences, and (4) identifying strategies for transforming our attitudes.
KeywordsEntomophagy Edible insects Food Attitude change Culture Sustainability Disgust Invertebrates
Voices of happy children erupt as they dart in and out of tall clumps of grass chasing after grasshoppers, hoping to grab a tasty treat. Encouraged by their parents, they carefully put them in self-made hunting sacs, then dash home to roast and eat them, sharing among themselves and younger siblings. Here in Sanambele, a village in the West African country of Mali, children have foraged for grasshoppers for generations. The rest of their diet consists mainly of millet, sorghum and maize, with some peanuts and fish, making the grasshoppers a crucial and wholesome seasonal protein source. Recently, smallholder Malian farmers have switched from growing extra food to sell in the local market to cotton as a cash crop. Now, parents discourage their children from eating grasshoppers out of fear that the grasshoppers are contaminated with the chemicals used to protect the cotton. The raw cotton is shipped elsewhere for processing, giving the Sanambele farmers minimal economic benefit at a high dietary cost to their children. The result is an increase in protein-energy malnutrition.1
In Edmonton, a mid-sized city in western Canada, two professors wind up a presentation on insects as human food by unveiling an array of roasted mealworms and cricket-filled spring rolls. As the first volunteer raises a handful of mealworms to her lips, horrified expressions pass over many faces, and someone in the audience bursts out, "Eew, she's really going to eat that!"2
Back in Sanambele, one of us (Florence Dunkel, FD) and a Malian colleague, Keriba Coulibaly, speak with the village women about traditional ecological knowledge. Not until Keriba mentions eating grasshoppers in his home village, and FD talks of insect-eating at her home university in the US (Montana State University) is a code of silence around food insects broken. Suddenly the villagers, with whom she has interacted for 12 years, relax and begin sharing stories from their local tradition and childhood of eating grasshoppers and other insects.
These stories illustrate a large and stubborn blind spot in the attitudes and understanding of many in the Western3 world regarding the place and value of invertebrate animals, especially insects and other terrestrial arthropod relatives,4 in our environments and in our diets. This blind spot, coupled with the global impact of Western culture and agriculture, unintentionally but negatively affects the development of sustainable local foodways. Fear and disgust of food insects in particular have been identified as barriers to the maintenance and restoration of traditional local foods (Illgner and Nel 2000; Yen 2009a; Young 1999). In this paper we argue that Western attitudes toward insects in general and as human food reveal with particular clarity the unconscious complicity of this culture in "coloniz[ing] the imagination" (Young 1999) and maintaining unsustainable approaches to agriculture and food supply. In a context in which there is an urgent and growing desire to ensure global food security, social scientists can provide insights to help transform our attitudes toward insects as human food, thereby illuminating our unconscious values around food, hospitality, and consideration of 'the other'.
Attitudes toward terrestrial invertebrates
Deeply embedded in the Western psyche is a view of insects as dirty, disgusting, and dangerous. As Stephen Kellert (1993) has shown, the majority of Westerners appear to lump terrestrial arthropods into one large homogeneous category of "bugs" and treat almost all as potential threats. He found that the general American public, including American farmers, view most terrestrial invertebrates "with attitudes of fear, antipathy, and aversion" (Kellert 1993, p. 851). Although invertebrate attitudes are more complex than Kellert proposed (Franklin and White 2001), nonetheless these broad stereotypes influence our imaginations and practices.
Much of our contemporary media—books, television, movies, videogames—reflects and teaches this aversion. Insect metaphors are widely used to dehumanize the "other," usually in relation to ethnicity and to peoples with whom we are in conflict (Haslam 2006; Steuter 2010; Steuter and Wills 2009). Cognitive scientists have shown that powerful implicit negative associations and attitudes toward insects affect our responses and preferences for neutral objects, events, and people even when we are unaware of the presence of insect-related stimuli (Greenwald et al. 1998). Rarely are we encouraged to view insects as vital players in the ecology that sustains us all or as engaged in relationships that enable other plant and animal species to thrive. We are fairly indifferent to invertebrate extinctions, despite the fact that their loss would be catastrophic on a scale orders of magnitude more significant than the loss of many vertebrate species (Kellert 1993; Wilson 1987).
Insects and related species are frequently viewed as pests. Much of the demand and funding for entomological research comes from the medical and agricultural sectors that are mainly concerned with insects that carry disease, or reduce crop yields and actual or perceived crop quality. While entomologists recognize the enormously important distinctions among insect and other arthropod species and actively promote education about their critical place in ecosystems and agriculture, the majority of funding, and therefore the emphasis, leans toward eradication and control. There has been a recent surge of interest among entomologists on the topic of insects as a food source, as evidenced by the presence of two articles on the topic in the 2013 issue of the Annual Review of Entomology (Raubenheimer and Rothman 2013; van Huis 2013). Nevertheless there is a history of public, political, and scholarly resistance to serious consideration of insects as human food in the US (DeFoliart 1999, 2012).
The Western aversion to invertebrates includes the belief that these species are disgusting and are largely inedible for humans except under the most desperate of circumstances (i.e., so called "starvation food" Bukkens 1997; DeFoliart 1999; Yen 2009b). This attitude is unique both historically and cross-culturally (Illgner and Nel 2000; Yen 2009a).5 However, insects have been an important food source for virtually every human society, and this practice has persisted to the present in most non-Western cultures (DeFoliart 1999; Hinz 2001, cited in Schiefenhövel and Blum 2007). Insects are a vital source of nutrients and calories, and highly prized as pleasurable elements of a meal (Menzel and D'Aluisio 1998; Ramos-Elorduy 2009; Raubenheimer and Rothman 2013; Schiefenhövel and Blum 2007). There is also a growing realization in academic and agricultural discourse that food insects are a key element of food security in many regions (Gahukar 2012; Sileshi and Kenis 2010; Yen 2009a).
The source of this negative attitude to terrestrial invertebrates, both in general and as a viable human food source, is a historical mystery. When Vincent Holt (1885/1967) published Why Not Eat Insects? he referred to disgust about entomophagy as "a long-existing and deep-rooted public prejudice" (p. 5), especially among the middle and upper classes. A bias was already well established in 1885 and predates knowledge of insects as disease vectors.6 Supporters of the 'optimal foraging' theory of food preferences suggest that entomophagy might never have arisen in Europe because insects are a relatively difficult food to gather and easier options were widely available (Bennett and Zeleznik 1991; Harris 1985). However, edible insects do live in these regions (Ramos-Elorduy 2009), and Holt (1885/1967) comments on the use of insects as food and medicine among the peasantry. Evidence also exists that Aristotle and the Romans were familiar with entomophagy (Harris 1985). Nevertheless whether or not entomophagy was historically a viable option in Europe, it remains unclear why insects came to engender such an aversion.
A few species among wasps, bees, scorpions, and spiders are actually dangerous to humans, and a sting even if not deadly is certainly unpleasant, so that insect fears and phobias are high in the public imagination (Berenbaum 1995). It has been suggested that we may be 'biologically prepared' to fear this type of animal as an adaptive mechanism. And since urbanized Westerners make few meaningful distinctions among "bugs," this easily generated anxiety may have generalized to include most insect species (Öhman 1986; Ulrich 1993). It may also be the case that invertebrates are, to our human perception, 'monstrosities', alien in form, movement, size, lifecycle, and ecological role. This notion is supported by the previously mentioned social scientific literature that reveals the widespread use of insect metaphors to distance and dehumanize 'the other' (Haslam 2006; Steuter and Wills 2009). "While such 'otherworldliness' can provoke curiosity and even wonder in some people, the more typical human response to the unknown is that of fear and disdain. For most people, insects, and other invertebrates, remain largely alien and unfathomable" (Kellert 1993). However, none of this adequately explains why attitudes are so much more negative in the West than in other regions of the world.
Why are negative invertebrate attitudes a problem?
While knowledge of the source of negative attitudes toward terrestrial invertebrates remains elusive, what is clear is that this negativity has subtle and far-reaching consequences for global food availability and cross-cultural relationships. The Food and Agriculture Organization of the UN estimated that nearly a billion people worldwide, mainly in Asia and sub-Saharan Africa, are malnourished (FAO 2011), yet the planet can supply all our food needs. It is well recognized that the reasons why so many today go hungry or experience malnourishment are primarily economic, cultural, and political—not scarcity (Berry 2009; Freidberg 2004; George 1990; Lappé and Collins 1986; Pollan 2009, 2006; Schlosser 2001; Schut 2010; Smith and Mackinnon 2007). This means that the solutions will require the wisdom of those in the social sciences, as well as those in agriculture and related fields.
Insects and other terrestrial arthropods are good food. They can provide ample bio-available proteins, fats, vitamins, minerals, and fiber. While many of the 2,000 documented food insects are gathered from wild populations, intensive breeding systems are emerging. Early research on such 'minilivestock' operations suggests that the feed conversion ratios for edible insects are significantly more efficient than for poultry, swine, and beef; they are less demanding of water; and, because insects are so dissimilar to humans, have less risk of producing pathogens threatening to human health (Raubenheimer and Rothman 2013; van Huis 2013). The challenge is to persuade an insect-phobic culture to recognize these creatures as a legitimate food resource. This is not because insect-phobic Westerners are themselves in need of more food. Rather, ignorance of the value of insects in sustainable ecosystems and for the food supply means that implementation of Western-based intensive agricultural practices globally can result in loss of 'wild foods' such as insects (Bharucha and Pretty 2010; Pemberton and Sook Lee 1996; Yen 2009a). This ignorance also means blindness to the possibility of actively cultivating insects as a food resource (van Huis 2013).
This challenge of identifying the barriers to food insect literacy and acceptance is one the social sciences are well positioned to address. However, even within these fields recognition of the insidious impact of the Western bias against insect species, both generally and as potential food sources, is only just emerging (DeFoliart 1999; Eidelson et al. 2011). Anthropologists, for example, expressed puzzlement at the apparent health and vigor of peoples whose food sources seemed to lack essential amino acids, vitamins, and minerals. It took many years before some realized these nutrients were supplied through entomophagy (Harris 1985; Schiefenhövel and Blum 2007). Even today relatively few studies of cultural foodways include recognition of entomophagy, and this lack is attributed more to the bias of the researchers than the infrequency of the practice (Harris 1985; Schiefenhövel and Blum 2007). We also find it telling that Western researchers give the practice of eating insects a distinctive term—entomophagy—that to our students in class sounds more like a disease than a descriptor, and that an important anthropological article on entomophagy is published in a collection entitled Consuming the Inedible (Schiefenhövel and Blum 2007).
One consequence of insect aversion is that, concurrent with the increasing global reach of Western culture, eating insects is on the decline. For example, while the people living in Sanambele, Mali, have a wealth of traditional ecological knowledge, the pressures of a global economy now do not permit them to practice sustainable living based on that local knowledge. Within the past 5 years Sanambele villagers have deliberately stopped teaching their children to hunt, gather, and roast insect snacks from the fields where crops are grown on the perimeter of the village. Western models of agriculture, which may work reasonably well in the vast grasslands of the prairies, do not necessarily translate well to other regions (George 1990). There are well-known issues involved in the application of high-intensity agricultural practices when the particulars of a region and traditional knowledge of local peoples are ignored (Berry 2000). Pesticide use is often necessary to ensure crop productivity, but can decimate local, naturally thriving species that may be significant elements in a complex local ecosystem (Gurung 2003).7 Further, pesticides can bioaccumulate in other species in the food chain, potentially poisoning some of the local food resources (Pemberton and Sook Lee 1996). Hence, Sanambele parents now warn their children, "Don't eat the grasshoppers. They are bad for you." Yet not eating the grasshoppers is bad for them too. A wholesome, complete, locally available, and free protein source has been removed from their diets. The risk for protein-energy malnutrition and its associated negative physical and mental consequences, especially for developing children, has now considerably increased. It is occasionally possible to use pesticides in sustainable ways (Devine and Furlong 2007), but this requires integration of pesticide use and effects with deep local ecological knowledge (Gurung 2003). Because the idea of insects as a vital food resource is simply not contained in the worldview that shapes Western agricultural practices and thus decisions about pesticide use do not take this into consideration.
Abhorrence or ignorance of entomophagy also obviously narrows the range of possible foods on the menu. It compromises nutrition by designating a shrinking and thereby uniform group of substances as "authentic food," thus reducing access to a much fuller range of nutrients, vitamins, and trace minerals (Pollan 2006; Stiles et al. 2011). Encouraging the adoption of large mammalian sources of protein, such as beef, chicken, and pork, and discouraging the use of small-animal protein sources such as rodents and insects, whether explicitly or implicitly, is an unsustainable practice (Eidelson et al. 2011).
Another important dynamic is reflected in the reluctance of the Sanambele people to tell those of Western origin of the traditional practice of entomophagy. This may be due in part to a Malian recognition that such practices are viewed by Westerners with revulsion and could lead to prejudice against them. One does not tell potential friends or business partners personal stories that might diminish one's status in their eyes. This phenomenon has been reported by anthropologists elsewhere (Meyer-Rochow 1973; Ramos-Elorduy 2009; Schiefenhövel and Blum 2007), and is evident, too, among the women of Sanambele. North American universities welcome students from all around the world, and in our experience students from various parts of Africa and Asia often hide aspects of who they are, including insect-eating practices, until we make it clear that it is safe to do so. One of our colleagues was born in Eritrea to missionary parents. He reports that as a youngster he happily caught, roasted, and ate locusts with the local children. However, when he and his parents returned to the US, he was asked to hide this activity from their American support base. Suppression of knowledge and experience in response to perceptions of Western hegemony can lead to refusal to eat traditional food insects, which ultimately leads to loss of knowledge and cessation of sustainable practices that might enhance their availability. If there were fully adequate and sustainable replacements for local food insects these dynamics would be less of a concern.
Another consequence of our internalized aversion to insects is to blind us to the presence and value of the 'other'. Insect cuisine is emblematic of the 'other', the alien, and the stranger. Those who consume insects are often viewed as "primitive, barbaric, or desperate" (Forsyth 1994). To embrace even the idea of entomophagy is to embrace in our bodies, as well as our minds and souls, the full humanity of those of other classes, races, and cultures. Until we can do that, we cannot fully understand, let alone change, Western cultural hegemony and its negative impact on a hungry world.
There is renewed enthusiasm among Western researchers and agricultural organizations for "minilivestock" which includes primarily food insect species. There is an extensive literature on minilivestock. Especially applicable in this context are DeFoliart's "Edible Insects as Minilivestock" (1995), Paoletti and Dreon's chapter on "Minilivestock, Environment, Sustainability, and Local Knowledge Disappearance" (2005) in the major review Ecological Implications of Minilivestock: Potential of Insects, Rodents, Frogs and Snails (Paoletti 2005), as well as "Forest Insects as Food: Humans Bite Back" (Durst et al. 2010). Most of this enthusiasm focuses on the mechanics of raising, processing, and transporting food insects, integrating them into the global food system. Very little attention is given to the perceptions and marketing of insects as human food or to the willingness of people, particularly those in Western cultures, to consider adding insects to their diet, and the social and psychological barriers to this consideration. This is the unique and critical contribution social scientists can make.
The psychological dynamics of entomophagy avoidance
Persuading people in the Western world to accept and value entomophagy has been treated mainly as a rational problem to be solved through education (Looy and Wood 2006; Wood and Looy 2000). While these efforts have made Westerners increasingly aware of the existence of entomophagy, they appear to have done little to genuinely alter attitudes (Looy and Wood 2006). This is because attitudes are not merely rational mental frameworks, but also have emotional and cultural dimensions. Solutions must address all of these aspects, as well as the underlying values that shape them (Clark 1995; McKenzie-Mohr and Oskamp 1995).
There is considerable knowledge about the ways in which food preferences and aversions are formed (e.g., Fallon and Rozin 1983; Pliner et al. 1998; Pliner and Mann 2004). However, this literature is focused almost exclusively on substances that are already recognized as edible, albeit in different forms or combinations. For example, sushi was until recently a novel food to North Americans but its acceptance was facilitated by the fact that the main ingredients—fish and rice—were already recognized as 'real food' (Quinn 2007). Acceptance of insects as human food faces additional barriers that few other novel foods share.
We theorize two converging psychological dynamics supporting Western aversion toward and blindness about entomophagy. Understanding these is a first step toward strategies to effectively alter these attitudes and the related values and beliefs. One dynamic involves the role of food choices in cultural identity. The other involves a perception of insects as alien, reminders of our animality, and generators of disgust. They converge through a process known as 'contamination' or 'sympathetic magic' through the belief that 'you are what you eat'. To eat insects, then, is in a sense to become contaminated, subhuman, truly 'other'.
First, we explore the role of food in cultural identity. We do not eat merely to survive physically, we give meaning to our eating. Food—what we eat, how and when we prepare it, when and with whom we eat it—takes on symbolic significance and is hedged about with often complex rules (Douglas 1972; Messer 1984, 2007; Meyer-Rochow 2009). This process, which occurs in every human culture, is one means by which we develop a sense of self, navigate the complexities of living in community, and define our place in the universe (Douglas 1966).
Every child is enculturated into a particular community with its distinctive beliefs and values. Food is foundational to this process. From birth, in receiving nourishment from others the roots of psychological attachment, identity, and social place are laid down (Rozin 1996). Children learn what is safe to eat and what is dangerous, and also to distinguish between self and not-self, friend and foe (Burris and Rempel 2004). Food, which is 'not-self' but becomes 'self' through ingestion, then plays an important symbolic role. As we consume food, it literally becomes us, and, as we are enculturated, what we eat also symbolically becomes us. It is not surprising that deep in the human psyche is the belief that we take on the characteristics of our food sources, that quite literally "we are what we eat" (Nemeroff and Rozin 1989). The Hua of Papua, New Guinea, for example, believe that fast-growing plants promote growth, and that males should be wary of ingesting red hairy foods that resemble the female vulva as such foods may inhibit their strength (Meigs 1984, cited in Nemeroff and Rozin 1989). But in this context we note that Western people are not exempt from the implicit belief that "we are what we eat" (Nemeroff and Rozin 1989; Pollan 2009, see especially footnote on p. 57).
Beyond conferring certain desirable traits through ingestion, food choices also enable members of a culture to reiterate and reinforce their identity as distinct from other cultures. Anthropological studies show that distinct cultural groups living in the same ecological region nevertheless select a subset of the edible substances available (Pyke 1968). For example, in the Amazon basin, the Mayorana and Parakana eat tapir, while the Arana eat monkey (Milton et al. 1991). These distinctions in food choice have historically involved elevating one's own group and looking down upon others as 'primitive', more animal-like, subhuman. The British and French in western Europe, and the Yassa and Mvae in Cameroon, and many other neighboring cultures ridicule each other's food habits (de Garine 1997). It is telling that the name most tribes have given themselves is some variant of 'the people', meaning the 'real human beings' (Diamond 1992). Food choice is a way to symbolize this belief and strengthen the identity of the community. Thus, we are what we eat, and we are not them. We are the 'real' people.
Enculturation involves implicit, visceral associations as well as emotions that reward us for conforming and also punish us for violations of the cultural rules (Greenwald et al. 1998; Rozin 1990). Various objects and acts are deeply associated with emotional reactions that reflect their value for that individual in the context of their culture (Kitayama and Park 2010). The function of all these emotions is to motivate behavior. As we contemplate an action, internal emotional responses signal whether that action will produce desirable or undesirable consequences. People who lack this internal emotional 'censor' consistently fail to act in socially acceptable ways, and ultimately become deeply isolated from the community (Adolphs and Damasio 2001).
That's disgusting!
In learning a culture's foodways, the emotion of disgust is primary. Disgust signals that the object or action we are contemplating, such as eating a particular food, will have physically or culturally threatening consequences and therefore should be avoided or rejected. It supports the belief that 'we are what we eat' by ensuring that we avoid foods that will confer undesirable characteristics.
Disgust has its roots in the sensation of distaste, an innate rejection response to bitter-tasting substances (Fallon and Rozin 1983; Steiner 1979). But disgust is elaborated through enculturation to motivate rejection of several categories of objects or events including food (Haidt et al. 1994). Thus, what we find disgusting is primarily learned.8 Sometimes it seems rational to be disgusted by certain foods. Avoiding the consumption of rotten food, for example, is an excellent survival strategy. However, most disgusting objects or acts are culture-specific and arbitrary. Westerners happily eat organisms strongly associated with decay such as fungi and marine scavengers such as lobster,9 crab, and shrimp. Yet we conflate herbivorous insects that feed on fruit, leaves, and crops with those involved with death, decay, parasites, or pain, and treat them all as objects of revulsion and fear—food only for the primitive and desperate.
Despite the acquired and arbitrary nature of most disgust triggers, Haidt (1997) argues that they all ultimately serve the same function: to separate ourselves psychologically from reminders of our animal nature. We are people, not animals; we are human, not subhuman. This desire to separate from our animal nature is a particularly strong concern in Western culture, where human rationality, understood as the highest capacity of our disembodied mind, has historically been enshrined as our unique heritage, evidence of our superiority to and distinction from all other creatures (Damasio 1995). Because food inevitably serves as a reminder of our animality and physicality, it is not surprising that it is particularly hedged about with ritual and symbol, and that food boundaries are protected through disgust.
Disgust works well to defend food boundaries by motivating a profound and violent rejection of whatever triggered the disgust (Haidt 1997; Haidt et al. 1993). Disgust can also be generalized from one object to another through association because objects that have become disgust triggers also carry the power of contamination. By what anthropologists refer to as the 'law of sympathetic magic', anything that contacts a disgusting object, either literally or figuratively, becomes disgusting by association (Rozin and Fallon 1987). Because Westerners tend to have a vague and undifferentiated knowledge of insect and other arthropod species, the association of some insects with feces and decaying matter may lead to psychological contamination of all insects, rendering the entire category disgusting. However, this alone would be insufficient to explain why we find insects revolting as potential food, as we have always eaten food that has fed on, or been produced through, decaying matter, including fungi, marine arthropods, and even crops fertilized with human and livestock manure (Harris 1985). Another, perhaps more powerful, negative association is that of insects and the alien: the subhuman, threatening beast. Fearing our animality, and motivated to develop an identity as a member of Western culture, we are taught that the epitome of alienness is the insect (Haslam 2006).10 Disgust and fear can support and reinforce all of these associations in a manner that ultimately produces an unconscious equation of insect-eaters with animality and threat.
For many Westerners, it may therefore be that insects cannot be simply an exotic, 'ethnic' food as was sushi until very recently. If 'we are what we eat', then all the alien, dirty, disgusting, dangerous characteristics we attribute to insects will accrue to us should we eat them. Many Western people really do view insect eating as "perverse, barbaric or desperate" (Forsyth 1994), "the stuff of nightmares" (Menzel and D'Aluisio 1998), something they would do only under duress as a disgusting act (Looy and Wood 2006).
Changing attitudes toward entomophagy
The causes of the Western aversion to entomophagy are complex, but its impact is subtly pervasive. Changing this aversion is no magic bullet for dealing with systemic problems in agriculture and food systems, but is a significant element. Promoters of entomophagy advocate for the insertion of food insects into the global food system as yet another form of livestock, to be mass-produced, preserved, processed, and widely distributed. While small agri-business and minilivestock practices have their place (Ghaly 2009; Gracer 2009; Yau 2010), and there may be a positive role for insects in future urban agriculture and biotechnology (Dzamba 2010; Verkerk et al. 2007), the uncritical commercialization of food insects can also run the risk of further contributing to reductions in food- and bio-diversity and malnutrition (Gondo et al. 2010). One of the key lessons from Sanambele and other regions is that respect for and knowledge of local ecosystems is vital for using insects as a sustainable food supply (Morris 2004; Ramos-Elorduy 2009). This respect for the potential of insects as human food and for the local knowledge that will enable us to realize this potential can only be built on a willingness to examine closely some of our most cherished and unconscious assumptions about food and eating.
Changing food preferences and aversions is the focus of a rich literature that examines individual, social, micro-environmental, and macro-environmental dimensions (Aldridge et al. 2009; Barker 1982; Krebs 2009; Larson and Story 2009; Rozin 1990). Research into attitudes, values, norms, and behavior is also relevant in understanding food-related choices (Millar and Millar 1990; Petty et al. 1997; Wood 2000). More recently, some scholars have begun to focus specifically on ways to facilitate the development of more sustainable ways of living (McKenzie-Mohr and Oskamp 1995). Insights from all of these areas are needed to effectively counter negative Western views of insects as food.
The primary source of food preferences is the social environment (Larson and Story 2009). In the home, adults provide foods to children, and model and teach what, when, and how to eat. If adults could be convinced of the value of entomophagy, they would powerfully influence the next generation to view food insects as a normative part of the diet. However, they would need to do so in a clear, responsive, and authoritative manner. Coercing children to "eat bugs; they're good for you" may produce short-term results but backfire over the longer term (Galloway et al. 2006; Patrick et al. 2005). Repeated exposure facilitates food preferences, and prior positive experiences with novel foods increases willingness to try additional novel items (Loewen and Pliner 1999; Pliner 1982).
The challenge to get adults to accept entomophagy themselves involves the attitudes of peers and descriptive norms (Burger et al. 2010; Conner et al. 2011; Lally et al. 2011; Woodward et al. 1996) and this is no small challenge. Another obstacle is the lack of availability of insect food and lack of knowledge of how to prepare it. While some of this information is available online and in specialized cookbooks (DeFoliart et al. 2009; Dennis 2009; Dunkel 2013; Gordon 1998; Gracer 2009; Ramos-Elorduy 1998; Yau 2010), it remains marginal and does not resolve the problems of marketing and reliable, safe supply. Insect dishes rarely appear in restaurants, certainly not on fast-food menus. Food marketing and agricultural and food policies also make food insects invisible and unavailable.
The very possibility of using insects as human food was introduced to the Western world decades ago by entomologists and their 'bug banquets' (Looy and Wood 2006; Wood and Looy 2000) and more recently through 'reality' shows such as Fear Factor and Survivor. However, both entrenched the idea that eating insects was a novel, exotic, and marginal activity. We need to normalize entomophagy so that the answer to the question "What's for dinner?" might also include not merely chicken, beef, pork, or vegetables, but also crickets, mealworms, or locusts. This may well require some careful marketing and re-branding. For example, Westerners now generally accept sushi, sashimi, or steak tartare. But if these foods had instead been called 'raw fish' or 'raw beef' it is less likely that they would have been accepted. Proposing the consumption of escamoles or nsenene may be perceived more positively than if they were referred to as ant larvae or katydids.11
Several cultural forces are converging in the West that may well support a move to accepting entomophagy. First, there is the peculiar and historically recent Western obsession with food and nutrition (Pollan 2006). Numerous and frequently changing food fads mean that entomophagy has the potential to be viewed as merely the latest, if somewhat more exotic, fashion. Targeting those who like to be on the leading edge of social change and fashions may result in a snowball effect whereby social pundits attempt, then share, often online in extensive social networks, their experiences with entomophagy (Dennis 2009; Yau 2010). If those experiences are positive, demand for food insects may increase, creating pressures on market forces and government food policies to make space for this new alternative. A second cultural force is the rise, especially among the younger generation, of a concern for living sustainably. This concern is centered in part around community gardens, community-supported agriculture, and the local food and slow food movements. Providing subcultures and organizations involved in sustainable living initiatives with information about food insects may generate a grassroots transformation. Indeed, we have been contacted repeatedly over the last several years by young adults who are seriously seeking sustainable food alternatives and through web searches have discovered our research into food insects. They inquire about local supply and information about preservation and preparation. A third cultural force, related to the first two, is a growing concern to educate children about food, to reconnect them to the sources of their food, and to develop in them competencies for food production, preservation, and preparation (Rivage-Seul 2011).
Many elements of a successful move to promote acceptance of edible insects in the West are similar to those involved in acceptance and normalization of novel foods from a variety of ethnic groups in the past decades: marketing, availability, exposure, information about preparation, positive modeling of attractive taste and post-ingestion experiences, and so forth. The special challenge is that insects present an additional barrier. They are not viewed as merely another exotic food, but rather as inedible and actively disgusting one. Despite the educational efforts of entomologists and an increasing awareness that insects are food for some people, in our experience the vast majority still expresses disgust, disbelief, and an adamant refusal to even consider this option. Thus the case for entomophagy needs to be made at multiple levels, through multiple means, and across multiple disciplines. People will need to be educated about the unsustainability of our current food choices and practices and the ways in which food insects can move us closer to a more just and sustainable food system. This flattened cultural perception of 'insects as harmful or useless' needs to be differentiated in order to dissociate food insects from species that actually do carry disease, are otherwise inappropriate for consumption, or actually cause harm. If this does not occur, insect disgust will remain a significant barrier. Advocating changes in significant structural barriers is also critical: food safety policies have not yet been widely developed or applied to food insects, as they have for other novel foods such as sushi, making clean healthy supplies difficult to obtain. In parallel with these strategies, restaurants, celebrity chefs, bloggers, and other public figures will need to continue modeling insect food preparation and enjoyment until this food source becomes normalized (Gordon 1998; Menzel and D'Aluisio 1998; Ramos-Elorduy 1998). We can draw on the rich knowledge of edible insects still present in the traditional foodways of many cultural groups and increase our appreciation for genuine cultural diversity as a key step in maintaining the wellbeing of both the human and the nonhuman world (Morris 2004).
In the end, do Western peoples really need to eat insects in order to support global food sustainability? Our answer is no—and yes. We argue that before attempting to insert insects into global food systems, we must begin by bringing knowledge of our negativity toward insects and its impact to consciousness. This does not necessarily imply that we must include insects in our diet. Unless they are locally available, adding food insects to an already overflowing dinner menu is not necessary, realistic, nor likely to lead to direct improvements in the poor eating habits of people whose diets are currently inadequate. However, we are reminded that "the way we dine has enormous impacts not only on our personal health but also on nature, animals, other people, and the distribution of power. In eating even the simplest dish we tap a chain of events linking people and places across the globe, past, present and future" (Belasco 1997). As we seek ways to eat sustainably, learning to value insects as human food is a challenging and profound test case. It is difficult but perhaps not impossible to view insects as legitimate foods without being willing to eat them ourselves. For instance, we might readily acknowledge that Greeks can dine on olives and couscous, or Russians on borscht, even if we have never personally tried such foods. But whether or not we add insects to our own diets, we must rethink our values and attitudes and the underlying worldviews that give them shape.
With the help of social scientists we can get in touch with these deep predispositions that prevent us from recommending and supporting sustainable foodways both at home and abroad. While many scholars in these diverse fields have addressed aspects of eating sustainably, and a few have explored entomophagy directly, a truly cross-disciplinary conversation is necessary to move forward. We need to address entomophagy from emotional, cultural, agricultural, entomological, marketing, and social policy perspectives.
We have considered a cultural blind spot that has a global impact on agriculture. Embracing entomophagy is a concrete way of literally becoming the stranger, and in so doing, embracing them as our neighbor—fully authentic, fully human, and fully acceptable. It is a deeply hospitable act that welcomes without obliterating the other. Not until people of Western culture can freely do this will we know, in a deeply embodied way, how to help one another find ways to live and nourish ourselves sustainably on this planet. So, how then shall Western cultures eat bugs? With gusto, a glass of wine or cup of tea, and an open heart and table.
Although wild foods are a "significant portion of the total food basket for households from agricultural, hunter, gatherer and forager systems," they are typically undervalued and often threatened by development processes (Bharucha and Pretty 2010, p. 2922). Such losses are not an isolated event, nor limited to less developed countries, as two other insect examples show. The decline of grasshopper species also occurred when unregulated insecticides were commonly applied to paddy fields in Japan (Mitsuhashi 2003) and South Korea (Pemberton and Lee 1996). Once regulations were established, a small commercial edible insect market returned.
We described this and other stories involving the complex dietary challenges that edible insects pose in greater detail in Wood and Looy 2000.
Most Western nations are societies consisting of a number of cultural groups. Our focus is on cultures of European derivation, what we call in this paper "Western." We also use the words "we" and "our" in this paper to refer to Western people because the authors of this paper are all of Western society and are speaking to a primarily Western audience.
It is estimated that there are over 2,000 species of edible insects alone (van Huis 2013). To distinguish them from other edible invertebrates we use the term "insects" throughout this paper in its general sense to refer to groups of species such as true bugs, beetles, and termites as well as lifeforms such as grubs, caterpillars, and maggots.
We note, citing Morris (2004), that "as with other 'cultures' Western attitudes towards insects are diverse, complex and multifaceted.".
Pasteur published theories about germs as the source of disease beginning only 25 years earlier, and Carlos Finlay first proposed mosquitoes as a carrier of yellow fever in 1881. Bilewicz et al. (2011) assert that anti-insect bias is located in the Enlightenment. Morris (2004) says that this reading of history is likely "simplistic" and the roots are more complex. The food histories we have consulted seldom mention edible insects, covering only their products such as honey (Wood and Looy 2000).
The use and regulation of pesticides, their continuing efficacy, and the desirability (or not) of alternative agricultural systems (multi-cropping, inter-cropping, etc.) are related issues. However, here we simply point to the need for maintaining knowledge of and capacity for the utilization of wild foods alongside the development of contemporary agriculture (e.g., Bharucha and Pretty 2010).
Apart from unpleasant tastes, there are no universal elicitors of disgust except perhaps feces, and even feces disgust is learned (Rozin and Fallon 1987). Learning which objects, events, and acts engender disgust is a complex process involving personal and cultural values, beliefs, norms, and practices (Bilewicz et al. 2011; Haidt 1997).
Interestingly, lobster was considered a "low-class food" up through the early 1800 s (Wallace 2007) fit for prisoners, and then only in limited quantities.
The ever popular science fiction and horror film genres have reinforced the idea of insects as either the enemy in nature or the agent of destruction, often at the tampering hand of some misguided scientist (Berenbaum 1995). Andrew Nikiforuk develops (and challenges) this theme in his chapter "The War Against the Insect Enemy" (2011).
Escamoles are a traditional dish of the Aztecs and are still considered a delicacy in Central Mexico, sometimes referred to as 'insect caviar' and served in fine restaurants in Mexico City. They are ant larvae, have a slightly nutty flavor, and are served alone or in omelets or tacos. Nsenene is the local name for a type of grasshopper known to North Americans as the katydid, and is a popular delicacy and economic resource in Uganda, Kenya, and Tanzania. They are usually fried, sometimes with onions, and eaten warm or cold.


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Is it possible to change the default page print size in Chrome? I'm printing the webpage to a pdf file and it seems that the size is letter. I want to be able to change that to A4. Or if there are any chrome extensions that you know that will make this possible. I've seen one extension but it cannot print the page to pdf since what I'm trying to print is on localhost.
Instead of using the regular
You can then select the printer you wish to use, and click on
2014-10-05 Edit: Chrome 37 now has a 'Paper size' option in its print dialog, allowing to choose between A3, A4, Letter, Legal and Tabloid.
To confirm what soandos wrote, on Mac OS (10.6.8), Chrome (32.x) will take the Default paper size, as set in the 'Print & Fax' preference pane ('B5' in the example below).

subset: commoncrawl


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Sticky Notification Bar is a cool concept of showing a cool bar on top when the user scrolls down your page so that he come back to stop or use the na
-Upload the plugin folder to the /wp-content/plugins/ folder of your wordpress installation. -Activate the plugin. -You will see an option at the left bottom of the wordpress options in the left sidebar. -Click on it to set the options -Then just create a new Google map popup or edit the existing one. http://wpfruits.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/.png
-Click on edit and add the options to for the Sticky Notification Bar you have created and get going. -Use the shortcode to display it on the page/post or you can use the widget if you want to show them in the sidebar http://wpfruits.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/1.png
Read more about the plugin at http://www.wpfruits.com/downloads/wp-plugins/sticky-notification-bar-for-wordpress/?ref=wp
Requires: 3.0 or higher
Compatible up to: 4.5.3
Last Updated: 3 months ago
Active Installs: 500+
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The Ayatollahs' Democracy
The Ayatollahs' Democracy
An Iranian Challenge
W. W. Norton & Company, Hardcover, 9780393072594, 282pp.
Publication Date: September 20, 2010
List Price: $26.95*
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Hooman Majd offers a dramatic perspective on a country with global ambitions, an elaborate political culture, and enormous implications for world peace. Drawing on privileged access to the Iranian power elite, Majd argues that despite the violence of the disputed 2009 elections, a group of influential ayatollahs including a liberal, almost-secular opposition still believes in the Iranian republic; for them, green represents not a revolution but a civil rights movement, pushing the country inexorably toward democracy, albeit a particular brand of Islamic democracy. With witty, candid, and stylishly intelligent reporting, Majd, himself the grandson of an esteemed ayatollah, introduces top-level politicians and clerics as well as ordinary people (even Jewish community leaders), all expressing pride for their ancient heritage and fierce independence from the West. In the tradition of Jon Lee Anderson's The Fall of Baghdad, The Ayatollahs Democracy is a powerful dispatch from a country at a historic turning point.
About the Author
Hooman Majd is an Iranian-American writer and journalist based in New York. He is the author of The Ayatollah Begs to Differ and The Ayatollahs' Democracy.


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A Christmas Carol (2004 film)
|A Christmas Carol
DVD cover
|Directed by
|Arthur Allan Seidelman
|Produced by
|Howard Ellis
Steven North
|Written by
|Charles Dickens
Mike Ockrent
Lynn Ahrens
|Based on
|A Christmas Carol
by Charles Dickens
|Kelsey Grammer
Jesse L. Martin
Jane Krakowski
Jennifer Love Hewitt
Geraldine Chaplin
Jason Alexander
|Music by
|Alan Menken
|Hanania Baer
|Edited by
|Bert Glatstein
|Distributed by
Release dates
|November 28, 2004
Running time
|97 minutes
United States
|$17 million
A Christmas Carol, also known as A Christmas Carol: The Musical, is a 2004 television film based on a 1994 stage musical of the same name, with songs written by Alan Menken (music) and Lynn Ahrens (lyrics). The musical is based on Charles Dickens' famous 1843 novella of the same name, produced by Hallmark Entertainment for NBC. It was directed by Arthur Allan Seidelman and features Kelsey Grammer as Ebenezer Scrooge, Jason Alexander as Jacob Marley, Jesse L. Martin as the Ghost of Christmas Present, and Jennifer Love Hewitt as Emily.
The film opens at the London Exchange on Christmas Eve in 1843 where everybody is looking forward to Christmas Day except for the grouchy and greedy miser Ebenezer Scrooge. Scrooge who hates Christmas shows his cold attitude to others by refusing to show mercy to a father and his daughter who are in debt, supporting the prisons and workhouses for the poor and refusing to dine with his nephew Fred. That night though as Scrooge dines alone before going to bed the ghost of his seven-year dead partner Jacob Marley appears. He tells Scrooge to repent or suffer the same as him by wearing a chain as Marley wears the one he forged from his own greed. Other ghosts also haunt Scrooge who too wear chains implying they were selfish and cold-hearted when they were alive. Marley tells Scrooge he will be haunted by three spirits and the first will call at One.
The first of the three spirits the Ghost of Christmas Past arrives after the bell chimes One. The scene then changes to Scrooge's father who is sent to prison for not paying debts. He tells his son a young Ebenezer to make his fortune and keep it. Scrooge and his sister Fan as a result are forced to go their own ways after their mother died. Scrooge is then shown working at a boot factory as a boy before working for Fezziwig. However the young Scrooge and Marley who also worked under Fezziwig set up their own business and begin their money-lending career. However Scrooge and Marley refuse to lend a loan to Fezziwig after his business had gone bust and presumably dies in poverty with his wife. Knowing Scrooge is a changed man Scrooge's fiancée Emily breaks her engagement with him. Years later an older Jacob Marley dies seven years before the events of the film.
At the stroke of Two the Ghost of Christmas Present haunts Scrooge and shows him how others keep Christmas. Scrooge first watches and later takes part in a Christmas pageant. Scrooge is then shown the home and family of his faithful clerk Bob Cratchit. Because the family are so poor,and have no Medicare, the ghost implies the youngest child Tiny Tim will die of his unknown illness. The spirit finally shows him two children Ignorance and Want before vanishing.
The Ghost of Christmas Yet to Come (who is an old hag instead of a figure dressed in black robes) shows Scrooge what lies in store in the future if he doesn't change. The whole future which is set in song shows Scrooge on his deathbed being robbed of both his clothes and processions. Tiny Tim has died with his family mourning him. After seeing his grave, Scrooge is surrounded by the Cratchits, the debt-ridden little girl, and the spirits of his beloved mother and sister.
Finally, Scrooge returns home as the opposite of what he was. He orders a young boy to buy him a turkey and to keep the change. He then tells the little girl's father he is no longer in debt and gives him and his daughter money to spend. Subsequently, he bumps into the three people he met the day before—a candle-lighter, a barker and an old, blind woman—and thanks them heavily, which implies that unlike the book and other films Scrooge simply dreamed them up as the three spirits. Scrooge gives Bob and his family the turkey and increases Bob's wages. The film ends with Scrooge visiting Fred for dinner and the whole cast sing "Christmas Together" in reprise.
- Kelsey Grammer as Ebenezer Scrooge
- Jane Krakowski as Ghost of Christmas Past/Lamplighter
- Jesse L. Martin as Ghost of Christmas Present/Sandwich Board Man
- Geraldine Chaplin as Ghost of Christmas Future/Blind Old Hag
- Jason Alexander as Jacob Marley's Ghost
- Edward Gower as Bob Cratchit
- Linzi Hateley as Mrs. Cratchit
- Jacob Collier as Tiny Tim
- Julian Ovenden as Fred Anderson
- Julie Alannagh-Brighten as Sally Anderson
- Ruthie Henshall as Mrs. Scrooge (Scrooge's mother)
- Jennifer Love Hewitt as Emily
- Lea-Verity White as Fan Scrooge Anderson
- Sheila Reid as Mrs. Mops
- Ian McLarnon as Mr. Smythe
- Emily Deamer as Grace Smythe
- Brian Bedford as Mr. Fezziwig
- Claire Moore as Mrs. Fezziwig
- Steven Miller as Young Ebenezer Scrooge
- Mike Kelly as John William Scrooge (Scrooge's father)
The adaptation[edit]
Lyricist Lynn Ahrens wrote the teleplay, based on her and Mike Ockrent's book for the original Madison Square Garden stage musical. The score contains 22 songs, also adapted from the stage. The opening number, "Jolly Good Time," is a more jovial reworking of the first two numbers in the stage version, "The Years Are Passing By" and "Jolly, Rich, and Fat." In the next number, "Nothing to Do With Me", Scrooge first encounters the three ghosts of Christmas in their physical guises as a lamplighter (Past), a charity show barker (Present), and a blind beggar woman (Future). We also see Scrooge's long-suffering employee Bob Cratchit buying a Christmas chicken with his son Tiny Tim in the song "You Mean More to Me."
The visit of the ghost of Jacob Marley becomes a large-scale production number ("Link By Link"), featuring a half-dozen singing, dancing spirits presented with various levels of makeup and special effects. One of these ghosts in this version is known to be an old colleague of Scrooge and Marley's, Mr. Haynes, who was said to be "mean to the bone," resulting in his charred skeleton. Other puns include a headless spirit who wanted to get ahead, a man with a safe full of coins in his chest who "never had a heart" and a man carrying a box that contains his arm because he "never lent a hand."
The Ghost of Christmas Past (Jane Krakowski) sings "The Lights of Long Ago", a number reinforcing her signature theme of illuminating Scrooge's worldview. One notable departure from Dickens' novella in this portion of the film is its depiction of Ebenezer Scrooge's father, identified as John William Scrooge, being sentenced to debtors' prison while his horrified family looks on (a scene inspired by events from Dickens' own childhood).
The Ghost of Christmas Present gets two numbers, "Abundance and Charity" and "Christmas Together," in which he makes his point that Christmas is a time for celebration, generosity, and fellowship. The former takes place at a fantastical version of the charity show he was seen promoting on Christmas Eve, and the latter whisks Scrooge on a tour of London that includes the homes of his nephew Fred, his clerk Bob Cratchit, and Mr. Smythe, a recently widowed client of Scrooge's lending house.
Unlike the faceless phantom that embodies Christmas Yet to Come in most versions of A Christmas Carol (including the book), this film features a mute sorceress figure clad in white (a transmogrification of the blind hag who appears on Christmas Eve). The entire Christmas Future sequence plays out in song ("Dancing On Your Grave," "You Mean More to Me (Reprise)," and "Yesterday, Tomorrow, and Today"), culminating in Scrooge's awakening in his bedroom on Christmas morning.
"What a Day, What a Sky" serves as a musical bookend to "Nothing to Do With Me," dramatizing Scrooge's new outlook as he races through the streets of London making amends. The film concludes with a reprise of "Christmas Together" featuring the entire cast.
See also[edit]
- A Christmas Carol at the Internet Movie Database
- "A Christmas Carol: The Musical". Hallmark Entertainment. Archived from the original on 25 December 2005. Retrieved December 28, 2005.
- "Official Site of the Stage Musical".


text: home > hearing center > hearing a-z list > t Hearing Center A-Z List - T A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z T → Ta-Tz Ta-Tz Tapping to Music May Help You 'Hear' It The Ringing and Buzzing of Tinnitus Throbbing in the Ear Tick in Man's Ear Gives Him Tinnitus Tinnitus (Ringing in the Ears) Tinnitus Causes Tinnitus Not Usually an Inherited Condition Tinnitus Relief: Therapy Mix Helps Ringing in Ears Tinnitus Ringing Ears Pictures Slideshow Tinnitus Treatments Treating Childhood Hearing Loss Tubes, Ear Problems Tympanoplasty Tubes Hearing Center A-Z List - T A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z From WebMD Healthy Resources Assess Your MS Symptoms 20 Reasons for Blood Sugar Swings Questions About Childhood Hemophilia Treatments? Featured Centers Feeling Short of Breath? What to Eat When You Have Cancer Top 3 Anaphylaxis Triggers Health Solutions From Our Sponsors Frequent Constipation? Greater Food Accessibility Exclusives What Does Psoriasis Look Like? How to Prevent Muscle Cramps Blood Clot? Know the Signs and Symptoms Allergy Triggers: Do You Know Yours?


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Avon Motorcycle Tyres North America is proud to sponsor the historic Sisters Centennial Motorcycle Ride scheduled July 3-23. The AMA-sanctioned event marks the 100th anniversary of the heroic cross-country motorcycle trip made by Augusta and Adeline Van Buren in 1916 as they traveled from New York to San Francisco.
We are very proud to welcome Avon Tyres as a sponsor," said event organizer, Alisa Clickenger. "The quality of Avon tires is exceptional, and the company's commitment to the motorcycling community and support of female riders is outstanding." read more >>


text:
|Publication number
|Publication type
|Application number
|Publication date
|Aug 31, 1982
|Filing date
|Aug 21, 1980
|Priority date
|Aug 21, 1980
|Publication number
|Robert A. Sindelar, Donald J. Alexander
|Original Assignee
|Sindelar Robert A, Alexander Donald J
|Export Citation
|BiBTeX, EndNote, RefMan
|Patent Citations (17), Referenced by (80), Classifications (5), Legal Events (5)
|External Links: USPTO, USPTO Assignment, Espacenet
Due to the escalating cost of petroleum products, it has been the recent practice in asphalt paving operations to reclaim the existing asphalt pavement. Under current practice, the existing pavement is cold milled by a huge planer machine that rips and grind the pavement into fragments about 1 inch or less in size. New aggregrate, which has not been coated with asphalt, is heated to temperatures of 800� F. to 1200� F. in a batch plant. This aggregrate is them mixed with reclaimed paving material, additional asphalt and other additives required. In so doing, the overheated new aggregate transfers heat to the reclaimed paving material and other additives. Since the asphalt is not brought into direct contact with the flame, decomposition of the asphalt and production of gaseous pollutants is somewhat reduced. The modified paving material at a temperature of 270� F. to 300� F., is then hauled back to the roadway and relaid. The cold removal of the existing pavement is particularly hard on the planer machine, resulting in high maintenance cost and repairs. Furthermore, the hauling of the removed pavement to the batch plant and returning the new mix to the roadway results in a substantial transportation cost. As a further disadvantage, the flame heating process, which is utilized in the batch plant, requires that the new aggregate be heated to a temperature of 800� F. to 1200� F. in order to adequately heat and melt the interior portions of the pavement chunks. The heat transfer at these elevated temperatures can result in decomposition of the bituminous material and the resulting emission of pollutant gases.
A second method, as practiced in the past, for reclaiming asphalt pavement has been the open flame heating of the existing pavement to soften the layer prior to removal. With this method, it is necessary to heat the outer layer of the pavement to an extremely high temperature in order to sofen the inner layers, again resulting in decomposition of the bituminous material and the production of polluting gaseous products.
The invention is directed to a continuous system for reclaiming asphalt pavement from a roadway and repaving the roadway utilizing a minimum of additives and energy. In accordance with the invention, the apparatus includes a train composed of a tractor and a number of cars or trailers, which are adapted to move progressively along the roadway. The train includes one or more electrical generating units which are operable to burn fuel and generate electricity, which is transmitted along the length of the train through a main power line. The waste gases discharged from the generating units are directed downwardly into contact with the existing pavement to pre-heat the pavement.
Located behind the electrical generating unit is an asphalt spray bar which sprays a coating of liquid asphalt onto the existing pavement ahead of a microwave heating unit. The asphalt coating reduces reflection of the microwaves and acts as an absorption interface between the microwaves and the pavement.
The generated microwaves directed at the pavement, produce a temperature of about 140� F. to 300� F. within the pavement to soften it and enable the pavement to be more readily removed by a planer which follows the microwave unit in the train.
The softened pavement removed by the planer can be hauled away to a storage site for subsequent use in new batches of pavement, or preferably, it is delivered to a second microwave heating unit located in a trailer behind the planer. In this continuous paving system, additional aggregate, sand and bituminous material can be applied to the softened pavement ahead of the planer, so that the additional materials and the removed pavement will be pre-mixed and delivered to a second microwave unit which heats the materials to a temperature generally in the range of about 270� F. to 300� F. The heated materials are conveyed from the second microwave unit to a rotating drum in a following trailer where the materials are completely mixed together. Subsequently, the mixed materials are conducted to a conventional paver, which is located behind the mixing drum in the train, and which applies the materials to the roadway as a fresh layer of pavement. The paver is followed by a conventional hot roller and cold roller to obtain the desired compaction of the fresh layer of pavement.
The invention provides a system for removing existing asphalt pavement and utilizing the removed pavement in a fresh layer of pavement that is applied to the roadway in a continuous process. The use of microwave energy to heat the asphalt results in the asphalt being heated relatively uniformly throughout its thickness without appreciable heat loss or decomposition of the asphalt. Thus, the process minimizes the emission of gaseous pollutants to the atmosphere.
As it is a continuous process, hauling of the removed pavement, as well as hauling a fresh batch of pavement to the roadway is eliminated, which substantially improves the cost factor in the laying of asphalt pavement.
The existing pavement can be pre-heated prior to removal, both by the exhaust gases of the electrical generating units and by the microwave preheating unit. With this type of pre-heating, decomposition of the asphalt is avoided and no gaseous waste products are produced. The pre-heating facilities the removal of the pavement by the planer, and enables planers of less expensive construction to be used, as compared to operations in which the existing pavement is cold milled.
Other objects and advantages will appear in the course of the following description.
The drawings illustrate the best mode presently contemplated of carrying out the invention.
In the drawings:
FIGS. 1A and 1B are schematic representations of the apparatus of the invention;
FIG. 2 is an enlarged vertical section of the preheater for the pavement;
FIG. 3 is a bottom view of the preheater of FIG. 2;
FIG. 4 is an enlarged vertical section showing the details of the microwave preheating unit; and
FIG. 5 is an enlarged vertical section showing the details of the microwave heating unit and conveyor.
FIG. 1 illustrates a train which is adapted to remove the existing asphalt pavement from a roadway and apply it with additives, if required, as a new layer of pavement to the road. The train comprises a tractor 1 and a series of following cars or trailers which are adapted to travel over the roadway 2. The first two trailers in the train are electrical generator units 3 and 4. The generating units can be oil fired, turbine powered units which produce upward of 8000 KW of D.C. power, or A.C. power converted to D.C. The electrical power is transmitted along the length of the train through a main power line 5.
To preheat the existing pavement 2, the hot waste gases of combustion from the generating units 3 and 4 directed downwardly into contact with the pavement. More particularly, an exhaust pipe 6 is connected to each generating unit and conducts the hot exhaust gases from the generating unit to a header 7, which is located at the rear of a generally rectangular preheating unit 8.
The preheating unit 8, which is best illustrated in FIGS. 2 and 3, is mounted for vertical movement with respect to the pavement 2 by a conventional lifting mechanism, such as hydraulic cylinder units 9, as shown in FIG. 1, which interconnect the preheating unit 8 and the chassis of trailer 4. During operation, the preheating unit 9 will be supported from the pavement by a series of wheels or casters 10 which are mounted through brackets 11 to the housing 12 of the preheating unit. The wheels 10 serve to space the lower edge of the housing slightly above the pavement. The gases entering the housing 12 through the header 7 serve to preheat the asphalt pavement 2 and exit from the housing through the open forward end. A series of chain curtains 13 extend laterally in spaced relation across the housing and serve to reduce the noise of the gas discharge and distribute the exhaust gases over the pavement. In addition, the top of the housing and exhaust pipe can be provided with an insulating layer 14 to aid in maintaining the heat within the housing and providing a more efficient transfer of heat to the pavement.
When the preheating unit 8 is not being utilized, it can be lifted several inches above the pavement through operation of the lift cylinders 9.
Located behind the electrical generating unit 4 in the train, is a trailer 15 which includes a liquid asphalt spray unit 16 and a microwave heating unit 17. The asphalt spray unit includes a tank 18 to contain asphalt and having a discharge conduit 19 which is connected to a spray bar 20 that extends laterally across the pavement 2. The molten asphalt is distributed from the spray bar 20 through a series of outlets or jets to provide a coating of molten asphalt on the existing pavement 2. The black asphalt coating reduces reflection of the microwaves, acting as an absorption interface between the microwaves and the pavement.
The asphalt in the tank 18 can be heated to the molten state by a microwave heating unit 22 which is similar in construction to the microwave heating unit 17 which will be described in detail hereinafter.
The microwave heating unit 17, which is mounted on the trailer 15, serves to soften the pavement 2 prior to the pavement being removed from the roadway. As best shown in FIG. 4, the heating unit 17 includes a series of conventional microwave generators 23 which are located in series along the length of the trailer. D.C. power is supplied to each generator 23 through a power supply line 24, which is connected to the main power line 5 and low voltage A.C. power for the cathode heater is supplied to each generator through a power line 25.
A wave guide 26 is connected to each generator 23 and directs the microwaves into separate chambers 27, which are spaced apart in housing 28 by spaced divider walls 29. The divider walls, side walls and top of the housing 28 are preferably formed of microwave non-absorbent material, such as stainless steel, and a layer of insulation 30 is located along the top of the housing 28 and encloses the upper ends of the chambers 27.
Peripheral shielding in the form of a link chain 31 extends downwardly from the side and end walls of the housing 28 into contact with the pavement 2.
The microwave heating unit 22 which is utilize to heat and liquify the asphalt in tank 18 is constructed in a manner similar to that of microwave unit 17 so the structure of unit 22 will not be described in detail.
The microwave heating unit 17 is adapted to heat the pavement 2 to a temperature of about 140� F. to 300� F., to soften the pavement, so that it can be readily removed by a planer 32 which follows the trailer 15. The planer is illustrated as being a self-propelled unit having driven crawlers 33 which move over the pavement 2. The planer 32 is a conventional automatic, grade-controlled type having a rotating cutter or planer 34 which rips and mills the pavement 2 and deposits the chunks or particles of pavement onto inclined conveyors 35.
The existing pavement 2, as removed from the roadway, will probably not have the proper composition to be merely melted and relaid as a new layer of pavement, and depending on its composition, additional aggregate, sand, bituminous material and/or additives, may be mixed with the removed pavement. A convenient manner of mixing the additional materials with the existing pavement is to apply the materials to the pavement just prior to its removal so the materials will be mixed with the pavement as it is removed.
The drawings illustrate three hoppers 36, 37 and 38, which are mounted on a trailer 39 that follows the trailer 15 and can contain, for example, aggregate, sand, and bituminous material. Depending upon the composition of the pavement which is being removed from the roadway, predetermined quantities of aggregate, sand and bituminous material are discharged from the hoppers 36-38 onto the pavement ahead of the planer 32. To minimize dust pollution and improve the efficiency of the microwave heating, the virgin material, such as the aggregate and sand, can be spray-coated with asphalt prior to being mixed with the reclaimed pavement.
As the planer 32 removes the existing pavement, the added components are mixed into the removed pavement and conveyed upwardly on the conveyors 35 and delivered to a hopper 40 on the front end of a microwave processing unit 41, which is mounted on trailer 42. The microwave processing unit 41 serves to heat the removed pavement, additional aggregate, newly added asphalt and other additives, to the melting temperature of the asphalt to provide a new batch of paving material.
As shown in FIGS. 1B and 5, the processing unit 41 includes a housing 43 which houses two side-by-side heating assemblies 44 and 45, each of which includes three vertically superimposed endless belt conveyors 46, 47 and 48. The conveyors are formed of a microwave non-absorbent material, such as stainless steel link belt. The mixture being conveyed upwardly by conveyor 36 is deposited in the hopper 40 which distributes the mixture on the uppermost conveyor 46.
As shown by the arrows in FIG. 1B, the mixture flows from conveyor 46, to conveyor 47 and then to conveyor 48 where it is discharged into a hopper 49 located at the rear of trailer 42.
To heat the mixture as it is being moved over the conveyors 46-48, microwave generators 50 and wave guides 51 are associated with each of the conveyors and the microwaves are directed into an open-bottom hood or shield 52 which is positioned above the conveying run of each conveyor. As in the case of microwave heating unit 17, transverse walls 53, preferably formed of microwave non-absorbent material, extend across each shield and are spaced above the conveying run of the conveyor. For radiation protection to workers, and to prevent the dissipation of heat, a layer of insulation 54 can be applied to the microwave non-absorbent wall of the housing 43.
Temperature sensors 55 are located at the discharge end of the lower conveyor 48 and sense the temperature of the heated mixture being discharged from the conveyor. The temperature sensors 55 are operably connected to the microwave generators 50 to vary the number of units in operation to provide the desired discharge temperature. The final mix temperature is preferably in the range of 270� F. to 300� F. The microwave heating causes the chunks or particles of the asphalt to heat relatively uniformly throughout their thickness without vaporization or decomposition of the volatile components. This substantially eliminates the generation of gaseous pollutants during the heating process.
The hopper 49 contains a transverse auger conveyor, not shown, which conveys the heated materials toward the center of the hopper where the materials are deposited on the lower end of an inclined conveyor 56 which delivers the heated mix to the upper end of an inclined insulated rotating drum 57 mounted on a trailer 58 connected behind trailer 42 in the train. The drum 57 is a conventional type containing an internal spiral flight which provides intimate mixing of the components as the drum rotates about its axis.
The mixture is discharged from the lower rear end of the drum 57 onto an endless belt conveyor 59 which delivers the material to a conventional paver 60. The paver deposits the mixture as a fresh layer of pavement 61 and the layer 61 is compacted in a conventional manner by a hot roller 62 and a cold roller 63.
The direction of movement of the steerable units, such as the tractor 1, planer 32 and paver 60, and the elevation of the planers, are controlled by conventional sensors 64 that follow a taut cord 65 set at a predetermined elevation and alignment along the edge of the pavement 2.
The travel speed of the train can be automatically controlled by the travel of the paver 60 or the production capacity of the microwave units 17,41 through conventional sensors and overrides between unconnected sections of the train. The tractor 1 pulling generators 3 and 4 and the microwave unit 17, as well as the planer 32 and paver 60, can be equipped with automatic transmissions, thus allowing the operation of the units by the travel sensors.
While the above description has shown an operation for removing existing pavement and applying a new layer of paving material in a continuous operation, it is contemplated that in certain installations, the removed pavement can instead be delivered to trucks and hauled to a batch site where it can be mixed with additional quantities of aggregate, sand and bituminous materials to form a new bath. The microwave processing unit 41 can be incorporated in the batch-type operation, after the recycled paving material is mixed with additives, to melt the bituminous material or asphalt. After mixing and heating, the new batch can be hauled back to the roadway and relaid as a fresh layer of pavement.
Various modes of carrying out the invention are contemplated as being within the scope of the following claims particularly pointing out and distinctly claiming the subject matter which is regarded as the invention.
|Cited Patent
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|Spears Wells Machinery Company
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|Moore Herbert E
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|Iowa Mfg Company Of Cedar Rapi
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|Giselle V. Laurmann
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|Microdry Corporation
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|Microdry Corporation
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|Yasuo Edo
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|Double-stage repaving method and apparatus
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|Yant Robert M
|Asphalt hopper heating system
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|Method and apparatus for rendering medical materials safe
|Nov 7, 1994
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|Iit Research Institute
|Method and apparatus for treating hazardous waste or other hydrocarbonaceous material
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|Feb 23, 1994
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|Hendrickson; Arthur N.
|Apparatus for recycling asphalt materials
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|Stericycle, Inc.
|Radio frequency heating apparatus for rendering medical materials
|Jun 7, 1995
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|Stericycle, Inc.
|Apparatus and method for processing medical waste
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|Iit Research Institute
|Method for treating radioactive waste
|Jun 12, 1998
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|Troxler Electronics Laboratories, Inc.
|Method and apparatus for analyzing asphalt content
|Oct 25, 1999
|Apr 24, 2001
|Larry A. Yates
|Method and apparatus for altering an aggregate gradation mixture of an asphalt concrete mixture
|Jan 27, 1999
|Jun 19, 2001
|Stericycle, Inc.
|Apparatus and method for the disinfection of medical waste in a continuous manner
|May 16, 2000
|Feb 5, 2002
|Stericycle, Inc.
|Method for the disinfection of medical waste in a continuous manner
|Jun 13, 2000
|Jul 9, 2002
|Francesco A. Crupi
|Mixing apparatus and method for blending milled asphalt with rejuvenating fluid
|Mar 16, 2000
|Jul 16, 2002
|Joseph Vogele Ag
|Method for heating the paving screed of a road finisher and electrical heating means
|Jan 3, 2000
|Aug 27, 2002
|Troxler Electronic Laboratories, Inc.
|Method and apparatus for analyzing asphalt content
|May 19, 2000
|Jun 15, 2004
|Blaw-Knox Construction Equipment Corporation
|Temperature sensing for controlling paving and compaction operations
|May 4, 2006
|Oct 30, 2007
|Hall David R
|Vertical milling apparatus for a paved surface
|Sep 9, 2005
|Jun 17, 2008
|Hall David R
|Pavement trimming tool
|Sep 9, 2005
|Jun 17, 2008
|Hall David R
|Apparatus, system, and method for degrading and removing a paved surface
|Sep 9, 2005
|Jul 8, 2008
|Hall David R
|Pavement degradation tools in a ganged configuration
|Jan 18, 2006
|Aug 19, 2008
|Hall David R
|Apparatus and method for heating a paved surface with microwaves
|Apr 29, 2005
|Aug 19, 2008
|Caterpillar Paving Products Inc.
|Asphalt-removing machine having a funnel-shaped ramp
|Apr 29, 2005
|Sep 2, 2008
|Caterpillar Inc.
|Asphalt-removing machine having a plurality of blade members
|Oct 25, 2005
|Jan 6, 2009
|Hall David R
|Apparatus, system, and method for in situ pavement recycling
|Dec 12, 2005
|Jun 9, 2009
|Hall David R
|Apparatus for depositing pavement rejuvenation materials on a road surface
|Nov 27, 2006
|Jun 23, 2009
|Hall David R
|Wireless remote-controlled pavement recycling machine
|Feb 13, 2007
|Sep 8, 2009
|Hall David R
|Method for adding foaming agents to pavement aggregate
|Sep 6, 2006
|Sep 15, 2009
|Hall David R
|Paved surface reconditioning system
|May 31, 2006
|Sep 22, 2009
|Hall David R
|Asphalt recycling vehicle
|Jun 29, 2006
|Sep 22, 2009
|Hall David R
|Checking density while compacting
|Apr 21, 2006
|Jan 5, 2010
|Hall David R
|Method for depositing pavement rejuvenation material into a layer of aggregate
|Mar 30, 2010
|Hall David R
|Pavement degradation piston assembly
|Jul 14, 2006
|May 11, 2010
|Hall David R
|Fogging system for an asphalt recycling machine
|Nov 10, 2006
|Jun 1, 2010
|Hall David R
|Asphalt reconditioning machine
|Nov 2, 2007
|Jun 22, 2010
|Hall David R
|Milling apparatus for a paved surface
|Aug 20, 2007
|Sep 21, 2010
|Hall David R
|Nozzle for a pavement reconditioning machine
|Sep 11, 2012
|Hall David R
|Multiple milling drums secured to the underside of a single milling machine
|Mar 26, 2013
|David R. Hall
|Plurality of liquid jet nozzles and a blower mechanism that are directed into a milling chamber
|Dec 23, 2010
|Jul 16, 2013
|David R. Hall
|Heated liquid nozzles incorporated into a moldboard
|Jun 24, 2011
|Oct 15, 2013
|Heatwurx, Inc.
|Asphalt repair system and method
|Dec 9, 2010
|Oct 22, 2013
|Dynapac Gmbh
|Process for producing a road covering, feeder, road paver and paving train
|Mar 21, 2013
|Oct 22, 2013
|Heatwurx, Inc.
|Asphalt repair system and method
|Oct 9, 2013
|May 6, 2014
|Heatwurx, Inc.
|Asphalt repair system and method
|Oct 16, 2011
|Jun 24, 2014
|James Wright
|Thermatic torpedo for reinstatement materials
|Feb 26, 2013
|Aug 12, 2014
|Heatwurx, Inc.
|System and method for controlling an asphalt repair apparatus
|Jun 17, 2010
|Sep 30, 2014
|Microwave Utilities, Inc.
|Microwave ground, road, water, and waste treatment systems
|Aug 11, 2014
|May 5, 2015
|Heatwurx, Inc.
|System and method for controlling an asphalt repair apparatus
|Feb 7, 2005
|Jun 2, 2015
|Method and device for heating worn road coating materials
|Apr 29, 2005
|Mar 2, 2006
|Caterpillar Paving Products Inc.
|Asphalt-removing work machine having a plurality of blade members
|Apr 29, 2005
|Mar 2, 2006
|Caterpillar Paving Products Inc.
|Asphalt-removing work machine having a funnel-shaped ramp
|Sep 9, 2005
|Sep 7, 2006
|Mr. David Hall
|Apparatus, System, and Method for Degrading and Removing a Paved Surface
|Apr 21, 2006
|Sep 7, 2006
|Hall David R
|Method for Depositing Pavement Rejuvenation Material into a Layer of Aggregate
|Jan 18, 2006
|Sep 7, 2006
|Hall David R
|Apparatus and Method for Heating a Paved Surface with Microwaves
|Oct 25, 2005
|Sep 7, 2006
|David Hall
|Apparatus, System, and Method for In Situ Pavement Recycling
|Sep 9, 2005
|Sep 7, 2006
|Mr. David Hall
|Pavement Degradation Tools in a Ganged Configuration
|Sep 9, 2005
|Sep 7, 2006
|David Hall
|Pavement Trimming Tool
|May 31, 2006
|Sep 14, 2006
|Hall David R
|Asphalt Recycling Vehicle
|Dec 12, 2005
|Apr 26, 2007
|David Hall
|Apparatus for Depositing Pavement Rejuvenation Materials on a Road Surface
|Nov 27, 2006
|May 3, 2007
|Hall David R
|Wireless Remote-controlled Pavement Recycling Machine
|Feb 7, 2005
|Jul 26, 2007
|Emile Lopez
|Method and device for heating worn road coating materials
|May 4, 2006
|Nov 8, 2007
|Hall David R
|Vertical Milling Apparatus for a Paved Surface
|Jun 29, 2006
|Jan 3, 2008
|Hall David R
|Checking Density while Compacting
|Jul 14, 2006
|Jan 17, 2008
|Hall David R
|Fogging System for an Asphalt Recycling Machine
|Nov 10, 2006
|Mar 6, 2008
|Hall David R
|Asphalt Reconditioning Machine
|Jun 17, 2010
|Dec 23, 2010
|Hegg Vernon R
|Microwave ground, road, water, and waste treatment systems
|Dec 29, 2011
|Dynapac Gmbh
|Process for producing a road covering, feeder, road paver and paving train
|Oct 16, 2011
|Jan 9, 2014
|James Wright
|Thermatic torpedo for reinstatement materials
|Jul 26, 2013
|Mar 4, 2014
|Heatwurx, Inc.
|Asphalt repair device
|Dec 27, 1984
|Jul 31, 1985
|SOAVE ASFALTI S.p.A.
|Process for the hot regeneration and recycling in situ of worn road pavings and plant for carrying out the same
|Dec 3, 2004
|Aug 15, 2007
|Green Arm Co., Ltd
|Method for recycling asphalt mixture layer of pavement in place continuously and self-propelled vehicle system therefor
|Jun 4, 2011
|Oct 28, 2015
|Dynapac GmbH
|Method for producing a road surface, feeder, road finisher and paving train
|Jun 21, 2006
|Jan 4, 2007
|Yong Wei Qi
|A thermal radiation asphalt pavement soften rebuilding system
|U.S. Classification
|International Classification
|Cooperative Classification
|European Classification
|Feb 26, 1986
Owner name: CD HIGH TECHNOLOGY, INC, CD HIGH TECHNOLOGY, 44 WE
Free format text: ASSIGNMENT OF ASSIGNORS INTEREST.;ASSIGNORS:SINDELAR, ROBERT A.;ALEXANDER, DONALD J.;REEL/FRAME:004513/0446
Effective date: 19860215
|Mar 18, 1986
Owner name: C D HIGH TECHNOLOGY, INC.,
Free format text: CONDITIONAL ASSIGNMENT;ASSIGNORS:SINDELAR, ROBERT A.;ALEXANDER, DONALD J.;REEL/FRAME:004523/0698;SIGNING DATES FROM
|Apr 29, 1986
Owner name: CD HIGH TECHNOLOGY, INC. 44 WELLS AVENUE YONKERS,
Free format text: ASSIGNMENT OF ASSIGNORS INTEREST.;ASSIGNORS:SINDELAR, ROBERT A.;ALEXANDER, DONALD J.;REEL/FRAME:004570/0057
Effective date: 19860215
|Jul 5, 1988
Owner name: ROTHSCHILD INC.,NEW YORK
Free format text: SECURITY INTEREST;ASSIGNOR:CD HIGH TECHNOLOGY, INC., A DE. CORP.;REEL/FRAME:004909/0293
Effective date: 19880127
Owner name: ROTHSCHILD INC., A NEW YORK CORP.,NEW YORK
Free format text: SECURITY INTEREST;ASSIGNOR:CD HIGH TECHNOLOGY, INC., A DE CORP.;REEL/FRAME:004940/0523
Effective date: 19870630
|Aug 12, 1994
Owner name: ALEXANDER, DONALD J., WISCONSIN
Free format text: QUIT CLAIM;ASSIGNORS:CYCLEAN, INC.;CD HIGH TECHNOLOGY, INC.-;ROTHSCHILD, INC.;REEL/FRAME:007090/0961
Effective date: 19940805
Owner name: SINDELAR, ROBERT E., WISCONSIN
Free format text: QUIT CLAIM;ASSIGNORS:CYCLEAN, INC.;CD HIGH TECHNOLOGY, INC.-;ROTHSCHILD, INC.;REEL/FRAME:007090/0961
Effective date: 19940805


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Tobacco Bill
GUESTS: Philip Hilts Author, Smoke Screen: The Truth Behind the Tobacco Industry Cover-Up [Addison Wesley, 1996] Writer, New York Times Dr. David Kessler Co-Chair of the Public Health Committee Dean, Yale University School of Medicine Former Commissioner, Food and Drug Administration [1990-1997] Mary Aronson Tobacco litigation and public policy analyst Nurse and lawyer On Wednesday, the Senate killed a tobacco bill that was designed to curb teen smoking. The 516 billion-dollar legislation would have raised the price of a pack of cigarettes and given the Food and Drug Administration authority to regulate nicotine. Join Ray Suarez and guests to discuss how the death of this bill will affect the tobacco industry, and where the tobacco debate will go from here ...on the next Talk of the Nation, from NPR News.
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text:
Display Ads
Dir. of Advertisers
Opening Nebraskas skies: Congress restores funds to North Platte airport
Davis at the Legislature: Paying tribute to the cowboy culture
More opinion
South Dakota Supreme Court: Cattle died from drowning in blizzard
Town Hall set to discuss mega-chicken plant near Fremont
More Ag News
Dawson County 4-H leaders, members and families will be recognized for their accomplishments at the 68th annual Dawson County 4‑H achievement barbecue on Sunday, Nov. 3, at 5:30 p.m. at the Lexington Senior High School West Auditorium, according to Extension Educator Bruce Treffer.
It is suggested that 4-H families enter through the west doors of the west auditorium of the Lexington Senior High School.
The barbecue is sponsored by Dawson County Cattlemen and the Dawson County 4‑H Foundation.
Members of the National Pony Express Association Nebraska Division and Agricultural Society directors will be present to again serve the large gathering with the beef prepared by the BBQ Co.
Dawson County Fair Premium checks will be available for 4-H members at the barbecue.
All 4‑H leaders, members and their families are encouraged to attend.
Flatrock Publishing, Inc.
1300 E 4th St., Suite F
North Platte, NE 69101


text:
Want the secret to buying great wine?
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text:
Google Commerce Continues to Ramp Up for Holiday Shopping
Over the past month (even the past week!), Google has made lots of Commerce related updates/announcement that retailers might have missed, so I thought I'd sum them up really quickly.
1. Google Merchant Center (GMC) updated its data feed specifications, significantly cutting the list of attributes. As far as SingleFeed knows, all attributes which were formerly listed are still supported, but Google Product Search might not be highlighting those attributes for refinement purposes.
2. Google Checkout is accepting holiday promotions! While Geckout is no longer footing the bill for these types of promotions, this is still a great opportunity for merchants. From the blog post: "Last holiday season, merchants who ran a Checkout promotion increased their Google Checkout sales by an average of 209%, compared to a 25% increase for merchants who did not participate." Merchants who set up a holiday promotion will benefit from a special badge and what sounds like a ton of promotion from Google: Google will market the promotion through AdWords ads, emails to buyers, and social networking posts…Social Networking Posts???
If you participate, we'll change your standard Google Checkout button on your website to the special promotional Checkout button that features an orange starburst labeled with the promotion discount. When the minimum cart requirement is met, the discount will automatically appear for buyers when they shop with Google Checkout from November 23, 2010 at 4:00 PM Pacific to December 16, 2010, at 4:00 PM Pacific.
Additionally, if you are an AdWords advertiser, Google will change the standard Checkout badge appearing on your Google.com AdWords ads to a new badge that features the promotion discount. These badges have been introduced to enable shoppers who search on Google.com to easily identify and take advantage of promotional offers.
3. Data Feeds now influence your SEO listings. While I've talked for years about the opportunity to mine your data feed for keywords for SEO and PPC, Google one upped me by putting the GMC feed content in organic results. This is the Rich Snippets program (microformats). For you non-webmasters, I'm not talking about the OneBox listings, I'm talking about rich product information within merchant organic listings. Check out the highlighted sections below for Amazon, HSN, and Williams-Sonoma rich snippet info garnered from the data feed.
Merchants can take advantage of this as follows: 1) providing a data feed and specifying rel=canonical (merchants need a lot more info on rel=canonical…way too many unanswered questions) on product pages, 2) providing markup to your site, and 3) through the Product Reviews program. Read the Rich Snippets for Shopping blog post to find out more.
4. Google Boost – Advertise your local business in San Francisco, Houston, and Chicago. Local store information (location, hours, coupons, etc.) is going to become more and more critical as Google continues to help offline merchants make more money through local and mobile applications. Assuming you've claimed your free Google Places listings (for any city – this is a must), it's now time to test advertising through Boost.
Boost enables business owners to easily create online search ads from directly within their Google Places account. No ongoing management is needed after the initial set up, and this beta is currently available to select local businesses in San Francisco, Houston and Chicago.
And with Google's recent Android updates for Maps, this local information will be even more critical for the holidays.
5. Product Ads. In case you feel behind the ball in understanding Product Ads, don't worry, there are more changes. Google has hardened up its Product Ads attributes for the GMC data feed (stop using that prefer_for_query attribute!). And Google is giving merchants more control of Product Ads through GMC (no data feed changes required).


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447 more words
It's taken me weeks and days to finally put these thoughts down. This is about a recipe that is THE reason why I endeavoured to start my blog Four Steps or Less.
Tags » Reducing Carbon Footprint
Reason to be here..
We Have Bigger Fish to Fry
After yesterday's post on the amount of energy the US uses I was curious how my move affected my carbon footprint. The average American uses on average 20.40 metric tons of carbon. 448 more words
Meat Free Monday: Butternut Squash Risotto
A belated post.
Made on Tuesday.
This week I actually used the recipes section on the Meat Free Monday website. And what's more, I looked at what we had in the pantry and didn't need to buy anything in. 470 more words
Feral Existence
When overwhelmed there are so many words that none seem to come out.
Some level of shame, some level of maturity and some level of looking forward. 68 more words
Tiny Action #2: Battling with my battery percentage
The next few blog posts I feel will all be on a similar topic. Consumption and how we can reduce the amount we consume. 1,573 more words
Meat Free Monday - Aloo Chana
In our household it has been decided that Meat Free Monday will actually take place on a Tuesday. There is simply more room in the kitchen and time available on Tuesdays so there's a bit of flexibility and adaptability for any future employers reading! 269 more words
Tiny Action No.1 - Meat Free Monday
Hello again guys and dolls!
If you haven't read a post on this blog before the idea is that it follows the tiny changes I am making in my life that will have a big impact on the environment and reducing my carbon footprint. 757 more words


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7 search results for Mark Fergus
Syfy greenlights adaptation of space opera trilogy 'The Expanse'
Type: Article | Date: Tuesday, Apr 15, 2014Network taps 'Children of Men' screenwriters Mark Fergus and Hawk Ostby for the futuristic thriller
'Cowboys and Aliens' writers to reboot 'Tomb Raider'
Type: Article | Date: Thursday, May 5, 2011Scribes Mark Fergus and Hawk Ostby also worked on 'Iron Man,' 'Akira'
If you're going to reboot 'Tomb Raider,' you're going to need the series best writer
Type: Post | Date: Wednesday, Nov 18, 2015You can get this right with one simple hire.
The Twilight Zone: Season 3 [Blu-ray]
Type: Event | Date: Tuesday, Feb 15, 2011The complete third season
Favreau & Downey reteam on 'Cowboys & Aliens'
Type: Article | Date: Tuesday, Sep 1, 2009'Iron Man' director and star are expected to work on DreamWorks' comic adaptation
Surprise, The Saturn Awards reward 'The Dark Night'
Type: Article | Date: Thursday, Mar 12, 2009'Lost,' 'Iron Man' expected, 'Valkyrie' and 'Changeling'? Not so much
BAFTA Longlist gives lots of love to 'King's Speech,' 'Black Swan' and 'Social Network'
Type: Post | Date: Friday, Jan 7, 2011The halfway there nominees list leaves few surprises


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