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DwUIl, SWIll')' Ann, Pb.D.
U l l i . . . , . , , ~ "' a•....;;, 1992
JOO N. Zed! Rd.
Ann Amor. MJ ollll06
pEJ.:;..... 'n' ELACKSM1THING IS INDON£SIA:
A DISSERTATION SUauJTT£D TO THE GRADUATE OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF' HAKAI' I IN PARTl.AI. fOLfI..L.Ua:NT
OF nre REQOIREM£I:l'TS FOR THE DEGRE:! OF
S. Ann OUl'lhu
Alice G. Dewey. Chairperson
Wllhelm C. Solheim II
3en it. F'lnney
P. :hen Gtlff1n
" ,
we ce=tify that we have read this disse=tation and
that, in our opinion, it is in scope and
quality as a dissertation for the degree of Ooctor of
Philosophy in Anthropology.
Ann Dunh<ll:l
dedicated to
who each gave me Maclelyn and Alice
and to ..SUPPort in her own' wa
seldclIl eomplai _.. rack and May. Y.
n=.. When th . ,
1!J...r l!Iotber was in the
The following individuals were of great assistance in
helping me complete to complete this dissertation:
Ir. Djaka Waluja and Ora. Sumarni, a husband and wife
team who worked as my original field assistants in
Kajar village, and who explained many ~ t t e r s
pertaining to Javanese rural life; Djaka also
assisted with drawings and maps
- Alice Dewey. my committee chairperson. who was
generous with her insights on Javanese culture, and
accompanied me on several field trips in the
Jogjakarta area, including a 1991 field trip to Kajar
- I Made Suarjana, a Jogja.karta-based journalist who
helped me to collect additional data from Kajar and
Batur vi.llages, and provided many insights on
Balinese thought and culture
- Garrett and Bronwen Solyom, who provided cOIDl:lents on
the Glossary, as well as stimulating discussion on
matters pertaining to the ~ and other artifacts
of Javanese and Balinese culture; Garrett kindly lent
me an unpublished 1973 student paper which was useful
in writing Chapter III
A special debt of gratitude is owed to the Department
of Industry of the Republic of Indonesia. Any criticisms of
their publications: Cornell university Southeast Asia
Program, Yale University Press, the Board of Trustees of the
Nationa.! Gallery of Art, The Asia society Galleries,
copyright holders who allowed me to use illustrations from
I Made Jayawardana, field officer from Gianyar
district on Ba1 i. who arranged and accompanied me on
several tours of industrial villages on that island
personal finances, even dozens of neighbors and village
between 1988-1991
Finally, all anthropologists acknoWledge a debt ot
University Press. Haryono GUritno _"as also kind enough to
allow De to use an illustration frot:! a privately published
Harcourt Brace Jovanovich Australia, Random House and Oxford
Kend1 Ojunaidy, proqR.%ll officer in the Center's Resource
1978 to carry out field vork, for which I AD grateful.
The East-West COn't..er provided IIle with a qrant in 1977-
Institute, was also helpful in arranging support services
during the final write-up phase.
Acknowledgelllents are also due to the following
gratitude to their informants. Villagers in Indonesia are
invariably friendly, pleasant and Willing to patiently
ans....er _ny questions concerning their enterprises and
children are crOWded in the doorway or looking ir. the
.... indo.... s. I do not recall ever being treated rudely by an
Rakyat Indonesia.
field Worker f .
or KaJar viU .
Working in the. age Ul
Office in
J ogj aJcarta
the Departlu
ent Contained in this
a co diSsertation
nstructive Spirit b are Offered
. Y one who . ...
.tnsider tha cons.tders hez-sel f Jaore
n an Outsider. SIP an
unit for the Tr . . IX, the Department.s
n.tnq and G .
acted as t.h U1dance of Small
research . "sar for lily
U1 the JogjaJca
De. %"ta
1979-80 wh.il
e I was
original field
area beh,o
een The
Office provided _ •
lie W'.t'th a b
worti..... Olle between
.." on the Prov'
F" l.ncia.l De
l.ght district f Vel0Pl:lent
coo 0 fices of til
perated on a ,. e OePUtlDent
88 surv
wh1 ey ot non-a .
eh the auth g'rl.eul tUr-al
or carried
Ov OUt for Bank
er the years
n\lJllerous Oft!
De cers from
pattment·s h" all levels
.terarchy ha Of the
di Ve lIIade th
scuss technical emselves available to
and develo
the benefit of t.h . pment matters, and
kn have
tn . OVledqe and ...
e1r generous hel . experience. Without
p, is dOUbt!
been able to 1 ul th<tt I WOUld
ocate =any r eVen have
dissertation. The"umbe 0 the Villages diSCussed in this
r Of these
-ntion One bu Officers is t
.. One but 00 great to
• a special th
- Ir. Fe.l;'" 1___ a.nJc You is o...
nq. head of th
SlJbdirectorate for e
He'taJ. in 1991
his busy SCh@dUle ' Who lllade timli!! in
for a length _
prOvided lie . Y and
a Useful
Out by the s .......... unpllb1ished survey
Ir. Rianto
, BUn
• now
Indonesian villager, or ever having had an unpleasant
fieldwork experience while in Indonesia.
I have a special affection for Kajar, the principal
research village for this dissertation. It is a wonderful
and mysterious place. Among the Illany residents of Kajar who
provided information over the years, I should acknowledge
the special help of:
Pak Paeran, the vi1lage headman
Pak Sastrosuyono, the leading entrepreneur and former
head of the blacks:mithing cooperative
Pak Hartoutomo, the head of Social Welfare
Pak Atmosumarto, head of the largest hamlet in Kajar
Each of these individuals has endured numerous questions
over the years, and contributed a great deal to my
understanding of the economic history of their village. The
homes of Palt Sastro and Pax Atmo often served as cool
refuges during a bard day of field work. Bu Sastro's
wonderful store, selling every item imaginable, also served
the same purpose. Any criticisms of the economic role these
individuals play in village life shoUld not be construed as
criticisms of them as individuals.
Tillis dissertation is a socia-economic study of peasant
industries in indonesia. The emphasis is on
traditional blacksmithing, but data is also provided on
copper, brass, bronze, silver and gold inDustries.
since the late nineteenth century, economists and
adlllinistrators have been predicting the demise of village
industries in Indonesia. Despite such the
nmnber of persons employed in these industries has 51:eadily
increased. the rate of increase acce.leratL-,g d=ing the l.a.st
decades. Social scientists working in Indonesia. have
tended to view increase negatively, as a s1gn of crisis
in tile agriCUltural sector. However, their models of rural
cilange have been based all:lost entirely on studies of lOWland
wet-rice villages. This dissertation contends that these
models need revising because they start with the false
assUllIption that agricul.ture always generates more inccme per
labor hour than non-agricultural occupations. It describes
a number of villages Where, for a variety of hi51:orical,
ecological and demographic reasons. metalworking tends to be
lilore pro:Utable than agriculture. Villagers accordingly
give metalworking priority in their strategies of resource
and labor allocation, and consider agriculture to be a
secondary occupation.
Part One of the dissertation draws on data frOlll the
fields ot archaeology, bi.story. metallurgy and cultural
anthropology to describe metalworking industries as they
existed in the past, and as they are viewed by the smiths
themselves. This view, includes a strong cultura1
dimension, is very different from the view moc'lern
development planners.
LIST OF TABlZS
. xx
Subject Matter of
organization of the Dl.Ssertat1.0n
A Note on TerIlinoloqy . . . . .
Dutch Colonial Views on Peasant
Industries and Their
-Inevitable Demise" • . . •
Economic Dualislll and Boeke' s Views
on Peasant Industries • . . . .
COping With Econocic and Political
Chaos: 1930-1970 .....•
American Social Scientists and
the Mojokuto Project ..•.
Boeke Reincarnated: Geer't.sZ's
views on Peasant Industries,
Involution and T3ke-Off
Modernization Theory and Its
Imoact on Public Policy
The Green Revolution and Social
Equity Problems . . . . . .
Industrial Policy Under the New Order
GovernDIent of President Soeharto
Social Science in the 19705;
Reaction to Geertz and the Green
Revolution; in Non-
Aqricultural Sectors and the
Debate 62
Pressure to oerequlate and Its
possible Impact on Peasant
Industries . . . . . . . • . . . . . . 69
CIIAP'l'ER I
villages are critiqued, and sOllie recommendations presented.
socia-economic organization, inclUding patterns of resource
allocation, intra-industry stratification, and the use of
capital !Jy village-based entrepreneurs. There follows a
detailed study of Kajar, a large and well-stratified
blackstlithing villa.ge in 30gjakartaregion, and shorter
of five other metalworking villages.
Part Three presents the deve.1opt:lent view of
industries and raises questions about their
import and licensing regulations. !:xtension programs
carried iJut by the Oepilr'tlllent of Industry in tle:talworking
surveys, and the possible illlpaet of c:hanges in protective
future. It discusses the available t:tacrodata frOlll national
Part Two presents current ecoloqica.l data on
industries. An overview describes their
"---- -
scene, replaced by electric lights. Generally the
wattage is not enough to operate large machinery, so
Cliese1s are still an iJllportant capital asset. Most
households do bave enough wattage to operate small
machines, however;
- villagers bave begun to use banks, not only tor
credit but also tor savings. In the early 1910s
there vas probably little capacity for saving in
rural areas (although that capacity may have been
underestimated). Now rural bank savings exceed rural
bank lending in many areas. Two government banks,
Bank Rakyat Indonesia and Bank Dagang Negara, have
set up village banks at the kecamatan and ~
levels, so that villagers no longer have to travel
long distances to use banking services. The focus of
rural credit programs has generally shifted away
fro_ wet-rice production to non-agricultural
enterprises. The reasons for this are complex, but
include the fact that the default rate on loans to
non-agricultural enterprises is generally lower.
Otber prosperity indicators could be identified in the areas
of clothing, household furnishings, health care, and
The prosperity now seen in rural Indonesia Day be
fragile, in the sense that J:lUch ot it could be lost if there
were another widespread failure of rice harvests Which
lasted several seasons. This occurred once in the early
19605 and again in the early 19705. Declining prices for
InClonesia's oil on the world markets, such as occurred in
1983 and 1986, also a£fect the government's ability to fund
development programs and subsidize rice inputs.
Nonetheless, confidence in the economy is high enough that
f d
" . 18
"take-off" has once again become a topic 0 1scusS10n.
People are wondering- vhether take-off is occurring now, or
whether it will occur in the near fUture. Government
planners have predicted that taka-off will occur during the
sixth Five-Year Develop1llent Plan (1995-1999). At t.he same
time, other gOVe.rnJ:Ient officials have said that they would
prefer to talk about sustained growth rather than take-off.
For the foreseeable future, Indonesia wUl probably
continue vith a two-pronged industrial strategy consisting
of the support of sJ:Ja1l industries for the sake of equity
and employment, and the support ot large industries for the
sake of grolofth and the GNP. This strateqy assWlles, as a.ll
strategies before it, that village industries are not
competitive. This dissertation differs from .ost studies of
small industries in eJIlphasizing their long-term stability
and competitive advantages within the context of the ru.ral
Inforpation Sources
The information in this dissertation was collected over
a 14-year period between 1977 and 1991. Various types of
research methods ....ere used, includinq infor:mal visits and
intervie....s, structured interviews using question lists and
questionnaires, and photographic doc:umentation. The persons
intervie....ed included village officials, village industry
producers, raw material suppliers, buyers of vil.lage
industry prodUcts, and Department of Industry officials at
several different levels and from several
directorates and sUbc:tirectorates. This prilllary data was
supplemented with secondary data of various types, including
reports from the Central Bureau of statistics in 3akarta,
reports and conference papers from fellow consultants
working in the areas of non-agricultural employment and
small enterprise development, reports from development and
funding agencies such as the World Bank and ILO, and
published social science journal articles and books.
During most of the 14 years durinq ....hich inforaation
....as collected, the author was employed in Indonesia as a
development consultant, a university instructor and/or a
program officer for funding agencies. Part of the data was
collected in the course of carrying out these other tasks.
Several research phases can thus be identified, as follo....s:
1. From 3une, 1977, through Septe!llber, 1978, the
author carried out research on village industries in the
.Jogjakarta special Region (D. I. 'i.) under a stUdent grant
from the East-West Center, Honolulu. The Indonesian sponsor
for this resea.rcb ....as the Department of Industry's agency
for the Guidance and oeveloplIIent of Saall Industries
{BIPIKl. During this research phase a general survey ....as
first made of 35 industry villages in the four rural
districts of Jogjakarta. Four villages ....ere selected from
this larger group and a sample survey was conducted of 60
households in each village. These tour villaqes ....ere the
blackslllithing village of Kajar in Gunung Kidul district, the
ceramics village of Kasongan in Bantu1 district, the leather
puppet village of Pocung in Bantu! district, and the balIboo
basketry village of Malangan in Sleman district. The author
....as assisted in this ....ork by several student surveyors from
the Population Institute, Gadjab !'lada university. During
this phase the author also had occasion to collect some data
in an info.c.al wayan the silver ....orking industry at p::ota
Gede village on the outskirts of Jogjakarta, on brass bell
casting at Nga....en village in Sleman district, on
making in .Jitar village in Slelllan district, etc. (see
Appendix A for a more complete listing or indUStry villages
discussed in this dissertation);
2. In May and .June, 1918, the author ....as part of a
team working at ILQt s .Jakarta office to write
recommendations for the Indonesian goverma.e.nt· s third Five-
Year Development Plan (Repelita III). The author was
responsible for the recommendations on village industries
and other rural non-agricultura1 enterprises. This involVed
an extensive review of the available English and
Indonesian-language literature, which was compiled by 110;
3. FrOIl october, 1978, through December. 1980, the
author was employed as Rural Industries Consultant on the
Provincial oeveloplllent Project (PDP I) in Central Java,
funded by USMD. Based at the Depa.rtIlent of Industry's
Provincial office in Semarang, the author's principal task
was setting up a credit program for 22 SlIIall industry
villages in the north coast districts of Rudus, Deaak,
Jepara, Pati and Rembang. These villages included the
blacksmithing village of Hadipolo in Kudus district, the
blacksDithing village of Kuniran in Pati district and the
coppervorking village of Jolotundo in Relabang district.
These Villages were visited on a regular basis over the
tyo-year period and evaluated as to the apact of program
participation on such variables as enterprise incoae.
eJ:lployme.nt, and labor productivity. Another task was the
annual review of proposals for village industry projects
sUbmitted by the Department of Industry's offices in the
five above-lIIentioned districts of central Java. Similar
reviews were undertaken for other PDP project areas in Aceh
(North SWllatra), Madura, and Lombok. In carrying out this
task it vas necessary to tour these areas and data was
collected in an informal way from such blacksmithing
villages as Ba'et in Aceh and Sen Asen on Madura. Yet
another task was the completion of a large-scale baseline
survey of village industries and other non-agricultural
i n c o ~ generating activities in Central Java province. This
was done with the assistance of social science research
institutes at Diponegoro and satya Wecana Oniversities. On
personal tilDe, revisits were also made to Kajar and other
villages in Jogjakarta;
4. FrOIl January. 1981, to August. 1984, the author vas
employed as a program officer for Women and Employment at
the Regional Southeast Asia Office of the Ford Foundation in
Jakarta. TwO days a week were spent working' vith Dr.
Pujiwati sajogyo of the Center for Developuent Studies at
Bogor Agricultural University on a four-year research
project concerninq the eeonCllllic roles of rural women in
seven provinces of the Indonesian outer islands. Tb.is also
involved instruction and thesis supervision of =aster's-
level students from outer island universities who were
involved in the project. Tbe reuinder of the week vas
spent in evaluating grant requests from Indonesian
organizations, and monitoring and evaluating projects
a1..ready funded. !'lost of these projects focused on women in
the industrial sector, ranging froll village industry
producers to put-out workers to workers employed in large
factories. This job required considerable traveling, and
there were opportunities to visit new blac1tslllithing and
metalworking villages, as well as revisit Kajar and other
villages in the Jogjakarta-Central Java region;
S. From Kay througb November. 1986, and August through
November, 1.987, the author was employed as a cottage
Industries Development consultant, assigned to the
Agricultural Development Bank ot Pakistan under the
Gujranwala rntegrated Rural Development Project (GAOP) ,
credit co.pone.nt. The larger project was funded by the
Asian Development Bank and the author's consultancy was
funded by IFAD. The main task was setting up a pilot credit
project tor artisan-caste villagers in Gujranwala district
in the Pakistani Punjab. The blacksmiths (lohari) were one
of the castes involved and nUJllerous visits were for
survey and evaluation purposes to the blacksmithing villages
of Jandiala Baghwal.a and Kalii Shah Pur. Other castes
inclUded in the project were the potters, weavers and
leather workers. In carrying out this project the author
worked closely with the Lahore office of the Punjab Small
Industries corporation. A conference paper was written
comparing the blacksmiths of Indonesia and the Punjab,
aainly from a perspective;
6 _ FrOIll September, 1988, to the present the author has
been employed as a Research Coordinator at Bank Rakyat
Indonesia (BRI), Jakarta. This work has been funded by both
USMC and the World Bank. BRI is the principal government
bank in Indonesia which carries out programs in rural areas.
Its credit and savings proqralaS, ""h.ich are Clong the largest
in the world, are channeled through a nationwide network of
approximately ),500 village banks. Because there is another
government program for rice inputs, BRI's rural credit
program (KOPEDESl makes loans principally for non-
agricultural enterprises. The author's work at DR! has been
to carry out policy-oriented research on the rural banks and
their customers, assisted by teams ot staff researchers from
BRI's Department of Planning, Researcb and oeve:ioplaent. One
of the first projects carried out focused on village
industry loan custObQ.CS. This involved cooperation 'With
Department of Industry district offices in four provinces.
Another was a borrower-impact study, which involved
intensive interviews ';ith several hundred customer
households. Yet another was a village-based comparative
study of customer and non-customer households. The research
sites for these studies were located L., the provinces of
west Java, Jogj akarta , North SUJII.!l.tra, South sulawesi and
Bali. About 50 of the intensive interviews conducted by
teillD members during the course of these surveys were .... ith
the owners of blaCksmithing or other metalworking
enterprises, and the author has had access to this interview
data. While accompanying research teams to the field the
author also had the opportunity to visit a number of new
metalworking villages. 'I'his was the first time that the
author had worked on Bali, where there is a strong smithing
tradition. SOllle of the villages visited on Bali included
the vil.1age of Batu sangihan in Tabanan
district, the blackslllithinq village of Deled PangluJt in
Gianyar district, the silver- and gold-working village of
C£1uJt in Gianyar district, and the silver-, gold-, brass-
and iron- working village of Kamasan in Klungkung district.
6. For trade as socething foreign to the Indonesian
economy, see Boeke, 1953, pp. 48-49.
For Boeke on Gandhi, see Indonesian Economics, 1966,
pp. 167-192. 1.n his 1954 article on population, Boeke
talks about -village restoration.-
see Koentjaraningrat, 1975, pp. 80-83, for a review of
early Dutch, European and Indonesian criticisms of
See Koentjaraningrat, 1975. pp: 191-209, for ill .
of studies carried out by anthropolog1sts 10
Indonesia after World War II.
FUrnivall described the Dutch method as "let
you, let me shOW you how to do it, let me do
you" (Furnivall 1929:269).
Various versions of these ideas are found in
1910, 1942, 1946, 1953, 1954 and 1966. In writing
these paraqraphs I have :;clied on Boeke 1953,
which is actually a cOlllbmed repnnt the 1942. aJ?d
1946 books. Boeke's views are summar1zed and
in Koentjaraninqrat, 1975, pp. 74-85, and Higgl-nS,
1955, pp. 58-78. see also -Introduction- and Part II
of Evers, 1980.
According to the l.980 Population Census,
persons \lorkinq in rural areas gave 1DAl\ufaetur1nq as
their primary occupation. 'ttJ,e nueber has probably
increased. since that tillle (Poet, Kuyvenhoven and Jansen
1990:66, Table 3.13; see a150 Tables 5 6 in Chapter
VIII of this dissertation, plus ilIccolllpanY:Ln9
discussion) .
See, for Zerner's 1981 article on Torajan
blacKsmiths in the hic;hlands of Sula\lesi who interact
with Buginese blacksmiths on the coast. Chapters rv
and VII below include a discussion of this article.
Kahn's use of the ten -petty commodity production- is
further discussed in Chapter VII, in the section on
sung-ai Puar village.
\lere Illade by Hade Sua.rjana and the author to the iron- and
brass-casting village of Batur in Klaten district in Central
Kajar, the first blacksmithing village ever visited by the
Some metalworking villages of interest elsewhere included
the blacksJt.ithinq village of KersaJlle.na.k in Garut district in
Sidrap district in South Sulawesi (see Appendix A). It was
also possible during this phase to revisit Kajar and other
villages in Joqjakarta. Hare recently, sOllie additional
West Java, and the blacksmithing village of Massepe in
inforDation on Kajar '\las collected for the author by Hade
Suarjana, a Joqjakarta-based journali5t. In 1991 t\lO visits
author. The author has been fortunate enough to have had a
14-year relationship with the people of this village, to
have visited it times during that period, and to be
witness both to changes over that period of time and to the
remarkable strength and tenacity of its traditions.
Java. This was to follow up on a 1970 study of Batur done
by Kuntowidjojo.
The principal research village for this dissertation is
The Dutch vord is ·CUltuurstelsel." Although it beeaJte
a convention to mistranslate this as "CUlture Systea"
in English, it actually means "CUltivation System."
Some authors nov use "CUltivation System."
Cane uses ~ v irrigation while rice uses pan
irrigation. Planting cane in a rice field, therefore,
involves a total restructuring of the field. Moreover,
cane is a IS-month crop, whereas rice is a 4-10 month
crop, depending on the variety. See Sajogyo, 1976, p.
xxv, and Alexander and Alexander, 1978.
Geertz also revisited .lava in l.'.il57-58 " " : ' ~ l e he vas
doing fieldwork on Bali (Geertz U6)b:v.ll).
In December,1989, ~ devoted its entire En9
language edition to the subject of take-off.
12. Some of these articles are collected in Part II of
Evers (ed.). 1980. Evers' useful introduction includes
a discussion of the major paradigms that have been used
in Southeast Asian social science, namely: dual
societies, plural societies, loosely-structured social
systelllS, involution and modernization theory.
13. Frank, 1973, is a vell-knQwn polemic against both the
lllOdemization school and dualism. White notes the
curious tact that Frank praises Agricultural Involution
in the same article, and asks "How can Gunder Frank and
Higgins like the same book?" (White 1983:19).
Sritua Arief and Adi Sasono pUblished a book in 1980
which applied dependency theory to Indonesia. In
writing the book they bad the cooperation of Frank.
Wertheill and Giap also contributed an article on Java
to a volume edited by Wallerstein on social change in
the colonial era. Nonetheless, dependency and world
systeDS theory have not been popular in Indonesia,
perhaps because of their emphasis on the need for
social restructuring.
A. This is the opinion of 1Il0st economists. White,
however, disagrees. He sees a Mproto-Green Revolution"
in the late Swearno era, and ·slow but reasonable
growth, at rates slighUy ahead of population growth·
(see White 1989:72) .
.5. I have used the term "19705 group" as a writing
convenience, without wishing to imply any concerted
action on their part or an absence of differences
between individual members.
6. A partial list would include: Alexander and Alexander
1978, 1979, and 1982; Collier 1976, 1979 and 1981a;
Elson 1978; Gordon, 1978; Hart 1978, 1981 and 1986;
Knight 1982; Mortimer 1972; stoler 1977a and 1977b;
White 1973, 1976a, 1976b, 1979 and 1983.
trunk of the Tree of Life. The Tree of Life is also hunq
"ith iron veapons, gongs, gold and brass ornaments and other
r.Uuables. The Tree of Life may in fact be a Tree of Death,
lSsociated with heat1hunting. It %lIay be planted in the body
)f a sacrificial slave. or bung with skulls. bong the
19aju it is identical to the weapon rack. Throughout tribal
(ndonesia it reappears on 1Jtat textiles and woven fiber uts
IS a skull tree or skUll rack.
Finally, there are the images associated with gongs.
:n tribal myths the gong represents the earth, or an island
micb emerges from the primordial vaters at the time of
:reation. The first man and woman live on this island. On
this island has been transformed into the shell of the
Jrupara, the king of the turtles. who supports the vorld.
'he world turtle, in turn, comes from a story in the
(Eiseman 1989:Vol. I, 6<).
1. SOJ:let:Ules an adjective suffix is added to the word
gedoOQ to make geclonqan
2. I was first introduced to Pak Ojeno in 1976 or 1977 by
Garrett Solyolll, vbo had colllll.issioned a klli.i froll Pak
Ojeno and his older brother, Yosopangarso. The
production of this is dOCUJllented in Solyo. and
Solyom, 1918, pp. 6-11. Pat Ojano lives in the village
ot Jitar (Moyudan subdistrict, Sleman district). I
sUbsequently came to know him better while carrying out
research in the neighboring village of
3. Semar and his sons feature principal.ly in Javanese
stories based on the Hahabharata, where they play the
servants of the Pandawas. Sometil:ies they are also
included in stories from the Ramayana cycle. In some
versions of the Hahabharata, the KuraWiliS (cousins of
the Pandawas who are aligned on the left), have their
O'Wll servants, Togog and Bilung. who are also punakawan
(Hood 1967:443). Other story cycles have other sets of
Dunakawan. all similar in their rough and comical
appearance. In West Java there are two
Bancak and Deyok. who serve Prince Panj i in the Panj i
cycle of wayanq stories. When the same stories are
perfOI'1lled as masked dances, these servants are called
Pentul and (Xoentjaraninqrat 1985:203,228).
4. This particular lU.!An9 livecl in wonosari, a large
Ilarket tovn south of Jogjakarta which is f<UlOus for its
dalang and pesjnden. When I met him he was in his
eighties. had converted to Islam.. and been appointed as
head of social welfare (kepala sosial) for his
neighborhood. In ruinisci.1'lq about his youth, however,
he admitted that he had been a thief, a rake and
possibly a as well, Who was in one entertaining
scrape after another. It was somewhat later that he
discovered his talent for puppeteering and became a
....ell-known dalang in the area. I asked his wife, also
quite elderly, whether she trinded being the twelfth
wife of a dalang. She said no, because he was her
eleventh husband!
This classification is based largely
Koentjaraningrat, 1985, pp. <22-426.
1960, Chapter 8.
See also Geertz.
6. Nowadays there are two types or headmen. Traditional
headmen are elected by the villagers, and their style
is usually as described. There are also headlllen
appointed by the governaent, however, often retired
military men, who bave it very different style, more
distant and formal.
7. EisEUllan does not provide evidence for this conclusion.
It is contradicted somewhat by Vicker's description of
"Bali Aga" villages, i.e., villages in the highlands
and eastern part. of Ba.li whicb resisted Javanization
and chose to retain lIIany elements of pre-silrteenth
century Balinese social organization and culture.
-According to Vickers, these villages consisted of a
"core" group of villagers faailies wbo lived in
walled-in compounds. Artisans, traders and other
"outsiders" lived outside the walls and were not part
of the core group. Members of the village council of
elders were drawn trom the core group (Vickers
1989:47-48). Garrett KaJ:I has recently visited Bali Aga
villages and also found that members of the clan
of lived outside the core village (personal
co=un.lcat.lon) •
In defense of Eisenan's statement, however, it should
be noted that Bali Aqa villages retain llIany elelllents of
pre-fifteenth and sixteenth century society and
CUlture, but they do not necessarily represent a "pre-
Hindu" tribal phase, as is often claimed. Hindu
culture is probably at least as old in Bali as it is in
8. It is cOllll:lOn throughout tribal Indonesia to refer to
boy children as daggers or spears and girl children as
cloth. In Ngaju genealogies, for example, ancestors
are said to have begat x nuDber of "spear-bearing boys"
and y number of "girls wrapped in sinjang (shawls)"
(Schl!'rer 1963:198-199) _ When a child is born alllong the
ToraJans of Central Sulawesi, people ask "Is it beads,
or is it a dagger?- (Zerner 1981:104). In funeral
male coffins and effigies are usually decorated
w.lth l..-ron weapons, While !eaale coffins and effigies
are decorated with sacred cloths. See also Moni Adallls
9. Harrisson and O'Connor are at pains to place the
arrival of Raja Jeqedong within the time true of their
Santubong material. The Harrisson and Sandin anicle
deduces that he existed, at least symbolically, "a
century or 1lI0re before 1350 A.O
(Harrisson and
O'Connor 1969:Vol. I:80-81, citing Harrisson and Sandin
1966) .
If a generation is counted at 25 years, would give
an arrival date of about A.D. 1291, count1ng backWard
from 1966. If a generation is counted at 20 years,
this would give a date of about A.D.
According to Barrisson and o'Connor, the compass was
developed in china in the eleventh 7entury out of
magnetism in iron combined with Tao.lst
During the Sung dynasty (tenth through
centuries) its use was established on sa.lling the
South China Sea (Harrisson and O'COnnor 1969:Vol. I,
81-82) .
I have been unable to find Mt. Sesean on standard
Indonesian maps of Sulawesi. According to Ml.!!.2
Indonesia one used book maps
published by Prina in 1991, the highest
mountains in the Toraja area are Mt. Gandadewata at
meters and Ht. Paroreang at 2,019 meters.
Perhaps Sesean is a local name for one of
mountains, or perhaps it is a sllla1ler
These Torajan cloths are called or sarita (ze:n
1981;102, 104). They are simple two-color wax-res.lst
batiks, indigo or rust on a natural background:
wax on heirloom cloths was apparently not appl.led w.lth
a canting but some other type of implement. See also
Solyom and Solyoe, 1984, pp. 38-39, and Gittinger,
1990, pp.
Bronson doubts that any of the nickelous iron ores of
Indonesia are meteoric, except the famous Prambanan
meteor on Java (BrOnson 1987).
Malili is located near Lake Matana, and probably it was
a center for all types of lDetalworking. Wagner,
writing in 1959, listed the Lake Katana area as a.
previous and current center for the castL':,lg.of
brass objects (p. 71). He does not ment10n the or1g1n
of the copper and zinc used.
According to Geertz, this is the opening scene in _an .
oral myth recounted in the countryside of Java Wh1Ch .lS
called Babad In a foot.note he notes that
there is also a written version of the
composed during the seventeeth century to
legitiaize the rule of the later Kat.ara.m in
central Java. He says that the oral vers.lons are not
always in very close concordance with this vritten
Koentjaraningrat objects strenuously to Geertz's use of
the title Tanah for his tale, and says this
titie should be for the vritten version. The
....ritten version is in metered verse, and teJ.ls the
history of the IllOst important .Javanese kinqdoas, from
Hajapabit to Katara... Koentjaran1ngrat adllit.s thAt
there are oral songs/stories about the clearing
(mbabad) of forests in .Java, for the purpose of
building a palace which is to become the centre of a
new kingdom. He SAyS that there is no specific term
for such stories, however (Koentjaraninqrat 1985:431).
The teIlll babad is used to refer to any type of
historical chronicle written in .Javanese or Balinese.
There are many e.g., Cirebon,
Buleleng. etc.
16. The above two sentences are taken a1lDost verbatim from
11. Raffles reported in 1811 that the Panji stories were
pexfoJ:::lll.ed in Kalaya, although with certain
transpositions of time and place. (Raffles 1988
edition: 91-92) They are also perfoIllled in 8UrIIa and
Thailand (Vickers 1989: 53
18. The adoption of names from the Panji stories by
gongsmiths was first reported by Jacobson and
van Hasselt (1915:129 [1901]) and Kunst (Hood
1963:445-446, citing Kunst 1949 [second editionl).
The translation of "Pandji Sepuh" as "Pandji the Old
(i.e., ancient) One" is only one possible translation.
The word sepuh has at least three meanings. One
meaning is indeed "old person." Another is "gilded" or
"gold-plated," as a gold-plated statue or gold-plated
jewelry. The other is "tellpered" as when a steel blade
is tempered by reheating it and plunging it into Yater
or coconut oil. The lIIeaning ot "old person" may in
fact derive from the meaning of "tempered," in that it
refers to a person Who has been "tempered· by li-fe
experiences (see Glossary).
19. The co:r:::rect na.me ot Ken Dedes' son is Anusapati, not
20. A fuller version of the legend of Damar Wulan can be
found in Holt, 1967, pp. 276-277.
21. The title of Panji has the general meaning of "Prince,"
and probably derives from the Indian title of Panjib,
also meaning "Prince." Therefore, no direct
relationship can be assumed between this Panji and the
eleventh century prince of .Janggala whose story is told
above. Furthermore, "Panji" is the name of the village
in Den Buki t wbere Panj i Sakti' s mother comes from
(Worseley 1972:139) .
According to the PararatoO, a flaming was. als?
seen emanating f= Ken Arok several tulles 1.n h1.s life.
For exat:lple. when his .ather abandoned Ken Arok on a
burial ground after his birth, a flalling light led the
thief Lembong to find him. Such a light is a siCJIl of
great or inner po..-e.r (Worsley 1912:211-218).
Other common names for Tintiya are Cintya, Sanghyang
Tungga1, and Sanghyang \o/idhi Wasi.
There is an ancient graveyard near the stone carving
village of l\lDparita in sidrap district, South Sulawesi.
Those graves which are said by villagers to !loa the
ea.rliest are marked with undecorated megalithic stones,
flat stones for females and upright stones for tlales.
During the lndianized period, these were replaced by
stone lingaJDS for males and stone yonts for females.
by cash flow problems and work stoppages;
Rp. 2,500-5,000, and averaged about Rp. 3,500. Profits for
eeraoen owners during the same month averaged about Rp 5,000
on a daily investaent capital of between Rp. 50,000-
J. Kahn 1980 uses the ten:l "sledgers" to refer t.o hammer-
2. A province is roughly equivalent to an Merican state,
and a district is roughly equivalent to a county.
1. See Thorburn, 1982, p. 135 for an illustration of an
It is interesting to note that pandal
gurinda (cutlers) existed as early as 1817 and are
listed among other occupations in Appendix E to
4. Kinship is bilateral in lIlost parts of Indonesia.
Newlyweds may chose to live near the parents ot either
the bride or the groom. This choice often depends on
Which set ot parents has the most property. Bali, with
its extended pat.rilineal households, is an exception to
tasks related to purchasing supplies and marketing,
have less time for production and their output is
Their are 01 l·k 1
so more 1. e y to be plaqued
so they
tillle on
Profits for independent and dependent perapen
owners are not very tluch higher than those for hired
particularly older and lIore In August,
1991, for exacple, daily wages in Kajar varied between
pedagang Owns several perapen, the profits he earns
from production are -lnor and· ·d
- l.ncl. ental in comparison with
determine, because purchasing and marketing take place far
away from the village. pedagang normally try to bide
the actual prices they pay for iron and charcoal, and the
6. I have never had difficulty visiting or interviewing
blacksmiths in their oeraPen because Western women are
considered outside the system. Generally they are
treated as honorary males. In Kajar, tor example, I
was invited to two se1al:latan ceremonies which were
otherwise attended by Qen only. At II village wedding,
Where the men and wOlllen were sittinq on different sides
of the roolll, I was made to sit with the Den.
5. This information is taken from the author's field notes
While working on the PDP I project between 1978-80 in
the four north coast districts of RelDbang, Pati, Jepara
and Demak. In villages visited by the author the term
pandega or pendega is used to mean any member of a boat
crew except the captain. ElseWhere along the Javanese
coast, however, it may have a more restricted meaning.
For more detailed inforllli!tion see :£mIIlerson 1975 (esp.
pp. 7-10). Collier et al 1977a (esp. chapter VI) and
Collier et al 1977b (pp. 16-22).
It is
Profits for pedaqang are to
actual price they receive troll buyers tor tools sold.
sate to assume, however, that prOfits earned by upy
Pedagang are many times higher than those earned by anyone
else inVolved in the ind"stry. f'u
.. rthermore, even if the
those he earns trOll trading.
7. In a 1990 study of 1.!l2 households receiving -Kupedes"
bank loans, the aut.hor found that child labor age 12 or
under constitut.ed only 1.5t of the total labor force in
enterprises o·.med by the households. All the children
eoployed were unpaid family workers, and there were no
instances of hired child labor. The sample of
households was dravn randomly from the customer lists
ot eight. village banks in tour provinces (West Java,
484 485
Jog-jakarta, Bali and North SWlIatra). The typical
Kupedes customer is a household which owns no rice
land, depends mainly on non-agricultural enterprises,
and guarantees their loan with ill house plot (Sutoro,
1990, Table 8C). Kupedes customer households have
higher average incomes than non-customer households in
the sallie villages, however, so that the overall ra'Ces
of child labor participation may be higher than 1.5\.
8. This example comes from the village of Jandiala
Bagh1o'ala, one of two blacksmithing villages included in
an Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan credit
project in 1986-87. The Village is located about two
kilollleters from the market town of Gujranwala on ill main
road. It is occupied entirely by families from the
lohari caste of blacksmiths. Each S1lIithy is owned
jointly by the males from an extended patrilineal
household, usually a father and his sons or a set of
tJrothers. Some add.itional information on the lohari
caste is included in Chapter X.
9. This fact 1ola5 told to the author by a retired Dutch
executive of Shell oil Company who was born and raised
in the Ind.ies.
10. Dian Desa, a Yogyakarta-based appropriate technology
organization, has developed ill commercial coconut shell
charcoal which they are producinq in Kalimantan. The
product is packaged for the overseas hODe barbecue
.arket, however, and is four to five times more
expensive than the teak charcoal currently being used
by smiths. (personal communication, Anton Sujarwo,
director of Dian Desa)
II. The author has developed a simple cash flow analysis
f o ~ for use by village banks. Use of this form
enables the bank officer to determine profit levels and
repayment ability at different levels of indebtedness.
£xanples are found in Sutoro 1988.
12. The exchange rate in August, 1991, was about Rp. 1,970
to the dollar. For convenience, divide 1991 Rp.
figures by 2,000 and the amount will be approximately
in Kajar today. One was a heart-shaped spade or hoe
reseubling those found in Early Metal Age sites in Bali.
They ...·ere all heavily encrusted with rust, and appeared to
have COllie from the SaJU! site. Pak Karyo, who is now very
elderly and in poor health, is teaching his son to make
blades. Before he dies he plans to qive the
three tools to his son for use in making A
Dade of such old iron will obviously be very powerful.
One of Pak Karyo's rel"tives then took us to the site
of the mass grave, still located in the middle of a terraced
cassava field. LitUe can be seen because the villagers
have altered the site to conform to the current Kajar burial
style by adding a new gravestone and a small roofed-over
September, 1991, the author contacted Wahyono M. of
the Central Museum in Jakarta, who kindly went to the
trouble of locating the Kajar finds. V"n der Hoop bad
brought them hack to the MuseUlll in 1934, where they now fonn
part of the prehistoric collection. The musew:l has recently
added new display rooms for the prehistoric collection, and
the putisalahs and carnelian beads froD Kajar, Which are
very beautiful, have been put on display. The iron
implements are all kept in a single drawer in a storage room
behind the display roo=s. The author was given the
oPPOrtunity to inspect and photograph the entire collection,
"s well as the catalog:ue in which Van der Hoop recorded his
finds_ The iron tools are unexpectedly small and fine, and
they have SUffered rust da.m<lge owing to the fact that the
high ceilings in the MuseUlll lIlAke air conditioning
impracticable. Many of the tools are Le., chisels
used for woodworking.
In the SaDe drawer with the iron tools from Kajar there
are tour iron rocks. Al though they are not recorded in Van
der Hoop's catalogue, they .ere collected frolll the S<l1ll8 mass
grave as the tools. They "re irregular in shape and size,
and reseoble Harrisson and O'Connor's type f ·slag." The
largest has a maximum of about 8 centimeters (3
1/4 inches). They all appear to have a solid metallic core,
but this is covered by thick layer of rust
encrustation. The author was unable to deterllline whether
they are natural iron nodules, IWllp$ ot smlted iron or
slag. Their color and texture so resembles the Kajar tools,
however, that it is hard to escape the impression that they
represent the raw materials from Which the tools were made.
Their inclusion in the grave lIlay indicate that the people
buried there were not aerely users of tools, but makers of
tools as welL these iron rocks do not rese:nble the local
rocks Which are of liaestone. The Central Museum divides
the period between 500 B.C. and A.D. 1000 into three
separate phases, as
500 B.C. - A.D. 0: Bronze-Iron Age
A.D. a - A.D. SOD: protohistoric Period
A.D. sao - A.D. 1000: Early Historic Period
The finds Kajar have been c1assified as Protohistoric.
Wahyono personally feels. however. that they are probably
later. He gave a rough date of about A.D. 700. but admitted
that they could be even later.
A careful perusal of the lett panel of the forge
relief from Candi sukuh reveals that some of the tools are
identica1 to the ones from the Kajar grave (see, for
example, the two in the lower portion of the panel,
near the foot of the "Bitla" figure). Looking at the Hap J.
one sees that Kajar is located just 70 kilometers miles)
to the southwest of Gunung Lawu. Although candi Sukuh dates
from the East Javanese period (fifteenth century), and thus
may be somewhat later than the mass grave at Kajar, it seems
likely that the people buried. at Kajar had ties with the
Kount LaW'U area.
Van Heekeren's aecount indieates that other stone-cist
graves were found in the area. as well as menhirs and
menhir-statuettes. Most or all of the menhirs and menhir-
statuettes from Kajar may have been taken away by J. L.
Koens, the Dutch Official who first reported the Kajar finds
(see van Heekeren's account above). Koens was a long-term
resident of Joqjakarta, who collected a nUDbe.r of
antiquities. 1.n 1980, at the time of the Lndo-Pacific
Prehistory Association conference in Joqjakarta, the author
had an unexpected opportuni ty to see soce of these 1:lenhirs
and menhir statuettes. She was asked by Ardiyanto, a wel1-
known designer living in Jogjakarta, to visit his
and look at a collection which he had purchased of 1D0re than
200 of these stones. The following story was told by
Ardiyanto: Hoens had collected the stones in the pre-war
years froJ:l two a:eas, Gunung Kidul and the Pasemah Plateau
in When the OUtch were forced to leave Indonesia
in the 1950s by then-president Sukarno, Hoens left his
collection in the safekeeping of his Chinese assistant. The
assistant's wife. however, felt nervous about having all the
old stones around, feeling that they aiqht be inhabited by
spirits. She persuaded her husband to give them away to
another l.ivinq in Joqjakarta, who used them to fi1l
in the double walls of a k.i.ln he was building. To make the
walls even solid, he poured a soft-matrix cement
ltixture over the sustUe5. The statues reu.a.ined inside the
kiln until the 1970s, when the kiln was dismantl.ed, at which
tiJae the owner offered them for sal.e as a lot to Ardiyanto_
Ardiyanto, who was still a stUdent at the time. thought that
the stones might be important. He, therefore, scraped
together enough money to buy the entire collection. The
cement was cleaned off the stones, and Ardiyanto arranged
for students from Gajah Hada University's anthropology
department to photograph and catalogue them. Prom the Java
Archives he was able to deteI1lline that Moens collected the
stones in Gununq Kidul and PasC!Ola.h. Further.llore. he found
out that the stones which Moans collected from Gunung Kidul
were originally located in the middle ot agricultural
The author and several other participants from the IPPA
conference had the opportunity to look over the stones.
They are mostly small, averaging about 40 centiceters (16
inches) in height. Most are badly worn, as one would expect
troc statues Which had been left in the Diddle of fields.
They to fall into three stylistic categories: (a)
statues in the Pasemah style where the original shape of the
stone remains unchanged but and animal figures are
carved into the surface of the stone; (bl statues in the
rather stiff figure- style which shows no Indian
influence; ecl statues in the style of the Indianized
period, including statues of Ganesha and other Indian
deities. There is, of course, no date the stones at
this point, and it is certainly a pity that Koens was so
thorough in his collecting.
There is one other antiquity in Kajar which bears
mentioning. Near the top of the suall hill which is used as
a graveyard, there is a curious black stone, several feet in
length. The upper surface of this stone is ca.rved in
curious convoluted shapes which are tooth-like or horn-like.
These shapes t'"esemble those on the clay gable ornaments used
in some parts of Java, and they also resemble the flame-like
flanges on Balinese gates. The style of this stone, in
fact, has lIlore in cOllll:lon with the style of stone carving in
East .Java or Bali than in central Java. Villagers say that
the stone was already there When the village was founded,
and be.fore there were any graves on the hill.
The above information 00 antiquities can be sWlllBal'ized
by saying that ancient Kajar seeas to have had stronger
cultural ties with the Kount Lawu area and districts to the
east than with the .Jogjaka.rta area to the west. The mass
grave fraQ Kajar could be as early as A.D. 700 or as late as
A.D. 1500. Although some Indian influence is evident in the
tanged tools and glass bellds, the general impression is that
of a cultural backWater that retained JIlany features of the
Early Ke'tal Age.
Traditional Social Classes
The view that Javanese villages are homogeneous ignores
the fact that there are traditional nal:led social classes
which have existed at least since the nineteenth century.
The number of classes and the exact terms used vary from
village to village. One system is described by
Koentjaraningrat 'Which divides the village into five
1. the probot dusun, or village officials, including
the l.Y.nh (referred to in Kajar as the --These
officials have the right to usu.fruct froA large tracts of
village-owned land (tanah bengkok/siti bengkok), and they
usually own large amounts of inherited land as well;
Sometiales another ceremony is held. at the end of
In addition to the .. u the
- -_ _ uu Selomatan
)andai Besi, the villagers of Kajar also carry out an
Kajar village. although it inclUdes certain elements wtlich
are similar other, common cere.onies such as selapatan
(ceremonial communal meal) and nyekar (veneration of
graves) .
dress and assemble in one part of the Village. FOtlllal dress
for a Javanese male consists of a sarong made of batik
cloth, a dark-colored jacket with long sleeves and a high
neck, and a small hat or turban Dade of an elaborately
folded piece of batik cloth. If ·bl
POSS1 e, a is also
There has been little activity in the perapens for
the past week because people have been busy
preparing for the Bersih festival and
harvesting the peanut and soybean crops. Bersih
means to clean the village of bad spirits.
The money for the festival (has come) from selling
the harvest ..• Host of the Kajar people living
outside the village have CODe hooe for the
festival, arriving by bus or QQlI (minibus),
wearing brightly-colored clothes to impress their
faQily and friends • • •
This morning about 7:00 AM we attended a
at the house of Pak Atmo Xajar III).
Excepting yours truly, only men attended and
households with no adult males (were) represented
by little boys or a neighbor. Every _n who
attended brought food, both rice and (side
dishes), and these were collected in the middle of
the rooill. After Islamic prayers frola Pak Kaum (an
Islamic Official), there were Javanese prayers by
the oldest resident of These were
followed by a speech from Pak AtlIIo during which
Joko (the author's field assistant) and I were
introduced and the. purpose of au: research
explained. Then, a little bit of the food was
eaten. The rest was redivided and taken home
Selamatans (were) held separately by each in
the morning; in the afternoon a joint selacatan
was held in the eendoPO of Pak Sastro' shouse.
During the seJa!!latan Pak. Kaum sat in the back
doorway of the pendopo, burning incense and
reciting prayers over the smoke from the incense.
There were three qunungan (mountain-shaped cones
of rice, used as offerings). Pak Lurah made a
harvest so that villagers had plenty of money to spend.
grand because it came just a tear the peanut and soybean
excerpts froQ field notes taken on that day are as
elaborate version of the Bersih cerecony. This
ceremony, which assumes the proportions of a day-long
festival in Kajar, takes place during the eleventh month of
the Javanese lunar year. The author attended the Be:rsih
festival held on June 30, 1978, Which was particularly
Every elllpu brings a bamboo tray to the cer_any. Iiith
To the author's knowledge, this cere.ony is unique to
food offerings prepared by his household. All the then
solemnly circumnavigate the village, walking in single file,
and ending up at the base of Gunung Pancuran. They climb
the bill and place the off··'ng. t th
........ a e graves of Gunokaryo
and Kasan Ikhsan. They stay there beside the graves,
Deditating or praying for soce time, before coming down the
the second of the Javanese lunar year, called a
Selarnatan Pandai (Sclamatan for Blacksmiths). All
smiths participate in this ceremony, Which is more festive
and inclUdes a wayanQ performance and other entertainments.
This cerecony is not as iDportant, however, and is not held
!wery year.
534 535
after the Javanese word kekajat:, which peans to shake back
of rain "fith water. There may be another reason, however.
In Kajar this is not done, however.
Javanese week, perapen O\o'llers make a small offering to the
The berdzikir cere
mony is carried out at Sumhex Kajar, rather than another
There are still other rituals which are carried out by
individual smiths. Every.1&9i. the first day at the
and forth. The village was originally naced after this
the Bersih cerem.ony (Koentjaraningrat 1985:375-376).
namely the fact that the there is a water plant which grows
1n abundance near SUl:\ber Kajar which shakes back and forth
violently in the wind. The nat:le of this plant is k.!.i.!!:,
location in the village. partly because of the association
and violently as the night wears on.
Kajar, the purpose of which is to pray for rain. Tb.is
In dry years a special ceremony is held at Suaber
ceremony seems to have a more Islamic: tlavor, and involves
berdkikir, or the chanting of a ritual formula over and
over. The ceremony is carried out by the village heads.
Le.• the Lurah and OUk.uh. on behalf of the whole Village.
Sumber Kajar by Pak Kaum, the Islamic religious Official.
Chant-ing begins and cont.inues "fithout a break until the next
morning. This chanting is accompanied by swaying the body
from side to side, slowly at first. and then 1IIore rapidly
The village heads meet in the evening and are accompanied to
speech, and then there vas a financial report .from
Pa.k He in charge of collecting
festlval contrLbutions from all three
Lastly. a speech was made by Pak 5051a1
(Hartoueolllo) •
In the (late) afternoon there was
per!onaance in the street and yard in front of Pale
Sastra's This began with a group of masked
dancers WhlCh included a monster, clowns, etc.
They were by lumping dancers (trance
dancers who. rJ,de a flat, tlo'o-dillensional
of a horse made out of bamboo).
there was a group of men dressed like
penpurit lenton (guards at the palace in
Jocnakartaj. The was attended by about
2 000 people, includinq people from other
At one point durinq the II
bouse was brought out on shoulder poles
wit.h (sheaves of rice) piled on the roof.
The ':'lilagers fought over this rice, While the
pretended to protest. There is a belief
that can steal a bit ot this padi will get
a better harvest during: the c01llin9 year.
After the the dancers tormed a
procession and each in turn to brinq
back the food offerings.
All day long toys, balloons, oranges and trinkets
were sold (by vendors) in the yard and street
Sastro's house. Pak Sastro sat alone
store most of the day and didn't
.In the festival.
In the evening there an expensive wayang
and gamelan performance in Pak Sastro's pendopo
A tamou$ dalang from was hired to
the perforJllance.
The cost of the "bole festival was estitIated at Rp
140,000, of Which Rp 90,000 was spent on the
wayang perfonaance alone. Pak Abila collected
about Rp each household to cover the
cost. It the relative lavishness of
the at Kajar is a sign they
are more prosperous than the neighboring Villages.
In most Javanese villages, the graves of the gW
founders of the villaqe are visited on the satte day
anvil. Such offerings in Javanese are called sa;en. When a
536 537
• ,I... ....d--w i.,
t.,. .. yi ) ' ..
; - -
nl>;t/ar't, •
-"-- i
NOTES TO CHAPrER VI
1. The Indonesian ....ords that are used to explain this
belief are (fate, destiny) and bakat (talent,
inborn ability). Kajar lIIen have the to become
smiths because it is their Ll.i!ili. outsiders do not
have the because it is not their .!!UiR•
2. &1k is an honorific which COllies froQ or "father."
It is used for any married man. is the parallel
term for married 'oIeuen. It cOllies troll Ibu or "mother."
The names used in Kajar are typical Javanese In
daily conversation the naJ:le is usually shortened. to the
tirst two syllables. Some examples would be Pak Karyo
for Karyodirejo, Pak Marta for Martodinomo, Pak Harjo
tor Harjopa.... iro, etc. In ....riting. many Javanese keep
the old Dutc;;h spelling tor their natle5. Thus,
Sastrosuyono can also be spelled Sastrosoejono,
l<aryodirejo can also be spelled Karjodiredjo, etc. To
make matters even more complicated, many Javanese use
an "a" in vriting their na.t1es where they pronounce an
"0." Combining these customs, a naDe which is
pronounced "Karyodirejo" may be written "Karjadiredja."
The author considered using a pseudonya tor Pak
Sastro$uyono. but decided it would be pointless. His
role in Kajar life is so prominent, and he is so well-
known to governnent officials in Wonosari. that any
visitor to the area would immediately discover his true
3. According to one elderly villager, the edge of the teak
forest came to within 1 1/5 kilometers of Kajar in his
f'iqure 19 (c,?ntinuedJ Some Tool. Made
V.ll""ge. 1978-1979
by Smiths at
The houses of Kajar have roofs which resel:lble the
srotong and limasan styles illustrated in
Koentjaraningrat, 1985. p. 135. According to
Koentjaraningrat. the srotonq style is used by ordinary
Javanese villagers. While the limasao style is
restricted to descendants of the village founders and
village officials. The older hoUSes in Kajar differ
froD houses io the lowlands, however, in being larger
and having siding l:Iade of teak rather than plaited
bamboo. They often have flat-roofed extensions added
onto the sides or back of the house, not illustrated in
4. households had help tro. Save the Children
Foundation in installinq their floors.
fiqures frem the 1936 registry to till out the 1973
census toIlllS!
In wri tinq this description I have used the teras
actually in KAjar. which are a mixture of Javanese
and Ind,?nesun teras. One English term (Kepala sosiat
for Soc1al Officer) is even used. For a more
complete descr1ptlon Of village administration on Java
all the purely Javanese terms. see '
1985, pp. 190-196.
The tern is somewhat confusing. It is the
term for hamlet, whereas the Indonesian term
1S dusun. The longer noun forms. pedukuhag and
pedusunan. can also be used .....ith the same meaning.
The hamlet head is officially called the kepala
or kepala dusun head). In practice
however. this title is usually shortened to I1:Y.kYh
Thus dulcuh _ans both the hanlet and the
person ....ho heads it. Somet.ill:es is spelled
Sometimes ....ord "lanl!less" is applied to any
household Wl.thout sa....ah. even if they own or
types of dry fiell!s. This usage makes it very
dlffl.C:ult to talJ:t about villages in dry zone areas or
parts of Indonesla ....here irrigation systelllS are not
since it Deans that every household in
the VIllage 1S by definition "landless."
The . Bu:eau of Statistics (BPS) conduete<t a
Aqrlcultural Census in 1973 Which has been
.... ldely quoted in academic development publications
In an effort to obtain some better data on land •
in Kajar than that provided by the 1936
the author contacted the BPS office in
Wonosari. They said that Kajar had indeed been in one
of the 1973 census blocks. but that all forns had long
since been forwarded to the head office of BPS tor
entry. The author then contacted the head
1n Jakarta. but was told that there was a two-
year of requests for data frolll government
and they could not respond to any individual
frustration, the author went back to the
off1ce Ln Wonosari and asked for the name of the
worker who bad collected the census data in
(Perhaps this illlaqinary field worker still bad
stashed aW<Jy under the bed.) The Wonosari
off1ce replied. that no field workers had been
used .. Instead, census forms were distributed to all
the scribes in the area to be filled out and
sub':!Itted. ':he author then ....ent back to the Village
scr.l.be in Ka)ar, ....ho innoce:l'.:ly admitted using the
Harvests ....ere generally poor on Java between 1962-64.
According to Ben Wb.i te. the ....idespread social unrest
created by food scarcities and rising food prices was a
majo.r .factor contributing to the collapse of the
Sukarno regime (White 1989:70,72).
The SuI tan of Jogjakarta is said to be in direct
communication with Ny21i Loro Kidul .....bo appears to him
spontaneously in times ot crisis to help guide the
state and people to safety. The Sultan sends labuhag
offerings to Nyai Loro Kidul every year, as ....ell as the
dieties of Hounts Herapi and Lawu (Selo Soeaardjan
1962: 18-19). ltany people in the Jogjakarta area
bel-ieve that Nyai Lore Kidul is the true ....ife of the
Sultan. They point to the fact that the other wives
(i.e.• the human .... ives) are never given an official
status higher than concubine. There has been a re.viva.l
ot the Nyai Loro Kidul cult in recent years. especially
in sub-districts along the south coast. Many women
.... ore green. the color associated with Nyai Loro Kidul,
to the coronation of the new Sultan (Hilmengkubuwono X)
in 1989. During the coronation procession through the
city the Sultan sat in one corner ot his horse-drawn
carriage. leaving the Sl!at beside hi.lll e1rlpty. This vas
.... idely taken to mean that Nyai Loro Kidul was riding
beside b.U. Hany of the common people ....ho ....atched the
procession claimed. in fact. to have seen her. Despite
connection ",ith the Sultan, Nyai Loro Xidul has her
negative or destructive aspect. and there are those ....ho
associate her with the I.ndian goddess, Durqa-Kali. She
is said to "take" (i.e.• to drown) anyone who is 50
foolish as to swim in the southern ocean wearing green.
Villagers believe that she is responsible for all
manner of plaques and pestilence.
There are several different types of gotong
labor exchanges in Java. The term formerly used in
Kajar for exchanges ot agricultural labor "!batan.
In his classic 1961 study of gotong royong in Kebumen.
Central Java. Koentjaraninqrat identified seven
different types, including S3:nbataD and qrodjogan.
SaePatan ....as the term used for an exchange of labor
between households living in the same dukoh for tasks
related to the household such as housebuilding or
repairs, digging wells, pounding rice in preparation
for a feast. etc. GCodjogan was an exchange of
agricultural labor between neighboring households or
households with adjacent fields. Koentjaraningrat
notes, ho....ever. that grodioqan was sometimes known by
other names, including sambatan (Koentja.raningrat
1961:Chapter Vl).
Garrett Solyom, who also looked over the collection,
teels that some ot the stones are !DOre recent.
Early writings on the effects of the Green Revolution
also talked about intra-village class formation as
though villages were previously homogenous. Increasing
familiarity with historica.l sources trom the colonial
era has provided a corrective, however. According to
White, sources from the late eighteenth century pointed
to the existance of three broad agrarian classes, the
village officials, the (also called and
the landless peasants. various large-sca.le colonial
enquiries conducted in the early twentieth century
indicated that landless rates ....ere a.lready 30-40'. The
elite group in this period. consisting of officials,
wholesale traders and a few wealthy peasants,
constituted 5-10' of the population (White 1989:67-69).
The landless rates of 30-401: are high. but lower than
the present rates at 50-55' in wet rice areas. The 5-
la' rate for the elite group still holds (Sutoro
1991b:Chapters Two-Fourl.
On first of Sura in the city of Jogjakarta, the
palace treasures (pusaka) are taken out and cleaned.
This includes the palace keris and other ;.reapons. They
are then carried in a solumn nighttime processions
which circles the outer wall of the palace compound
(beteng) seven Silence is maintained and no one
is allowed to speak. The pusaka are carried by palace
retainers. but the public is allowed to follow then in
the procession. A similar ceremony is carried out in
(Solo). The )abuhan Offerings mentioned in
Note 10 are also sent on the first CUriously.
there is no mention of any of these events in
Koentjaraningrat's list of Jawi (Javanese
Religion) calendrical celebrations. For Islamically-
oriented santri Javanese, the first of is
connection with mortuary rituals. The purpose in Kajar
is quite different, however.
See sutoro, 1982, pp. 31-40. for a similar case of a
bamboo basketry industry which rapidly expanded when
the agricultural sector temporarily collapsed..The
industry is located in the village of .
Sleman district, north of Jogjakarta. expans10n
occurred between 1975-78 when irrigation water to the
village was cut off for seven growing seasons due to
repairs on the Van Der Wijk canal. :rn addition. the
beginning of repairs coincided with a serious attack of
rice pest.
When I visited Kajar in August, 1991. Pak Sastro had
changed his name froll Sastrosuyono to Sastrokadis. I
did not have the chance to ask why, but the lIost usual
reason that a Javanese changes his or her naDe is
failure to have a child. Near fatal illness is another
common reason. It. is believed that a nUll! change will
divert the attention at malevolent spirits and bring a
change in one's fortune.
Again, the difficulty of obtaining accurate info:aation
on land oW'Tlership llIust be stressed. Pak Paeran 1-S not.
listed in the village registry as a landovner at
However, his maternal grandfather, Gunokaryo, who
long deceased, is still listed.
15. Berd;it;ir in Kajar appears to be similar to the
practice of described by Koentjaraninqrat
(1985:)91). According to Koentjaraningrat. !ti.Js.i.x is
perfoned both by santti and (Le.• abangan)
Javanese. Mong the followers of mystical santri
sects. the participants cay eventually begin to dance
wildly and fall into a trance. Among the Agami .:rawi
Javanese, hovever, the ceremony is not continued to the
trance stage. Koentjaraningrat says that is
perfot1lled by the Javanese mainly in
1. Mount Marapl should not be confused with Mount
Merapi, the glant volcano which dominates the
lllIldscape of the Jogjakarta region on Java. Both
and are probably variations of
P1eaning "to have fire." Thus both
derive from t:he root word for fire (see
Glossary). There is yet a third Mount Merapi 1n
East Java.
2. There were also large mines around !lejang Leoong.
farther south in Bengkulu (Miksic 1989:12-13l.
3. At another point Marsden says that iron was dug
at a place named Turawang in the eastern part
of Minangkabau {Marsden 1811 cdit1on:173l.
4. Kahn uses t:he term "world capitalist rather
than ·world market economy."
5. Accorctl.ng to Kahn, the sl:U:.hs of Sungai Puar used
Dutch steel prior to the Japanese
Th1S steel, especlally for forging, was
sold in Ch1nese shops 1n Pacang. (Kahn. 1980,
p. 84) Marsden noted in 1783 that iron smelting
at Turawang in eastern Minangkabau had declined
due to the import of English and Swedish bar
iron (Marsden, 1811 edit10n, p. 1731.
6. The Illost recent echtion of Sekal'" Lat1, the
Department of gU1de to
small lndustry villages, bsts three blacksmith-
ing villages in Ao;aJ:I, the d1strlct where Sunggal
Puar is located. These oUC BllnuhaJ:IPU 1n
Sunggai Puar Suku
vi.llase in Sunqg.u Pilar sIlbdistr1ct, am! E:Dpat
Suku village In Pwk Sunqgai Puar
subdIstrIct. A fourth blacksm1thing village,
Rapur, is located near the coal mHles at
Sawahlunto. A village,
Pisang, is listed in Agam distr1ct, but no
copper or brasswork1ng villages. However,
according to Departme:'1t of I::l.dllstry est1mates.
only about one-third of all slllall industry
villages IlIBke their way into Sekar Lati.
presumably the larger and more 1lllportant
According to Kahn, Sungqai Puat village is
located in Banuhazopu/Sunggai Puar subdi strict
(Kahn 1980:1B). PresWllably there has been
some redrawing of village and/or subdistrict
:Kahn does not make this point very clearly.
What he says is thl-s:
All the tasks necessary to the COJllpletion
of a knife--from forqinq to finishi:'1g--can
be carried out usually by one person or at
most two people. Forging the t1lades usually
requires a second person to operate the
bellows. Finishinq can easily be done by a
single smith working alone. This flexibility
of techniques and forllls of cooperation
generates a variety of forms in knife
production. rallging frolll the slngle lndlvidual
--the most unit--to larqer groups that
forge and f1nish knives within a single
enterpr1se. (Kahn 1980:8l-82J
The information In these two paragraphs
comes principally from Z.erner, 1981, pp. 9S
and 97-98. Some addl-tional information is
taken from Reid, 1988, p. 110. Reid (based
on Kruijt, 1901) identlfies the areas around
Lake MatanO and the upper reaches of the
Kalaena Ri ver as the sources of nlckelous
iron. A map shows Lake Katana to b£! located
SO:JlCwhat to the north of Malil1. Iron.
nickelous lron and forged blades from
Central Sulawesi were also
through Hakassar and the east coa.St
of BangSa1-. Both BanggCl..l. and Luwu were
tributaries of Ma)apahit in the fourteenth
century. The direct outlet fo:'" Lake
12 •
This story is a compQsite of a story in
Kuntowidjojo, 1977, p. 49, and a scory tolc
to the author by Pak Subroto. an elderly
brass snuth ll.ving in Batur.
Although agIl.cu!tura! implements are generally
forged. it may have been that plow tips were
made of cast iron in ancient times_ There is
a reference in Raffles which says:
The plough (wahlukuJ. in general use for the
irrigated land, consists of three parts. the
body, heam, and handle. It is generally mace
of teak wood, where that mateClal can be provided
. The point of the body. or sock, is tipped
with iron, which in some districts is cast for
the purpose. (lB17:vol. 1. 113)
According to Geertz. is the only hamlet
on Bali which still specializes in the manufac-
ture and repair of these (gamelanJ
I cannot say whether this was true in 1957-1958,
but according to the Department of Industry,
the district of Karangasem is also well known
for ga..nelan prOduct10n. Sekar Lati, the
Department of Industry's buyer's guide, lists
the villages of Tunggak, Menan9ga and Pempatan
in Karangasem as gamelan-producing centers.
The village of Sawan 1n Suleleng district is
also listed (1990 edition:?3).
15 .
out of the compound, or even move away from the
village to seek their fortunes elsewhere.
Most kinship systems in Indonesia are bilineal,
although boys may inherit a larger share of land
than girls in areas influenced by Islam.
(Islamic law dictates that the share of a boy
be twice as large as the share of a girl.) The
Minanqkabau are unusual in having a matrilineal
system, and the Bataks and Ballnese are unusual
in having patrilineal systems. The patrilineal
system of the Balinese may have been influenced
by branmanic concepts from India.
Geertz has made a mist.ake 1n hlS calculat.ions.
If the three large kin groups have 47. 26 and
25 households respectively, anc there are 40
other households, the total number of households
is 138.
I am forced to note that numbers do not
add up. If there are "five master craftsmen,
thirty-five ordinary craftsmen, and forty-eight
common laborers," this totals aa men. Dividing
88 into 171, the correct percentage would be
51, not 53. If, as I suspect, the term "ordinary
craftsmen" refers to the owners of units, the
number of units would be more than 25.
14. I have supplemented Geertz' information on the
layout of extencied family compounds with
lnformation from surveys I conducted for SRI
in rural areas of Tabanan and Gianyar districts
between 1988-1991. While any son may choose
to stay 1n the family compound after he is
married, only one son is required to do so.
This is the son who has been designated as the
pewaris. i.e., the heir to the family compound
and the family lands. With this inheritance
comes the responSlbllity to remain in the village
and represent the family at all religious
ceremonies, benjar meetings, etc. The oewaris
may ei ther be-an-eldest son or a youngeSt son,
but middle sons are excluded from consideration.
Sons who are not pewarls are more likely to move
Thus, it appears that blacksmithing is the :most skewed of
all the industries. It should be relllembered,
hovever, that enterprises are greatly outnumbered by
household enterprises, and that the ratios are much l.ower
for household enterprises.
Having stated that Inclonesian villages are stratified
rather than hoaogeneous, it should be adJ:litted that
homogeneity is a rel.ative concept. In 1986-87 the author
worked on a credit project for artisan castes in the
Pakistani Punjab. Villages in the Punjab are divided into
three distinct classes. At the is a hereditary class of
feudal lando\ffie.rs referred by the English te:rlll
-landlords.- Each village is do-.inated by one or a few
landlord families who live in elegant hilltop villas
equipped with all the modern conveniences. They drive
luxurious autotlObiles, vacation in lDountain resorts, send
their children to the best universities, and not
infrequently travel abroad. On the average, these families
own about 250 hectares of land each, usually a combination
of irrigated rice fields and unirrigated wheat fields.
Their far-inq Jlethods are capital-intensive and include the
use of large tractors and other mechanical equipment.
Below the landlord class in Pakistan is a cl;;:ss
of smallholders who farm tiny plots but are proud of their
status as lDemberS of several castes. They live apart
from the landlords in their own walled-in mud compounds.
Their farming methods are more labor-intensive.
BeloW' the smallholders is a third class, made up of the
various artisan castes, including the blacksmiths, potters,
weavers, leather workers, etc. The artisans are all
landless and their status is that of untouchables or near-
Me.JIlbers of the upper two classes will not,
for example, share a Ileal with the artisans or sit on the
SaJDe bench with them. The artisans have their own
residential areas 1Jhich generally are not walled in.
Traditionally the artisans were not allowed to sell their
products OD the open aarket. Their status was that of
indentured servants of the landlord. The landlord provided
tbelll with raw .aterials and. detenll.i.necl the nUJllbe.r and kind
of products they would maka each season. In exchange, the
artisans were given a small share of the grain harvested
from the landlord's fields. Artisans could also be sent to
work in the fields if the landlord needed additional
agricultural labor.
This traditional system still prevails in more isolated
areas of the Punjab, but has begun to change in areas along
the main roads and near to'JnS. Many artisans have severed
their ties with the landlords, and are instead buying their
raw materials and selling their finished products in the
open marketplace. The or blacksmithing caste, who
were one of the first to sever their ties with the
landlords, have done very well financially by purchasing
projects fail because of financial ineptitude or
llIis:ma.nage:ment t
5. Participants in training courses and study tours
lose a great deal of work time. They should, therefore, be
given daily c01llpensation COm:lensurate with their lost
earnings. If the nerapen Qlmer acts as his the
ReraD!'!n may have to shut down during the training course.
For this reason, it is often better to let one of his sons
attend the course. If it is a technical training course,
the Department of Industry should bear the risk of failure
by paying for any raw materials or supplies used:
6. The Department of Industry has repeatedly tried and
failed to introduce iron castin; technology into
blacksmithing Villages. The ethnographic in
this dissertation indicates that their efforts woUld be more
successful if they introduced iron casting technology into
copper, brass or bronze casting Villages. Forging and
casting are very different procedures, but casting smiths
are usually able to adapt to a variety of metals. At
present, there are tva successful iron casting centers in
Indonesia, both located in Central Java, and both with a
similar history of Dutch involvement during the colonial
era. These centers are often held up for blacksmiths to
emula'te, but historical data on one of these centers (Batur
hamlet) indicates that it was previously a bronze and brass
casting village.
suggestions Further Research
OVer the years a number ot theories have been developed
with reference to Indonesia. These theories have been based
largely on ethnographic stUdies of lowland wet rice villages
on Java. Other types of villages, villages which may have
very dit"ferent ecological adaptations and patterns of
resource allocation, have largely been ignored. This
dissertation represents an attempt to redress this
situation. It focuses on a subset of small industry
villages, namely those Ybich make products of metal.
Obviously many other studies are needed before enough data
has been collected to begin reVising theoretical
assumptions. Within the industrial sector alone, studies
are needed. ot the very important and varied textUe
industries. the basketry and matting industries, the clay
product industries, the leather goods industries, the food
processing industries and several others.
Every researcher obviously brings his or her own agenda
to the field. It is suggested, ho....ever, that future stUdies
ot non-rice villages give particular attention to two
subjects. The first is the pattern ot resource allocation
bet....een sectors, and changes in that pattern over time due
to changes in relative Profitability. The second is social
and. economic stratification, and the causes or that
stratification, including the uses of money capital.
1. See Chapter I for references.
2. This is the estimated value of one truck, one diesel
engine, four pieces of high-wattage electrical
machinery and four equipped perapen.
J. The period of most rapid growth may have been in the
previous decade, i.e., between 1964 and 1974/75. See
Chapter VIII, Note J. referring to household industries
4. These ratios are very crude indicators of
stratification because census forms distinguish between
only two broad groups, enterprise owners and aired
workers. In a four-strata village like Kajar or
Massepe, dependent and independent per<\pen owners will
be lumped together in the census. Raw material and
may also be counted as enterprise owners
as 4S usually the case, they own any machinery used
for productive or finishing operations. If they do not
i.e., if they strictly limit their
to trading, they probably fall outside the
census altogether.
5. The traditional weavers of India and the Pakistan do
not make pile carpets. Rather they make a flatweave
tapestry carpet called a dUrree, which is woven on a
horizontal pit loom. The dUrree weavers are members of
the julaha caste and they are landless. However
beginning in the early 19705, some smallholder
began to import vertical looms and weaving technology
from Iran. Pile carpets in the "Persian Garden- style
are woven on these looms, using child labor contracted
from poor families Who are also farmer caste. This is
the only exception to the rule that all handicrafts are
made by artisan caste families who are landless.
6. Islam does not, in fact, permit caste. However the
Islamic 970ups of the Pakistani Punjab have a system of
castes .... a!.most exactly parallel the Hindu castes.
The lohari caste has experienced considerable
frustration over their continued low social status
their obvious neWfound prosperity. At
a congress of the lohari was held at
they changed their caste name to
Mughul Lohari. The purpose of this change was to
recall their previously glorious role as armorers to
the rulers of the sixteenth century Moghul dynasty of
North India and Pakistan. This name change was
perceiVed by higher castes as "putting on airs,"
however, and the loharis have been subjected to
ridicule because of it.
7. An exception is Bali. Where villagers often buy sedans
to rent out to tourists. They obtain these sedans on
credit frolll automobile dealers.
8. For a listing and review of these historical studies
see White 1983 (entire) and Hart pp. 32-37.
9. Hart has identified four paradigms of rural development
and agrarian change which relate to the issue of
stratification. She uses the tertii "neo-Leninist" to
describe the paradigm which most closely resembles van
der 8:01ff's. The neo-Leninist paradigm stems from
Lenin's analysis of agrarian differentiation in
nineteenth century Russia. According to Lenin, the
penetration of capitalism in the countryside leads
inexorably to the polarization of landholdings and the
development of impersonal wage labor relations. hence
the disappearance of the peasantry and the emergence of
opposing classes of kulaks and proletarians. Neo-
Leninist authors who have written about contemporary
Java, for example Mortimer and Gordon, differ from van
der Kolff in emphasizing the growth of class
consciousness and (Hart
10. Yet another approach to the equity issue emphasizes
consUlllption rather than production. This approach,
which has been gaining in popularity among
international aid agencies in recent years, says that
governments like that of Indonesia Should leave
production to the play of free market forces. Instead
of interfering in production, they should concentrate
on promoting equity by providing better health
services, education, housing, water, sanitation, etc.
to the poor. Presumably this would be financed through
income transfers, for example land and corporation
11. There is one example of such a transfer, however.
During the Balinese festival of Tumpek Landep offerings
must be made to items made of iron or steel.
Traditionally, these were blades and weapons. In
recent years, however, ever-adaptable Balinese have
begun to give Twnpek Landep offerings to their cars and
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