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Scenes From The U.S.-Israel Funhouse
September 22, 2016 § 2 Comments
During the raging debate over the Iran deal in the spring and summer of 2015, there was an illuminating ancillary dispute over whether supporting the agreement meant forfeiting the right to describe oneself as pro-Israel. It reached a crux with Jeffrey Goldberg's question posed on Twitter as to whether J Street could support the deal and still call itself pro-Israel when the Israeli prime minister and opposition leader both opposed it, and Peter Beinart's response that supporting a country means supporting a vision of its interests irrespective of whether the country's leaders or people share that same vision. That debate has become relevant once again this week in the U.S.-Israel sphere, but this time the challenge is not for those on the left but for those on the right.
The new ten year, $38 billion defense assistance Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between the U.S. and Israel was negotiated by the two governments for close to a year, and finally signed last week. It commits the U.S. to grant Israel $3.8 billion per year for a decade to purchase weapons and missile defense systems, and is notable when compared to the last ten year MOU for a few reasons. The total dollar value is larger by $8 billion and it includes annual funds for missile defense, which until now have been covered by Israeli supplemental requests on a need basis, but it also prevents Israel from returning to Congress for additional funds outside of emergency situations and phases in a requirement for Israel to spend all of the aid on American weapons rather than converting 26.3% into shekels as the previous agreement allowed. More unusually, as part of the agreement Israel has signed a letter pledging to return any aid money appropriated by Congress above what is laid out in the MOU. Even though the package is not perfect from Israel's perspective, the new aid arrangement is not only supported by Prime Minister Netanyahu, who blasted critics of the deal as not being sufficiently grateful to the U.S., but was negotiated by his government and signed now over the objections of those who thought he should wait until the next administration.
Nevertheless, some prominent pro-Israel figures do not support the defense aid package. Senator Lindsey Graham, after failing in his attempt to prevent the U.S. and Israel from signing the MOU, appeared to be angriest not at President Obama for allegedly short-shifting Israel but at Netanyahu himself. Graham expressed his frustration at Israel for agreeing to sign a deal that, in his view, betrayed Israel's friends in Congress, saying, "Here is what I would tell Bibi: When members of Congress come to Israel, you do a great job talking about the State of Israel's needs and threats. Well, don't tell us about all those needs and when we try to help you, you pull the rug from under us. I think that is bad for Israel." Reinforcing the point, Graham added, "I am going to push back. We will see what Bibi does. But I will tell you right now, from my point of view, the prime minister has made a mistake here."
Then on Tuesday, Graham doubled down, holding a press conference with Senators McCain, Ayotte, and Cruz, in which he announced a bill granting Israel an additional $1.5 billion over the $38 billion in the MOU, overturning the provision requiring Israel to spend all of the aid on U.S. weapons rather than allowing Israel to spend some of the aid at home, and objecting to Israel's letter pledging to return any extra money appropriated by Congress. This now sets up a dynamic in which Graham and other senators are promising to torpedo an arrangement that was negotiated and agreed to by the Israeli government, as opposed to promising to torpedo a unilateral initiative from the White House that they don't like. They do not believe that this MOU is in Israel's best interests and they insist that they have a better sense of those interests than the Israeli government, which in their view is being coerced into signing an unfavorable agreement.
Despite Graham's objections, it is not difficult to ascertain Netanyahu's thinking on this issue. There is symbolism to Israel getting the largest aid package in U.S. history from a Democratic president tarred by so many as being anti-Israel when bipartisan support for Israel is being threatened, and Netanyahu clearly is enamored of the message that this sends. It also seems evident that Netanyahu wanted to have this MOU done before the next administration takes office given the uncertainty a new president will bring, and that locking the assistance in now was preferable to rolling the dice on who or what may come next. There are also the optics of Israel not wanting to appear ungrateful or overly greedy, which would endanger future assistance and public support for Israel in the U.S.; indeed, the New York Times editorial board last week questioned the deal as negotiated, let alone Graham's wish for it to be bigger, wondering "whether the ever-increasing aid levels make sense, especially in the face of America's other pressing domestic and overseas obligations." So for all of these and undoubtedly other reasons as well, Netanyahu decided that it was in Israel's best interest to agree to this deal, even with the provisions ruling out additional aid and eliminating the subsidy to Israel's domestic defense industry.
Yet Graham doesn't agree. In his words, Israel's prime minister has made a mistake and he has promised to push back against Netanyahu's decision because he has a different vision of what Israel should do. The argument is eerily reminiscent of the one made by the Obama administration on pushing Israel with regard to the Palestinians and two states, that true friends don't let friends drive drunk and that the White House is seeking to help Israel avoid the consequences of its own poor decisions. So to paraphrase Goldberg's question about the Iran deal, can a group of senators oppose the defense assistance MOU despite its support from Israel's prime minister, defense minister, military chief of staff, and security establishment and still call themselves pro-Israel? Does Israel get to determine what is in its own best interests, or does a group of Americans who would like to see the democratically elected Israeli government pursue policies other than the ones that it has adopted? As someone who often disagrees with Israeli policies and will never cede my pro-Israel bona fides to anyone, my own answer to this question should be obvious. But keep this episode in mind the next time someone asserts that to be pro-Israel means to support every policy adopted by the Israeli government irrespective of your own assessment about how best to protect Israel as a secure Jewish and democratic state.
Diaspora Jews Are Not Israel's ATM
October 9, 2015 § 5 Comments
The eminent Israeli political scientist Shlomo Avineri published a long essay in Ha'aretz last week arguing that the failure of Oslo can be attributed to the fact that Israel views the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a struggle between two national movements while the Palestinians view it as a struggle against colonialism, explaining the inevitable failure of negotiations. The piece deserves a long response of its own as there is much to unpack, but Avineri published a companion op-ed yesterday arguing, among other things, that given how negotiations are doomed to fail, Israel should ask Diaspora Jews to shoulder the costs of relocating and compensating settlers inside the Green Line. I am very much on board with relocating and even compensating settlers in order to get them out of the West Bank as expeditiously as possible. It is the other part of this formulation with which I take issue. To quote Avineri directly:
One could initiate, possibly with the support of Diaspora Jews, a generous plan for evacuation and compensation for settlers in the West Bank who would be willing to return to Israel in its pre-1967 borders. The right in Israel has managed to recruit Jewish donors around the world for expansion of settlements and for purchasing land and buildings in East Jerusalem. Why can't the left follow suit and mobilize moderate Diaspora Jews in order to achieve something concrete – not just declarative – in order to further alternative policies? Perhaps even J Street could help in achieving something positive, not just criticizing Israel's policies?
In 2010, as a forest fire spread out from Mount Carmel and caused enormous devastation, the Jewish National Fund called on American Jews to donate money for firetrucks and basic fire fighting equipment. Jeff Goldberg wrote an excellent post pushing back on this campaign, asking "What sort of country — what sort of wealthy country — schnorrs for basic public safety equipment? At some point, Israel is going to have to learn to stand on its own, and fund its national security and public safety needs without the help of Diaspora Jewry." Goldberg's point was that some causes are legitimate and just – such as schools and hospitals, or aiding the victims displaced by the fire – and others are Israel asking someone else to cover for its self-imposed mistakes, a category to which chronic underfunding of firefighting services most certainly belongs.
I couldn't help but recall this episode when reading Avineri's call for Jews around the world to bail Israel out of its predicament. I find his suggestion to be both morally and practically problematic and downright offensive. It speaks to the worst of Israeli instincts, and illuminates the crux of the divide between Israeli and Diaspora Jewry.
I believe that American Jews should support Israel to the extent that they believe strongly in the need for a Jewish state (which I certainly do), and that a strong and healthy Israel benefits not only Israelis but Jews worldwide. Nevertheless, there is a distinction between supporting Israel and Israeli Jews in need, particularly in the early days of the state when Israel was not in good economic shape, versus funneling money to a state that brands itself as the Start-Up Nation and boasts of its economic strength and innovation in order for it to disentangle itself from a set of self-imposed policy disasters. The former, which would include things such as JNF campaigns to plant trees, assist in resettling Ethiopian and Russian immigrants, and donating to victims of terror, are clear cut examples of supporting the Zionist vision. They involve building a Jewish homeland and helping Jewish brethren in need who have been placed in situations beyond their or the Israeli government's control, and I have no problem at all with Israel turning to Diaspora communities to help support such initiatives.
In contrast, the latter is a clear cut example of American Jews being used as suckers. As it is (and you will excuse the simplified stereotype here), oftentimes Israelis view American Jews as little more than piggybanks who should provide money but keep their mouths shut. Asking Diaspora Jewry to provide the funding for an overtly political predetermined course of action only reinforces that corrosive dynamic, particularly given that Israel is an OECD country that ranks 19th on the UN's Human Development Index and 25th in GDP per capita according to the World Bank and can more than afford to cover the costs of its own internal policy decisions. More saliently, asking non-Israeli Jews to shoulder the financial burden for the evacuation of the West Bank encourages the Israeli government to pursue bad policies such as settling the West Bank under the assumption that there will always be a safety net from American Jews who won't abandon the state under any circumstances and will pay to reverse Israeli mistakes. It creates a dangerous moral hazard that incentivizes risky behavior, and perpetuates a culture of dependency on outsiders. It is a terrible idea that makes Israel look like a third world country and diminishes the vision of a strong and independent state.
Furthermore, there is a logic of unintended consequences involved that Avineri fails to consider. From my perspective, the support of rightwing American Jews in the settlement project has been an unmitigated disaster that has only perpetuated bad policies, and in some ways has even rendered the Israeli government impotent. There is little to prevent Sheldon Adelson or Irving Moskowitz from pursuing their own goals precisely because the Israeli right has relied on outside money, and a government that wanted to prevent further building in the West Bank or Silwan would have a difficult time shutting things down because funding is coming from other sources besides the government. Just because Avineri wants to gin up financial support from Diaspora Jews for a policy that is in my view a good one doesn't make it a good idea. There is no predicting how these types of things develop down the line, and there are likely to be unforeseen consequences that arise. Introducing more outside funding into the equation in response to unhelpful outside funding on the other side isn't going to balance the ledger, but will instead contribute to a further spiral out of control.
I agree with Avineri that Israel should be evacuating the West Bank and relocating settlers. I agree that marshaling the moral and rhetorical support of Diaspora Jews would hasten that along. But treating Diaspora Jews as dollar signs and watering down Israeli ownership of its own policies is an unwise suggestion.
Sticks And Stones May Break My Bones, And So Will Words
October 29, 2014 § 4 Comments
Frustrating the deeply held convictions of "Zionist Occupied Government" conspiracy theorists everywhere, it has not exactly been a banner week for the U.S.-Israel relationship. First there was the Bogie Ya'alon snub during his sojourn to Washington, where the Israeli defense minister met with Chuck Hagel and Samantha Power – the latter reportedly only because the White House was too late in trying to prevent it – but was not granted meetings with Joe Biden, John Kerry, or Susan Rice. Then came yesterday's already legendary Jeff Goldberg piece in the Atlantic, henceforth known as the chickenshit article, during which an unnamed senior administration official used that moniker to describe Bibi Netanyahu. The piece, which proclaimed a crisis in U.S-Israel relations, was right and has now inflamed that crisis even further. As dedicated readers may recall, in July I wrote that despite the very bad personal relationship between Netanyahu and President Obama, the bilateral U.S.-Israel relationship was not going to be threatened in the long term, and I think that is still true. Nevertheless, what is going on now is certainly serious and can derail things in the short term. So to make up for my lack of recent blogging, and my even longer lack of blogging about Israel specifically, here are some semi-extensive thoughts about the entire contretemps.
First, just as Israeli officials are completely out of line and do damage to their own cause and interests when they make nasty comments about Obama, Kerry, and other U.S. government officials, the same goes for the inane and childish comments made to Goldberg about Netanyahu. I am and have been highly critical of Ya'alon, Naftali Bennett, and others who have launched inappropriate personal attacks; it reflects terribly upon them and does absolutely nothing to rectify whatever it is that has made them upset. This is no different, and the intensely personal nature of denigrating the courage of a former Israeli special forces commando is particularly ugly. Literally taunting an Israeli prime minister for not bombing Iran – as if the issue is a lack of guts rather than an array of barriers to doing so, from Israel's security cabinet to intense differences of opinion about such a move across the political and military spectrum to serious pressure from the U.S. – is boorish and petty and smacks of smug, childish amateurism, not to mention a terrifyingly myopic and incomplete view of how foreign policy actually operates. I hope that the outrage expressed by some in the U.S. when Ya'alon has insulted Kerry in the press is also expressed today. On the flip side, those who found nothing wrong with Ya'alon's remarks a few months ago should have the appropriate sense of self-perception to keep their mouths shut now as well. It's not good when Israelis trash their American counterparts, and it's not good when Americans trash their Israeli counterparts, but if you are a pro-Israel American, your outrage at one had better be matched by your outrage at the other.
Second, Netanyahu's broadside in return today is a great example of a world leader who does not properly appreciate his country's position in the international system. Israel is a regional power in its own right, but it is also largely dependent on the largesse of its great power patron – for which, by the way, it has no genuine feasible alternative replacements should that largesse ever be withdrawn. Despite the heady excitement Israelis have over increased trade ties with China and India, the optimism that this will translate into political support is misplaced, as excellently outlined by Rory Miller in Foreign Affairs, who demonstrated that both countries have completely delinked their economic relations with Israel from their political relations with Israel, and are not going to reverse that path any time soon. Were Netanyahu smart about this, he would have expressed his anger and disappointment behind closed doors, and publicly kept his mouth shut. The fact is that Israel and the U.S. will never be equal. There is an enormous power imbalance in the relationship, and the U.S. can afford to alienate Israel (although it shouldn't and it would make things harder for U.S. initiatives in the region) but Israel can absolutely not afford to alienate the U.S. I get why Netanyahu's impulse is to lash back out, but this is a tit-for-tat exchange that Israel will always lose. Israel's greatest geopolitical advantage is its relationship with the U.S., and thus a well thought out plan would be to swallow whatever American insults come Israel's way and do nothing to harm that relationship. Some Israeli leaders, including rightwing Likud politician President Ruby Rivlin, get this. Netanyahu quite obviously does not.
Third, leaving aside the damage in the day to day working relationship, the infamous chickenshit interview has potential to backfire on the U.S. when it comes to the Iranian nuclear program in two ways. One has to with Israel, and the other has to do with Iran. On the Israeli side of the equation, the White House is quite obviously happy that Jerusalem has so far sat on its hands and kept its planes far away from Fordow. In the context of an Israeli populace and political class that sees external threats rising up around it, nervousness that the U.S. is getting snookered by Iran in the nuclear negotiations and will agree to nearly any terms to just make the problem go away, and an election coming soon in which the threats to Netanyahu come not from the left but from the right, is there a better way of prompting Netanyahu into taking military action against Iran than denigrating him as a chickenshit who is too scared to use his military? It's almost as if the person or persons who felt the need to go blabbing to Goldberg are trying to end up with egg all over their faces. I'd agree that the chances of Israeli action at this point are remote, but just listen to some of the saner and more respected security voices in Israel – Amos Yadlin and Ya'akov Amidror are two who come to mind – and you will quickly realize that Israel does not necessarily share the same view of these unnamed administration officials that a bombing run is completely off the table.
On the Iran side of the ledger, I agree with Dan Drezner that there is a component to this that involves signaling to Iran. I am not as certain that it is intentional, however; rather, my fear is that the U.S. is instead unwittingly and massively reducing its negotiating leverage by openly doubting Israel's ability and willpower to attack Iran's nuclear facilities, and by implying that it sees a nuclear Iran as a near fait accompli. Any Iranian leader reading the Goldberg interview would logically assume that there is nothing Iran can do that will invite a strike against its nuclear program, and that it really has no reason to offer any negotiating concessions at all. Irrespective of whether or not the Obama administration has privately decided that it wants a deal with Iran at any cost, this is terrible negotiating strategy and very poor strategic behavior.
Fourth, the chickenshit comments are more likely than not going to exacerbate the type of Israeli behavior that frustrates the U.S. unless the insults and vitriol are ultimately accompanied by a genuine change in policy toward Israel. If things continue along the same path, meaning that there is no real penalty for increased settlement activity in the form of reduced intelligence and military cooperation, reduced defense aid, or reduced support at the United Nations, the takeaway message for Netanyahu is going to be that the only price for driving U.S. officials to apoplexy is having to absorb personal insults. I don't know whether policy is going to change following the November elections or not; I have read some predictions that the cover for Israel at the U.N. in particular is something that will be endangered, but I have serious doubts as to whether that will be the case. The point is, if Goldberg's unnamed official thinks that his or her words alone are going to have any real effect on Israeli policy, I wouldn't hold my breath waiting for it.
Finally, it is pretty clear to me that this is not just a random attempt to make Bibi look bad here, but a deliberate ploy to damage his political prospects. There is a perception among Israeli elites that picking a real fight with the U.S. is fatal for Israeli politicians, and many in various U.S. administrations believe that as well. My friend Brent Sasley has argued otherwise, although others take a different view of the Shamir loss in 1992. In this case, in the short term the fight seems to have bolstered Bibi, with people like Bennett coming out and strongly backing him against the chickenshit comments. It makes him look like a stronger leader standing up to a petty and bullying American administration. In the long term, however, I think that the White House political calculation here is correct in the sense of wanting to play up the hostility between Netanyahu and the White House in order to damage him. There are going to be elections in the next few months, and there are plenty of rightwing politicians aspiring to unseat Bibi who can claim that they will stand up to Washington when need be but do not have the baggage that Bibi has. Ya'alon is obviously not in this camp, but Bennett, Moshe Kahlon, Avigdor Lieberman, and even Yair Lapid will all try to take advantage of this dynamic to siphon votes away from Likud and toward themselves.
Ultimately, whomever it was that has now made the term chickenshit a permanent part of the foreign policy lexicon may feel a lot better today after a self-satisfied venting session, but this kind of thing is entirely counterproductive. Allies can and do disagree, but this is not the way to do it. Nobody in the Obama administration should be too pleased with themselves this afternoon.
What Happens If The Peace Process Fails?
March 6, 2014 § Leave a comment
Bibi Netanyahu and the Israeli government have had the same two important decisions regarding the U.S. hanging over them for over a year, and they aren't going away. The first is whether to cooperate with the U.S. to the hilt on the peace process and agree to anything the Obama administration asks them to do. The second is whether to cooperate with the U.S. to the hilt on Iran and agree to refrain from striking Iran, which is a commitment that the Obama administration clearly seems to want. The question is, if Israel does not deliver on either of these issues to the fullest extent, what will the fallout be, and which one is the higher priority for the U.S.?
There's a lot of chatter recently about this being Israel's last chance for peace with the Palestinians along with dark warnings about what will happen if the talks break down. In an interview with Jeff Goldberg last week, President Obama spoke at length about what he thinks the negative ramifications will be. Echoing John Kerry, he said that demographics, settlement growth, and the possibility that Mahmoud Abbas will be gone from the scene in the near future make this the last best chance for a deal, and that should a deal not happen, Israel will face increasing isolation and the end of its status as both Jewish and democratic. He also warned of a decreased ability on the part of the U.S. to protect Israel in international institutions and from the growing hostility of the international community. Goldberg interpreted this last point as (in his words) "a veiled threat" which would suggest that the U.S. may at some point stop using its veto to shield Israel from unfavorable UN Security Council resolutions.
This comes on the heels of months of Israeli-perceived threats from Kerry, including his prediction of a third intifada if talks fail, his denouncement of Israel's military presence in the West Bank, and most recently his observation that efforts to boycott Israel are only growing. Never mind that none of these statements were threats but were rather predictions of how other actors will behave should the two state solution disappear; the important point is that Israeli leaders have interpreted these statements as a warning that the U.S. will abandon Israel should these talks not produce results. There is also the news that Israeli defense and intelligence officials have had visas to the U.S. denied at a much higher rate over the past year, which could be an effort to warn the Israeli government about what lies ahead should U.S. wishes be defied.
For whatever reason, there is much less talk – both here and in Israel – about what will happen to the relationship with the U.S. if Israel goes and strikes Iranian nuclear sites. This strikes me as strange for two reasons. First, I think that the possibility of this happening is at least 50% and yet there is a lot more speculation about Israel not doing its best to come to an agreement with the Palestinians. Second, I strongly believe that compared to a peace process failure, Israel defying U.S. wishes on Iran will be far more harmful to the relationship and will bring a higher degree of fallout.
I have always been clear in my belief that the consequences for Israel should the two state solution evaporate will be similar to what the White House describes: isolation, boycotts, and a far more difficult dance on maintaining Israel's democratic character along with a Jewish majority. I am not quite sure that this is the absolute last opportunity, but were I the prime minister of Israel, I would be making plans for a unilateral withdrawal from the West Bank in the eventuality that a deal cannot be reached. But that is another post for another day; the main point here is that should the talks fail, I do not think that the consequences from the U.S. will be much to fear. For starters, this show is not new. The Israelis and Palestinians have spent decades talking to each other or not talking to each other, all to no result, and the American-Israeli relationship has proceeded apace with no real ruptures. If these talks fail despite intense American intervention, it will be no different than Camp David, Wye River, Taba, the vaunted road map…you get the point. The U.S. and Israel have a long history of getting over peace process failures no matter if the administration puts the onus on Israel or on the Palestinians, and I suspect this time will be no different. The U.S. interest in getting this resolved has not grown more than it was under Clinton, and the damage to the U.S. should the talks fail does not present a vital threat. Furthermore, the peace process requires not just Israeli acquiescence but Palestinian acquiescence as well, and if reports are to be believed, the Palestinians have no intention of acceding to the security plan formulated by the U.S. and General John Allen. What this means is that if the Palestinian side is intransigent to a larger degree than the Israeli side (and so far reports indicate that to be the case), any failure will not be pinned on Israel. So for a number of reasons, this Israeli fear of a rupture is far-fetched. This is not an attempt to provide an excuse for Israel not to make a deal, since I think that Israel should agree to any and every U.S. request if it means getting an actual permanent agreement, but just an observation that the global consequences of failure will be a lot harsher than those emanating from the U.S.
In contrast, I think that Israel might want to tread more carefully when it comes to Iran, because an Israeli strike will be harder than a half-hearted peace process negotiation effort for the U.S. to shrug off. For one thing, there is not much recent history of Israel carrying out military operations that will clearly upset the U.S. and thus less of a history of getting over it for Israel to draw upon. Two examples would be the Suez crisis in 1956 and the bombing of the Osirak reactor in 1981, but neither of those are truly comparable. On Suez, Israel was operating in conjunction with Britain and France, which blunted the reaction as Israel was not seen as a sole rogue party, and on Osirak, Iraq was not viewed as such a vital interest for the U.S. and it did not embroil the U.S. in any messy aftermath. In the case of a hypothetical future Israeli strike on Iran, these conditions do not apply. Israel will be doing it alone, in defiance of U.S. wishes ahead of time, and it will affect what is likely the number one American foreign policy goal at the moment, which is a nuclear deal with Iran that leads to a more general rapprochement. Not to mention that many will view the U.S. as somehow complicit, and there is a chance of blowback directed against U.S. interests in the region. Also in contrast to the Palestinian issue, there will be no other party to blame; if things get hairy afterwards, Israel cannot share the burden of blame with someone else. It will not blow up the U.S.-Israel relationship, which is far too institutionalized and based on public affinity, but I can imagine a variety of unpleasant consequences, such as arms shipments being halted, intelligence and security cooperation suffering, the visa situation becoming even more difficult, etc.
I fully recognize that in Netanyahu's eyes, these situations are not equal. Iran targets Israel in a variety of ways, with the seizure of the ship carrying missiles yesterday as just the latest exhibit in a mountain of evidence. Bibi views Iran as an existential threat whereas he views the Palestinian issue as one that can be managed. I disagree with his assessment, but it being what it is, his motivation and incentive structure is likely to go it alone on Iran. If Israel does that, however, it should at least factor in the costs of defying the U.S. and not assume that everything will be copacetic in the aftermath.
Turning Lemons Into Rotten Lemons
December 4, 2012 § 9 Comments
Last night Jeffrey Goldberg tweeted an apt point that all supporters of Israel should think about very hard. He wrote, "Two things can be true at the same time: Israel is judged more harshly than any other nation–and, Netanyahu is behaving terribly." Israel is subjected to double standards to which no other country is held, and if you think that isn't true, consider the nearly single-minded focus on Israel that is the hallmark of the United Nations General Assembly and Human Rights Council, or the harsh spotlight trained upon Israel over civilian casualties relative to other countries. Israel behaves badly on plenty of occasions, but so do other countries with far less complex challenges, and yet a visitor from another planet encountering Earth for the first time would lump Israel together with North Korea based on the media coverage (and if you think that is a fair comparison, please just stop reading now since you'll be wasting your time). Israel always starts off in any situation at a complete disadvantage, and this is something that no other country deals with on a similar scale. Yet, this does not mean that Israel is a completely blameless actor in every instance, and none of the above obviates the fact that not all criticism of the Netanyahu government is a result of anti-Semitism, anti-Zionism, dislike of Netanyahu personally, or driven by a hidden agenda. To take the case in point, Netanyahu's actions since last Thursday are not only childish and puerile, they are weakening Israel to an immeasurable degree.
Let's zoom out for a minute and look at the long term picture. Israel is now perhaps more isolated than it has ever been on a number of levels, and certainly the most isolated it has been since 1975 during the Arab oil boycotts and the falling out with the Ford administration. Looking at Israel's traditional regional allies, Israel's relationship with Turkey is at an all-time low, its ties with Egypt are the most strained they have been in the post-Camp David era, and Jordan is too preoccupied with its own internal problems and the wave of refugees coming over the border from Syria to give Israel much cover on anything. While Israel does not have to worry about military threats from Arab states, it is looking at a long-term stream of diplomatic pressure from Islamist governments and less cooperation from Arab states on repressing non-state actors who threaten Israel.
In Europe, Israel faces an uphill battle as well. There is generally a lot of sympathy in European capitals for the Palestinians, but Europe's indignation over settlements is real as well. This was driven home by the lopsided UN vote on Palestinian statehood, in which the Czech Republic was the only European country to vote with Israel. New allies Cyprus and Greece, to whom Israel has pinned such high hopes, both voted to grant Palestine non-member state observer status, and stalwart Israeli ally Germany abstained due to its anger over repeatedly being dismissed by Israel over the issue of settlement expansion. This all comes on the heels of the surprising European support for Operation Pillar of Cloud, which indicates that while Israel faces a tough audience in Europe, it has some wiggle room.
Then there is the United States, which has given Israel military aid for Iron Dome, constantly goes to bat for it in the UN including last week, was unwavering in its rhetorical support during military operations in Gaza, and also has been pleading with Israel to halt settlement expansion. The U.S. is unlikely to put heat on Israel like Europe does, but it has repeatedly expressed its displeasure with settlements and is very clear that it sees settlement growth as an obstacle to peace.
Given all of this, what is Israel's most sensible course of action? Is it to loudly announce that it is going to "punish" the Palestinians for going to the UN by building thousands of more homes in the West Bank? Or is it to look at the big picture, realize that settlements are not just an excuse trotted out by anti-Semitic Europeans and Israel-hating leftists but are actually causing Israel all sorts of problems, and come up with some other way to deal with what it views as Palestinian intransigence? Israel went in the span of weeks from being viewed sympathetically due to Palestinian rockets indiscriminately targeting Israeli civilians to being denounced and having its ambassadors hauled in on the carpet over settlement expansion and being threatened with all sorts of countermeasures by the West. Please, someone make a cogent argument for me how this is somehow a brilliant strategy and how Netanyahu is ensuring Israel's future existence, because from where I am sitting it is counterproductive, dangerous, and unwaveringly stupid. It's all fine and good to constantly claim that Western views don't matter and that Israel has the right to do what it wants, but that is the equivalent to burying your head in the sand. The fact is that Israel cannot exist on its own, it needs allies given the neighborhood in which it lives, and settlements are actually a problem for Israel's allies. That's the truth, and pretending otherwise is fiddling while Rome burns.
It has become clear to me over the past few years that contrary to the popular myth that the problems between Israel and the Palestinians stem from 1967, the parties are still fighting over 1948. Significant segments of Palestinians, with Hamas leading the way, simply will not concede the legitimacy of Israel, plain and simple. Concurrently, the constant refrains from the right about Palestinians not needing a state of their own because they have Jordan or the tired old canard that there is no land to give back to the Palestinians because it belonged to Jordan and to Egypt (always smugly spouted as if this is some brilliantly clever argument) is a vestige of 1948. Everyone loves to point out that Hamas doesn't care about settlements, and that the PLO was founded in 1964, and both of these things are true and speak to the challenges that Israel faces that have absolutely nothing to do with settlements. But – and this a big one – settlements exacerbate the situation enormously, particularly with Western countries. Even ceding the argument that Palestinians of all stripes are never going to accept Israel in the pre-1967 borders and that Arab states will never want to make peace with Israel, Israel should then be doing everything it can to make sure it has the West on its side. You want to know what the best way to foul that up is? Proudly declaring that you don't care what anyone else thinks and that you are going to build settlements wherever and whenever you like, and that doing so is not in any way an obstacle to a two-state solution and that in fact the blame rests solely with the other side. I am sick and tired of watching Israel's supporters, of whom I am most definitely one, ignore the glaringly obvious facts that are right in front of their faces. Settlements are a huge problem, case closed. If you think that the benefit to expanding Israel's presence in the West Bank outweighs everything else, then I respect your argument and at least you are going into this with eyes wide open. Pretending that settlements are an ancillary side issue though is willful blindness, and if that's what you really think, then your powers of observation and analysis are sorely lacking.


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No, each city has more than enough facilities and guest rooms to host major sports events. Occasionally, a group will find it convenient to hold an event in Chapel Hill with guest rooms in Durham because the two are located closer together than Durham and Raleigh. All but megasized groups find the commuting distances too far to attempt to hold a multicity event across the Triangle. In fact, even groups like the 1999 Special Olympics World Summer Games did it for novelty; the event could have been hosted solely in Raleigh and its suburbs or by Durham and Chapel Hill combined.
Sports events can have a huge impact on a community, improving quality of life for residents, increasing visitor-related spending, and increasing the potential for a residual "billboard" effect. But economists have long encouraged a cautious approach to estimating the impact of mega-events. Click here to see the criteria and process used regionally when deciding to bid on multicity mega-events.
Durham will decline because of scheduling conflicts, because the events aren't manageable, or because they aren't a good fit in terms of size. DCVB is also not able to underwrite sporting groups or pay bid fees and will decline to bid if either of these are a requirement, unless a different source of underwriting has been identified.
The famous Durham Bulls, Triple-A International League baseball champions (2009) and affiliate of the Tampa Bay Rays, play at downtown's Durham Bulls Athletic Park. The Duke University Blue Devil championship teams call Durham home and play at such venues as the fabled Cameron Indoor Stadium. The North Carolina Central University Eagles, whose athletic program gained membership to NCAA Division I in 2011, play home games in facilities just south of Downtown Durham, including McLendon-McDougald Gymnasium.
At 35,000 seats, Duke University's Wallace Wade Stadium is the largest sports facility in Durham.
Baseball Hall of Famer Joe Morgan and former MLB star Chipper Jones played for the Durham Bulls, and fellow Hall of Famer Dick Groat played for the Duke Blue Devils. Dewayne Washington joined the NFL, and Rodney Rogers, Christian Laettner, Danny Ferry, and Grant Hill moved on to the NBA. Roger Craig, the only person to play, coach, and manage in the World Series, is from Durham. Sam Jones, the first African American to be drafted by the NBA in the first round, once played at North Carolina Central University (NCCU), and David Young, an NCCU standout, moved on to the NBA Draft. The list goes on and on.


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Research - primary schools
At Book Trust we regularly evaluate our programmes. Here is a quick summary of the findings of some of the most recent research.
Booktime Libraries survey 2013-14
The survey was sent out to all local authorities who received Booktime resources for their libraries to gain feedback on how the Booktime resources had been used in their local authority. In total, there were 154 responses to the survey.
Overall, respondents were very positive about Booktime, praising the opportunities it creates for interaction between libraries and schools and for the promotion of library services. Additionally it was seen as a valuable tool to promote reading.
The overwhelming majority of respondents reported that holding a Booktime event had helped to promote the library and its services (98%) and increased children's enthusiasm for the Booktime books (95%), as well as strengthening links with local schools, helping them to make contact with parents/children who did not previously use the library, increasing library membership and increasing library loans.
Booktime parent and teacher surveys 2013-14
Book Trust sent out the Booktime teacher and parent surveys to schools who receive Booktime. Schools were asked to send out the parent survey to parents/carers of children in Reception and the Reception teacher(s) were asked to complete the teacher survey. The parent survey received 260 responses and the teacher survey received 259 responses.
Parents were generally very positive about the Booktime programme with over 95% of respondents having read both of the books with their child and the majority reporting their child had enjoyed reading the books and that they had fun reading the books together. Over 90% agreed that the Booktime books were of a high quality and 75% agreed that the other Booktime resources were of a high quality.
Teachers reported that the children had reacted very positively towards the books with over 90% stating that children showed excitement at receiving the books and that the books were appropriate for the children. Around two thirds of teachers also reported that Booktime had increased children's enjoyment of reading (69%). Finally, the overwhelming majority of respondents agreed that Booktime is a good service for schools (97%).
Evaluation of The Ant Club 2013-14
Qa research were commissioned to carry out an evaluation of The Ant Club during 2013-14. The evaluation consisted of a survey of teachers involved in delivering The Ant Club and in-depth case studies with 10 schools.
It is clear from the survey and case studies that levels of satisfaction with The Ant Club are high and that it is a valued resource. The survey indicates that teachers have seen specific improvements in children's confidence and speaking skills - this has complemented the focus on oracy mentioned by several case study schools and has also been helpful for children with English as an additional language. The Rhyme Challenge has played a key role in this.
View the full Ant Club evaluation
Booktime 2012-13
In a recent evaluation of Booktime in England 2012-13 (National Foundation for Educational Research, April 2013) Respondents reported a variety of impacts of the Booktime programme.
Increased children's enjoyment of reading was the most frequently reported impact (66 percent mentioned this), followed by increased frequency of shared reading at home (50 per cent).
When asked about the frequency of reading related activities, the greatest influence of Booktime on teachers appears to have been on the frequency of delivering reading activities with parents and carers.
'Booktime is a well-liked and much respected programme, and schools that receive the Booktime book packs really value the resource. Perceptions of the books are extremely positive, and the books are well-used by schools.' National Foundation for Educational Research, April 2013
View the full Booktime evaluation report
The Ant Club evaluation 2012-13
An independent evaluation of The Ant Club was carried out for Book Trust by the Institute of Education, University of London. The Institute of Education found clear evidence that teachers viewed The Ant Club as providing high quality teaching and learning resources.
- Teachers' views of their effectiveness were consistently high, particularly recognising the excellent contribution to teaching and learning that the resources made, and the positive impact on children's engagement.
- The resources were seen to be well planned, well produced, resulting in successful engagement of children, and with considerable potential in supporting schools' wider attempts to engage with parents.
- They were seen by teachers as particularly effective in areas where pupils arrive at school with particular language needs.
- Key recommendations for improvement focussed on encouraging a more holistic approach to using each of the resources involving all four key skills, and even greater attention paid to supporting writing skills.
Everybody Writes
According to an independent final evaluation by the University of Sheffield, 'Everybody Writes: exploring writing beyond the classroom', March 2011, Everybody Writes has been recognised to:
- Have a significant impact on children's attitudes towards and attainment levels in writing
- Have a significant impact on boy's writing
- Improve teachers' pedagogical and subject knowledge
- Have a positive impact on the whole school culture of writing
- Have a positive impact on reluctant writers and those at risk of underachieving
- Encourage freedom and creativity within the curriculum
- Create a network of teachers committed to improving and enjoying writing in their schools
- Bring teachers together to share good practice
- Encourage schools to work with poets, strorytellers, actors, musicians, artists, scientists, businesses and children's authors
- Be successful in building sustainability
- Produce high quality printed resources which have been well received by teachers
'Everybody Writes has been outstandingly successful in meeting its objectives. A wide range of innovative and creative work has taken place in schools which has impacted on pupil engagement and achievemant and teacher's subject and pedagogical content knowledge. The projects have left a valuable legacy for other teachers of writing through the website case studies.' University of Sheffield, March 2009
View the full Everybody Writes report
View all primary research reports


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WOW, now that was a good story, all of them. I wish I could have been there.
It sounds like something that would happen in my family.
Sounds like you handled it all with much grace and dignity. Applause
Andrea H
Beaufort, SC
----- Original Message -----
From: "Donna" <firstname.lastname@example.com>
To: <email@example.com>
Sent: Thursday, July 08, 2004 1:54 PM
Subject: Re: Re: [CHAT] Re: Four O'Clocks, wedding..
> You made my day Jesse..... loved to hear that this type thing happens to
> folks other than me... realize that is it not funny..... but sorry, I am
> chuckling inside :)
> Donna
> >
> > As for the wedding....you have to know that (A) I come from a very
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> > way "out there", (c) my stepdaughter and her new husband are from "that
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> >
> > BUT...the ceremony itself was nice. (deep breath) So...that's one
> child down and five more to go. I hope the others wait awhile.
> ---------------------------------------------------------------------
> Support hort.net -- join the hort.net fund drive!
> http://www.hort.net/funds/
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This case involved two banks, both started in the 1960s and both using the mark ORIENTAL. (Banks, it may be said, have become to the Lanham Act as railroads were to the Commerce Clause a century ago.) After the bank with junior rights ("Cooperativa") greatly expanded its advertising in 2009 and changed its mark to include an orange trade dress similar to the senior user's ("Oriental Financial's") trade dress, the senior user brought suit. The district court enjoined use of the new mark, but gave somewhat ambiguous orders as to whether it was also enjoining the non-orange mark that had been used prior to 2009.
The district court's order regarding Cooperativa's new mark was apparently not in serious dispute on appeal. Regarding the Cooperativa's former marks, however, the First Circuit held that the plaintiff had preserved the issue and that a broader injunction should be reconsidered on remand.
This outcome raised the issue of Cooperativa's laches defense. On that point, the First Circuit held as a matter of law that the defense was barred because (1) during the period of delay Oriental Financial could have reasonably concluded it should not bring suit; (2) Cooperativa materially altered its infringing activities; and (3) Cooperativa did not unreasonably delay filing suit after the alteration in infringing activity.
Perhaps the most striking aspect of the decision is the contrast between the court's careful deference to the lower court's role on most issues — such as whether there might be a likelihood of confusion between Cooperativa's various prior marks and Oriental Financial's, which was remanded for consideration by the district court even though the eight-part test clearly favored Oriental Financial — and its rather aggressive treatment of the progressive encroachment issue. The First Circuit focused on Cooperativa's lack of proof regarding its advertising, noting for example that the defendant typically advertised only in one newspaper in the mid-1990s, and had not put in any evidence at all regarding its advertising from 1999 to 2009. The First Circuit did not address (or invite the district court to address), however, that the two banks were started in the same town in Puerto Rico (Humacao) in 1964 and 1966, respectively, and had co-existed there for decades while each gradually expanded by opening new branches, largely in the same geographic area. These facts were apparently viewed as insufficient to create a dispute as to whether Oriental Financial should have sued earlier. This outcome is certainly a positive one for mark holders who may be concerned about whether they have waived their rights through delay.
This case underscores the fact that equitable doctrines such as laches are, by their nature, heavily dependent on the facts and their application can be difficult to predict. Courts are often swayed by evidence that the consuming public, and not only the complaining party, will be harmed in the absence of relief. Plaintiffs and defendants alike must take these factors into account when deciding whether and how to litigate their rights.
See more »
DISCLAIMER: Because of the generality of this update, the information provided herein may not be applicable in all situations and should not be acted upon without specific legal advice based on particular situations.
© Foley Hoag LLP - Trademark, Copyright & Unfair Competition
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Egypt's Minister of Culture, Farouk Hosni, and Zahi Hawass, Secretary General of the Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA), along with the governor of Luxor, Samir Farag, will embark today on an inspection tour along the Avenue of Sphinxes that connects the Luxor and Karnak temples.
Built by the 30th Dynasty king Nectanebo I (380-362 BC), the avenue is 2,700 meters long and 76 meters wide, and lined with a number of statues in the shape of sphinxes. Queen Hatshepsut recorded on her red chapel in Karnak temple that she built six chapels dedicated to the god Amun-Re on the route of this avenue during her reign, emphasising that it was long a place of religious significance.
The Avenue of Sphinxes is one of the most important archaeological and religious paths in Luxor, as it was the location of important religious ceremonies in ancient times, most notably the Beautiful Feast of Opet.
The Opet Festival was celebrated annually in Thebes, during the New Kingdom period and later. The statues of the gods of the Theban Triad - Amun, Khonsu and Mut - were escorted, hidden from sight in a sacred barque, in a joyous procession down the Avenue of Sphinxes from the temple of Amun in Karnak, to the temple of Luxor in order to relive their marriage.
Dr. Hawass said that developing the Avenue of Sphinxes is part of the SCA's collaboration with the Luxor government - one of the issues is to tackle air pollution damaging the monuments - to develop the whole city into an open-air museum.
Along the avenue there were originally 1350 sphinxes. Many of the stone guardians were removed and reused during the Roman period and the Middle Ages.
The excavation also revealed reliefs and the cartouches of several kings and queens. One of the reliefs bears the name of Queen Cleopatra VII. Dr. Hawass believes that this queen likely visited this avenue during her Nile trip with Mark Anthony and implemented restoration work that was marked with her cartouche.
Remains of Queen Hatshepsut's chapels, which were reused by King Nectanebo I in the construction of sphinxes, have been found, along with a collection of Roman buildings - remains of wine factories and a huge cistern for water.
Dust, damp and doters damaging King Tut's Tomb, say Getty Institute
Digital Karnak: Explore the evolution of the temple
Climate change is threatening Egypt's landmarks
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Arabic / English Logo Required
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I need a logo created in Arabic text and in English.
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That God accepted Solomon's prayer appeared by the fire from heaven. But a prayer may be accepted and yet not answered in the letter of it; and therefore God appeared to him in the night, as he did once before (2 Chron. 1:7), and after a day of sacrifice too, as then, and gave him a peculiar answer to his prayer. We had the substance of it before, 1 Kgs. 9:2-9.
I. He promised to own this house for a house of sacrifice to Israel and a house of prayer for all people (Isa. 56:7): My name shall be there for ever (2 Chron. 7:12, 16), that is, "There will I make myself known, and there will I be called upon."
II. He promised to answer the prayers of his people that should at any time be made in that place, 2 Chron. 7:13-15. National judgments are here supposed (2 Chron. 7:13), famine, and pestilence, and perhaps war, for by the locusts devouring the land meant enemies as greedy as locusts, and laying all waste. 2. National repentance, prayer, and reformation, are required, 2 Chron. 7:14. God expects that his people who are called by his name, if they have dishonoured his name by their iniquity, should honour it by accepting the punishment of their iniquity. They must be humble themselves under his hand, must pray for the removal of the judgment, must seek the face and favour of God; and yet all this will not do unless they turn from their wicked ways, and return to the God from whom they have revolted. 3. National mercy is then promised, that God will forgive their sin, which brought the judgment upon them, and then heal their land, redress all their grievances. Pardoning mercy makes ways for healing mercy, Ps. 103:3; Matt. 9:2.
III. He promised to perpetuate Solomon's kingdom, upon condition that he persevered in his duty, 2 Chron. 7:17, 18. If he hoped for the benefit of God's covenant with David, he must imitate the example of David. But he set before him death as well as life, the curse as well as the blessing. 1. He supposed it possible that though they had this temple built to the honour of God, yet they might be drawn aside to worship other gods, 2 Chron. 7:19. He knew their proneness to backslide into that sin. 2. He threatened it as certain that, if they did so, it would certainly be the ruin of both church and state. (1.) It would be the ruin of their state, 2 Chron. 7:20. "Though they have taken deep root, and taken root long, in this good land, yet I will pluck them up by the roots, extirpate the whole nation, pluck them up as men pluck up weeds out of their garden, which are thrown to the dunghill." (2.) It would be the ruin of their church. This sanctuary would be no sanctuary to them, to protect them from the judgment of God, as they imagined, saying, The temple of the Lord are we, Jer. 7:4. "This house which is high, not only for the magnificence of its structure, but for the designed ends and uses of it, shall be an astonishment, it shall come down wonderfully (Lam. 1:9), to the amazement of all the neighbours."
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The New American Olive Oil: Profiles of Artisan Producers and 75 Recipes by Fran Gage, includes recipes like Tricolor Tomato Tians; Caramelized Onion and Balsamic Vinegar Bruschetta; and Escabeche.
4 Servings
Because these caramelized onions are so deeply flavored, any style of extra-virgin olive oil is suitable for this recipe. Be patient while cooking the onions. Long, slow cooking renders them sweet with a lasting flavor. You can prepare them ahead, if you wish.
And do use your best balsamic vinegar. The intensity of balsamic vinegar varies; add it drop by drop until it imparts a complexity to the onions, but not enough so they taste of vinegar.
1. Heat 4 tablespoons of the oil in a large skillet over high heat until it trembles, becomes aromatic, and easily coats the bottom of the pan. Add the onions and turn the heat to very low. Sprinkle with salt. Cook the onions uncovered, stirring occasionally, until they are the color of a polished mahogany table, about 1 hour. They will shrink dramatically.
2. Transfer the onions to a bowl and let them cool. Add balsamic vinegar drop by drop until the flavor of the onions is complex but not vinegary. Sprinkle with fleur de sel if needed.
3. Brush the bread with the remaining 2 tablespoons oil.
4. Put a generous pile of onions on each slice of bread. Add a few grindings of pepper, and serve immediately.
Buy The New American Olive Oil
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Let us know when your receive great advice so we can thank our lawyers and point others with similar questions in the right direction.Got it!
When filing a mechanics lien I have heard that the building is considered complete after 60 days if no notice of completion was filed by the owner. Then you can add the 90 day period, giving a total of 150 days to file a lien. Is it correct that under this example that I have 150 days to file a mechanic's lien in California?
Construction / Development Lawyer
It is not correct that you have 150 days to file a mechanic's lien.
A general contractor cannot record a lien until he completes his contract. (CC § 3115). All others (subs and material/equipment suppliers) cannot record their liens until they have ceased furnishing labor, services, equipment or materials. (CC § 3116).
Where a valid notice of completion has been recorded, the general contractor then has 60 days to record. All others have 30 days. (CC § 3115-3116).
No Notice of Completion, But Actual Completion a) All persons have 90 days from actual completion to record. (CC § 3115-3116).
If there is no notice of completion and no actual completion of the job, the following are deemed equivalents of completion and all persons have 90 days from the following events to record their liens:
a) Occupation and use of the work of improvement by the owner or his agent accompanied by a cessation of labor. (CC §3086a).
b) Acceptance of the work of improvement by the owner or his agent. (CC §3086a).
c) A cessation of labor for a continuous period of 60 days. (CC §3086c).
If no notice of completion was recorded, you have 90 days from the date of actual completion. When completion "actually" occurs is a matter of fact to be determined by the court. In other words, don't wait until the 89th day after the date you think actual completion took place. If the court disagrees, your lien could be invalid. As such, you may want to record your mechanic's lien earlier rather than later.
No information you obtain from this answer is legal advice, nor is it intended to be. No attorney-client relationship is intended or formed between the questioner and answerer. You should consult an attorney for individualized advice regarding your specific situation.
No, you can't add the 90 days to the 60 days to get 150 days.
California Civil Code Section 3115 and 3116 provide that the mechanic's lien must be recorded within 90 days of "completion of the work or improvement."
"Completion" is defined in Civil Code Section 3806 as:
--Actual completion of the work.
--Occupation or use of the work of improvement by the owner accompanied by cessation of work.
--Acceptance of work by the owner.
--After the commencement of a work of improvement, a cessation of labor thereon for a continuous period of 60 days, or a cessation of labor thereon for a continuous period of 30 days or more if the owner files for record a notice of cessation.
Frank W. Chen has been licensed to practice law in California since 1988. The information presented here is general in nature and is not intended, nor should be construed, as legal advice. This posting does not create any attorney-client relationship with the author. For specific advice about your particular situation, consult your own attorney.
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All Topics » Employment » Personnel management
Personnel management (71 - 80 of 630 items)
Vacant Positions in the Bureau of Indian Affairs
RCED-96-14R: Published: Oct 6, 1995. Publicly Released: Oct 6, 1995.
Pursuant to a congressional request, GAO provided information on end of fiscal year (FY) staffing at the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA), focusing on the: (1) occupations that have the highest number of vacant positions; and (2) number of vacant positions in law enforcement and social services. GAO noted that BIA: (1) had about 14,600 employees on board at the end of FY 1993 and 13,700 at the end o...
Federal Human Resource Management Issue Area: Active Assignments
AA-95-12(4): Published: Oct 1, 1995. Publicly Released: Oct 1, 1995.
GAO provided information on its active assignments in the Federal Human Resource Management issue area as of October 2, 1995...
Commerce Dismantlement: Observations on Proposed Implementation Mechanism
T-GGD-95-233: Published: Sep 6, 1995. Publicly Released: Sep 6, 1995.
Pursuant to a congressional request, GAO discussed the proposed Commerce Dismantling Act, focusing on the creation of the Commerce Programs Resolution Agency (CPRA). GAO noted that: (1) the act would abolish or significantly reorganize the Department of Commerce; (2) although few precedents exist for dismantling a cabinet-level federal agency, past agency reorganizations and the Resolution Trust C...
Merit Systems Protection Board: Mission Performance, Employee Protections, and Working Environment
GGD-95-213: Published: Aug 15, 1995. Publicly Released: Aug 15, 1995.
Pursuant to a congressional request, GAO examined the Merit Systems Protection Board's (MSPB) performance, management, and operations, focusing on: (1) whether the MSPB appeals process is effectively protecting federal employees against improper personnel practices; (2) the accountability mechanisms MSPB has in place to provide its employees with merit system protections; and (3) the actions MSPB...
[Comments on Deceased Navy Employee's Relatives' Claim for Travel Expenses]
B-258216: Published: Jul 27, 1995. Publicly Released: Jul 27, 1995.
No summary is currently available...
Downsizing and Space
GGD-95-51R: Published: Jul 14, 1995. Publicly Released: Jul 14, 1995.
Pursuant to a congressional request, GAO provided information on federal government efforts to identify and manage federal office space that may be underutilized after agencies downsize. GAO noted that: (1) although it is still early in the downsizing process, the General Services Administration (GSA) and the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) have taken steps to reduce the amount of underutili...
Reassignment of Two NIH Employees
OSI-95-14R: Published: Jul 5, 1995. Publicly Released: Jul 5, 1995.
Pursuant to a congressional request, GAO reviewed the: (1) reassignments of two National Institute of Diabetes, Digestive and Kidney Diseases (NIDDK) employees, focusing on the actions of Health and Human Services (HHS) officials; and (2) University of Wisconsin-Madison's handling of scientific misconduct charges against two of its professors. GAO noted that: (1) there was no evidence that HHS imp...
Compliance with FTE Targets 1994-1996
GGD-95-168R: Published: May 16, 1995. Publicly Released: May 16, 1995.
Pursuant to a congressional request, GAO reviewed whether the President's fiscal year (FY) 1996 budget complies with the workforce ceiling mandated by the Workforce Restructuring Act of 1994. GAO noted that: (1) in FY 1994, full time equivalent (FTE) civilian executive branch positions were below the target level; (2) in FY 1995, FTE positions will likely be fewer than the FY 1995 target; (3) the...
Agencies' Service to Non-English Speaking Customers
GGD-95-147R: Published: Apr 21, 1995. Publicly Released: Apr 21, 1995.
Pursuant to a congressional request, GAO reviewed four agencies' services to nonEnglish speaking customers. GAO noted that: (1) there is no evidence that the agencies cannot meet the needs of their nonEnglish-speaking customers; (2) although there is a shortage of bilingual staff at certain agency offices, these agencies can obtain bilingual services from their communities as needed; (3) the Socia...
Federal Quality Management: Strategies for Involving Employees
GGD-95-79: Published: Apr 18, 1995. Publicly Released: Apr 18, 1995.
GAO reviewed quality management (QM) implementation at federal agencies, focusing on the human resource management (HRM) approaches used by 10 federal agencies recognized for their QM efforts.GAO found that: (1) the agencies have spent significantly more money on employee training and have used in-house training for at least part of their training efforts; (2) in-house training has resulted in red...


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Cartoon Gallery: Obama in cartoons
With the death of bin Laden, war in Libya, Mideast unrest, and out-of-control U.S. debt, it's been a tough year for President Obama.
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text: We arrived right on time for our 8:15 reservation and were politely told that we would have to wait for another 15 minutes. Not the end of the world, but frustrating. We didn't complain. Then, just shy of the promised 15 mins, we were seated with a gracious apology from the host staff. Expecting that was the end of it,... More