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WASHINGTON -- Weeks after the U.S. Education Department issued softened regulations designed to ensure that vocational programs prepare graduates for "gainful employment," House Republicans made abundantly clear Friday that, in their view, the rules had not been eased nearly enough, and that they would continue to oppose them.
Can we agree on this much?
That a large number of academically gifted and economically affluent students (or their parents) have become savvy consumers, getting their first two years of general education courses out of the way at low-cost community colleges rather than pricier state schools and liberal arts colleges?
That by doing so, these would-be competitive admissions students are taking up a large number of slots at community colleges that would otherwise be filled by less academically gifted or less economically affluent students?
That private nonprofit schools, meanwhile, are maintaining their competitive admissions edge by providing more merit-based tuition discounts rather than need-based tuition discounts? That by doing so, these schools become less and less of an option for those less fortunate?
And that, as the number of well-paying blue collar jobs shrinks in response to the changing nature of the economy, the American middle class must either contract, or the skills needed to gain and retain a well-paying job must somehow expand?
I hope we can find consensus around those points. Most people can at least agree on the connection between college education and well-paying jobs, and the need to up-skill the American workforce in order to defend a society in which the benefits of middle class living are widely shared and enjoyed. Most can also agree that higher education access is shrinking in response to a variety of external pressures, including state budget cuts to higher education and a more consumer-savvy insistence on tuition dollar value.
Now we reach the question where many people disagree. Do less well academically prepared, less affluent individuals deserve an opportunity to receive a higher education? And, if so, should they attend institutions best situated to respond to their particular academic, social and emotional needs, or should they be forced to accept whatever public school option may be available -- regardless of the institution's track record in retaining and graduating students?
These are the questions at the heart of the current debate surrounding private sector colleges and universities (PSCUs). These institutions cost the student more to attend than a public school does, but, through generous subsidies, taxpayers pay the bulk of education costs at community colleges, not students. As a result, the absolute cost of postsecondary attendance is actually less at the private sector alternative. The Institute for Higher Education Policy recently issued a report about low-income adults in postsecondary education, noting -- as many in higher education have long been aware -- that a significant percentage of low income and minority students attend PSCUs and community colleges. From the perspective of our critics, PSCUs "target" these students while community colleges "serve" them.
Both types of institutions operate in what is largely an open admissions environment (although my own institution does not). Both serve the adult student, who is often financially independent. Both strive to provide students with an education that facilitates career-focused employment (although community colleges wear many other postsecondary hats as well). Both use advertising as well as word of mouth referrals to attract students. But many PSCU students have already attended a community college and opted out for various reasons, including the long waits to enter the most popular programs, large class sizes and inflexible schedules. These problems are all made worse by state budget cuts to higher education.
PSCU students do pay more out of their own pockets than do community college students, but PSCU students see the cost justified by what they receive in return. This value expresses itself in greater individual attention and support … in having confidence in academic skills restored where they may be flagging … in gaining new motivation to succeed and seeing that motivation reinforced through success itself ... and in making the connection between classroom learning and employable skills real and direct.
Two-year PSCU institutions graduate students at three times the rate of community colleges. Placement rates are the bottom line on career-focused education, however, and while community colleges offer lower-cost career programs without outcome metrics, PSCUs must match their career education offerings with real placement of students in relevant jobs. Again, PSCU students see this outcomes-based approach as a difference worth paying for.
In this broader context, the irony of PSCUs being accused of "targeting" students becomes clear. Apparently where some see targeting of low income and minority students unable to make informed decisions about their futures, we see tailoring of postsecondary education to suit a nontraditional student population -- and a better fit all around.
Arthur Keiser is chairman of the Association of Private Sector Colleges and Universities and chancellor of Keiser University.
The higher education community has been engaged in a vigorous contest with policy makers (both in Congress and in the U.S. Department of Education) over whether universities should use accreditation status to determine decisions about whether to accept the academic credits of transferring students. Arrayed on the side of restrictive regulations are individuals in the U.S. Department of Education, select members of Congress, and the Career College Association, which represents proprietary schools -- all favoring new legislation and/or regulations prohibiting individual credit transfer decisions being determined "solely on the basis of accreditation."
The institutions targeted by these proposed restrictions are those that deny credit transfer from postsecondary institutions accredited by entities other than the six recognized regional accreditors (e.g., Middle States Association of Colleges and Schools, Western Association of Schools and Colleges).
Opponents of the proposed legislation and regulations argue that the federal government should have no role in determining credit transfer decisions that historically -- and appropriately -- have been the responsibility of the faculty and, in some instances, states and their governing systems. The debate is fueled by heated monologues, anecdotal testimonials and campaign contributions.
At the core of this policy debate is the assumption that the type of accreditation held by the institution where a student was enrolled should not be the controlling influence on the decision to award credit by the receiving institution. I believe that assumption needs to be revisited.
It must be remembered that one of the reasons for the establishment of accreditation by geographical regions was precisely to provide assurance to accepting institutions that the credits earned at the "sending" institution were in fact "earned and comparable." Within regions virtually all institutions offering academic coursework were known and a network of college officials worked together to make practical and usually fair transfer decisions.
The higher education world has changed dramatically in the past few decades. There has been a massive growth in student enrollments, with an increasing number transferring credits from several institutions. Whereas a quarter of a century ago a typical institution might have 200 credit transfer decisions in a given year, today that same institution, particularly if located where the population is growing, may have 2,000 such decisions. One Midwestern public university with over 12,000 students annually makes nearly 4,000 credit transfer decisions. The staff in admission and registrar offices have experienced only modest growth during this same period. As a result there are far fewer resources available to address credit transfer decisions.
This explosion in student numbers is but part of the problem. Equally problematic is the growth in the number of institutions offering higher education credits. The latest figures (2006) indicate there are 2,713 proprietary institutions eligible for federal Title IV Funds, most marketing themselves as "accredited" with their accrediting agency recognized by the United States Department of Education. Just over half of these are less than two-year institutions, many offering freshmen "equivalent" courses.
Federal student aid policies, particularly those grossly expanding "guaranteed student loan" programs, have significantly contributed to growth in the proprietary sector. Recent changes in educational benefit programs for active duty military personnel have likewise contributed to the creation of institutions seeking to serve military personnel. From 2000 to 2006 the number of proprietary institutions offering baccalaureate degrees increased over 50 percent, from 274 to 429. Our sympathies should flow to registrars and admission offices flooded with transfer requests and at times confronted with transcripts from distant institutions whose names are hardly recognizable.
I would argue the opposite of the position now being made by policy makers and their patrons: Accreditation status, especially that conferred by established regional accrediting groups, should be a key part of the decision-making process by which institutional officials make credit transfer decisions.
Where institutions not regionally accredited are known to registrars it makes eminently good sense that they would make credit decisions based on what they know: articulation agreements, the experience of earlier transfer students, and the Transfer Credit Practices database used by the American Association of Collegiate Registrars and Admissions Officers. But for distant, recently created and even suspect institutions not well known to registrars and admission officers, credit transfer decisions based solely on the absence of regional accreditation status are reasonable and justified. Institutional accreditation by the six regional associations remains the most thorough and reliable of all accrediting efforts. It is also a process historically resistant to political and financial influence.
Does such a position unfairly discriminate against proprietary institutions? Not necessarily. The most recent data available (2004) indicate that 165 of the then 375 four-year proprietary institutions (or 44 percent) had earned regional accreditation. In short, a large number of those proprietary institutions meet the same standards as do independent and public colleges and universities and for them credit transfer would be handled on comparable bases. The remaining proprietary institutions would better serve their students by likewise pursuing and achieving accreditation from one of the six regional accrediting entities, rather than marketing a narrow peer accrediting status (often called "national accreditation") and seeking governmental intrusion in the accrediting process.
The public interest would be better served if policy makers, rather than berating credit transfer decisions or proposing "federalizing" transcript evaluations, would, instead, support the work of regional accrediting agencies. Moreover, policy makers should question complaining institutions about why they have not earned regional accreditation as have a significant proportion of their proprietary counterparts.
Constantine W. Curris is president of the American Association of State Colleges and Universities.
Constantine Curris's Inside Higher Ed essay about transfer of credit this week confirms in print what many of us in the national accreditation sector already know: that many institutions base their decisions on credit transfers arbitrarily on the accreditation status of the "sending" college, with complete disregard for the students' capabilities or the course equivalency of the credits the student seeks to transfer.
What is particularly alarming about the article's portrayal of the transfer of credit issue is its reliance on history, its almost exclusive emphasis on the burdens imposed on the registrars, and, most importantly, the article's absolute disregard of the effect that current arbitrary transfer of credit decisions have on the millions of students who attempt to change institutions in order to complete or advance their educations. Should not this national debate focus first on the students and the national education policy goals of helping them complete their educations in the most timely and cost efficient manner, while also ensuring the quality of their educations? If so, then resolving the transfer crisis by prohibiting the arbitrary denial based solely on accreditation makes eminent sense.
While Curris acknowledges the increase in student mobility and in enrollments generally, he seems content to justify current transfer policies on the historical basis for such determinations and on a time in particular when accreditation by "region" served a specific purpose. However, the increasing number of "contemporary" students enrolled -- students who are older, sometimes employed, part-time, and mobile -- is undeniable, and federal education policy and institutions must adapt to and accommodate these students.
Indeed, this fact should not be viewed as a burden, but rather as a responsibility and benefit to this country's citizens, their educational aspirations and achievements, and to the U.S. economy's increasing need for continuous educational upgrades. Curris's article, however, confirms the entrenched and fundamental unwillingness of many institutions to voluntarily adapt their policies and practices on transfer of credit.
Here are the facts: Denial of credits results in the denial of access, as well as in increased education costs when students are forced to pay twice for the same course. These obstacles to completing or improving academic credentials come at a cost not only to those individuals, but also to the taxpayers who often foot the bill for the repeated coursework, and to our economy in the form of the affected students' delayed entry to our nation's workforce.
Indeed, in a 2005 report prepared by the Government Accountability Office on the transfer of credit issue confirms the national agencies' own experiences. The GAO found that "84 percent of postsecondary institutions had policies to consider the accreditation of the sending institution when assessing transfer credits." An official at the Department of Education recently indicated that the single largest number of complaints the Office of Postsecondary Education receives are from students wondering why their credits were denied by receiving institutions.
Accreditation and the accrediting agencies should play an important role in facilitating, not denying, credit approvals as Curris suggests. All recognized accrediting agencies -- whether regional, national or specialized -- are subject to the same criteria and approval processes by the Department of Education. The Council on Higher Education Accreditation (CHEA) and other organizations, like the American Association of Collegiate Registrars and Admissions Officers, have jointly and formally adopted a policy confirming that institutions should evaluate credits for transfer without discriminating based on the sending institution's accreditation.
And, yet, the credits of students who attend nationally accredited schools continue to be denied on the basis of accreditation. Curris says that this denial is not necessarily about discrimination against proprietary schools. He is right -- this debate is not about the proprietary institutions. It is about the students who choose to attend institutions that have met Title IV eligibility and are accredited by agencies that meet the same criteria for U.S. Department of Education approval as the regional accrediting agencies. Curris seems skeptical of the types of schools the national accrediting agencies accredit -- in fact, many of these schools and their students look very much like the two year programs and students found at regionally accredited community colleges.
Instead of making arbitrary transfer decisions based on accreditation, the focus by institutions in these decisions should instead be on the students and the quality of credits they received. Even if institutional resources are tight, receiving institutions should be examining the course equivalency of the sending institution and student competency; students deserve this level of basic attention to objective measures. There is no legislation or regulatory solution proposed that would deny or affect the very important autonomy of an institution to make an independent judgment on the merits of the transfer request. The legislation that had been proposed merely asked institutions to give a student's record a fair review.
This is a national problem requiring a national solution. Articulation, policy statements and other private sector arrangements, while helpful, do little to ensure that students nationwide will be fairly and consistently treated when considering a transfer. To support legislation in this in this area would provide affirmation to students, institutions, and accreditors that Congress intends to support student achievement, mobility, and access to an affordable education, as a matter of national education policy.
That Curris, as the head of one of the country's major associations of public colleges, would argue otherwise is dismaying.
Elise Scanlon is executive director of the Accrediting Commission of Career Schools & Colleges of Technology, and Roger Williams is executive director of the Accrediting Council for Continuing Education & Training.
The for-profit college industry is taking fire from all directions because a substantial number of for-profit colleges offer aggressively marketed programs of little value in the job market, leaving individuals unable to repay their debts and saddling taxpayers with the default burden. Much of the bad press is deserved, but the atmosphere of scandal and abuse detracts from a larger point: We have failed to adequately connect college and careers. The current abuses are but the worst-case examples of this failure.
This failure has broader implications because a postsecondary credential has become the prerequisite for middle class earnings, but there are enormous discrepancies in earnings returns between different credentials. Sometimes, a particular certificate is worth more than a particular bachelor's degree. For example, 27 percent of people with licenses and certificates earn more than the average bachelor's degree recipient does. This information is not intuitive, but it is available, and prospective students should have access to it to understand what they're getting.
Like it or not, postsecondary education is already almost entirely occupational. All certificates and occupational associate degrees are intended to have labor market value. Academic associate degrees have minimal return unless they lead to a bachelor's. Only 3 percent of bachelor's degrees are liberal arts, general studies, and humanities degrees -- the remaining 97 percent have an occupational focus. (Add in English, philosophy, religion, and cultural and ethnic studies and you're up to 8 percent.) Moreover, for most students, liberal arts degrees are preparation for graduate and professional degrees, virtually all of which are intended to prepare students for careers.
The current dust-up shouldn't be about for-profit colleges being all bad, nor about public colleges being off the hook. Rather, we should attempt to use data to find out which colleges are performing for their students.
The current scandal has arisen because of bad information. Slick subway ads and glossy brochures will not suffice to provide potential students weighing their options with accurate career advice. There is a real alternative to late-night infomercials that promise undeliverable outcomes. In fact, the detailed elements of such a system already exist -- including unemployment insurance wage records, transcript and program data, job openings data, and detailed information on occupational competencies.
It's just a matter of putting them together effectively -- some states have already built the rudiments of such systems -- and making the information publicly available and in online, user-friendly formats.
To build this data system, wage record data would have to be tied to transcript data. Wage record data, which is actual wages at the individual level as reported by an employer, has been around since the late 1930s and is used to verify eligibility for unemployment insurance. These records are held at the state level by employment services agencies, and are also given to the federal government every three months. Transcript data is not currently collected by any federal agency, but is available in varying degrees in all but five states. Eleven states have already linked their transcript and wage record data, and are able to track earnings returns to postsecondary programs. Only seven states can link transcript and wage record data for programs at proprietary schools. This system is still nascent, but has enormous potential to help students evaluate their options, as well as inform institutions in planning new programs and evaluating existing ones.
Building a user-friendly interface is the next step, if we wish for this information to be useful for consumers. Imagine being able, with a few clicks and keystrokes, to explore various careers, find out how many jobs are currently available in the field, how many there are likely to be over the next several years in your area, what education and training programs exist in your local area and online, what they cost, what financial aid is available, and what the average salaries are for graduates of each program. Such a system would empower individuals to choose careers that would truly benefit them, and encourage institutions to offer programs that would prepare them for the jobs that will actually exist.
Such an information system would not eliminate, but would reduce, the future need for intrusive federal oversight or expensive additional state-level regulation. Further, such information systems that connect postsecondary programs with labor markets represent a savings to the taxpayer, improving efficiency in matching programs to careers and curbing the enormous cost of student loan default.
Educators and others may worry that tying curriculums to careers may subjugate education to economics. We clearly need to aspire to a pragmatic balance between postsecondary education's growing economic role and its traditional cultural and political independence from economic forces. While it is important that we not lose sight of the non-economic benefits of education, the economic role of postsecondary education -- especially in preparing American youth for work and helping adults stay abreast of economic change -- is also central to the educator's broader mission to cultivate thoughtful individuals.
The inescapable reality is that ours is a society based on work. Those who are not equipped with the skills and credentials necessary to get, and keep, good jobs are denied full social inclusion and tend to drop out of the mainstream culture, polity, and economy. In the worst cases, they are drawn into alternative cultures, political movements, and economic activities that are a threat to mainstream American life.
The current abuses are a wake-up call -- they signal the disenfranchisement of students who are denied access to the middle class and full social inclusion because they lack information on what kind of education can get them there.
Anthony P. Carnevale is director of the Georgetown University Center on Education and the Economy, and Michelle Melton and Laura Meyer are research associates there.
The authors of the Government Accountability Office's for-profit secret shopper investigation pulled off a statistically impressive feat in August. Let's set aside for the moment that on Nov. 30, the government watchdog quietly revealed that its influential testimony on for-profit colleges was riddled with errors, with 16 of the 28 findings requiring revisions. More interesting is the fact that all 16 of the errors run in the same direction -- casting for-profits in the worst possible light. The odds of all 16 pointing in the same direction by chance? A cool 1 in 65,536.
Even the most fastidious make the occasional mistake. But the GAO, the $570 million-a- year organization responsible for ensuring that Congress gets clean audits, unbiased accounting, and avowedly objective policy analysis, is expected to adhere to a more scrupulous standard. This makes such a string of errors particularly disconcerting.
In fact, the GAO is constituted precisely to avoid such miscues. Its report-vetting process entails GAO employees who are not involved with the project conducting a sentence-by-sentence review of the draft report, checking the factual foundation for each claim against the appropriate primary source. While the research is compiled and proofed, legislators who requested the investigation may keep in routine contact with the GAO to stay apprised of the inquiry.
The GAO issues hundreds of reports a year, and by most accounts revisions of the kind released two weeks ago are almost unheard of. As a former GAO assistant director who worked at GAO for a decade on issues including higher education explained to us Wednesday, the organization's rigorous review process leaves little or no room for error.
He said, "[It is] extremely rare for the GAO to issue corrected testimony or reports. In fact, in my 10 years that I was there, I never once saw that happen." He went on to say, "It is stunning to me, given [the GAO] process, how this many errors could have happened. It raises a lot of questions as to the pressure the GAO was under. . . . They must be sweating bullets over at GAO."
What kinds of mistakes are we talking about here? The corrections were generally changes in emphasis or wording that altered the complexion of the finding. For instance, the original report claimed that a financial aid officer purposely ignored an undercover applicant's supposed $250,000 in savings when calculating eligibility for financial aid. What the report neglected to reveal was that the financial aid representative did so "upon request by applicant." This does not necessarily exonerate the financial aid officer, but it does raise questions about the impetus for the inappropriate behavior.
In another instance, an applicant went from being informed that he or she "could take out the maximum in student loans" despite not actually needing that much (revised) to being told that he or she "should" (original) do so. And in a different scenario, a for-profit official supposedly told an applicant that massage therapists could earn up to $100 an hour -- when the review showed that the official actually said that the applicant could expect to earn up to $30 an hour, a figure that is below the Bureau of Labor Statistics' estimate of $34 for therapists in California.
The list goes on and on. Each of the GAO's 16 corrections indicates that the recorded evidence was presented in an inaccurate or incomplete fashion, in every case portraying for-profits in a negative light.
What happened? Our source speculated that the pressure of issuing the report in time for Sen. Tom Harkin's Aug. 4 committee hearing and in time to support the issuance of the Department of Education "gainful employment" regulations led GAO investigators to be less careful than normal.
The problem is that the "we were in a hurry" defense doesn't explain why the errors all point in the same direction — one that happens to reflect the policy preferences of the chairman of the Senate HELP committee and of administration appointees at the Department of Education. Lanny Davis, the veteran Clinton hand who has now taken to the barricades for the for-profit providers, told us Wednesday that he thinks there is an obvious distinction between "gross incompetence" and "setting out to deceive" — and that the original GAO report crosses the line. "Given that all 16 of the so-called mistakes portrayed career colleges in a negative light, I believe there is no sliver of possibility that this was not an intentional distortion of the truth by somebody with an agenda or somebody who was pushed into doing it," Davis argued.
The issue goes beyond incompetence or politically motivated misinformation in a government report; the message of the GAO's initial publication has been "baked in" to the Harkin hearings and the Department of Education's rulemaking on gainful employment.
Our GAO source observed that the original report's finding that all of the investigated providers were up to no good was "woven into the overarching narrative that there are a lot of bad actors out there that have to be dealt with." Even though the GAO's revisions were substantial enough to merit a public correction, the narrative has crystallized and been wielded by Harkin and Department officials to press the case for their agendas as recently as this week (see Harkin's December 14 speech on the Senate floor). Even more troubling, despite finally acknowledging the litany of errors that permeate the report, GAO spokespeople have asserted that "nothing changed with the overall message of the report, and nothing changed with any of our findings."
The bigger question is whether we can be confident that the GAO has caught all of the errors or is being honest with the report's critics. The former GAO official speculated that the recent corrections could be just the "tip of the iceberg in terms of the mistakes made in the report. It calls into question the entire report because it shows that there were not sufficient quality controls in place for whatever reason." Complicating things is that the GAO is not subject to Freedom of Information Act Requests, which makes getting to the bottom of things just a bit difficult. (Of course, the Department of Education is subject to FOIA requests, and the advocates for the career college sector have filed suit to obtain the primary source materials.)
Regardless of how this gets sorted out, this affair has crippled efforts to talk honestly about problems that need to be addressed. It is hardly shocking that there are unscrupulous for-profit providers trafficking in misinformation and misusing federal student aid dollars. Every sector, public and private, faces such problems. And the practices of all providers that collect public funds deserve to be scrutinized and monitored. The government has every right to police how its student aid dollars are being spent.
But trampling public confidence in an esteemed federal watchdog helps no one — not the individual students that are being taken advantage of by fly-by-night providers, not the colleges that are acting in good faith, not the bureaucrats charged with regulating the sector, and not the taxpayers who wish to root out corruption in student lending.
Frederick M. Hess and Andrew P. Kelly are director of education policy studies and a research fellow in education policy studies, respectively, at the American Enterprise Institute.
Friday's op-ed in these pages, "Sweating Bullets at the GAO," by representatives of the American Enterprise Institute, offers a lopsided, inaccurate depiction of the Government Accountability Office's recent update to its Aug. 4 report on the recruiting practices at for-profit colleges.
First and foremost, the authors ignore the fact that these updates did not alter the very troubling findings or conclusion of the report. While the GAO made some revisions and clarifications of the long list of misleading practices it documented, the finding stands -- every single school its investigators visited engaged in misrepresentation, deception or outright fraud.
In an attempt to paint the GAO's update as a dramatic development, the authors cite an anonymous source who claims that the GAO rarely issues this sort of revision.
That's just not true. According to the GAO's spokesman, GAO has issued 12 such revisions in the last year alone, including a similar one in September. Additionally, their assertion that all of the edits were made to correct "errors" that cast "for-profits in the worst possible light" is misinformed. Many are simple clarifications, and some bolster the GAO's findings.
And let's not forget -- the GAO's discovery of fraudulent or deceptive recruiting tactics was just the tip of the iceberg. My Committee has issued three reports based on data we collected from 30 for-profit education companies that raise several more serious concerns about whether many for-profit colleges have the best interests of their students at heart.
We've found that 95 percent of for-profit students end up saddled with debt (as compared with 16 percent of community college students), and that 57 percent of students at 16 for-profit schools withdrew without a diploma in a single year. Most recently, we documented a startling increase in the amount of military education benefits flowing into this sector in the last year.
Given the findings of this investigation, it's no surprise that the for-profit education industry has turned the full force of its multimillion dollar lobbying operation on the GAO in an attempt to muddy the waters and distract from the growing consensus that their industry needs greater regulatory oversight.
Far from "sweating bullets," the GAO is helping to illuminate a growing problem.
Senator Tom Harkin, a Democrat from Iowa, is chairman of the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions.
There is a fierce battle for students being waged among for-profit colleges. To experience the frenzy of for-profit recruiting firsthand is enlightening and a little horrifying. I have occasionally provided my contact information to marketing agencies online to solicit professional services, which generated a reasonable amount of follow-up calls. But I have never been inundated by calls at the pace and level of intensity that I received one recent morning from for-profit college admissions officers.
During an especially productive work session, I received a call on my work-issued cell phone at 9:12 from a young man asking to speak with Tiffany. I politely informed the caller that there was no one by that name in my office. I received another call for Tiffany at 9:14. I assumed the caller was an associate of the previous caller and chalked it up to persistence. At 9:15 when I received yet another call for Tiffany, my graduate education kicked in and I began to recognize a pattern. I politely explained that Tiffany was unavailable and asked the caller to explain the purpose of the call. The caller informed me that he was an admissions officer attempting to contact Tiffany on behalf of a well-known for-profit college; he was trying to reach her to follow up on a request for information on undergraduate degree programs, he was sorry to inconvenience me, and he would remove me from the college's call list.
I had similar conversations with the subsequent 19 admissions officers at 9:19, 9:22, 9:33, 9:41, 9:54, 9:58 ... 12:27, at an average of seven calls per hour. I received a "courtesy call" from a notorious for-profit institution to which I replied, "Oh I know who you are, I heard about you on a documentary about for-profit colleges," to which the caller sheepishly replied "yes."
During the next call, I insisted on speaking with an admissions office supervisor (this call was from a reputable for-profit college) who was able to tell me how her institution had obtained my phone number. My number appeared in an online database that services for-profit colleges by linking prospective students seeking information about educational opportunities to admissions offices. The company that manages the database collects fees on a cost-per-lead basis. Tiffany must have mistakenly entered my phone number into this database. Between the two of us we generated 23 individual invoices in a little over three hours.
It was an interesting experience to be personally hounded by for-profit college admissions officers for the better part of a morning. I didn't ask each caller to identify his or her affiliation, but all of those whom I did query represented for-profit institutions. I received bundles of glossy advertising materials from colleges and universities as a senior in high school, but that experience never felt as aggressive, calculated, and impersonal as the phone calls I received throughout the morning.
As a student of higher education administration I was forced to reconsider my conception of the contemporary model of higher education. I have long argued that innovative business practices are essential to higher education's survival, necessitated by increasing demand and market differentiation; however, the motives and strategies of some for-profit colleges and universities feel the same as those of our least favorite businesses ... only a lot worse.
Sorry, will you please excuse me? I have to take a call.... "Hello, this is Tiffany."
David Farris is a Ph.D. candidate in the higher education program at George Mason University.
In an interconnected world, where data collected for one purpose can be easily transferred and used for new, unforeseen purposes, we must be vigilant to protect consumers from uses of their data that do not match their expectations.
Transparency is the cornerstone of the modern privacy regime. An individual has the right to understand what data is being collected about him and to make informed choices about how that data is going to be used.
Last July, the U.S. Department of Education (ED) proposed its "Gainful Employment Rule," which seeks to establish complex measures for determining whether education programs at proprietary postsecondary education institutions (and vocational programs at nonprofit colleges) lead to gainful employment in a recognized occupation. Under the proposed rule, a program's eligibility for federal student financial aid under Title IV of the Higher Education Act would be based on meeting certain metrics related to student loan debt. ED recently sent a revised version of this regulation to the Office of Management and Budget, the agency in charge of reviewing regulations before they are made final. The revised rule could be out any day.
One measure that the Education Department proposes to use assesses whether a program's annual loan payment is either 8 percent or less of the average annual earnings of program completers or 20 percent or less of discretionary income of program completers. These ratios might change in the final rule. In order to calculate average annual earnings and discretionary income, ED proposes that the Social Security Administration (SSA) would take the actual incomes of all students who completed a program and aggregate the students' incomes into a number that ED would use to make the gainful-employment calculation.
Unfortunately, the proposed Gainful Employment Rule suffers from a fatal privacy flaw: it fails to provide transparency into how the federal government will collect and treat student data required to implement the rule. There is much to be applauded in the department's effort to address loan debt and employment; the problem is not in these goals but in the methods the ED is planning to use to achieve them.
The first problem with the proposed regulation is that the details of how ED will receive student income data and how this data will be treated have not been resolved. Based on a preliminary agreement between ED and SSA, released by Social Security Commissioner Michael Astrue in response to an inquiry by Senator Orrin Hatch, it appears that the Education Department is planning for SSA to provide student income data to ED. However, there are no details as to exactly what additional data SSA will be collecting about students and what technical and administrative safeguards the agency will have in place to protect the increased data collection. ED and SSA must provide transparency into this process. Students and institutions need to know how SSA will handle their data.
Further, in his letter to Senator Hatch, Commissioner Astrue seeks to ease the Senator's privacy concerns by stating that the data provided by SSA to ED will be "strictly statistical." However, this raises additional transparency problems as both students and institutions will not have the ability to see how data about them is being used to make decisions that may be detrimental to their interests.
Without understanding what data went into the Education Department's calculation, institutions and students will simply be informed of ED's conclusion that they failed to meet a certain threshold and that they will no longer be eligible for federal financial aid. This black box calculation flies in the face of the uniformly accepted privacy principle of transparency.
This lack of transparency would also lead to further data collection by the institutions. As institutions would be unable to obtain the same data that the SSA used to make a calculation, in order to contest an adverse ED decision, an institution would have to provide income data that it has collected about its former students and potentially collect even more information than it had previously collected in order to perform its own income calculations.
In addition to the lack of transparency, the additional data that would be collected and maintained about students raises further privacy and security concerns. By collecting and linking more information about a student, the information the government already holds about a student will become more available should an errant government employee desire to misuse this information or should an unauthorized individual gain access to the data as a result of a data breach.
The consequences of a data breach can be profound – just ask Sony or Epsilon. And the government is not immune to these risks. In 2010, there were 104 reported government/military data breaches according to the Identity Theft Resources Center. Nineteen of these breaches were at federal agencies or military organizations, including the General Services Administration, the Department of the Interior, the Veterans Affairs Department, the State Department, and the IRS.
In short, any Education Department regulation that seeks to collect and use data about students must be fully transparent. Students and institutions must know what additional information is being collected, who is collecting this data, and exactly how the data is being used. This process cannot result in a privacy black hole. Any calculations that impact students and institutions must be done in a way that both protects student privacy while also giving the students and the institutions the ability to review and challenge unjust results.
Daniel J. Solove is a professor of law at the George Washington University Law School and the founder of TeachPrivacy, a company that helps schools develop a comprehensive privacy program.
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text:
Early Cold War Spies
The Espionage Trials That Shaped American Politics
By (author) John Earl Haynes Harvey Klehr
Series edited by Donald T. Critchlow
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Early Cold War Spies by John Earl Haynes
Book DescriptionCommunism was never a popular ideology in America, but the vehemence of American anticommunism varied from passive disdain in the 1920s to fervent hostility in the early years of the Cold War. Nothing so stimulated the white hot anticommunism of the late 1940s and 1950s more than a series of spy trials that revealed that American Communists had co-operated with Soviet espionage against the United States and had assisted in stealing the technical secrets of the atomic bomb as well as penetrating the US State Department, the Treasury Department, and the White House itself. This book, first published in 2006, reviews the major spy cases of the early Cold War (Hiss-Chambers, Rosenberg, Bentley, Gouzenko, Coplon, Amerasia and others) and the often-frustrating clashes between the exacting rules of the American criminal justice system and the requirements of effective counter-espionage.
Buy Early Cold War Spies book by John Earl Haynes from Australia's Online Bookstore, Boomerang Books.
Book DetailsISBN: 9780521674072
(228mm x 152mm x 15mm)
Pages: 264
Imprint: Cambridge University Press
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Publish Date: 28-Aug-2006
Country of Publication: United Kingdom
Other Editions...
Books By Author John Earl Haynes
Secret cables of the Comintern, 1933-1943, Hardback (July 2014)
Drawing on secret and therefore candid coded telegraphs exchanged between Communist Party leaders around the world and their overseers at the Communist International headquarters in Moscow, this book uncovers key aspects of the history of the Comintern and its significant role in the Stalinist ruling system during the years 1933 to 1943.
Spy Lost: Caught Between the KGB and the FBI, Paperback (March 2014)
Condemned to death by the KGB, Tuomi was born in America and an important asset to Soviet espionage. He collaborated with the FBI and saved his life but sacrificed his family in Russia. Kaarlo Tuomi (Rudolph Robertovich Saastamoinen) was born in 1916 in a Finnish farm community in Ishpeming, Michigan.
Spies, Paperback (February 2010)
Along with general insights into espionage tactics and the motives of Americans who spied for Stalin, this book resolves specific, long-seething controversies. It confirms, among many other things, that Alger Hiss cooperated with Soviet intelligence over a period of years, and that Robert Oppenheimer was never recruited by Soviet intelligence.
Early Cold War Spies, Hardback (September 2006)» View all books by John Earl Haynes
This book, first published in 2006, is a review of the major spy cases of the early Cold War.
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Author Biography - John Earl Haynes
John Earl Haynes is a 20th Century Political Historian in the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. He received his Ph.D. from the University of Minnesota. He is the author or editor of four books: Calvin Coolidge and the Coolidge Era: Essays on the History of the 1920s (editor, 1998); Red Scare or Red Menace? American Communism and Anticommunism in the Cold War Era (1996); Communism and Anti-Communism in the United States: An Annotated Guide to Historical Writings (1987); and Dubious Alliance: The Making of Minnesota's DFL Party (1984). Harvey Klehr is the Andrew W. Mellon Professor of Politics and History at Emory University in Atlanta, GA. He received his Ph.D. from the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. He is the author of five books, Communist Cadre: The Social Background of the American Communist Party Elite (1978); The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (1984); Biographical Dictionary of the American Left (1986); Far Left of Center: The American Radical Left Today (1988); The Amerasia Spy Case: Prelude to McCarthyism (1996). He was honored with the Emory Williams Distinguished Teaching Award for Emory College in 1983.
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subset: commoncrawl


text:
Gigantic monsters are attacking Earth. It's up Marvel's heroes to stop them.
Superman is about to face a new threat from outside the Multiverse.
Moon Knight has been dealing with the different personas he's created. Turns out it goes back to when he was a kid.
Location »
Avengers Tower appears in 789 issues.
An entire floor of an apartment building Danny Rand gave to the Avengers to use as their base after the Masters of Evil destroyed Doctor Strange's Sanctum Sanctorum.
A floating artificial island created by Stingray to function as an oceanography research facility. It later became the base of operations for the Avengers and was re-christened "Avengers Island".
Located on Fifth Avenue in Manhattan, New York, the Avengers Mansion is the home and main base of the Avengers.
Just east of Fifth Ave. in Midtown Manhattan stands the Baxter Building. The 6 top floors are the home of the Fantastic Four. It's a 35-story building located at 42nd Street and Madison Avenue in New York City. It had been built in 1949 by the Leland Baxter Paper Company.
An apartment in Brooklyn belonging to Steve Rogers. Later used by Bucky Barnes and served as a hideout for the Avengers.
Using the Moonstones, Zemo created openings in space, taking patches of real places from the real world, and connected them between folded space.
The old HQ of the Fantastic Four on 42nd and Madison Avenue in New York City.
An old mansion in New York City which has hosted the Hellfire Club for many decades. It had been abonnend for a number of years, but appears to be in use again.
The Infinite Avengers Mansion was created by Hank Pym in the pocket dimension where Thor sent Janet Van Dyne's body at the end of Secret Invasion. It was the headquarters of Hank Pym's Mighty Avengers and was home to the Avengers Academy.
Located at 1407 Graymalkin Lane in Salem Center, New York, the Xavier Mansion has been home to the X-Men since their inception, and has always been a school and safe haven for any mutants in need.
Shoreham Nuclear Power Plant was a nuclear plant that was never brought on line and instead was leased to the Avengers to use as their headquarters. Until it was blown up by Ultron.
Mt. Charteris is a recurrent headquarters to the Thunderbolts, located in Coyote Springs, Colorado. It has formerly acted as the headquarters to many super-villains and terrorist groups.
The main base of MACH-IV and Songbird's Thunderbolts team. Located in Brooklyn near a naval shipping yard.
The World Trade Center was a backdrop and landmark of New York City.
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text:
As part of the https://wiki.mozilla.org/Fennec/Features/TabletUI project, "tablet mode" in Fennec will use an action bar at the top of the screen, instead of the existing toolbars.
Related Android documentation:
Created attachment 533428 [details] [diff] [review]
This works, probably needs a little testing and polishing.
Created attachment 533788 [details] [diff] [review]
To do:
* "Home" button.
* Tab list in arrowbox (WIP patch has a dummy/placeholder)
* Need a real icon for the tab button.
Created attachment 539233 [details] [diff] [review]
This adds an arrowbox popup for the tab list. The tabs do not actually appear, however, because of some CSS or XBL issue I haven't figured out yet. The latest mockups replace this popup with a sidebar, which might be easier to implement anyway...
Created attachment 539352 [details] [diff] [review]
part 1
This is a minimal patch to change the urlbar into a fixed "action bar" with buttons for tabs, back/forward, and bookmark. It removes the right sidebar, but keeps tabs in the left sidebar.
Test build at http://people.mozilla.com/~mbrubeck/fennec-action-bar.apk
TODO (in followup patches):
* Artwork/styling.
* Add a button and popup for the app menu.
* Make the <browser> shorter so it can't scroll behind the action bar. (This especially affects pages that use touch events.)
* Re-style the tab bar to be a vertical list with thumbnails and titles.
Comment on attachment 539352 [details] [diff] [review]
part 1
* Remove dump in toggleTabSidebar
* Add changes to /core/gingerbread/browser.css as well
Created attachment 541491 [details] [diff] [review]
part 1.1
This patch takes a first run at adding a menu-button in tablet mode. Bit disappointed that the arrowbox loses its call-out when you set the position, need to find why...
Also, menu items added by extensions end up with the label reading 'undefined'. Probably a bigger issue than the missing call-out.
Created attachment 541552 [details] [diff] [review]
part 2: move tab sidebar to the right
This moves the "tabs" button to the right, and turns the tab sidebar into a floating panel on the right-hand side of the screen. This patch is a work-in-progress. It's functional, but needs some cleanup before review.
Created attachment 541576 [details] [diff] [review]
part 2.1
Updated menu-adding patch that applies over the top of the part 2 patch and fixes a couple of bugs.
Just starting to look at this project.
Something that I use in FF3/4 a LOT is CTRL+F to find in page. Some users
configure preferences to start search upon user typing. Currently "Find in page"
is a menu item. I would like to see it as a dedicated or optional button
(n00b question: will the Action Bar be customizable as in FF4?), and/or
a menu choice on a popup menu (if present) on press-and-hold on html page.
I'm not aware of any built-in Honeycomb method for search, so if we're
shooting for a rigidly Honeycomb-like action this could be out of scope.
Created attachment 541854 [details] [diff] [review]
part 3: Fix viewport height
This is now working; it fixes some scrolling and content-size issues. I think I want to clean it up a bit too before asking for review.
Something about the part 2 patch breaks things in browser.js, for me - you get the error "Error: this._chromeTab.updateThumbnail is not a function", and pages appear to either never stop loading or never start. It also breaks session restore.
My guess is that "this._chromeTab = document.getElementById("tabs").addTab();" in browser.js isn't working for some reason, but I don't really know yet, and I don't see how anything in part 2 could break this, but it does (everything is fine before applying that patch).
Maybe there's a reliance on document structure somewhere?
Having played a bit more, it seems the thumbnailing breaks if the tab-bar hasn't been visible at some point (so if you remove the initial hide in resizeHandler, everything works).
Is this some kind of lazy-creation in XUL going on? Can we override it?
The problem appears to be that XBL isn't bound to hidden elements - Apparently this can be solved by flushing the style before hiding...
Trying to figure out where and what to flush, but I suppose we didn't hit this before because we were moving it out of the way rather than hiding it.
For now, I can't think of a trivial way to fix this other than using some other method to hide the tab side-bar, or not using XBL to define tab methods.
The problem is with the tab side-bar being hidden when a tab is created - if that's the case, the XBL won't bind on the created tab, and there's no way I know of to force this without first unhiding its tab-list ancestor.
try using collapse instead of hidden, or just set width/height to zero
Created attachment 542196 [details] [diff] [review]
Patch 2.05 - Fix XBL binding by using 'collapsed' instead of 'hidden'
Indeed, setting collapsed instead of hidden has the same effect and doesn't break XBL binding. Thanks!
Created attachment 542546 [details] [diff] [review]
part 2 (v2): move tab sidebar to the right
This rolls together my original part 2 patch, plus Chris's "collapsed" change and some other fixes.
Created attachment 542598 [details] [diff] [review]
part 1 (v2): Remove sidebars and create the action bar
Addresses review comments. Carrying r=mfinkle.
Created attachment 542599 [details] [diff] [review]
part 2 (v2): move tab sidebar to the right
Just adding a checkin comment.
Created attachment 542600 [details] [diff] [review]
part 3 (v2): Fix viewport height
Comment on attachment 541576 [details] [diff] [review]
part 2.1
Let's move this patch to bug 664149.
Comment on attachment 542599 [details] [diff] [review]
part 2 (v2): move tab sidebar to the right
Some TODOs found while testing this patch:
* Tab bar is not treated as a popup (does not dismiss with the back button or tapping elsewhere) - should use pushPopup/popPopup to fix this.
* Tab bar sometimes has the wrong height.
* "New tab opened" notification popup no longer appears.
Created attachment 543257 [details] [diff] [review]
part 2 (v3): move tab sidebar to the right
Fix popup behavior and resizing issues, and make sure Gingerbread theme is updated too.
Created attachment 543265 [details] [diff] [review]
part 2 (v4): move tab sidebar to the right
Add missing file.
Created attachment 543268 [details] [diff] [review]
part 3 (v3): fix viewport height
Rebase on top of part 1+2, and make sure it fixes Gingerbread theme too.
There is an updated test build for Android at http://people.mozilla.com/~mbrubeck/fennec-action-bar-2.apk
Created attachment 543281 [details] [diff] [review]
part 3 (v4): Fix viewport height
Fixed a stupid bug in the last patch that broke panning in non-tablet mode.
TODO: NewTabPopup still needs some changes to work in tablet mode.
For whatever reason, part 1 of this patch now breaks input on about pages.
The breakage is due to the change of the this.canCancelPan variable - If you remove the || Utils.IsTablet() from the end of its calculation, it works again. I'm not exactly sure what this variable is used for exactly, so I don't know if this change is necessary or not.
Created attachment 550530 [details] [diff] [review]
part 4: Add a preference
This adds a preference "browser.ui.layout.tablet" that can be used to force "tablet mode" on or off. By default it will be enabled based on the screen size, just as it is now.
This affects only the changes to the main browser UI in this bug; it does not override previous tweaks we've made to large-screen behavior, like the pref styles or the form helper behavior. The main goal is to be able to check in this code and easily disable it until it is ready to ship.
Comment on attachment 550530 [details] [diff] [review]
part 4: Add a preference
This patch isn't quite complete yet.
Created attachment 550899 [details] [diff] [review]
part 1
Just rebasing the existing patches, and copying some changes from the default theme to the gingerbread theme that were missed before.
Created attachment 550900 [details] [diff] [review]
part 2
Created attachment 550902 [details] [diff] [review]
part 3
Created attachment 550903 [details] [diff] [review]
part 4: Add a preference
Add a preference "browser.ui.layout.tablet" that can be used to force the tablet layout on (1) or off (0). When we ship the feature it will default to -1, which will enable tablet mode automatically based on the screen size. For now it defaults to 0.
My plan is to check in parts 1-4 immediately, then file followup bugs for the remaining issues, visual polish, and any design changes we make. We can change the pref as we decide to enable this in the various nightly and release channels.
Some browser-chrome tests need to be changed to work with these patches.
(In reply to comment #36)
> Some browser-chrome tests need to be changed to work with these patches.
Nope, I was wrong. No regressions found on TryServer.
Pushed to inbound as a single folded patch containing parts 1-4. This bug will be resolved when the patch lands; I'll file bugs next week for all of the known follow-up work.
Samsung Galaxy Tab 10.1
Mozilla/5.0 (Android, Linux armv7l; rv:9.0a1) Gecko/20110906 Firefox/9.0a1 Fennec/9.0a1


text:
Kang Byul391 fans
- Age: 26
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- Height: 5' 6" (168 cm)
- Weight: 105 lbs. (48 kg)
Kang Byul is a popular Actress who was born on August 9, 1990. This beautiful young woman has only recently kicked off her career. Her first role was in A Blood Pledge/Whispering Corridors in 2005, when she was only fifteen years old. She had a small role in that film, after which she took some time off to finish her education. She came back to the acting world with a co-starring role on Creating Destiny on MBC. She played Han Hyo Eun, the sister of the protagonist Han Sang Eun.
Kang Byul then went on to have roles in Harvest Villa, Kim Soo Ro, and Rooftop Price. Rooftop Prince is a popular show, depicting several people from Korea's past coming forward in time 300 years to modern Korea to perform a murder investigation. In the show, Kang Byul plays Lady Mimi, a small role that keeps her in the spotlight. She has had also had a role in a recent film, with her part in 2011's Wandeugi. The future is wide open for this actress, as she has received quite a lot of exposure at such a young age.
Latest Casting NewsShow all
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- Park Shin Hye cast in Doctor Crush
- Kim Woo Bin cast in Uncontrollably Fond


text:
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product images via Kmart Australia


text:
Voting starts in March for the Drupal Association Board election.
Can you add to the documentation that to use rc3 you have to be on the dev branch of file_entity?
since this https://drupal.org/node/1911970 hasn't landed in a release of file_entity yet, using unstable7 doesn't work.
Comment #1Devin Carlson CreditAttribution: Devin Carlson commented
|» Fixed
New version of Media and File entity have been released.


text:
Progressives following the SIV strategy, even more than Ralph Nader did by following a third-party strategy, would alienate Democrats for whom their propaganda-induced partisanship and LOTE fallacy is more important than rescuing democracy from both corrupt parties. But these critics are not the political allies that progressives need to win back democracy anyway. Their continued unreflective support for "vapid, unprincipled hacks" makes partisan Democratic voters an uninfluential part of a corrupt system that they could instead control by surrendering their outdated, uninformed partisanship in exchange for SIV.
To win with an SIV strategy, single-issue progressives need to align on this single issue of money in politics with those who vote on the right but who also, polls show, oppose the merger of big business and big government and therefore, money in politics. Free marketeers understand that crony capitalism and influence peddling obstruct a free market. To them political corruption is socialism. To progressives it is capitalism. Getting past such labels, both sides could work together to stop political corruption by throwing a book as fat as the Patriot Act at it. Who cares if one side thinks they ended capitalism and the other thinks they ended socialism? Both will be saving democracy in order to achive practical policies that will serve voting majorities rather than paying minorities.
This realignment of progressives from being the poodles of liberals will certainly generate heat. On the other hand there would be no need for a unique martyr like Ralph Nader to courageously withstand that heat from both establishment and quotidian Democrats alike, since the whole strategy can be carried out anonymously, online, and without identified leaders, aside from decentralized citizen leadership in grass-roots advocacy.
Finally, if corrupt neoliberalism in different packaging is the only policy on offer from the two parties, it would seem marginally preferable for one party, likely the Republicans, to take responsibility for their own dysfunctional neoliberal policies, rather than have them promoted by a nominal Democrat, so that when those policies inevitably fail to serve the majority, voters could protest by swinging to an opposition party, notionally the Democrats, for a different set of policies, rather than swinging from their current faux opposition back to the Republicans themselves, for an even more extreme set of dysfunctional neoliberal policies.
Supporting Obama "going to China" to betray popular progressive programs precludes progressives from demanding significant concessions for helping to re-install Democrats in 2016. After Obama, the political winds will instead be blowing in the opposite direction against a Democratic administration responsible for carrying out failed Republican policies, causing even greater inequality of incomes and wealth than people either want or think it to be, and more structural unemployment and poverty. These winds will move the Democrats even further to the right, as it has been doing for decades, and progressives will remain irrelevant. SIV would punish both parties until one of them adopted progressive reform of money in politics in order to hold on to power.
To summarize, SIV success would produce triumph by progressives not the Republican right or partisan Democrats, would have ejected an unworthy and likely more effective servant of plutocrats even than his obviously plutocratic opponent, would have established the authority to demand immediate delivery from incumbents on the paramount issue of political corruption as well as attract even more supporters to the SIV strategy, would have extended an essential overture for a trans-partisan alliance with the democratic right, and finally let Republicans take responsibility for the slate of corrupt neoliberal policies that will be inevitably implemented from 2012-2016.
5. Lab equipment. Progressives need to stop arguing with Democrats whose blind partisanship is ultimately responsible for the inexorable rightward trend in US politics, and instead divorce them. The issue is not what set of policies one would theoretically prefer if the U.S. were still a democracy. The issue is now about putting the principle of democracy above corrupt party. Since money in politics was legalized in 1976 it has turned Democrats, as Gore Vidal suggests, into the most hypocritical wing of a single-property party with two right wings. Experiments with reforming the Democratic Party have proven unproductive ever since their first congressional leader in the era of corrupt elections, Tip ONeill, first started chasing Republicans to the right so that Democrats could raise campaign contributions for serving corporate interests, while still posing as the LOTE party to liberal voters.
Sooner or later liberal LOTE voters will wake up from their partisan dreams. But by then peaceful reform may no longer be an option. New equipment is needed now, while reasonably free and fair elections still exist, to empower progressives and others to change the experiment to SIV, which at least could be no worse for progressives than the current failed experiment supporting the best government that money can buy. Progressives enhance their influence by departing to SIV from a process whereby the lesser-of-evils party becomes steadily more evil.
Efficient execution of the SIV strategy requires a secure website where voters can easily and transparently aggregate their mutual pledges to vote exclusively for the single issue by voting against any incumbent (either in a primary or general election) who refuses to either take, or at the very least promise to take, before the next election, the specific transformational legislative action that pledgers demand on that single issue. For the money out of politics issue such a website is already set up for demonstration purposes and continued development.
The specific action necessary from Congress to get money out of politics is not an ineffectual and dilatory constitutional amendment proposal, but rather comprehensive legislation to immediately abolish money from politics, a concept draft of which is posted at the website. A wiki-laws approach allows people who pledge their vote to also help fashion the comprehensive legislation that they will demand from incumbents in exchange for their pledged vote. The legislation will use not just some, but every constitutional means to keep all interested money out of politics -- which includes all the political propaganda, lobbyists, voter suppression, as well as the politicians, that money can buy.
Such legislation need not accept those most responsible for aggravating the problem -- the plutocratic justices that make up the Roberts 5 majority that has controlled the Supreme Court since 2006-- getting the last word on what are the "constitutional means" for abolishing money in politics. The same legislation that assures government has the consent of the governed -- by guaranteeing election integrity -- can also strip the Supreme Court of jurisidiction to decide the political question of whether Congress has the constitutional authority to enact such legislation. The people have the constitutional power to force the plutocratic judiciary out of the business of their self-entrenching election-rigging for plutocrats.
6. Experimental Results. As Obama proceeds with his trademark practices of losing negotiations with himself, appointing Republicans to high office while conceding Republicans veto power on appointment of moderate Democrats, and generally advancing neoliberal anti-majority policies in deed while opposing them with glittering cliches, the reader can conclude this thought experiment by determining whether it would not feel better to have helped begin building an organized SIV process to change the system that produces an Obama than it now feels to have ineffectually perpetuated the problem through yet another wasted election season that brought no prospect of change for the better.
Enabling, one way or another, the 2012 reelection of an undeserving, right-wing, lame-duck who will now be influenced mostly by his future employers will not leave the country more equal or more democratic in 2016. Obama's next employers are unlikely to be much different than the less than 1% who gave most of the billions for his campaigns, and whose retinue he appoints to high office. He will no doubt follow even more effectively the path that helped his role model Bill Clinton, before him, get comfortably rich from political office by selling out the public's interests, especially toward the end of his second term, as Clinton did.
After concluding this thought experiment the reader may wish to consider performing the real-world experiment of preparing to use SIV in the 2014 midterms.
Rob Hager is a public-interest litigator who filed a Supreme Court amicus brief in the 2012 Montana sequel to the Citizens United case, and has worked as an international consultant on corruption issues.
1 Use of "progressive" in this article needs to be thoroughly explained, since the term has been coopted by partisan Democrats as a synonym for the New Deal term "liberal." Many progressives dislike this usage of the term. Others use it in this murky coopted meaning. But "Progressive" also precisely denotes a late 19th- and 20th-Century movement that voted for either of the two major parties (e.g. Bryan, or LaFollette), ran some of the most successful third-party campaigns in history, and gave its name to an era of structural reform well before "liberal" acquired its contemporary meaning. T. Roosevelt claimed that 'the Republican party" in the days of Abraham Lincoln was founded as the radical progressive party of the Nation." The Progressive Party Platform that Roosevelt ran on in 1912 includes programs that many would consider desirable for implementing progressive principles today. The 1912 Platform, written by another former Republican, included planks for "strict limitation of all campaign contributions and expenditures" and for "restriction of the power of the courts ... to determine fundamental questions of social welfare and public policy." That both these key "progressive" proposals remain to be accomplished underlies the resurgent plutocracy addressed by this article.


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Seibertron.com - The Ultimate Transformers Fansite
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Seibertron.com is an unofficial Transformers fansite. It is not associated with nor endorsed by Hasbro or Takara Tomy. Transformers® is a registered trademark of Hasbro, Inc. Visit Transformers.com to view Hasbro's official Transformers website or visit Takara Tomy's official Transformers website.
In order to comply with the FTC's endorsement guidelines, we hereby inform this site's viewers that we occasionally receive sample products, content, or other forms of media from various companies in order for us to provide content of interest to our readers. Some of the content on this site are sponsored posts for which we have been compensated. Some of the links to external sites posted on this site may automatically be converted to an affiliate link for which we may be compensated.
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Prompt your visitors to share your Blog, even by locking your content...
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Disaster recovery testing: A vital part of the DR plan
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When IT goes critical
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IT transformation brings storage transformation
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Is your storage ready for the future?
Research study looks at the challenge of building a storage infrastructure to meet the rapidly changing needs of business Continue Reading
IT may not have to worry about mobile device backup
Analyst Charles Brett offers some advice for IT departments on backing up data from mobile devices, tablets and smartphones, Continue Reading
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One of the dilemmas of the modern CIO is the ever-expanding need for data storage.
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1968 Custom Ford Thunderbird with 70,508 miles since NEW! All paperwork, owners manual, dealership handout from first owner, LOTS of extra parts! Completely redone 429 ThunderJet V8 Engine (matching numbers), new dual Exhaust, new Edelbrock intake, all new belts, plugs, wires, shocks, springs and much more! Runs and drives excellent, FAST, fun and one of a kind T-Bird. Interior in very good condition with no tears, no cracks in dash and replacement passenger armrest. All new Custom Stereo with MP3 Player and new front/rear speakers in factory locations (no cutting). Not perfect but darn close as expected for a 40 year old car :)
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One in Five People Spend More Money on Cell Phones Than Food
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Weider Nutrition Mega Aminos - 300 tablets
Delivery timeDelivery 4-5 working daysAvailable
Characteristics Weider Nutrition Mega Aminos - 300 tablets
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Nutritional Information
|10 Tablets
|1516 kJ/ 357 Kcal
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|2,7 g
|0,5 g
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Download how to learn good handwriting full file TxW7 free
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