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DeckHand 40 Remote Switch - Minn Kota
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DeckHand™ 40 Remote Switch
- Can be mounted in-dash, surface-mount or hand-held.
- Plug-n-play design requires no additional wiring.
Will this switchwork with trec 45sw winch?
This works with Minn Kota's Deckhand 40 anchor winch.
How long is the cord that comes with it.?
25 feet.
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A 1979 Grand Bas Armagnac, produced by the Chateau de Lassalle. A very rare and well aged expression, rich, smooth and packed with black fig notes.
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Elizabeth Wydra of the Constitutional Accountability Center and Earl Maltz of Rutgers University discuss how Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump approach abortion, same-sex marriage, affirmative action, and more.
Currently browsing: Citizenship
Podcast: Jeffrey Rosen answers your constitutional questions
Jeffrey Rosen, president and CEO of the National Constitution Center, answers listener questions about citizenship, gun rights, same-sex marriage, and more.
Constitutional Minute: "Natural born" citizenship and the presidency
Jeffrey Rosen, president and CEO of the National Constitution Center, explains the basic question in the Ted Cruz natural-born citizenship debate in a constitutional minute.
Podcast: The 14th Amendment and birthright citizenship
Stanford Law School's Bernadette Meyler and Emory University School of Law's William Mayton join the National Constitution Center's Jeffrey Rosen to discuss the 14th Amendment's Citizenship Clause and current debate over the children of immigrants living in the U.S. illegally.
Worker pay, jury duty at the Supreme Court today
On the third day of its new term, the Supreme Court will consider worker pay for security screenings and the privacy of statements in jury deliberations.
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From Dust and Ashes
A Story of Liberation
By (author) Tricia Goyer
Format: Paperback / softback
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From Dust and Ashes by Tricia Goyer
Book DescriptionIt is 1945, and a group of American soldiers liberate a Nazi concentration camp. Helene is the abandoned wife of an SS guard who has fled to avoid arrest. Overcome by guilt, she begins to help meet the needs of survivors. Throughout the process, she finds her own liberation--from spiritual bondage, sin, and guilt. Readers will be intrigued and touched by this fascinating story of love, faithfulness, and courage amidst one of the darkest chapters of mankind's history.
Buy From Dust and Ashes book by Tricia Goyer from Australia's Online Bookstore, Boomerang Books.
Book DetailsISBN: 9780802415547
(213mm x 140mm x 31mm)
Imprint: Moody Press,U.S.
Publisher: Moody Press,U.S.
Publish Date: 8-Apr-2006
Country of Publication: United States
Books By Author Tricia Goyer
Sewn with Joy, Paperback (September 2016)
Joy Miller wanted nothing more than to be a wife and mother - especially now that her relationship with Matthew Slagel, the bishop's son, was deepening. But when a television crew rolls into Pinecraft, Florida, to film a new show about the Amish, tension threatens to rip apart their relationship... and the entire Amish community.
Planted with Hope, Paperback (March 2016)
When Hope Miller is offered the plot of land behind the Me, Myself, and Pie shop to start a garden, she jumps at the chance. Finally - some space away from her four sisters! But everyone in town seems to have an opinion about what she should grow and how she should grow it.
Made with Love, Paperback (August 2015)
Pinecraft, Florida, has everything a young Amish woman could ask for: sun, sand, volleyball games, and evening singings in the park. But Pinecraft lacks the one thing Lovina desperately wants - a pie shop of her own. A young carpenter named Noah Yoder strolls into her life and offers a way to make her dream come true.
Prayers That Changed History, Paperback (June 2015)» View all books by Tricia Goyer
Prayers That Changed History---a collection of stories from bestselling author Tricia Goyer---highlights twenty-five historical figures whose lives were changed by the power of prayer. Featuring both biblical examples and personal application, you will learn how to apply this same transforming prayer to your own lives.
» Have you read this book? We'd like to know what you think about it - write a review about From Dust and Ashes book by Tricia Goyer and you'll earn 50c in Boomerang Bucks loyalty dollars (you must be a member - it's free to sign up!)
Author Biography - Tricia Goyer
TRICIA GOYER is an acclaimed and prolific writer, publishing hundreds of articles in national magazines including "Today s Christian Woman" and "Focus on the Family" while authoring more than twenty-five fiction and nonfiction books combined. Among those are "3:16 Teen Edition" with Max Lucado and the American Christian Fiction Writers Book of the Year Award winners "Night Song" and "Dawn of a Thousand Nights." She has also written books on marriage and parenting and contributed notes to the "Women of Faith Study Bible." Tricia lives with her husband and four children in Arkansas."
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Published on
Digital media continue to (1) erode the demand for daily print content, (2) depreciate the value of print ad space, and (3) divert more advertising budgets to online media. What each of these trends indicates is that the conventional newspaper distribution and revenue models are obsolete — they both fail to address modern market realities. Newspapers, then, musta dapt to a predominately digital landscape by evolving into social news organization (SNOs).
Essentially, the newspaper business model focuses on (1) producing authoritative content so that they can (2) sell advertising. There is nothing in that model that necessitates that content be printed on actual paper or that readers pay for their subscriptions.
An SNO also uses up to four channels to grow and maintain its registered user-base and generate revenues: SEO, social media, the mobile web, and an optional (free) print edition.


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Extraction is a response to Canada's contemporary culture and global economy of resource extraction. Canadian transnational corporations currently operate close to 9,000 mining projects worldwide, in nearly every country, continent, and ocean on the planet. As a multimedia initiative, the project explores the current and historic legacy of resource extraction from a Canadian perspective with an installation, film, and book featuring prominent creators and influential thinkers, past and present, on Canada's global resource empire. Co-edited by Pierre Bélanger of OPSYS and Nina-Marie Lister of Ryerson University's Ecological Design Lab, the book features an array of authors and scholars from across fields of landscape, urbanism, geography, arts, ecology, media, literature, architecture, engineering, science, industry, business and culture.
This exhibition, produced by the Art Gallery of Alberta, will be launched at the Venice Architecture Biennale in 2016 from May 27th to November 27th, 2016, and will tour across a series of resource regions throughout Canada to mark the 150th anniversary of Confederation in 2017.


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Amazon nabs the top spot for online cosmetics sales
One of every five beauty purchases online is made via the Amazon marketplace, according to a new report.
Amazon nabs the top spot for online cosmetics sales
One of every five beauty purchases online is made via the Amazon marketplace, according to a new report.
Wal-Mart gives Jet shoppers a taste of its house brands
Sam's Choice and Great Value are among the Wal-Mart brands now available on Jet.com.
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He was Executive Vice President of Merchandising at the Home Shopping Network.
Washington, April 19, 2011 - The Retail Advertising and Marketing Association, a division of the National Retail Federation, announced today its Board of Directors has selected Rob Gruen, Executive Vice President, Marketing and Business Development at Array Marketing, to serve as Second Vice Chairman. Gruen succeeds Zain Raj, President and COO of SolutionSet, and will serve a two-year term.
In his current role at Array Marketing, Gruen oversees the delivery of innovations in retail merchandising, creative branding concepts, in-store environments, point-of-purchase displays and fixtures to major retailers and companies worldwide. From 2007 to 2009, he was the Executive Vice President of Merchandising and Marketing at Borders, where he was responsible for the company's overall multichannel marketing and merchandising strategic direction which included all aspects of stores and e-commerce business.
Prior to Borders, Rob served as Executive Vice President of Merchandising at the Home Shopping Network (HSN) and as President and CEO of Parisian, the specialty department store division of Saks, Inc. Gruen has also served as a senior executive at companies such as Meijer, Warner Bros. Consumer Products, Roses Stores, and Foley's in his more than 30 years of retail experience.
Gruen holds a Bachelor of Business Administration in Marketing from the University of Iowa and an MBA from Drake University.
The Retail Advertising & Marketing Association, a division of the National Retail Federation, is a trade association of over 1500 retail marketing and advertising executives, plus their supporting partners from the advertising agency, media and service-provider areas. RAMA sponsors the annual Retail Innovation and Marketing Conference, the largest single gathering of retail marketing and advertising professionals in the industry today. RAMA also produces the Racie Awards Competition, the most prestigious creative contest in retail. www.rama-nrf.org
Every piece of data you collect can help you serve your audience exactly what they ...
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The Supreme Court is surely going to find this question right back on their doorstep next year."


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published by Bandai Co., Ltd.
Extra Bases is a baseball game released on the original Game Boy.
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- 1to have confidence in somebody; to believe that somebody is good, sincere, honest, etc. trust somebody She trusts Alan implicitly. trust somebody to do something You can trust me not to tell anyone. See related entries: Honest
- 2trust something to believe that something is true or correct or that you can rely on it He trusted her judgement. Don't trust what the newspapers say! Synonymstrustdepend on somebody/something rely on somebody/something count on somebody/something believe in somebodyThese words all mean to believe that somebody/something will do what you hope or expect of them or that what they tell you is correct or true.trust to believe that somebody is good, honest, sincere, etc. and that they will do what you expect of them or do the right thing; to believe that something is true or correct:You can trust me not to tell anyone. Don't trust what you read in the newspapers!depend on/upon somebody/something (often used with can/cannot/could/could not) to trust somebody/something to do what you expect or want, to do the right thing, or to be true or correct:He was the sort of person you could depend on. Can you depend on her version of what happened?rely on/upon somebody/something (used especially with can/cannot/could/could not and should/should not) to trust somebody/something to do what you expect or want, or to be honest, correct or good enough:Can I rely on you to keep this secret? You can't rely on any figures you get from them.trust, depend or rely on/upon somebody/something?You can trust a person but not a thing or system. You can trust somebody's judgement or advice, but not their support. You can depend on somebody's support, but not their judgement or advice. Rely on/upon somebody/something is used especially with you can/could or you should to give advice or a promise:I don't really rely on his judgement. You can't really rely on his judgement.count on somebody/something (often used with can/cannot/could/could not) to be sure that somebody will do what you need them to do, or that something will happen as you want it to happen:I'm counting on you to help me. We can't count on the good weather lasting.believe in somebody to feel that you can trust somebody and/or that they will be successful:They need a leader they can believe in.Patterns to trust/depend on/rely on/count on somebody/something to do something to trust/believe in somebody/something to trust/rely on somebody's advice/judgement to depend on/rely on/count on somebody's support to completely trust/depend on/rely on/believe in somebody/something
- 3trust (that)… (formal) to hope and expect that something is true I trust (that) you have no objections to our proposals? Word Origin Middle English: from Old Norse traust, from traustr
BrE BrE//trʌst//; NAmE NAmE//trʌst//Verb Forms present simple I / you / we / they trust
BrE BrE//trʌst//; NAmE NAmE//trʌst//he / she / it trusts
BrE BrE//trʌsts//; NAmE NAmE//trʌsts//past simple trusted
BrE BrE//ˈtrʌstɪd//; NAmE NAmE//ˈtrʌstɪd//past participle trusted
BrE BrE//ˈtrʌstɪd//; NAmE NAmE//ˈtrʌstɪd//-ing form trusting
BrE BrE//ˈtrʌstɪŋ//; NAmE NAmE//ˈtrʌstɪŋ//Honest
to not trust somebody at all He says he just wants to help you but I wouldn't trust him an inch if I were you.
not trust somebody an inchjump to other results
that you have used or relied on in the past successfully a tried and tested method for solving the problem More Like This Alliteration in idioms belt and braces, black and blue, born and bred, chalk and cheese, chop and change, done and dusted, down and dirty, in dribs and drabs, eat somebody out of house and home, facts and figures, fast and furious, first and foremost, forgive and forget, hale and hearty, hem and haw, kith and kin, mix and match, part and parcel, puff and pant, to rack and ruin, rant and rave, risk life and limb, short and sweet, signed and sealed, spic and span, through thick and thin, this and that, top and tail, tried and tested, wax and waneSee worksheet.
tried and tested/trusted (British English) (North American English tried and true)jump to other results
(informal) used when somebody does or says something that you think is typical of them Trust John to forget Sue's birthday! Phrasal Verbstrust in somebodytrust to somethingtrust somebody with somebody
trust you, him, her, etc. (to do something)jump to other results
Check pronunciation: trust


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Could there ever be a more heroic fugitive vigilante than Captain America? In Civil War Issue 2 (of 7), 'ol winghead wraps up villains in a nice bow for the authorities to find while managing to deftly avoid the pro-regisration hordes. The government of the Marvel Universe really has gained the worst enemy it could ever find, one who is highly respected, upholds the freedoms that America allows, and a man who can basically level scores of soldiers with one adamantium shield. Shield has now realized that Captain America is not merely hiding from them. He's also gathered some people who see the Superhero Registration act the way he does.
While Cap and his crew continue to do good in the shadows, Iron Man and heroes like Yellow Jacket, She-Hulk and some guy with a lightning icon on his shirt (don't recall who he is) also do their good, but in broad daylight. I like She-hulk, and I like the Fantastic Four, but so far, Captain America's got more cool characters on his side. Tell me why I should care that Yellow Jacket is constantly scowling in every scene he's in?
Now, if you have any doubt that Iron Man is secure in his choice to stand for registration, you still should, but he sounds quite serious. I have heard the official Marvel podcasts and I've read news bits about this seven-part series, but something may be fishy in Civil War. I know that there is going to be some hot superhero-on-superhero action, but is everyone going to stay on their respective sides of the field once the real fisticuffs commence? I smell a rat, and I guess Marvel is counting on that curiosity to make readers like me pick up the other Civil War-related titles to find any hints about where this war is headed. The first thing I really want to know why Reed Richards is getting his mad scientist on and what "42" refers to.
I'd like to take a moment out to sorta apologize. I don't know what I didn't like so much about the art for the first issue, because this is clearly the same art, but I think that it was not only solid, but much improved over Issue 1. Maybe it was all the close-ups of lips. Everyone's lips, from Captain America to The Thing had their lips showcased. Sure, there's a bit "lippiness" here, but it didn't really bug me.
What makes this art outstanding is the style in which the action is presented. In a few pages, the last member of the Young Avengers is rushing to escape being outnumbered and outgunned and arrested like his teammates have. The "camera" is following him as if it was an action movie. My first thought was that it was like the first Blade movie, where Wesley Snipes calmly leaps from a window onto a roof, with police shooting at him once he lands. You get the feeling that this young hero may or may not make it through the night alive.
So how do you top some amazing action? Well, one web head can tell you. I never give away spoilers, no matter how many weeks have passed, but say it ain't so, Spidey. Say it ain't so! Another big shocker for another issue of Civil War, but much more shocking than the shockwave Captain America sent flying when he made a daring escape from the grasp of his own colleagues.
I hope that this is not just shock for shock's sake, but that this Civil War has been well thought out and we will not be disappointed with our favorite heroes, pro-registration or not.Powered by Sidelines


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Tomatoes Filled With Potato Salad
|Firm tomatoes
|1⁄2 Pound
|Palm heart
|2 Tablespoon, thinly sliced
|Minced green onions
|2 Tablespoon
|Minced green pepper
|1 Tablespoon
|Minced parsley
|1 Tablespoon
|1⁄2 Cup (8 tbs)
|Hot prepared mustard
|1⁄2 Cup (8 tbs) (Hot)
|Lemon juice
|2 Tablespoon
|Olive oil
|2 Tablespoon
|To Taste
|1 Tablespoon (For Garnish)
Cut the stem ends from the tomatoes in a sawtooth fashion.
Scoop out the inside and reserve for another use.
Lightly salt the shells and invert the tomatoes onto a paper towel to drain.
Set aside.
Meanwhile, place the potatoes in a saucepan and cover with water.
Bring to a boil over high heat.
Reduce heat and simmer for thirty to forty-five minutes, depending on size, or until the potatoes are done.
Drain, cool and dice into 1/4-inch cubes.
Combine with the palm, green onions, green pepper and parsley.
Set aside.
Combine the dressing ingredients in a large mixing bowl, blending well.
Stir in the salad ingredients, except the tomatoes, mixing gently but thoroughly.
Fill the tomatoes with the mixture.
Arrange on a serving platter, garnished with the chopped chives, and serve chilled.
Rate It
Nutrition Rank
Nutrition Facts
Serving size: Complete recipe
Calories 1541 Calories from Fat 1060
% Daily Value*
Total Fat 118 g182.3%
Saturated Fat 12.3 g61.7%
Trans Fat 0 g
Cholesterol 78.6 mg26.2%
Sodium 2745.8 mg114.4%
Total Carbohydrates 109 g36.4%
Dietary Fiber 16.3 g65.3%
Sugars 28.5 g
Protein 14 g27.2%
Vitamin A 169% Vitamin C 335%
Calcium 16.7% Iron 34%
*Based on a 2000 Calorie diet


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Making it Big:How to beat mid-career crisis?
Prasanna Puttappa
Ranch Hand
Posts: 54
posted 6 years ago
I'm hoping Sam responds to your question, but could you give us your definition of "mid-career crisis"? I know for me, that phrase suggests the phrase "mid-life crisis". Unfortunately, it's hard to beat the "middle" because we'll all eventually get there, but I think we can certainly beat the feelings of the mid-career crisis.
Rick (rickumali.com) Umali
Michael Sullivan
Ranch Hand
Posts: 235
posted 6 years ago
Sam's reply in this thread seems like what you need...


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As we've previously reported here, California is close to finalizing regulations to implement the "Safer Consumer Products Regulations" enacted by the Legislature and signed by former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger in 2009. On June 6, the California Department of Toxic Substances Control (DTSC), the agency tasked with finalizing the regulations and putting them into everyday use, closed a sixth public comment period on green chemistry regulations that would require manufacturers to prepare lengthy reports analyzing alternatives to "chemicals of concern." The new regulations, five years in the making, will take effect this year and likely within the next few months. Companies that sell products in California, no matter where they are based, need to get familiar with these regulations. DTSC has faced a withering barrage of criticism from business and the California Chamber of Commerce, which has estimated over 10 years the cost of the regulations to California's business will exceed $100 million.
The way the regulations will work is DTSC will establish a list of approximately 1,200 "Candidate Chemicals" with recognized environmental or toxicological risks, such as carcinogens, reproductive toxins, neurotoxins, or other pollutants. Initially, DTSC will then select only five "Priority Products" (such as, for example, an automobile or latex gloves) determined to contain Candidate Chemicals from the big list. Once a Candidate Chemical is in a Priority Product it becomes a "Chemical of Concern" or a "COC." Producers of these Priority Products, referred to as the "Responsible Entity" (which can include any party placing a Priority Product in the stream of commerce in the state – and even assemblers), must then evaluate ways to remove the COC from the product at issue, evaluate possible alternatives to the COC, or opt to halt distribution of the product in California entirely – all demonstrated to the satisfaction of the DTSC, which will have a wide berth in terms of decision making under the law.
The final phase of the regulatory process may include appropriate response by DTSC, which could include consumer notification of the presence of a COC or an approved alternative, restrictions on use, requiring the use of other chemicals, or even banning the chemical and product altogether. The official list of Candidate Chemicals will be published on the effective date of the regulation, meaning within a few months. The initial proposed Priority Product list will be published for review and public comment no later than 180 days after the effective date of the regulations. The public comment period will then last for at least 45 days, with required technical and other disclosures required of responsible parties for Priority Products due within 60 days after the proposed list of Priority Products is finalized.
Manufacturers, importers, assemblers and retailers will bear the double burden of notifying the DTSC when their product is listed and submitting a preliminary "alternatives analysis" (AA) report within 180 days of the product's listing (unless they request a one-time 90-day extension). A final AA report must be submitted 12 months after that, containing next steps to reduce exposure. Though both reports will require a tremendous amount of detail and scientific study, only the executive summary of each will be made public in order to protect trade secrets. Failure to comply could result in audits, fines and penalties.
Critics have noted that the scope of the DTSC was formerly limited to environmental pollution, and the agency has no experience in the field of consumer products. The airline, auto, electronics and fashion industries submitted comments decrying the murky definition of acceptable compliance. For example, must a manufacturer complete an alternatives analysis for each product, each component, or each chemical-product combination? The recent addition of "assemblers" to the list of responsible parties could rope in virtually any entity, including small repair businesses. Some have requested that efforts be aimed at establishing a universal standard, rather than a state regulatory scheme. Proponents and opponents alike say the consequences of the new regulations will undoubtedly affect international trade. DTSC has said it will only name five Priority Products to start with. Hence, while sweeping, these regulations will begin on a small scale. Small scale or not, however, the regulations are about to kick off uncharted territory for business.
We will continue to keep our clients and contacts advised on this developing law.
DISCLAIMER: Because of the generality of this update, the information provided herein may not be applicable in all situations and should not be acted upon without specific legal advice based on particular situations.
© Sedgwick LLP
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Guest Post: Observations on the Jewish Response to the Movement for Black Lives Platform from a Self Loving Antiracist White JewPosted: August 14, 2016 Filed under: American Jewish Community, Anti-Semitism, Genocide, Holocaust, Human Rights, Israel, Jewish Community, Judaism, Palestine, Politics, Religion Leave a comment
A guest post from my friend Martin Friedman:
For the purpose of this piece I will be referring to Blacks who are for the most part gentile and white Jews (Jews who have come to get the racial designation of White in the context of the US regardless of self identification).
This particular piece is really written for Jews who have come to be called White. Jews who are also people of color are writing excellent pieces from their unique perspective. I will not attempt to speak from that perspective.
What a(nother) crucial time for relationships between "Blacks" and "Jews"! What will we choose? Will we, as we have done so many times in the past, choose whiteness and the perceived safety that we feel goes with that in the US or will we choose to align ourselves with those that are most oppressed in a given society? This is a very familiar spot for the Ashkenazi (and occasionally Sephardi) Jew who now gets a racial designation as white in the US.
Let's get this out of the way right now. Jewish, in the United States, isn't a race. It is a culture that includes both spirituality and religion and also includes non religious ways of life. Jewish is also, arguably, an ethnicity based on being a cultural marker that has traveled with us and defined us. In this country Jewish is not a race.
So please, Ashkenazi Jews, just stop saying, "I'm not white. I'm Jewish." Yes we are Jewish and we will also be assigned a race based on how we are commonly perceived by institutions and systems. How we see ourselves or how we self identify does not matter in this race-constructed and race-constitutionalized country. A Jewish person who is also Black, Latino, Asian, Native American or mixed race will be identified first by their race even as they self identify as a Jew.
OK, let's get something else out of the way too. I am a self loving Jew (who is also white). I love my Jewishness. I am unapologetically Jewish. So let's just wipe out the whole, "Oh, he must be a self hating Jew because he isn't mortally offended that the Movement for Black Lives platform used the terminology of genocidal and apartheid policies in relationship to Israel." Or, "Oh, we don't have to listen to Martin because he went to Israel and visited the West Bank and East Jerusalem and has been critical of Israeli policy on his Facebook page". Not true! On my grand and great grandparents! On my great Aunt Leah from whom I got my middle name. I love my Jewishness! I love the connection I feel to my Eastern European Jewish heritage.
I am also in love with an ideal of Jewishness that isn't rooted in whiteness and domination. A Jewish ideal of true Tikkun Olam; of Repairing the world. All the world! Not just a world defined by whiteness or Europeanness. Not a world where we get to control the conversation.
The world is broken. Does our refusing to engage with BLM help repair it? Can we repair it if we don't engage with people who criticize current Israeli policy and US financial and Military support for the government that developed and enforces those policies?
It's time for White Jews to stop choosing whiteness and align ourselves with those most oppressed in the US because that is what true Jewishness is about. And why wouldn't we? The point of the Movement for Black Lives Platform was to speak truth to all power, not to use pleasing language. It is our duty to sit across the table from people who have been most oppressed in our country and hear what they have to say about what they perceive to be genocidal policy that's connected to Institutional, Systemic and Structural Racism in the US.
What are we afraid of? Why are we, of all people, afraid of conversation about oppression? If the policies of the Israeli government really are leading to a fair two or one state solution, why can't we sit at a table and discuss it? Remember, the one piece of the platform we are so hyped up about is about governmental policy both here and in Israel not about hating or oppressing Jews? Remember that Egypt was mentioned at the same time as Israel? I hope we are not forgetting those things because this is just an easy reason to disengage.
We are a people who have such a long history of debate and multiple interpretations of the same text (or in this case policies) so why are we shutting this conversation down? Because of multigenerational historical trauma from the European Holocaust? All the more reason to sit down with people who have multigenerational historical trauma from the Trans-Atlantic slave trade and US chattel slavery. Multigenerational trauma from lynchings and Jim Crow. From a Eugenics narrative that was studied here in the US by German Nazis. My people, we share roots in our historical trauma.
We, White Jews, have confused comfort with safety. And the root of that confusion is the root of the problem, power. Power is defined (by the People's Institute for Survival and Beyond) as legitimate access to institutions and systems sanctioned by the state. Power that is equivalent to Whiteness. People that have strong access to institutional and systemic power confuse discomfort with safety all the time.
I put forth, vehemently, that the wording of one section of the Movement for Black Lives platform makes us uncomfortable, not unsafe. We must be willing to engage. It's pure privilege to get to pick and choose when and with whom we engage on this subject. It's extreme privilege to just say no, I'm done. Extreme privilege to be able to shut someone down.
This is another in a long line of moments in history where we as white Jews get to chose alignment with whiteness or with People of Color. And what's even crazier this time is that it feels like it's our Jewishness that is at stake. It's even crazier because it feels like this is anti Semitism. Again, being anti-Israeli policy and anti-US government policy is not the same thing as being anti-Semitic.
Historically, we've chosen the perceived safety of whiteness. Our ability to become fully White was due to governmental policy, the GI bill plus redlining which gave us our whiteness while excluding Blacks and Latinos who such a short time earlier had been our partners and friends. But they couldn't access it in the same way as we could due to racism.
Yes, many of us were in the civil rights movement. Yes, many of us marched side by side. But we let ourselves get coopted so soon after. We chose whiteness because it got us out of the ghetto (named because of us by the way!) It was our literal ghetto pass. We need to understand that we left our brothers and sisters behind.
What are the costs of choosing Whiteness over Jewishness? One of the costs of our comfort and our privilege is Black and Brown lives. As long as we align ourselves with whiteness we contribute to the deaths of Black and Brown people at the hands of institutions. Their deaths are part of the the cost of our comfort, safety and privilege.
The other loss is the loss of what it really means to be Jewish. That it means to not stand idly by our neighbor's blood. That it means true Tikkun Olam. We are at such a(nother) crucial time of choice.
Let's choose our Jewishness over Whiteness this time. Let's choose life.
A Prayer for the Global Shabbat Against Home DemolitionsPosted: August 10, 2016 Filed under: CJNV Delegation 2016, Human Rights, Israel, Palestine, Prayer, Religion Leave a comment
The very sad news came yesterday that Israel had demolished Palestinian homes throughout the West Bank, including five in Umm al-Kheir – the village I visited last month with a delegation from the Center For Jewish Nonviolence. Susiya, another village we visited is also under threat of immanent demolition. Please join me in signing this petition to urge Secretary of State Kerry to "to use the leverage the United States has, as Israel's biggest supporter, to put real pressure on Israel to stop displacing Palestinian families from their homes."
This Friday night August 12, will mark the Global Shabbat Against Home Demolitions – an international show of solidarity with Palestinians who live with daily possibility that their homes will be destroyed and their families uprooted. Click here to see if there is a gathering near you. If not, please consider organizing one.
A Prayer for the Steadfast
This is a prayer for the steadfast,
the ones who stand firm,
the ones who say:
you can destroy my house
but you will never destroy my home.
This is a prayer for the ones
who lose their fields
only to clear new ones,
uprooting weeds, moving stones,
planting zatar seedlings
in the hot summer sun.
This is a prayer for the ones
who sift through the rubble of their homes
and find dolls, blankets, tea canisters,
photos of ancestors gazing at them
through shattered glass.
This is a prayer for the ones
who live in tents
next to twisted steel and broken concrete
knowing they will have to rebuild
before winter comes again.
This is a prayer for the ones
who issue appeals
and stays and petitions
to courts that issue no justice.
This is a prayer for the ones
who put their children to bed at night
in huts of corrugated metal,
praying they will not awaken
to the sounds of bulldozers.
This is a prayer for the ones
who stand amidst the ruins
once the soldiers have gone
and silently vow:
demolish our houses again
if you choose
but we will never leave.
We will rebuild, we will replant,
we will remain.
Our very existence
is resistance.
Jewish Solidarity with Black Lives Matter: We Can't Have it Both WaysPosted: August 4, 2016 Filed under: American Jewish Community, Anti-Semitism, Civil Rights, Human Rights, Israel, Jewish Community, Palestine, Politics, Racism, Zionism Leave a comment
The Black Lives Matter movement has just taken a huge and important step. A new coalition called Movement 4 Black Lives recently released "Vision for Black Lives," a powerful, comprehensive policy statement released by thirty grassroots organizations and endorsed by sixty others.
"Vision for Black Lives" is the product of a collaborative research and writing process that took more than a year by an eight person team – and is intensely relevant to the current political moment. Team member Marbre Stahly-Butts summed up the purpose of the statement this way: Democrats and Republicans are offering anemic solutions to the problems that our communities face… We are seeking transformation, not just tweaks."
In contrast to the hollow posturing that counts for political discourse in the US, the M4BLM platform offers an important alternative vision: a deep analysis of how systems of oppression intersect and the devastating impact they have on people/communities of color. It's particularly vital because it doesn't come from a political party, think tank or special interest lobby, but rather directly from the grassroots communities most impacted by racism and oppression. In so doing, it represents a huge step toward the creation of a real movement for social and political change in our country.
As journalist Collier Myerson recently wrote in Fusion:
This is a really, really big deal. By shedding its previous identity as a largely reactionary, structureless movement, Black Lives Matter seeks to definitively lead the national discussion on the safety, health, and freedom of black people. Painting the movement with a broad brush is a seismic shift. And it's a shift that Occupy Wall Street never put in motion, a failure which many point to as the reason for the movement's eventual dissolution. The list of demands set forth by M4BL explicitly unifies organizations across the United States—and though the goals are purposefully lofty, it's a significant move towards harnessing the power of local groups into something bigger.
Vision for Black Lives has been welcomed enthusiastically by many allies in this growing movement (such as those fighting for immigrant justice for instance). And as for the Jewish communal establishment? For its part, the Jewish Community Relations Council of Greater Boston angrily "disassociated" itself from the statement, calling it "false" and "malicious". Why? Because in the midst of this vast and extensive platform, the M4BLM statement referred to Israel's "genocide" against the Palestinian people and expressed its support for the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement.
Actually, I wouldn't expect anything else from an organization such as the Boston JCRC. Earlier this year, in fact, David Bernstein, the President and CEO of the Jewish Council on Public Affairs (the parent organization of JCRCs around the country), wrote an op-ed in which he thoroughly denounced "the solidarity between the Black Lives Matter and Palestine movements" and made a strong pitch for finding allies that will help them drive a wedge into Black-Palestinian solidarity. (Notably the Boston JCRC statement referred to its "friends and neighbors in the African-American community" who share their views on Israel and Zionism.)
I was very disappointed however, to read a statement released by Tru'ah – a progressive rabbinical organization that advocates for human rights that has in the past articulated strong support of BLM. Yet in their immediate response to the M4BLM platform, T'ruah spent almost all of its wordage decrying the genocide reference and BLM's support for BDS.
Though I have many friends and colleagues in T'ruah whose work I respect greatly, I find this statement much more disturbing than the one released by the Boston JCRC. While the latter group openly vilifies the BLM movement, T'ruah purports to stand in solidarity with them. As opposed to more conservative Jewish establishment institutions, I've always had the impression that T'ruah truly "got it" when it came to the BLM movement.
On T'ruah's website, for instance, you will find a powerful "Prayer for Black Lives Matter". You will also find a post written by Rabbi Susan Talve and Sarah Barasch-Hagans entitled "10 Rules for Engagement for White Jews Joining the Black Lives Matter Movement," a smart and insightful document that appears to grasp the complex issue of allyship. Among the rules listed are "Practice Deep Listening and Less Talking;" "Do Your Own Communities' Work" and "Hold Yourself Accountable".
In the rule, "Go outside of your comfort zone while staying in your lane," the authors write:
Pay attention. Don't hide when it gets messy. We all have a role to play and we will all make mistakes. Accept guidance. Remember this is a movement to awaken compassion. No name calling. "Call people in" rather than calling them out. Give the benefit of the doubt whenever possible. We are all sad and scared (or should be). Faith communities can be bridge builders, healers, and witnesses in this movement to make Black and Brown lives matter.
Sadly, T'ruah itself has broken its own rule by releasing this statement. If they truly purport to stand in solidarity with BLM, they cannot publicly "call them out" because their new platform lands outside their comfort zone. If they were to be true to their own articulated values, T'ruah should have reached out to them, engaged with them and tried to understand where they were coming from, thus opening a real dialogue. T'ruah does not give the BLM "the benefit of the doubt" when it issues an immediate counter-statement such as this; tantamount to a group in a position of power saying to an oppressed group, "we will stand in solidarity with you but only on our terms."
The claim that Israel is committing "genocide" against the Palestinians undeniably pushes all kinds of buttons for many Jews. But there are also Jews and Israelis who feel it is not an inappropriate word to use, particularly in regard to Israel's regular military assaults against Gaza. Likewise, while the BDS call is extraordinarily controversial for many Jews, there are also Jews who respect it as a legitimate call for nonviolent resistance from over 150 Palestinian civil society organizations. And it is simply not true to claim, as T'ruah does, that "the BDS movement (rejects) Israel's right to exist." On the contrary, the goal of the BDS call is equal rights for Palestinians as well as Jews.
But even if T'ruah feels it is wrong for BLM to refer to Israel in this manner, it can't claim to stand in solidarity with them while publicly calling them out over the parts that make them uncomfortable. Rather, they should hold themselves to their own standard by "calling BLM in," engaging with them and be "bridge builders" – especially in the places where there is pain or disagreement.
At the end of the day however, I don't think this is T'ruah's issue alone – it's a challenge for the entire progressive Jewish community at large. If we claim to ascribe to a power analysis that views systems of oppression as intersectional and interrelated, we simply constantly cannot make an exception when it comes to Israel. The black community is increasingly finding common cause with Palestinians – and for good reason. Both are oppressed by the same systems, the same weapons, and the same security companies. It is not by coincidence that American police departments around the country are increasingly trained by the Israeli military.
If we truly seek to be to relevant this undeniably growing movement, we need to make these connections as well. No matter how uncomfortable it might make us.
"Occupation is Not Our Judaism" – Some Final ThoughtsPosted: July 27, 2016 Filed under: American Jewish Community, CJNV Delegation 2016, Israel, Nonviolence, Palestine Leave a comment
video by A. Daniel Roth
Even though I've been back from the Center for Jewish Nonviolence delegation for almost a week now, I'll take this opportunity to end this series with some final closing thoughts. There's so much I wasn't able to cover – and so much more to say about what I did – but I do at least want to highlight some of my major takeaways from this amazing experience.
To start: I have no doubt in my mind now that a genuine diaspora-based Jewish movement for Palestinian solidarity is rapidly growing. It's real, it's broad based and its gaining some serious traction. When I was first invited by CJNV founder Ilana Sumka to join this delegation, I went to their website and read that the trip would include Jews who come from a wide spectrum of organizations such as Jewish Voice for Peace, J Street, Open Hillel, If Not Now and Students for Justice in Palestine. I will admit I was dubious. It was simply unprecedented for a Jewish organization to bring such an ideologically diverse array of Jews together to stand in solidarity with Palestinians.
But I also knew that if anyone could build such a Jewish coalition together, it was an organizer such as Ilana, who invests her head and her heart in creative and inspiring ways. The mission and values of CJNV are powerfully straightforward: the conviction that all individuals are equal based on our shared humanity and therefore have the right to be treated equally under the law; a commitment to principles and practices of nonviolent resistance; and unwavering opposition to Israel's unjust occupation.
In our group there were obviously real political differences (i.e. BDS, the specific meaning of "occupation" and one state vs. two) but in the end we weren't there to debate our issues – we were there to stand in solidarity with Palestinians. Because of our diversity we had a real strength in numbers; indeed it's hard to dismiss 40 diaspora Jews openly responding to a call from Palestinians to stand with them in their struggle. It will be even harder next year, when CJNV organizes 200 diaspora Jews to answer the call. I have no doubt in my mind that there will be at least that many participants – if not more.
I also believe that this movement is the real deal because the majority of participants on this delegation were Jewish millennials. I've seen this coming for a while now: back in 2010 I wrote that there was a growing generation of young proud Jews who were openly rejecting the Jewish establishment's orthodoxy on Israel. And I noted that they were "growing in number (and) rapidly finding their voice."
Well, I've believe they've found their collective voice. Journalist Peter Beinart, who has also been warning the Jewish establishment about this phenomenon for some time, attended our action and later wrote in Ha'artez that after talking with these young activists, he "realized how formidable a challenge they're likely to pose to the American Jewish establishment in the years to come."
Another takeaway from this experience for me was the critical importance of solidarity as a discipline as well as a value. Far too often, leftist activists approach this kind of work using what I would call a "liberal benevolence" paradigm – i.e. helping oppressed people on their own terms rather than taking their lead from those who are most directly affected by this oppression. It was very clear to us through the course of this delegation that the leadership of CJNV had cultivated genuine, longtime relationships with Palestinians activists and Palestinian resistance groups on the ground. And every step of the way, we were reminded that the actions we undertook were at the request of our Palestinian partners.
It was crucial for us to understand that in the end, this is not ultimately our struggle – and that as diaspora Jews we have real power and privilege that we cannot take for granted. On the contrary, we were there to leverage our privilege to support the Palestinian struggle and to shine a light on a system that privileges one group of people over another in such blatant and immoral ways. In Susiya, the only reason the Palestinian villagers could return to visit their original homes was because as Jews, we could purchase tickets to an archaeological park for our entire group. In Hebron, we were well aware that as diaspora Jews, we could garner publicity about Tel Rumeida to an extent that would never be afforded to Palestinians alone. We were also we aware that as diaspora Jews, we were treated far better than the Palestinian activists from Youth Against the Settlements, who were arrested virtually on the spot by the IDF and Israeli police as we continued to work and sing.
It is our hope that through our privilege, we were be able to spotlight the courageous leadership of Palestinian nonviolent leaders such as Aziz and Eid Hathaleen of Umm al-Kheir, Nasser Nawaja of Susiya, Issa Amro of Hebron and Zuheir Elrajabi of Batan al-Hawa and so many others who engage in resistance every single day in their communities. It has been our honor to get to know them, to support their struggle and to do what we can to bring their work to the attention of the world so that many more might stand with them as well.
Yet another gift from this delegation: the opportunity to get to know the Israeli members of the Palestine solidarity community. It is too often said that there is "no longer such a thing as the Israeli left." While this may be true politically, there is a small but thriving movement of Israeli grassroots activists who actively support the Palestinian struggle and are themselves worthy of our support. I'm referring to groups such as Tayush, All That's Left, Rabbis for Human Rights and Breaking the Silence among others, who join direct actions, document abuses, help rebuild homes and provide legal support with their Palestinian partners. These Israeli activists are intensely stigmatized and marginalized by Israeli society – and are too often physically harmed in the process. To my mind, however, they are all that remains of the Jewish ethical soul in Israel. As the far right continues its inexorable political ascendance, I do believe these activists are among only ones left standing between sanity and the abyss. It was such an honor to work alongside them as well.
One final takeaway:
I mentioned in an earlier post that our Cinema Hebron action took place at an old factory owned by Jawad Abu Aisha. The Abu Aisha family is in fact, a venerable family in the Tel Rumeida neighborhood of Hebron. Like many families there, they originally had amicable relations with the Jewish communities up until the late 19th/early 20th centuries. This relative peace was tragically rent asunder in 1929 when growing Arab-Jewish tensions resulted in the brutal murder of 67 Jews in Hebron. The trauma of this moment remains fixed in the memory of many Jewish Israelis. What is lesser known is that many more Jews would have been killed had they not been saved by their Palestinian neighbors.
The Abu Aisha family were among those neighbors. And to this day they keep a sacred record of their family's redemptive act in 1929:
The paper that (Muhammad) Abu Aisha keeps in his pocket … is a faded photocopy of a page of "The Hebron Book," a deluxe album that was published at the start of the 1970s in order to perpetuate the memory of the Jewish community that lived in the town until the massacre in 1929. Even though he does not read Hebrew, he knows very well what is written on the page, an account of those among the Arabs of Hebron who risked their lives to save their Jewish neighbors. At the bottom of the page is a blurred photograph of two men embracing. "This is Ya'akov Ezra and this is my father, Hamed Abu Aisha," says the elderly man.
As radical Jewish settlers began to move back into the heart of Hebron in the 1980s, the Abu Aisha family, like many other Palestinian families in that area, became targets of harassment and abuse. For at least two decades now the Abu Aisha family lives in what is known as the "caged house" in Tel Rumeida, with iron bars across their windows to protect them from settler violence. Their house and its adjoining properties are considered prime real estate by the extremist settler community who has been gradually encroaching on their property with the tacit permission of the Israeli civil authority.
But as our group worked alongside Palestinians from Tel Rumeida to clear garbage and weeds from the Abu Aisha's property that Friday morning, I couldn't help but think of the time not so long ago when the Jews and Palestinians lived together, side by side, not separated by "sterile roads" and caged windows.
And I couldn't help but think that in some small redemptive way, our action might somehow be bringing Hebron that much closer to such a time once again.
Rooftop Resistance and Street Celebration in SilwanPosted: July 23, 2016 Filed under: CJNV Delegation 2016, Israel, Nakba, Nonviolence Leave a comment
Sunday, July 17: We spent most of our day in the Palestinian village of Silwan, just outside the Old City of Jerusalem. Like Hebron, Silwan is being targeted by extremist settlers who are moving into the heart of their community, displacing residents in the process.
Our visit began at the Ir David ("City of David") archaeological park. I first visited Ir David in the early 1980s, when it was a relatively small site where civilians could come and sift through the dirt for pot shards. Today, Ir David is nothing short of an archaeological Disneyland – and this is not an exaggeration.
As we approached, we walked alongside a slick mural with a David's Harp mascot. The site itself was massive and felt like a state of the art theme park, packed with families and schoolchildren. Near the ticket booth, we could hear harp music softly playing in the background. On the surface at least, it would appear that this is a place for Israelis of all ages to have fun making Biblical history come alive. But there is a seriously darker side to the history of Ir David.
Ir David is run by Elad, a private settler association that seeks to claim land and create a Jewish majority in East Jerusalem. Elad's founder is David Be'eri, a former deputy commander of an Israeli special forces unit. After starting Elad in 1986, Be'eri targeted his first home in Silwan: pretending to be a tour guide, he collected information about the the owners of the house (the family of Musa El Abassi). He then learned that some members of the Abassi family were living abroad – which meant the property could be confiscated under Israel's Absentee Property Law of 1950 (which allowed Israelis to move into homes vacated when Palestinians fled or were expelled during the 1948 Nakba).
Our host was longtime Silwan leader/activist Zuheir Elrajabi. After lunch in the Al Bustan neighborhood, Zuheir took us on a short tour along Silwan's narrow winding streets. Because of its proximity to Ir David, Al Bustan is a prime target for Elad; residents there have been living in real fear over the "legal" status of their land and property rights. Current plans for the area call for the demolition of 88 homes inhabited by 114 families (1,123 individuals) in order to construct a "King David's Garden."
We then walked up to Batan al-Hawa, another Silwan neighborhood targeted area by extremist Jewish settlers. This effort has been organized by Ateret Cohanim, an organization seeking to create a Jewish majority in East Jerusalem and the Muslim Quarter of the Old City. (Take a close look at the pic below and see if you can spot the home occupied by Jewish settlers):
In some cases, families are evicted for adding on to their homes without a building permit (which are almost never issued to Palestinians). In other cases, Ateret Cohanim does research to see if any of the homes or buildings were owned by Jews prior to 1948; if so, they use legal means to "reclaim" Jewish ownership. (Perversely ironic considering the Absentee Property Law of 1950 invoked in Al Bustan argues exactly the opposite: that Palestinians expelled from their homes in 1948 forfeit the right to return to their homes).
Zuheir took us through the increasingly narrow streets of Batan al-Hawa, taking time to show one such home, a building with several units. All have been taken over by Jewish families except for one. The new Jewish residents have put a large metal door in the main entrance so the Palestinian family must ask the Jewish residents to open the door for them each time they need to enter or exit. The small number of settlers hire armed security guards to accompany them wherever they go – during the course of the day it was impossible to ignore these men with their wearing bullet proof vests walking up and down the streets of Silwan.
The situation at another home was even more dismal. The original owners, the Abu Nab family, had lived in the building since 1948, after their family was expelled from their home in present day West Jerusalem. Last year, it was ruled that Jewish settlers could take over the building because it was discovered that a Yemenite Jewish family owned it in the 19th century. As Zuheir showed us the front of the home, a large armored van pulled up and two security guards came around. An ultra-orthodox woman holding a baby with a toddler at her side got quickly out the van and walked quickly into the home with the guards following close by.
Most of the Abu Nab family have left the home except for a remnant that lives in a small structure at the rear of the building. Since that time, the settler family has thrown garbage down on and around their home and knocked their satellite dish off of their roof. In order to enter and exit the building, they must go up a small ladder in the rear of a home two houses away (first pic below), cross the roof of the home next door, then go down a long ladder to the ground where their small house is located (second pic below).
CJNV and All That's Left had been asked to help the the Abu Nab family and their neighbors to clean up the area around their home – so for the rest of the afternoon we worked with them to haul garbage out of the site under the watchful eyes of the settlers and their security guards. In the clip below, taken and narrated by CJNV staff Shlomo Roth, you'll get a good idea of how we spent our afternoon:
That evening, we engaged in another form of "Existence is Resistance." In conversations with Zuheir and other leaders in Silwan, it was determined that we should take the opportunity of our visit to help the Batan al-Hawa neighborhood organize a block party in front of the Abu Nab home. The community felt that a party would be just the thing, given the day to day stress of eviction and dispossession constantly hanging over their heads. It would also give the children of the neighborhood the opportunity to run free and play – something they rarely do because of the narrow streets and intimidating presence of the armed security guards.
So while many of us were helping clean up the Abu Nab home, others from our group helped decorate the street with balloon and signs, chairs and tables. Then, as evening fell, our revels began. (See clip at the top of the post and below):
I think many in our delegation would agree that the Batan al-Hawa block party was one of the emotional high points of a trip that had many such moments. On the one hand it felt like a normal everyday party with children running, laughing and dancing, plenty of food, great music blasting. But during it all I was keenly aware that this "normal" party was nothing of the sort – it was something that rarely, if ever occurs in the oppressed environs of Silwan. Given the injustice inflicted every day on the residents of Silwan, even an ordinary party is itself a form of civil resistance.
About halfway through the party, we saw three men hauling something large wending their way through the crowd. As they got closer I could see it was the broken-off satellite dish we had hauled up out of the garbage piled next to the Abu Nab home. We placed it up against a wall at the end of the block. The dish was now a piece of art. Festively painted with a green and yellow peace sign, it bore the message: "Welcome to Batan al-Hawa"- "We Love Silwan."
Breaking Ground at Cinema HebronPosted: July 17, 2016 Filed under: American Jewish Community, CJNV Delegation 2016, Israel, Nonviolence, Palestine, Prayer, Religion Leave a comment
This past Friday, I had the honor to participate in an incredible, unprecedented mass action of civil disobedience in the H2 section of Hebron – in the heart of Israel's unjust and illegal occupation.
I'll start with a little bit of history:
In 1968, a year after Israel conquered the West Bank, a group of radical religious settlers led by Rabbi Moshe Levinger, led a group of followers to a hotel in Hebron – with the government's support – to observe a Passover seder. When it was over, they refused to leave; and following a negotiation with the government, they were allowed to create a settlement to the east of Hebron that they named Kiryat Arba Since that time, Jewish settlers gradually moved into Hebron proper. Over the years tension gradually increased in Hebron. Things changed drastically in 1995 after Baruch Goldstein murdered 29 Muslim worshippers in the Ibrahimi mosque. Fearful of reprisals, the IDF imposed increasing curfews and restriction of movement on the Palestinian population.
In 1996, as part of the Oslo agreement, Hebron was divided into two sections: H1 and H2. H1 is locally governed by the Palestinian Authority and is home to approximately 120,000 Palestinians. Tens of thousands of Palestinians live in H2 along with 600 Jewish settlers. Since the Second Intifada, Israel increased their security crackdown on this part of the city, blocking off major streets to Palestinians – most notably the main commercial road, Shuhadah Street. (The army refers to them as "sterile roads").
Virtually every Palestinian shop in H2 has been closed and their doors welded shut by the army. Because the Palestinian residents of Shuhadah St. are not allowed to walk on the road, they must enter and exit through the rear of homes because they cannot leave their own front doors. Because of these measures – and the ongoing harassment and violence at the hands of Jewish settlers – what was once the busting commercial center of Hebron has become a ghost town. 42% of its Palestinian homes are empty and 70% of its Palestinian business have been shut down.
We visited Hebron earlier this week and it was a truly chilling experience. Our group went on a tour led by Breaking the Silence, an organization of Israeli army veterans who are speaking out about the abuses the IDF are committing in Hebron. I did a BTS tour in 2008 during my first real foray into the reality of contemporary Hebron. Today, the situation there is even more dire if such a thing is possible.
Before we started our tour, we witnessed an incident in which a settler attacked an Israeli photographer and damaged his camera. As it turned out the photographer was the celebrated photojournalist Oren Ziv. who was accompanying a private BTS tour for Irish author Colm Tóibín. The incident was captured on film by a member of our delegation. He gave a copy of the video to Ziv so he could press charges against the settler for damages. (We never found out whether or not he actually succeeded).
As we walked down Shuhadah St., the intimidating presence of the settlers was impossible to ignore. At one point we saw Tóibín and his tour guide on the side of the road. A car with two settlers drove up and the driver proceeded to scream obscenities at them for ten minutes.
Hebron's settlers are truly the most brutal, ideologically extreme and heavily armed of the entire settler movement. They walk and drive the streets with impunity and full protection of the IDF. As is the case throughout the West Bank, Jews are governed by Israeli civil law – and as a result the army cannot and does not intervene when settlers harass Palestinians. However, since Palestinians are subject to military law, they face dual oppression from soldiers and settlers alike.
After our BTS tour we walked to the Tel Rumeida neighborhood of Hebron to meet with Issa Amro, founder/director of Youth Against the Settlements. YAS is an increasingly powerful and important Palestinian nonviolent organization; among other things, it sponsors the annual Open Shuhadah Street campaign and regularly organizes/empowers the youth of Hebron.
Issa is truly a visionary leader in the Palestinian popular resistance movement. He has been arrested and detained countless times for his activism but has clearly become well known throughout Hebron as force to be reckoned with. Palestinian activists such as Issa tend to infuriate the Israeli military because their principled commitment to nonviolence cannot be quelled militarily. Although he and his comrades have been arrested and detained numerous times, YAS has come to represent a ray of hope for the Palestinian residents of Hebron.
We met Issa in the YAS center, which has an interesting history all its own. Originally Palestinian-owned, the building was taken over by settlers several years ago. But through a methodical campaign of legal pressure and nonviolent resistance, the settlers were eventually evicted and it was turned into YAS's central headquarters. Last November, the center was raided by the IDF and temporarily declared a "closed military zone" (I'll get back to this term later). Still, Issa and YAS remain steadfast.
On Thursday we prepared to return to Hebron for our nonviolent direct action, which had been almost two years in the planning by YAS and the Israeli anti-occupation collective All That's Left. The Center for Jewish Nonviolence was invited to be part of this action as well so that its message could be strengthened through the solidarity of diaspora Jewry. CJNV has cultivated a strong relationship with both YAS and ATL and other Israeli/Palestinian partners on the ground. It is truly a sign of the times that diaspora Jews are joining this increasingly broad-based solidarity movement.
The goal of the action was to begin the process of turning an old metal factory in the Tel Rumeida neighborhood of Hebron into a movie theater: Cinema Hebron.YAS chose to build a movie theater so that the isolated, segregated Palestinian residents of H2 could have a place to come together in community – to experience even a little slice of normalcy in this intensely abnormal, unjust environment. It was also designed to be a statement to the settler community that the Palestinian residents of Hebron will continue to resist the theft of their property – and that Jews from around the world are ready to stand in solidarity with them.
The factory is owned by Jawad Abu Aisha, the patriarch of a prominent family in Tel Rumeida. As was the case with the YAS center, Jewish settlers were gradually encroaching toward this particular property – and based on past history, it seemed it was only a matter of time before it was taken it over completely. Tel Rumeida is heavily desired by settlers and has long been one of the tensest areas of Hebron. (This past March, Tel Rumeida made the news after a solider was filmed shooting a wounded Palestinian in the head while he was lying in the street.)
We spent all day Thursday preparing for the action, which was prepared down to the most minute detail. Our plan was to go to the old, cluttered site, begin the process of cleaning it up and announce our intention to turn it into Cinema Hebron to the press. Inevitably the IDF and police would show up and eventually declare it a "closed military zone" – their standard operating procedure when dealing with protests.
Legally speaking, the military needs to get a signed order to declare a closed military zone, but they often dispense with that pretense. Our plan was to keep cleaning up the site until the soldiers returned with their order. In the meantime, we would put up a mock marquee, pass out Cinema Hebron popcorn, give interviews to press, chant and sing, and do our best to clean up the site before they soldiers and police ordered us out.
There were 60 participants all told – 40 from CJNV and another twenty from Youth against the Settlements and All That's Left. Our group split up into three "pods" – Green (those who would work until the soldiers returned but would not take an arrest), Yellow (those who would would be willing to be arrested if it was deemed necessary by our leaders) and Red (those who would stay until they were arrested.)
As an extra precautionary measure, we drove to the site in separate vans to the site. Unfortunately, the military was somehow tipped off that there was some kind of action being planned for Hebron that day – and the van coming with ATF activists from Jerusalem was stopped en route. Our CJNV delegation all made it in safely, however. We gathered in an old metal warehouse until we were given the word that our tools had arrived. Then we put up the marquee and got to work.
The site was heavily overgrown with high weeds and all kinds of scrap metal everywhere. As we started raking, hauling, piling junk we sang a every Jewish song and civil rights chant we knew. In short order settlers started to gather, peering at us through the front gate. The IDF and police arrived soon as well – we worked for about an hour or an hour and a half before they actually entered the site. They began arguing with the Palestinian owners and after some back and forth, they eventually fell back and we continued with our work.
After another hour or so, they returned and announced that the area was closed military zone. At this point, the some members of our delegation left and the rest of us sat down in the middle of the site, continuing to chant and sing. A police officer came up to us and told us that our presence on the site was illegal and if we did not leave in two minutes, we would be arrested (below). When our two minutes were up, they started to physically remove us (see the clip at the top of this post). They shoved us to the back of the site, gathered us together and ordered to take out our passports. They then asked the six Israelis from our delegation to take out their identity cards and led them away. We were sent out in the other direction and told to leave the site.
At that point we gathered together and discussed what to do next. It seemed clear to us that the Israelis were targeted because they were easier to process – and that the authorities likely wanted to avoid the bad publicity of arresting internationals. When we received word from our lawyers that our six friends had been taken to the police station in Kiryat Arba, we decided to walk there together and demand their release.
After walking for only ten minutes or so we were stopped by five soldiers who told us we couldn't continue because the area was (you guessed it) a closed military zone. We refused to leave and said we simply wanted to visit our friends in the police station. Thus began a stand off, during which the lead soldier called his commander four or five times. They clearly had never dealt with a group like ours and were somewhat bewildered that we wouldn't leave when ordered. Finally Issa arrived and argued loudly with the soldiers. I'm not sure how he managed it but we were finally told we could continue along a detoured route.
We eventually made it to Shuhadah St., continued down the road, passed the Ibrahimi Mosque and headed up a hill that led us in the direction of Kiryat Arba. As we walked in, we were joined by soldiers who silently walked alongside us. It quickly became clear to me that they weren't there to impede us but rather to protect us from angry settlers. (I'm fairly sure this was the first time the residents of Kiryat Arba had ever witnessed a group of singing diaspora Jews walking down the street wearing "Occupation in Not Our Judaism" T-shirts ).
We finally arrived at a gated area and faced yet another gauntlet of soldiers. After yet another round of back and forth, we were sent around to the front gate. Then we walked down a residential community to the end of the street where the police station was located. We talked to the guard at the front gate and explained we wanted to see our friends inside. After other policemen gathered we were told that our six friends were indeed inside but that we would not be allowed to see them. At this point, increasing numbers of residents from the neighborhood had come to mock and taunt us. Many of them filmed us with their cell phones. Eventually we sat down on the ground in front of the station gate and began to sing and chant once more.
The leaders of our delegation were in cell phone contact with the lawyers and our friends inside, who told us they could actually hear us singing and calling out their names. They were in the process of being interrogated by the police one by one but were otherwise fine. By this point quite a crowd had started to gather around us. We kept on singing as more police cars arrived. The original officer came back to us and told us that this was an illegal assembly – and that we had two minutes to disperse before they arrested us.
After talking with our lawyers, we decided against taking an arrest. They told us they believed our friends would likely be released in several hours, adding that our arrest would not help their cause and might even hinder it. So after spending an hour at the station we got up, walked together down the street and gathered near the front gate. As Shabbat was getting closer, we sang Shalom Aleichem and Lecha Dodi together with our other songs. Then together, we walked to a YAS home in H1 to meet up with the rest of our crew, eat a late lunch, debrief, share stories and nap after our physically/emotionally exhausting experience. Eventually we boarded our bus and returned to Susiya, in the South Hebron Hills where we would spend our Shabbat.
That evening just after a gorgeous sunset, we made a circle on a rocky hill and I began to lead our Shabbat service. As I prepared to lead Lecha Dodi, the prayer that welcomes the Shabbat bride, I heard someone shout. I looked up and saw two cars pulling up. Our six friends got out, grinning ear to ear as we cheered their arrival. After lots of hugs and laughter, we all continued with our service.
Shabbat had arrived.
(PS: You can read about our Cinema Hebron action here and here and our Shabbat in Susiya here).
The People of Susiya ReturnPosted: July 14, 2016 Filed under: CJNV Delegation 2016, Human Rights, Israel, Nonviolence, Palestine, Politics, Zionism Leave a comment
This morning the Palestinians of Susiya returned to their original home, if only for a brief moment.
Khirbet Susiya is a village in the South Hebron Hills where until recently, Palestinians lived for at least a century. The people of Susiya originally lived in caves and maintained a simple agrarian life, cultivating fields and shepherding their flocks. Everything changed when Israel began to archaeologically excavate their land in the 1970s, eventually uncovering an ancient synagogue underneath a mosque on the land. In 1983 a new Jewish settlement, also called Susiya was established nearby. In 1986, Israel expelled Palestinian villagers and expropriated their land. They moved to an area close to the settlement of Susiya and the original site of the village; in 1991 they were expelled from this site as well. They eventually went to live elsewhere on their cultivated farmland, where they still live today.
The people of Susiya have been engaged in a constant fight to remain on their land where, like the Bedouin residents of Umm al-Kheir, they under the constant threat of demolition and expulsion. Their struggle has gained the attention of solidarity activists in Israel and around the world – and their cause has now even reached the EU and the US State Department.
This morning, our delegation went to Susiya to help them briefly return to the site of their original homes. It is now located in an archaeological park; as is the case in so many other sites around the country Israel uses archaeology to lay claim to the land – and highlight its Jewish history in a manner that erases the memory of any people who might have lived there before.
Today's action was undertaken by the Center for Jewish Nonviolence along with the Israeli anti-occupation collective, All That's Left. The plan was fairly simple. We met the villagers in Susiya and walked down the road to the entrance of the archaeological park. We then bought tickets for Jews and Palestinians alike and just entered the site.
At least three generations were represented, including adults and elders who remembered their life before the expulsion as well as children who were seeing their families' original home for the very first time. The children ran ahead immediately, peering down into wells, running up and down the stairs of the ruins. It's hard to describe the emotions we felt as we watched parents and grandparents showing their children their place where they played as when they were young.
We gathered at the site of the synagogue and heard from village leaders who told us stories about their life in their village before the expulsion. In the picture above you can see Nasser Nawaja (in the blue shirt) and his father and mother speaking to our group, with CJNV leader Isaac Kates Rose interpreting their words for us. We also heard from Fatma Nawaja, who related to us in depth her memories of when Israeli archaeologists first came to their village. At first their relations were quite friendly she said, and they would often offer the workers food and drink. They had no idea, said Fatma, that this project would one day cause them to be expelled them from their homes.
She also told us about the village midwife Haji Sara, who delivered many of the young people who were present at our gathering. Haji Sara was no longer alive, but Fatma made a point of telling us how much this moment would have meant to her. Later, when we toured the site, we were shown the cave that was Haji Sara's home (below). It is now used to house a multi-media presentation on the archeological site.
While we were fully prepared for the IDF to interrupt our visit (and had a nonviolent contingency plan in place), thankfully this did not occur. It was truly a blessing to be able to experience this visit without the traumatic presence of soldiers to remind the villagers of the brutal reality of their life under occupation. As it turned out, as we walked back to Susiya, we saw a green bus filled with soldiers roaring toward the archaeological park. About ten minutes later it passed us, heading back in the opposite direction. (Mission accomplished).
It seemed to me that there was something very Jewish about this witness of the exiled returning to their homes. Of course I was also aware that it was our own Jewish privilege in an ethnocentric nation-state that allowed this to brief return to happen at all. We can only hope that this moment offered us all a glimpse of a future when all Palestinians will be able to return to their homes
Tomorrow we're going back to Hebron, then back to Susiya for Shabbat. I will be reporting on something very special in my next post.


text:
This podcast features Open Book and A Good Read. In Open Book Mariella Frostrup talks to authors about their work. In A Good Read Harriett Gilbert discusses favourite books.
March 6th, 2012
Episode 144 of 560 episodes
Harriett Gilbert invites Deborah Meaden from Dragons' Den, and folk-singer and songwriter Eliza Carthy to discuss their favourite books: 'Everything is Illuminated' by Jonathan Safran Foer, 'The Instance of the Fingerpost' by Iain Pears and 'The Emperor's Babe' by Bernardine Evaristo.
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