text:
From Woman and the Republic by Helen Kendrick Johnson. This edition originally published in 1913.
The etext has been reformatted, redesigned and hyperlinked to add to its usefulness as a research document.
This version: Copyright © 2000 Jone Johnson Lewis. All Rights Reserved.
CHAPTER II. Is Woman Suffrage Democratic?
CHAPTER III. Woman Suffrage and the American Republic
CHAPTER IV. Woman Suffrage and Philanthropy
CHAPTER V. Woman Suffrage and the Laws
CHAPTER VI. Woman Suffrage and the Trades
CHAPTER VII. Woman Suffrage and the Professions
CHAPTER VIII. Woman Suffrage and Education
CHAPTER IX. Woman Suffrage and the Church
CHAPTER X. Woman Suffrage and Sex
CHAPTER XI. Woman Suffrage and the Home
As the claim of woman to share the voting power is related to the fundamental principles of government, the progress of government must be studied in relation to that claim in order to learn its bearing upon them. It is possible to suggest in one brief chapter only the barest outline of such a far-reaching scrutiny, and wiser heads than mine must search to conclusion; but some beginnings looking forward an answer to the inquiry I have raised have occurred to me as not having entered into the newly-opened controversy on woman suffrage.
I say, the newly-opened controversy, for, through these fifty years, the Suffragists have done nearly all the talking. So persistently have they laid claim to being in the line of progress for woman, that many of their newly aroused opponents fancied that the anti-suffrage view might be the ultra conservative one, and that democratic principles, strictly and broadly applied, might at last lead to woman suffrage, though premature if pushed to a conclusion now.
The first step in finding out how far that position is true is, to ascertain what the Suffragists say about this noblest of democracies, our own Government. In referring to the "The History of Woman Suffrage" for the opinions of the leaders, I am not only using a book that on its publication was considered a strong and full presentment of their arguments, but one which they are to-day advertising and selling as "a perfect arsenal of the work done by and for women during the last half century." In it the editors say: "Woman's political equality with man is the legitimate outgrowth of the fundamental principles of our government." Dr. Mary Putnam Jacobi, writing in the New York Sun in April, 1894, says: "Never, until the establishment of universal [male] suffrage, did it happen that all the women in a community, no matter how well born, how intelligent, how well educated, how virtuous, how wealthy, were counted the political inferiors of all the men, no matter how base born, how stupid, how ignorant, how brutal, how poverty-stricken. This anomaly is the real innovation. Men have personally ruled the women of their families; the law has annihilated the separate existence of women; but women have never been subjected to the political sovereignty of all men simply in virtue of their sex. Never, that is, since the days of the ancient republics." Mrs. Ellen Battelle Dietrick, who, as Secretary of the New-England Suffrage Association, was put forward to meet all comers, writing in July, 1895, said: "Shall we, as a people, be true to our principles and enfranchise woman? or, shall we drift along in the meanest form of oligarchy known among men-an oligarchy which exalts every sort of a male into a ruler simply because he is a male, and debases every woman into a subject simply because she is a woman?" Mrs. Fanny B. Ames, speaking in Boston in 1896, said: "I believe woman suffrage to be the final result of the evolution of a true democracy." Not only has every woman speaker or writer in favor of suffrage presented this idea in some form, but the men also who have taken that side have done likewise. One among those who advocated the cause before the Committee in the Constitutional Convention of New York, said: "Woman Suffrage is the inevitable result of the logic of the situation of modern society. The despot who first yielded an inch of power gave up the field. We are standing in the light of the best interests of the State of New York when we stand in the way of this forward movement."
All these writers charge the American Republic with being false to democratic principles in excluding women from the franchise, while but one of them alludes to the fact that in the ancient republics the same "anomaly" was seen.
As I read political history, the facts go to show that the fundamental principles of our Government are more opposed to the exercise of suffrage by women than are those of monarchies. To me it seems that both despotism and anarchy are more friendly to woman's political aspirations than is any form of constitutional government, and that manhood suffrage, and not womanhood, suffrage, is the final result of the evolution of democracy.
The Suffragists repeatedly call attention to the fact that in the early ages in Egypt, in Greece, and in Rome, women were of much greater political consequence than later during the republics; but the moral they have drawn has been that of the superiority of the ancient times. Mrs. Dietrick say: "The idea woman of Greece was Athena, patroness of all household arts and industries, but equally patroness of all political interests. The greatest city of Greece was believed to have been founded by her, and Greek history recorded that, though the men citizens voted solidly to have the city named for Neptune, yet the women citizens voted solidly for Athena, beat them by one vote, and carried that political matter. If physical force had been a governing power in Greece, and men its manifestation, how could such a story have been published by Greek men down to the second century before our era?"
Mrs. Dietrick's remarkably realistic version of the old myth does not tell the tale as Greek men published it. Varro, who was educated at Athens, goes on to say: "Thereupon, Neptune became enraged, and immediately the sea flowed over all the land of Athens. To appease the god, the burgesses were compelled to impose a three-fold punishment upon their wives-they were to lose their votes; the children were to receive no more the mother's name; and they themselves were no longer to be called Athenians, after the goddess." It seems to me this fable teaches that physical force was indeed the governing power in Athens at that day, and that men were its manifestation.
The legend is generally taken to indicate the time when the Greek gens progressed to the family. In the ruder time, the legitimacy of the chieftain might be traced, because the mother, though not always the father, could be known with certainty. When the father became the acknowledged head of the household, a distinct advance was made toward that heroic age in which the vague but towering figures of men and women move across the stage. Goddesses, queens, princesses, are powerful in love and war. Sibyls unfold the meaning of the book of fate. Vestals feed the fires upon the highest and lowest altars. Later, throughout most of the states of Greece, something like the following order of political life is seen: from kings to oligarchs, from oligarchs to tyrants or despots, from them to some form of restricted constitutional liberty. In Sparta, all change of government was controlled by the machinery of war, and the soldiers were made forever free. Athens, separated from the rest of Greece, was less agitated by outward conflict. In government she passed from king to archon; from hereditary archon to archons chosen for ten years, but always from one family, then to those elected for one year, nine being chosen. At the time of the Areopagus there were four classes of citizens. The first three paid taxes, had a right to share in the government, and formed the defence of the state. If women were of political importance in earlier times, and if a republic is more favorable to the exercise by them of the elective franchise, we should expect to find women reaching their highest power under the Areopagus. Exactly the contrary appears to be true. Native and honorable Greek women retired to domestic life as the liberty of their people grew. Grote, in his "History of Greece," referring to the legendary period, says: "We find the wife occupying a station of great dignity and influence, though it was the practice of the husband to purchase her by valuable presents to her parents. She even seems to live less secluded, and to enjoy a wider sphere of action, than was allotted to her in historic Greece."
Lecky, in his "European Morals," says: "It is one of the most remarkable and, to some writers, one of the most perplexing facts in the moral history of Greece, that in the former and ruder period women had undoubtedly the highest place, and their type exhibited the highest perfection." What the "highest perfection" is, for her type, or for man's type, is not here under discussion; but it is not out of place to say in passing that if the final conquest of the spiritual over the material forces of humanity is really the aim of civilization, these "facts in the moral history of Greece" become has "perplexing."
The heroines of Homer's tales were all of noble birth-they were goddesses, princesses, hereditary gentlewomen. In early historic times, also, it was only royal or gentle blood that secured for woman political power. Athena was, in gentle Athens, patroness of household arts; but in Sparta, as Minerva, the same divinity was goddess, not of political interests, as Mrs. Dietrick puts it, but of war. She sprang full-armed from the head of Jove-rather a masculine origin, it must be owned. In Sparta women became soldier as the democratic idea advanced. Princess Archidamia, marching at the head of her female troop to rebuke the senators for the decree that the women and children be removed from the city before the anticipated attack could come, is an example. In Etolia, in Argos, and in other states, the same was true. Maria and Telesilla led the women in battle and disciplined them in peace. But the world does not turn to Sparta for its ideal of a pre-Christian republic, and the Suffragists of our day do not proposes to emulate the Spartan Amazon and hew their way to political power with the sword.
In Athens, which does present the model, matters were far otherwise. In the year 700
the Spartans called upon Athens for a commander to lead them to the second Messenian war,
and the Athenians sent them Tyrtus, their martial poet. The Spartans were displeased at
his youth and gentle bearing; but when the battle was joined, his chanting of his own
war-songs so animated the troops that they won against heavy odds. The following is a
fragment translated from one of his lyrics:
"But be it ours to guard the hallowed spot,
To shield the tender offspring and the wife
Here steadily await our destined lot,
and, for their sakes, resign the gift of life."
Aeschylus, poet and soldier, writing a hundred and fifty years later, in his "Seven
Against Thebes," puts into the mouth of the chieftain Eteocles this address to the
"It is not to be borne, ye wayward race;
Is this your best, is this the aid you lend
The state, the fortitude with which you steel
The souls of the besieged, thus falling down
Before the images to wail, and shriek
With lamentations loud? Wisdom abhors you.
Nor in misfortune, nor in dear success,
Be woman my associate. If her power
Bears sway, her insolence exceeds all bounds;
But if she fears, woe to that house and city.
And now by holding counsel with weak fear,
You magnify the foe, and turn our men
To flight. Thus are we ruined by ourselves.
This ever will arise from suffering women
To intermix with men. But mark me well,
Whoe'er henceforth dares disobey my orders-
Be it man or woman, old or young-
Vengeance shall burst upon him, the decree
Stands irreversible, and he shall die.
War is no female province, but the scene
For men. Hence, home! nor spread your mischiefs here.
Hear you, or not? Or speak I to the deaf?"
Pericles, in his famous funeral oration over those who fell in the Peloponnesian war, thus addresses the Athenian women: "To the wives who will henceforth live in widowhood, I will speak, in one short sentence only, of womanly virtue. She is the best woman who is most truly a woman, and her reputation is the highest whose name is never in the mouths of men for good or for evil."
Seclusion was the best thing that the most intellectual pre-Christian republic could give to its honorable women. The freedom with which the hetair, who were foreigners or daughters of slaves, mingled with statesmen and philosophers, brought them open political influence, but not a hint of voting power or of office-holding.
For the sake of brevity, I will confine my reference to Roman custom to a single pregnant sentence from Gibbon's "Decline and Fall of the Empire." He says: "In every age and country the wiser, or at least the stronger of the two sexes, has usurped the powers of the state, and confined the other to the cares and pleasures of domestic life. In hereditary monarchies, however, and especially in those of modern Europe, the gallant spirit of chivalry, and the law of succession, have accustomed us to allow a singular exception, and a woman is often acknowledged the absolute sovereign of a great kingdom, in which she would be deemed incapable of exercising the smallest employment, civil or military. But, as the Roman Emperors were still considered as the generals and magistrates of the Republic, their wives and mothers, although dignified by the name of Augusta, were never associated to their personal honors; and a female reign would have appeared an inexplicable prodigy in the eyes of those primitive Romans, who married without love, or loved without delicacy or respect."
The warlike states named republics in the Middle Ages had no woman Doge, or Duke, although women rose to the semblance of political power with empires and kingdom, in Italy and Spain as well as in Germany and France, Austria and Russia.
Let us turn to modern Europe, in which thrones have been occupied now and again by queens. The progress of woman here, especially in Anglo-Saxon countries, has been steady, true and inspiring. In the earliest recorded councils of the race from which we sprang, we see freemen in full armor casting equal votes. During the ages of feudalism, women who were land-owners had the same rights as other nobles. They could raise soldiery, coin money, and administer justice in both civil and criminal proceedings. In proportion as the aristocratic power lost its hold, women were exempted from these services and gained in moral influence. The Germanic races were renowned for their respect for woman, and their love for home. As constitutional liberty grew, and each Englishman's house became his castle for defence against arbitrary power, the protection was not for himself but for his family. A heredity ruler in feminine attire sits on England's throne to-day-the England that still unites its church and state, and in which feudal customs still prevail to some extent. Widows and spinsters who are property-owners can vote for all offices except the one charged under the Constitution with the framing and execution of the laws of the land. Aristocracy decrees that in the House of Lords the Bishops shall have a voice; but in the House of Commons no clergyman can hold a seat, and for members of Parliament no woman votes. Would any Suffragist hold that a clergyman was the inferior of men who do sit in the House of Common? They are excluded for the same reason that woman has not the parliamentary vote-they are looked upon as non-combatants.
The Greek and Roman republics appear to have followed an instinct that was unerring in the condition of society when they removed women from the seats of power as the commonwealth gathered strength. Gibbon, in the sentences quoted, attributes the fact that queens as well as kings have occupied the thrones of modern Europe to the chivalry of men toward those who would yet be incapable of exercising actual power except for the backing of a standing army, or an hereditary nobility sworn to their support, both of which are composed solely of men. If this be true, it should be visible in the workings of the constitutional restrictions upon monarchies that have developed in the past fifty years, during which the principle of democratic government has advanced with enormous strides over a great portion of the globe.
In the Austro-Hungarian monarchy there is restricted woman suffrage. The kingdom of Italy has restricted municipal woman suffrage. The little republic that separates those countries, the land of Tell and the Vaudois, has direct manhood suffrage only.
Sweden and Norway are apparently parting company. Sweden chooses to keep its king and its aristocracy, and it has restricted woman suffrage; but Norway, which is working toward free institutions, and last year voted to remove the insignia of union the Norwegian flag, has no woman suffrage. [Note inserted: In the city of Berne, Switzerland, in 1852, a proxy vote was given to independent women who paid a commercial tax, but they made no effort to use it until 1885, when contending political factions compelled them to do so in a measure. Norway's women have a local school vote. Both these cases of exception serve prove the rule that I am trying to set forth.]
Autocratic Russia and its Asiatic colonies have more woman suffrage than England. Finland, a constitutional monarchy, was ceded to the Emperor of Russia in 1809. Women there have all except the parliamentary suffrage. The Governor-General of the Senate nominated by the Emperor, and is chief of the military force. The National Assembly is convoked by the Emperor whenever he sees fit. The duties of that Assembly are to consider laws proposed by the Emperor and elaborated by the Committee of Affairs and four members nominated by the Emperor, who sit in St. Petersburg. The Emperor has the veto power over any act of their. That National Assembly consists of representatives of the nobility, the clergy, the burghers, and the peasantry, the consent of all of whom must be obtained to any measure that makes a change in the constitution or imposes taxes. But the royal veto can set aside any decision.
Iceland, a dependency of Denmark, has municipal woman suffrage, and women are eligible to municipal office. It has its own legislature, which governs jointly with the King, the executive power being in the hands of the King alone.
In the great extensions of suffrage in England in 1848, and amendment for the extension of suffrage to women was introduced in Parliament by Mr. Disraeli. Lord Northcote, Lord John Manners, and other conservatives, upheld it; but the liberal leaders opposed it, Gladstone and John Bright among them. John Bright's family were strenuous for the movement, and he had fancied himself its friend until the issue came; then the old champion of freedom proved true to the instinct that guards it in the nation. In the constantly increasing liberty of the lower classes of England, an essential principle which excludes women from the parliamentary vote has been maintained. Lady Spencer Churchill and other Suffrage leaders look to Viscount Templeton and Lord Salisbury for support to-day.
A woman-suffrage bill of many years standing and absurd provisions, has just passed to a second reading in the House of Commons. Although it was treated as a joke by all parties, it served to emphasize the fact that Sir Vernon Harcourt and the Liberals are opposed to any advance in this direction.
In the late extension of suffrage in Canada, the movement for woman suffrage had conservative support, while every liberal leader opposed it. No South American Republic has woman suffrage. With the deposition of Liliuokalani, woman's direct political power in the Hawaiian Islands died. In France only the Anarchists "admit women" to public council, and that party in Germany has here and there inscribed woman suffrage upon its banners.
Not only England, Scotland and Wales, but Canada, definitely excepts the vote for members of parliament in giving suffrage to woman, and only widows and spinsters are admitted to the minor forms of franchise. As to the other British colonies, what is the situation? Much stress has been laid on what has been termed the progress of the Suffrage movement in Australasia. There is but one Australian colony in which the legislative assembly is elected; in the others it is appointed for life, or for short terms. Where it is thus appointed, women vote on various matters. In Victoria, which contains the capital city, Melbourne, and which is the most progressive and democratic colony in Australia, the Legislative Assembly is elected, and that body is chosen by unrestricted male suffrage only, while, as with the House of Commons in the mother country, clergymen are not allowed to sit in it. In West Australia, the newest colony, the voting is done by men alone. In Cape women have restricted municipal suffrage; but the Assembly is elected by the vote of men who own a certain amount of property.
In the Orange Free State every adult white male is a full burgher, having a vote for the President, who is chosen for five years. The Transvaal Republic has no woman suffrage amid its hand-to-hand struggles.
To comprehend the condition of European governmental affairs, one must follow the condition of things produced by the struggle of socialistic and anarchistic elements. Between the King on the one hand, and these forces on the other, the true Liberal parties are slowly progressing toward free institutions; both aristocratic and anarchistic movements being more favorable than liberalism to woman-suffrage aspirations.
The countries where woman has full suffrage (save in the United States) are all dependencies of royalty. They are: The Isle of Man, Pitcairn's Island, New Zealand, and South Australia. The most important of these, New Zealand, was once a promising colony, but it has been declining for a quarter of a century. The men outnumber the women by forty thousand. The act conferring the parliamentary franchise on both European and Maori women received the royal sanction in 18923. At the session of Parliament that passed the act a tax was put upon incomes and one upon land, so that a desperate civilization seemed to be trying all the experiments at once. Certainly, woman suffrage in New Zealand was not adopted because the Government was so stable, so strong, so democratic, that these conditions must thus find fit expression. [Note inserted: The Australasian colonies are taken steps toward the formation of a Federal Union. While this book is in press news comes that the Federal Convention, by a vote of 23 to 12, has refused to allow women to vote for members of the House of Representatives.]
South Australia not only gives women full suffrage, but makes them eligible to a seat in Parliament. The colony is a vast, mountainous, largely unsettled region, with a high proportion of native and Chinese, and, in 1894, had but 73,000 voters, including the women. The Socialistic Labor movement, which has played a large part in Australasian politics, here succeeded in dominating the government. There was an attempt to establish communistic villages with public money, a proposal to divide the public money pro rata, and one to build up a system of state life-insurance; and taxes were to be levied on salaries, and on all incomes above a certain point. It was found that the sixty thousand women who were authorized to vote throughout Australia assisted the socialistic schemes that are hindering progress and that tend to anarchy and not to republicanism. There is a royal Governor, and suffrage is based on household and property qualifications. It is an aristocratic and social combination, not a triumph of democratic ideas or principles. Dr. Jacobi, in her "Common Sense applied to Woman Suffrage," says: "The refusal to extend parliamentary suffrage to women who are possessed of municipal suffrage, does not mean, as Americans are apt to suppose, that women are counted able to judge about the small concerns of a town, but not about imperial issues. It means that women are still not counted able to exercise independent judgment at all, and, therefore, are to remain counted out when this is called for; but that the property to which they happen to belong, and which requires representation, must not be deprived of this on account of an entangling female alliance. This is the very antipoles of the democratic doctrine, perhaps also somewhat excessive, that a man requires representation so much that he must not be deprived of it on account of the accident of not being able to read or write!"
With Dr. Jacobi's interpretation, I will deal later. What I wish now to do is, to call attention to her admission of the fact that woman suffrage in England and in her colonies is not democratic, and to connect it with the other fact that no republic, from that of Greece to our own, has introduced it, although manhood suffrage has been universal in Switzerland for many years, and in France since 1848.
So it would seem that under a monarchical system, with a standing army and a hereditary nobility to support the throne, the royal mandate could be issued by a woman. Any Queen, as well as the one that Alice met in Wonderland, could say, "Off with his head!" But when freedom grew, and the democratic idea began to prevail, and each individual man became a king, and each home a castle, the law given by God and not by man came into exercise, and upon each man was laid the duty of defending liberty and those who were physically unfitted to defend themselves.
Let us turn now to our own country. Technically, at least, women possessed the suffrage in our first settlements. In New England, in the early days, when church-membership as the basis of the franchise excluded three-fourths of the male inhabitants from its exercise, women could vote. Under the old Provincial charters, from 1691 to 1780, they could vote for all elective offices. From 1780 to 1785, under the Articles of Confederation, they could vote for all elective offices except the Governor, the Council, and the Legislature. The comment made upon this by the Suffrage writers is, that "the fact that woman exercised the right of suffrage amid so many restrictions, is very significant of the belief in her right to the ballot-box." My comment is, that the same lesson we have learned in Europe is repeated here with wonderful emphasis. Under the transported aristocracy of churchly power in the state, they shared the undemocratic rule. When freedom broadened a little, and, under a system that still acknowledged allegiance to the British Crown, all property-holders or other "duly qualified" colonists could vote, they still had the voice that England grants to-day, the voice of an estate. When liberty took another step and a league was formed of "firm friendship" in which each Colony was to be independent and yet banded for offensive and defensive aid, the women were retired from the special vote on the result of which lay the actual execution of the law. But this country was not yet a republic, or even a nation. Washington himself said that the state of things under the Articles of Confederation was hardly removed from anarchy. In 1789 a constitution was adopted, which made the American people a nation. Its preamble read: "We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America." Under this Constitution the last vestiges of churchly political rule, and of property-qualification for voting, have gradually disappeared. New Jersey was the last State to repeal her property-qualification laws. In 1709 she made "male freeholders" who held a certain amount of property the only voters. In 1790 her Constitution, through an error in wording, admitted "all inhabitants" with certain property to vote. This was in force until 1807, when an act was passed conferring the suffrage upon "free white male citizens twenty-one years of age worth fifty pounds proclamation money, clear estate," etc. From 1790 to 1807 a good many women, generally from the Society of Friends, took part in elections. After 1807 they attempted to do so, as owners of property. Finally, that qualification for the male voter was done away with, and with it the woman-suffrage agitation disappeared.
State after State, in carrying out the compact of the Federal Republic, had inserted the word "male" into the Constitutions that embodied the American conception of a more vital and enduring freedom.
But there are now four States of the Union where women have full suffrage, a few where they have a measure of municipal suffrage, and many where they have the school suffrage. What bearing do these facts have upon my claim that woman suffrage is undemocratic?
The States where they have full suffrage are Utah, Wyoming, Colorado, and Idaho. How far was its introduction into these States the result of advanced legislation in accord with true republicanism? Utah Territory was the first spot in the country in which the measure gained a foothold, and that was not believed by its introducers to be a part of the United States. The Mormons who founded Salt Lake City supposed themselves to be settling on Mexican territory, outside the jurisdiction of American law. Woman suffrage was almost coincident with its beginnings, and it came as a legitimate part of the union of state and church, of communism, of polygamy. The dangers that especially threaten a republican form of government are anarchy, communism, and religious bigotry; and two of these found their fullest expression, in this country, in the Mormon creed and practice. Fealty to Mormonism was disloyalty to the United States Government. Thus, the introduction of woman suffrage within our borders was not only undemocratic, it was anti-democratic.
Woman suffrage was secured in Wyoming by means that bring dishonor upon democracy. Wyoming was organized as a Territory in 1868. Many of its native settlers were from Utah. For its vast, mountainous extent of nearly 98,000 square miles, the census gave a population of only 9,118 persons. Of these the native-born numbered 5,605, foreign-born, 3,513. The males numbered 7,219; the females, 1,899. The "History of Woman Suffrage" records the fact that the measure was secured in the first Territorial legislature through the political trickery of an illiterate and discredited man, who was in the chair. Mr. Bryce, in "The American Commonwealth," alludes in a note to the same fact. Women voted in 1870. In 1871 a bill was passed repealing the suffrage act, but was vetoed by the Governor, on the ground that, having been admitted, it must be given a fair trial. An attempt to pass the repeal over his veto was lost by a single vote. Certainly, the entrance of woman suffrage into Wyoming was not a triumph of democratic progress and principle.
Colorado was admitted into the Union in 1876, and great efforts were made by Suffragists to secure the "Centennial" State. This resulted in a submission of the question to the people, who rejected it by a majority of 7,443 in a total vote of 20,665. From the first of the agitation for the free coinage of silver, Colorado has been enthusiastically in favor of that measure. In 1892 her devotion to it caused all parties to unite on that issue and gave the vote of the State to General Weaver, Populist candidate for President, and to David H. Waite, Populist candidate for Governor. The question of woman suffrage was re-submitted to the people at this election, and the constitutional amendment concerning it was carried by a majority of only 5,000 in a total vote of 200,000. Neither that movement nor its results present triumphant democracy.
In 1894 the Populist party of Idaho put a plank in its platform favoring the submission of a woman-suffrage amendment to the people. In 1896 the Free Silver Populist movement swept the State. A majority of the votes cast on the Suffrage question were cast in its favor, but not a majority of all the votes cast at the election. The supreme courts have generally held that, in so important a matter, a complete majority vote was required, but the Supreme Court of Idaho did not so hold, and woman suffrage is now established in that State. This, also, is hardly a success of sound democracy.
The subject of woman suffrage has lately been dealt with by two States that represent republican progress at its best. They are New York and Massachusetts. In the former State a Constitutional Convention in 1894 gave an impartial hearing to the subject, and decided not to submit to the people amendment striking the word "male" from the State Constitution. Massachusetts at its State election in 1895 asked the people to vote upon the question of extending municipal suffrage to women, and the answer was given in a heavy adverse majority. Fewer than four in one hundred women qualified to vote on the subject voted in its favor, and half a million women declined to vote at all. A majority of over 100,000 votes was cast against it by men. Utah and New York, Wyoming and Massachusetts, which States do Americans hold up as nearest their model? In which have women made most progress, and showed themselves most likely to understand their rights, privileges and duties?
During the late Presidential election the issues passed the boundary that separates party politics from patriotic faith. For months preceding that struggle the Suffrage body had conducted the most efficient campaign in its history. When the test came, California voted for sound money against repudiation, for authority against anarchy, by a small majority, and threw its ballots heavily against woman suffrage. With the enthusiastic help of its woman votes, Colorado gave its electoral voice 16 to 1 against sound money and sound Americanism. Which State can claim that its action rings truest to the stroke of honest metal in finance and in defence of national honor?
A few States have extended municipal suffrage to woman. It is generally local and
restricted Only in Kansas is there full municipal suffrage. Dr. Jacobi, in her
"Common Sense," says:
"Municipal suffrage in Kansas demands no property qualification, and its exercise therefore does not differ in the least from that required in a Presidential election." This is a mistake, for the difference is essential and illustrates the undemocratic character of woman suffrage. Municipal suffrage in Kansas, like the Territorial suffrage in Wyoming, was given by legislative act, and could be done away with by another legislative act without appeal to the people, or any change of the Constitution. It did not touch the vital question whether women, in a democracy, could form a component part of the government. Mrs. Stanton well understand that difference. Kansas had long possessed local municipal suffrage when, in 1894, the question of granting full suffrage, by constitutional amendment, was submitted to the people. Mrs. Stanton then wrote: "My hope now rests with Kansas. If that fails too, was must trust no longer to the Republican and Democratic parties, but henceforth give our money, our eloquence, our enthusiasm to a People's party that will recognize woman as an equal factor in a new civilization." There was enough leaven of republicanism working then to cause the old fighting-ground, the free-soil State, to reject the amendment by a popular majority of 35,000. To the "People's Party" in Kansas woman suffrage may look for the most striking illustration of its results. Where municipal suffrage could be secured only by constitutional enactment, and was so secured, it would differ merely in degree from presidential suffrage; but it never has been so secured in any State except those that give full constitutional suffrage. It is on a par with school suffrage, except that legislative enactment extends the vote to town and city matters.
The history of the school suffrage affords another proof of the incompatibility of republicanism and constitutional suffrage for woman. Dr. Jocobi recognizes the difference between constitutional and school suffrage when she says: "Women continually sign petitions for this privilege, till startled by the discovery that it also means something else. It means, however, in the State of New York, according to the decision of the Supreme Court, that woman can only enjoy this privilege thoroughly if empowered by constitutional amendment to vote for all officers as well as for school commissioners." The States that have refused to comply with the Suffragists demand for the elective franchise, the most progressive States, have been first to grant school suffrage, under constitutional limits. The twenty-seven odd States that grant school suffrage have had different methods of dealing with the question, because their laws differ, but both the positive proof of its being granted, and the negative proof of its being withheld, tell the same story in regard to the fundamental principle involved. This is shown strikingly in the situation in Kansas. Women have full municipal suffrage, and the Supreme Court of that State decided that they could vote for school treasurer, which was a charter office, but could not vote for Country Superintendent of School, because that office was provided for in the Constitution. The school suffrage may or may not have a property qualification attached. That makes no difference. The difference is the essential one between delegated power and sovereign power. The States differ so widely in their methods of dealing with municipal as well as school legislation, that only a study of the laws of each State will reveal the situation. In Ohio, in 1895, for instance, the Legislature passed a bill enabling women to vote on a municipal tax-levy, which the courts held was unconstitutional, while they granted votes on license and other local questions.
In answer to the question whether, in Massachusetts, a woman could be a member of a school committee, the Supreme Court returned the following decision in 1874: "The Constitution contains nothing relating to school committees; the office is created and regulated by statute; and the Constitution confers upon the General Court full power and authority to name and settle annually, or provide by fixed laws for naming and settling, all civil officers within the Commonwealth the election and constitution of whom are not in the Constitution otherwise provided for. The question is therefore answered in the affirmative."
The Supreme Court of New York, in 1892, held that "School Commissioners are constitutional officers within Article II, part 1 of the Constitution, and consequently the law of 1892 giving women the right to vote for them is void." The case was that of Matilda Joslyn Gage. The office of School Commissioner was created after the adoption of the Constitution, and it was therefore urged that the Constitution did not bear upon it; but the Supreme Court further decided that the law gave the Legislature the right to appoint or to elect the Commissioner; and as they had decided that the office should be elective, the women could not vote for that office. They vote for district-school officers under various local permissions or limitations. In a case brought to decide the right of women to vote for Country Superintendent of Schools the Supreme Court of Illinois, in 1893, held that, as the office was designated in the Constitution as elective, women could not vote for it. The decision further said. "The votes for State Superintendent of Instruction, and County Superintendent, are provided for by law, and the Legislature cannot change the law. It may be that it is competent for the Legislature to provide that women who are citizens of the United States and over twenty-one may vote at elections held for school directors and other school officers no mentioned in the Constitution." Later, the Supreme Court held that women were entitled to vote for school trustees, as "no officer of the school district is mentioned in the State Constitution."
The Supreme Court of Ohio, in 1894, held that the provision of the act of April 24, 1894, conferring upon women the right to vote at elections of certain school officers, is valid, such right being within the legislative power to provide for the establishment and maintenance of public schools, and not within Article V. part 1, of the Constitutions, which limits the right to male citizens. Judge Shanck says: "The whole subject of the public schools is delegated to the Assembly. As the common-school organization is wholly a creation of the Legislature, it is in the power of the Legislature to determine the qualifications of an elector and office-holder in it." In upholding his ruling, he cited similar decisions from the Supreme Courts of Illinois, Kansas, Nebraska, Massachusetts, Michigan, and Iowa.
This rapid survey suggests, it seems to me that, instead of being "a legitimate outgrowth of the fundamental principles of our government," woman suffrage is really incompatible with true republican forms. Pre-civilized conditions, aristocratic tendencies, the forces that would destroy government-these appear to be its natural allies. We must study more closely its connection with representative government the better to comprehend this portentous truth.
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Former Secretary of Homeland Security Michael Chertoff was on "Good Morning America" earlier Monday to discuss what the travel alert to Europe really means.
While he said that the travel alert is the "lowest level of warning that the State Department issues," Americans abroad should be mindful of their surroundings.
Among the useful and common sense tips he had for Americans who are abroad or going to be abroad was, first and foremost, to check exits in places and be vigilant. Also, he added, it might not be the best idea to walk around with a "big American flag on your backpack."
WATCH his interview with Robin Roberts below.
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KV RACING TECHNOLOGY QUALIFIES 10th AND 12th FOR PEAK ANTIFREEZE AND MOTOR OIL INDY 300 JOLIET, IL - - SEPTEMBER 6, 2008 - - Round ...
KV RACING TECHNOLOGY QUALIFIES 10th AND 12th FOR PEAK ANTIFREEZE AND MOTOR OIL INDY 300
JOLIET, IL - - SEPTEMBER 6, 2008 - - Round #17 2008 IndyCar Series season - - KV Racing Technology had its best "big oval" qualifying effort of the year today as drivers Will Power and Oriol Servia qualified 10th and 12th respectively for tomorrow's Peak Antifreeze and Motor Oil Indy 300 at Chicagoland Speedway in Joliet, Illinois.
Power, KV Racing Technology #8 Aussie Vineyards -- Team Australia Honda/Dallara/Firestone, an IndyCar rookie who is making his first appearance on the 1.5-mile, D-shaped, Chicagoland oval, had a four-lap average of 214.583 mph and will lineup on the outside of Row #5. Servia, CDW KV Racing Technology #5 Honda/Dallara/Firestone, also making his Chicagoland debut, averaged 214.441 mph and will grid on the outside of Row #6.
"The Aussie Vineyards -- Team Australia car felt good during qualifying, very consistent and that is always the key for the race," Power said. "If you can have a nice consistent car, that's friendly to drive, then you should do well. Hopefully the way we set it up in practice today will give us a solid car for the race tomorrow."
Commenting on his qualifying effort Servia said, "The CDW KV Racing Technology car felt really good, we had a reasonable time, but it was just a little slower than we thought. The race tomorrow is going to be long with lots of stops, so you need to feel comfortable with the car and I do. Hopefully we will have a good last race of the season tomorrow."
Today's 10th and 12th place starting positions, continues a trend that has seen the KVRT improve its starting positions on big ovals dramatically since the beginning of the season and surpasses the eighth (Power) and 16th (Servia) starting spots earned earlier this year at Texas Speedway.
Power was 12th fastest in this morning's practice with a speed of 215.558 mph while Servia posted the 14th quickest speed, 215.412 mph. During the afternoon practice, which was split into two groups running for half an hour each, Power ran with the first group and posted the ninth fastest lap when the times from both groups were added together with a speed of 215.332 mph putting him 12th on the combined practice report. Servia, in the second group, was 19th fastest in the dual sessions and 14th on the combined report with a lap of 214.413 mph.
In qualifying, Power went out sixth of the 28 drivers who made a qualifying run and had an incredibly consistent effort. His fastest lap was his last, 214.679 mph, and his slowest was his first at 214.521 mph. Power, who earned his second highest big-oval, and third best on any oval, starting spot today, has now qualified in the top-10 seven times in 17 attempts this year including three times on ovals (10th here in Chicago; eighth on the 1.5-mile Texas Speedway and fourth on the one-mile Milwaukee Mile short oval). His best qualifying position is a team high second on the street circuit in St. Petersburg and his best oval starting spot is the team high fourth at Milwaukee. Servia, the 15th driver to qualify, ran four solid laps. His best lap was his first, 214.653 and his slowest was his last, a 214.229. Servia has qualified in the top-10 nine times in 17 races this season. His best starting position is third, Edmonton and Belle Isle and his best oval starting spot is ninth in Milwaukee.
Power, who will be making his 47th career start and just his 11th on an oval, enters tomorrow's race 14th in the standings with 301 points, 33 points out of 10th and third in the Bombardier Learjet Rookie of the Year race trailing Hideki Mutoh by 33 points. The 27-year-old native of Australia has earned five top-10 finishes (four on road or street circuits), including two top-five showings (both on street/road circuits, won in Long Beach and fourth in Mid-Ohio) with one victory in 16 races this year. In 10 previous oval starts, Power has one top-10 finish a ninth place showing earlier this year at Iowa.
Servia is seventh in the championship standings with 345 points, just 14 points out of sixth place. He has finished in the top-10 seven times (five on road/street circuits) including five top-five showings (season high fourth at Detroit and fifth's at Long Beach, Richmond, Mid-Ohio and Edmonton) in the 16 races contested this year. The 34-year-old Spaniard is the highest ranked driver not a member of Andretti Green, Ganassi or Penske Racing. Servia, who is not considered a rookie because of his extensive oval experience, will be making his 142nd career start and 37th on an oval tomorrow. Servia has been the best of the drivers transitioning from Champ Car to the IndyCar Series on ovals. He has the highest finish on an oval, fifth at Richmond, and has the best finish on five of the nine ovals contested this year and the second highest once.
-credit: kvr


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© Copyright 2017 Derek Frost. All rights reserved.
Status: Finished
Genre: Romance
omg that was beautifulllll xoxoxox
no worrys though but my internet is being mean it wont let me read the carnival story .....:( bummer
any way where do u actually get your insperation from myt i ask ???
no offence
but this story is very (wats the word) sexcliouious
Short Story / Romance
Short Story / Romance
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text: Pinch to zoom Sunburst Wall Mirror by The Forest & Co £215$368.98€257.67$275.50 Favourite Favourite View your favourites quantity personalise & pay by The Forest & Co Location: Devon, GB read seller's profile see seller's complete range more items from this seller Set Of Five Rattan Sunburst Mirrors by The Forest & Co £290$497.69€347.56$371.60 Aurum Mirror by The Forest & Co £58$99.53€69.51$74.32 Silver Leaf Mirror by The Forest & Co £55$94.39€65.91$70.47 Hand Painted Porcelain Sugar Bowl by The Forest & Co £15$25.74€17.97$19.22 Golden Conch Mirror by The Forest & Co £42$72.08€50.33$53.81 Personalised Soft Bird Print Scarf by The Forest & Co £12.75$21.88€15.28$16.33 view all you may also like PRODUCT DETAILS CUSTOMER REVIEWS DELIVERY RETURNS ask seller a question save for later This is a stunning sunburst gold wall mirror. It has a really lovely aged, vintage feel, with a slightly bevelled convex mirrror. Gorgeous big mirror with a vintage glamour feel to it. This mirror is a focal point in any room, with its aged gold metal 'sunrays', radiating from a glass convex mirror. With a secure hanging hook on the back, it is easy to install and not as heavy as you would think! made from: Vintage effect gold coloured metal, with glass mirror in middle. Hangs with a secure hook on back. dimensions: Measures100cm across in total, and mirror is 28cm across. product code: 105906 2 customer reviews read about our product rating system ratings guide trusted independent customer feedbackforum excellent bad good poor This product is dispatched to you by The Forest & Co. You have 28 days, from receipt of cancellable goods, to notify the seller if you wish to cancel your order or exchange an item. Please note: goods that are personalised, bespoke or made-to-order to your specific requirements, perishable products and personal items sold with a hygiene seal (cosmetics, underwear) in instances where the seal is broken are non-refundable, unless faulty. Read more about our returns policy.Should you choose to return or exchange your order you will need to deliver the item(s) to the UK, where this seller is based. The Forest & Co's return policy Please see notonthehighstreet.com's returns policy.


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Data from the National Center for Health Statistics finds children are getting 322 calories a day from added sugar, or about 16% of the calories they consume each day. The study found 59% of added-sugar calories come from foods and 41% from beverages, with about 63% of the calories from added sugars consumed at home.
Full Story:USA Today


text: Yes, Sidney Crosby Should Get To Skip The DMV LineAndy Hutchins8/10/13 3:50pm293EditPromoteGo to permalinkSidney Crosby renewed his driver's license at the DMV this week. Unlike all of the rest of us, he didn't have to wait, thanks to Pennsylvania state policy. GET ANGRY (or don't because this policy actually makes sense).


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In a message dated 07/31/2004 10:27:22 PM Eastern Daylight Time,
email@example.com writes:
Right. Can't you just imagine all those big pots, filled with pine cones and
covered with chicken wire surrounded by six litter boxes for the six cats
who live in that part of my house. <LOL> Oh, there's also the bearded ficus
the 26" pot that can longer go outside. It's about 12 feet tall now. If I
were a decent housekeeper, which I most definitely am not, it might be cool.
It actually just looks cluttered like everything else, but it gives me a
great excuse for not entertaining.
Zem, you sound like a woman after my own heart. We only have four cats but
the rest sounds so familiar. And we have piles of books and magazines on
chair and other surface. I sometimes wish I were a better housekeeper - I
enjoy having a neat shiny house, but just not enough to spend time doing it.
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Keyword/Competitor Research & SEO
- Status Closed
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- Total Bids 24
Project Description
I'm looking for someone who can take our website, our competitors, and come up with a list of keywords and marketing tactics that we can use as well. We are in a highly competitive market (hosting related) and are currently undiscovered. We need you to:
1) Research our competitors and their keywords (we will need a copy).
2) Perform on page white hat SEO techniques for our website based on what you found.
3) Provide us with recommendations for future marketing to our new audience.
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Role of phospholipase A2 in spinal cord secondary injury There are two mechanisms of damage to the spinal cord after injury: a primary mechanical injury and a secondary injury mediated by multiple injury mechanisms. To date, three injury mechanisms, i.e., inflammation, oxidation and excitatory neurotoxicity, are extensively studied following spinal cord injury (SCI). Since multiple mechanisms are involved, it is unlikely that blocking one particular mechanism would significantly prevent the course of secondary SCI. However, it is possible that these different mechanisms may share a central or convergence pathway to exert their detrimental effects. If so, blocking such a convergence pathway should result in greater anatomical and functional recovery than blocking a single pathway. A candidate molecule that could serve as a convergence mediator is the enzyme phospholipase A2 (PLA2). PLA2 is a diverse family of enzymes that hydrolyze the ester bond at the sn-2 position of phospholipids to produce a free fatty acid such as arachidonic acid (AA) and a lysophospholipid. These products are precursors of bioactive eicosanoids and platelet activating factor (PAF) that are well-known mediators of inflammation, oxidation and cytotoxicity. Additionally, PLA2 can attack cell membranes directly to induce neuronal and glial death. Although the downstream products of PLA2, such as AA, have been extensively studied, to our surprise, little is known concerning the role and mechanism of the PLA2 itself in traumatic SCI. Recently, we demonstrated, for the first time, that both the activity of total PLA2 and expression of cytosolic PLA2 (cPLA2;a subtype of PLA2) increased significantly following an acute contusive SCI (Liu et al., Ann Neurol 59:606-619, 2006). Remarkably, AACOCF3, a cPLA2 inhibitor, administered at 30 min post-SCI in mice significantly reduced tissue damage and improved behavioral recovery. Here, we propose a central hypothesis that PLA2 is a convergence molecule that mediates multiple injury pathways associated with the secondary SCI. If our hypothesis is correct, blocking PLA2 activation should induce inhibition of multiple injury pathways and, therefore, promotion of greater neuroprotection and functional recovery following SCI. Since cPLA2 is the most important PLA2 isozyme implicated in receptor-mediated release of AA, this application will focus on the role and mechanisms of cPLA2 action in mediating SCI. As such, the following three specific aims are proposed to determine 1) whether cPLA2 serves as a convergence molecule mediating the cytotoxic effects of free radicals, excitatory amino acids and inflammatory cytokines, 2) whether cPLA2 activation is both necessary and sufficient to mediate secondary SCI, and 3) the mechanism by which cPLA2 mediates secondary SCI with an emphasis being placed on the mitochondria dysfunction. Completion of this application may lead to the development of novel and effective strategies aimed at promoting greater anatomical and functional recoveries after SCI.
This application will test a central hypothesis that phospholipase A2 (PLA2) is a convergence molecule that mediates multiple injury mechanisms associated with secondary spinal cord injury (SCI). To test this hypothesis, we have proposed three specific aims to determine 1) whether cPLA2 serves as a convergence molecule that mediates the cytotoxic effects of free radicals, excitatory amino acids and inflammatory cytokines, 2) whether cPLA2 activation is both necessary and sufficient to mediate secondary SCI, and 3) the mechanism by which cPLA2 mediates secondary SCI with an emphasis being placed on the mitochondria dysfunction. We hope that, by completion of this application, we will identify a novel target for therapeutic intervention aimed at promoting greater anatomical and functional recoveries after SCI.
|Deng, Ling-Xiao; Walker, Chandler; Xu, Xiao-Ming (2015) Schwann cell transplantation and descending propriospinal regeneration after spinal cord injury. Brain Res 1619:104-14
|Walker, Chandler L; Wang, Xiaofei; Bullis, Carli et al. (2015) Biphasic bisperoxovanadium administration and Schwann cell transplantation for repair after cervical contusive spinal cord injury. Exp Neurol 264:163-72
|Wang, Xiaofei; Xu, Xiao-Ming (2014) Long-term survival, axonal growth-promotion, and myelination of Schwann cells grafted into contused spinal cord in adult rats. Exp Neurol 261:308-19
|Liu, Nai-Kui; Deng, Ling-Xiao; Zhang, Yi Ping et al. (2014) Cytosolic phospholipase A2 protein as a novel therapeutic target for spinal cord injury. Ann Neurol 75:644-58
|Li, Yiping; Walker, Chandler L; Zhang, Yi Ping et al. (2014) Surgical decompression in acute spinal cord injury: A review of clinical evidence, animal model studies, and potential future directions of investigation. Front Biol (Beijing) 9:127-136
|Wu, Wei; Lee, Seung-Young; Wu, Xiangbing et al. (2014) Neuroprotective ferulic acid (FA)-glycol chitosan (GC) nanoparticles for functional restoration of traumatically injured spinal cord. Biomaterials 35:2355-64
|Walker, Chandler L; Xu, Xiao-Ming (2014) PTEN inhibitor bisperoxovanadium protects oligodendrocytes and myelin and prevents neuronal atrophy in adult rats following cervical hemicontusive spinal cord injury. Neurosci Lett 573:64-8
|Walker, Chandler L; Liu, Nai-Kui; Xu, Xiao-Ming (2013) PTEN/PI3K and MAPK signaling in protection and pathology following CNS injuries. Front Biol (Beijing) 8:
|Zhang, Yi Ping; Walker, Melissa J; Shields, Lisa B E et al. (2013) Controlled cervical laceration injury in mice. J Vis Exp :e50030
|Deng, Ling-Xiao; Deng, Ping; Ruan, Yiwen et al. (2013) A novel growth-promoting pathway formed by GDNF-overexpressing Schwann cells promotes propriospinal axonal regeneration, synapse formation, and partial recovery of function after spinal cord injury. J Neurosci 33:5655-67
Showing the most recent 10 out of 18 publications


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(from Churchill Downs report)
Following a weekend of Kentucky Derby prep races in which several leading Kentucky Derby contenders suffered defeats, the field of "all other 3-year-olds" emerged as the favorite when the second of three pools in Churchill Downs' 2004 Kentucky Derby Future Wager ended its four-day run Sunday. The mutuel field stood as the 4-1 favorite. The upset trend that began Saturday continued on Sunday in the San Felipe (gr. II) when reigning 2-year-old champion Action This Day finished a distant seventh. Mike Pegram's Preachinatthebar, a member of the mutuel field trained by Bob Baffert, held
off Pool 2 contender St Averil to win the San Felipe. The only KDFW wagering interest to win a weekend Derby prep was Dogwood Stable's Limehouse, who took Sunday's Tampa Bay Derby (gr. III). Despite a narrow loss to Wynn Dot Comma in the Swale, Buckram Oak Farm's Eurosilver had settled in as a solid 10-1 second choice. Marylou Whitney's Birdstone, who will run on Saturday in the Lane's End (gr. II) at Turfway Park, and James McIngvale's Wimbledon, winner of the Louisiana Derby (gr. II), both closed at 13-1 with Birdstone getting the edge in total betting as the third choice. The hottest horses on the pool's final day were St Averil, who saw his odds drop from 29-1 to 15-1, and The Cliff's Edge, who closed at 16-1 after he had opened Sunday's betting at 22-1. The mutuel field was a 9-5 favorite in February's opening 2004 Kentucky Derby Future Wager Pool. Eurosilver (11-1) and Birdstone (12-1) were the second and third choices in that pool. Wagering in KDFW Pool 2 totaled $358,966, which included betting of $234,343 during Sunday's closing hours of the pool. Combined wagering for this year's first two pools totaled $895,924. The third and final Kentucky Derby Future Wager Pool of 2004 is scheduled for April 1-4. The 130th running of the Kentucky Derby is May 1. 2004 KENTUCKY DERBY FUTURE WAGER - POOL 2 (FINAL) (#) Wagering Interest, Odds, Will Pay
1. Action This Day, 16-1, $35.20
2. Birdstone, 13-1, $28.40
3. Borrego, 24-1, $50.40
4. Eddington, 15-1, $33.20
5. Eurosilver, 10-1, $22.00
6. Fire Slam, 76-1, $154.40
7. Gradepoint, 46-1, $95.20
8. Halfbridled, 35-1, $73.00
9. Imperialism, 24-1, 50.40
10. Limehouse, 35-1, $72.40
11. Lion Heart, 16-1, $34.20
12. Master David, 18-1, $39.80
13. Minister Eric, 52-1, $106.20
14. Mr. Jester, 50-1, $102.80
15. Read the Footnotes, 20-1, $43.40
16. Redskin Warrior, 40-1, $83.40
17. Rock Hard Ten, 18-1, $39.00
18. St Averil, 15-1, $33.20
19. Swingforthefences, 44-1, $90.20
20. Tapit, 18-1, $39.60
21. The Cliff's Edge, 16-1, $34.40
22. Value Plus, 27-1, $57.00
23. Wimbledon, 13-1, $29.80
24. All Other 3YO's, 4-1, $10.80
Upsets Keep 'Field' Favored in Derby Wager
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text:
Venetian Green Beans
|Finely sliced onion
|1 Clove (5 gm), crushed
|2 Tablespoon
|Green beans
|1 Pound
|14 Ounce, drained and chopped
|Dried marjoram
|1⁄4 Teaspoon
|To Taste
|To Taste
Put the onion, garlic and butter in a medium casserole and cook on HIGH for 3 minutes.
Add the beans, tomatoes and marjoram.
Cover and heat on HIGH for 8 minutes.
Leave to stand for 5 minutes.
Season lightly with salt and pepper.
Recipe Summary
Rate It
Nutrition Rank
Nutrition Facts
Serving size: Complete recipe
Calories 461 Calories from Fat 225
% Daily Value*
Total Fat 26 g39.5%
Saturated Fat 15.5 g77.7%
Trans Fat 0 g
Cholesterol 64.5 mg21.5%
Sodium 449.6 mg18.7%
Total Carbohydrates 51 g17.1%
Dietary Fiber 21.5 g86.1%
Sugars 17.3 g
Protein 13 g25.5%
Vitamin A 83.1% Vitamin C 88.6%
Calcium 8.3% Iron 12.3%
*Based on a 2000 Calorie diet


text:
Reform of the United Nations Security Council: Equity and Efficiency
Twenty years of negotiations over reform of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) are yet to bear fruit. We use recent advances in the theory of a-priori voting power to present a formal quantitative appraisal of the "structural reforms" contained within eleven current reform proposals, and the separate effect of expansion of the UNSC membership. Only two reform proposals – the EU acting as a single entity, or a weakening of the veto power for permanent members – robustly dominate the status quo against our measures of equity and efficiency. Several proposals may actually worsen the issues they ostensibly claim to resolve.
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Please report citation or reference errors to , or , if you are the registered author of the cited work, log in to your RePEc Author Service profile, click on "citations" and make appropriate adjustments.:
- Leech, Dennis, 2002. "The Use Of Coleman'S Power Indices To Inform The Choice Of Voting Rule With Reference To The Imf Governing Body And The Eu Council Of Ministers," The Warwick Economics Research Paper Series (TWERPS) 645, University of Warwick, Department of Economics.
- Annick Laruelle & Federico Valenciano, 2010. "Egalitarianism and utilitarianism in committees of representatives," Social Choice and Welfare, Springer;The Society for Social Choice and Welfare, vol. 35(2), pages 221-243, July.
- Moshé Machover & Dan S. Felsenthal, 2001. "The Treaty of Nice and qualified majority voting," Social Choice and Welfare, Springer;The Society for Social Choice and Welfare, vol. 18(3), pages 431-464.
- Axel Dreher & Matthew Gould & Matthew Rablen & James Vreeland, 2014.
"The determinants of election to the United Nations Security Council,"
Public Choice,
Springer, vol. 158(1), pages 51-83, January.
- Axel Dreher & Matthew Gould & Matthew D. Rablen & James Raymond Vreeland, 2012. "The Determinants of Election to the United Nations Security Council," CEDI Discussion Paper Series 12-09, Centre for Economic Development and Institutions(CEDI), Brunel University.
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