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Let Us Now Appreciate Paul Ryan's Utter Failure as a Political Leader
As he gave his brief press conference Friday afternoon confirming that Republicans had pulled their bill to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act, House Speaker Paul Ryan both looked and sounded like a hangdog high school football coach spilling out a few defeated platitudes after watching his team get ground into the turf.
"Moving from an opposition party to a governing party comes with growing pains," he said, "and, well, we're feeling those growing pains today."
"We came really close today, but we came up short."
"I will not sugarcoat this. This is a disappointing day for us. Doing big things is hard."
In a sense, Ryan was being too easy on himself. Yes, "doing big things" is difficult in Washington. The Capitol dome is practically designed to bottle up and suffocate dramatic change. But whatever growing pains they may have experienced, fractious Democrats still managed to execute an ambitious agenda in the early Obama years without a major legislative collapse the likes of which we all witnessed this week. The rollout of the American Health Care Act, by contrast, was a mystifying debacle. And as much as anything, its demise is an indictment of Paul Ryan that should shatter what's left of his myth as competent policy thinker or political leader.
Aside from the occasional PowerPoint, it's really not clear what the man is good for.
Journalists often describe Ryan as a "wonk"—or if you're CNN, a "legendary wonk"—mostly because he has sold himself as one. It's Ryan's #brand, which he's nurtured with a stream of lofty white papers and interviews with credulous reporters. But in truth, he's always been far better at playing a policy nerd on TV than at doing the hard work of crafting legislation that could ever conceivably pass Congress or be implemented without causing mass havoc to the poor. First and foremost, the man is an ideologue who can competently dress up his Randian fantasies with some numbers, and an occasional magic asterisk where key details should be.
That became painfully obvious with the AHCA, a nonsensical piece of legislation that despite his lame attempt to sell it with a slide deck presentation, somehow achieved the distinction of being panned by policy experts from the left, right, and center, without actually attracting the support that a normal, if unsatisfying, political compromise might. Ryan initially took Obamacare's basic structure, then defunded the things that made it work in order to pay for massive tax cuts. The bill only became more preposterous and unworkable as Ryan and the White House bargained away necessary regulations for support from hardliners. Now, it's possible this is not truly a reflection on Ryan's aptitude as a policy thinker; the inherent contradictions of the Republican Party may have made it impossible for anybody in leadership to craft a coherent health reform bill. But then, after making last minute changes that would have fundamentally reshaped the entire individual insurance market, the speaker attempted to bring it to a floor vote Friday without any kind of score from Congressional Budget Office. The man pushed legislation with little to no clue as to what it would actually do to the country. Generally speaking, wonks care about that sort of thing.
So Paul Ryan's reputation as a policy mastermind has finally been shown to be a myth. What about his leadership skills? They appear to be nonexistent. From the start, his entire strategy of pursuing health care as an early, quick win for Republicans never made much sense. Ryan argued that it was necessary in order to prep the runway for tax reform easier later on, since nixing the various taxes that fund Obamacare now would allow the GOP to cut rates deeper in a second tax bill while keeping it revenue neutral, and thus allowing it to pass as a permanent bill rather than one that expires after 10 years. But that was entirely predicated on the idea that health reform was actually doable. Back on planet earth, where the American Health Care Act was a disaster in waiting, doing taxes first, and maybe settling for a slightly higher capital gains rate, would have made far more sense. A man who had any sense of his own caucus's limitations might have actually accepted that reality.
It's also crystal clear that Ryan no longer has sway as an intellectual leader among conservatives. This was his chief qualification for becoming speaker, mind you: He was a star of the mainstream GOP who had the ideological credibility to bring along recalcitrant hardliners in the House Freedom Caucus. That was always a little bit of a dubious theory—off the bat, Ryan had to retract some of his demands he'd floated before taking the job after meeting resistance from the Freedom Caucus. And now it's been totally debunked. In Ryan's first truly serious legislative test, the Freedom Caucus has killed his bill.
Back in 2012, anti-tax lobbyist Grover Norquist summed up the prevailing sentiment among professional conservatives, when he said that it didn't really matter who Republicans picked for president, so long as the party had Paul Ryan's vision. "We don't need a president to tell us in what direction to go. We know what direction to go. We want the Ryan budget," he said. "We just need a president to sign this stuff. We don't need someone to think it up or design it. The leadership now for the modern conservative movement for the next 20 years will be coming out of the House and the Senate." Well, we know Donald Trump can sign stuff. It's apparently Paul Ryan who can't deliver on his end of the deal.
Steve Mnuchin Doesn't Think A.I. Is an Immediate Threat to Jobs. That's Insane.
Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin is a sharp guy. He's a (legacy) alumnus of Yale and Goldman Sachs, did well on Wall Street, and was a successful movie producer and bank investor. He's good at, and willing to, put other people's money at risk alongside some of his own. While he isn't the least qualified person to hold the post of treasury secretary in 2017, he's far from the best qualified. For in his 54 years on this planet, he hasn't expressed or displayed much interest in economic policy, or in grappling with the big picture macroeconomic issues that are affecting our world. It's not that he is intellectually incapable of grasping them; they just haven't been in his orbit.
Which accounts for the inanity he uttered at an Axios breakfast Friday morning about the impact of artificial intelligence on jobs.
"it's not even on our radar screen.... 50-100 more years" away, he said. "I'm not worried at all" about robots displacing humans in the near future, he said, adding: "In fact I'm optimistic."
Now, there is a lot of apocalyptic thinking about robots taking all our jobs in the near future. (See Derek Thompson's Atlantic piece on a world without work, or Martin Ford's Rise of the Robots or The Second Machine Age, by Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee.)
I'm not in that camp—yet. If anything, in the United States we have a shortage of people able to fill jobs that require human labor; there were 5.5 million job openings in the U.S. at the end of January. However, the notion that A.I. substituting for human labor is something that is 50 to 100 years away is, simply, nuts.
A.I. is already affecting the way people work, and the work they do. (In fact, I've long suspected that Mike Allen, Mnuchin's Axios interlocutor, is powered by A.I.) I doubt Mnuchin has spent much time in factories, for example. But if he did, he'd see that machines and software are increasingly doing the work that people used to do. They're not just moving goods through an assembly line, they're soldering, coating, packaging, and checking for quality. Whether you're visiting a GE turbine plant in South Carolina, or a cable-modem factory in Shanghai, the thing you'll notice is just how few people there actually are. It's why, in the U.S., manufacturing output rises every year while manufacturing employment is essentially stagnant. It's why it is becoming conventional wisdom that automation is destroying more manufacturing jobs than trade. And now we are seeing the prospect of dark factories, which can run without lights because there are no people in them, are starting to become a reality. The integration of A.I. into factories is one of the reasons Trump's promise to bring back manufacturing employment is absurd. You'd think his treasury secretary would know something about that.
It goes far beyond manufacturing, of course. Programmatic advertising buying, Spotify's recommendation engines, chatbots on customer service websites, Uber's dispatching system—all of these are examples of A.I. doing the work that people used to do. One of the biggest occupations for males without college educations is driving a truck. Last fall, Otto, Uber's self-driving truck, made its first delivery. Companies are working on pilotless planes as we speak.
And, hello, even in the world that Mnuchin knows something about, software-empowered computers are doing the jobs of highly paid people. Many hedge funds trade stocks based not on the tips and edge their Wharton-schooled analysts can garner at lunch but based on the ideas that algorithms come up with. The big trend in money management, of course, are robo-advisers—essentially, programs that generate and suggest asset allocation plans for investors.
It's not a question of when artificial intelligence is being used—or will be used—in your workplace. It's how. If Mnuchin is serious about helping the economic sufferers in Trump's America, he needs to learn that.
The Crazy House Conservatives Might Actually Be Right About Obamacare Repeal
So, here we are. It's Thursday evening, and House Republicans have had to cancel their vote to repeal and replace Obamacare because their bill still doesn't have enough support from hard-line conservatives to pass. House Freedom Caucus Chairman Mark Meadows, the face of the holdouts, says leadership needs to turn another "30 to 40" votes to reach the finish line. Trumpcare appears to be on life support.
What do the noes want? Meadows isn't getting into specifics, except to say that he doesn't think the current bill would lower premiums enough for his constituents. But the answer seems to be that conservatives are determined to kill off many of the insurance market regulations that make up the very heart of Obamacare. House leaders seem to be hesitant to do so, because many of those rules are quite popular, and nixing them would tee up some easy 30 second ads against Republicans in swing districts.
But, purely from a policy perspective, the hard-liners may be on stronger footing. Sure, the changes they're seeking might not go over well outside their own ruby-red districts. But their approach might be slightly less disastrous for the insurance market than the misbegotten, unloved compromise bill Paul Ryan and the White House are currently pushing.
Up until last night, the American Health Care Act was animated by a very specific legislative logic. Because Senate Republicans planned to pass their version of the bill using the budget reconciliation process in order to avoid a filibuster, the plan could only deal with spending issues, not regulations. So Congress could slash Obamacare's subsidies, eliminate its taxes, and cut Medicaid down to size, but it couldn't eighty-six rules barring insurers from discriminating against patients with pre-existing conditions. That was the theory, anyway. In reality, many parts of the bill looked a whole lot like regulatory tweaks, such as a change that would have allowed insurers to charge older Americans up to five times what young adults pay for coverage. Why was that fair game, but not Obamacare's hundreds of other pages of regulatory dictates? Nobody would really say. This angered conservatives, who really, really want to tear out Obamacare root and branch, without worrying about obscure Senate parliamentary rules.
On Wednesday, the pretense that the bill couldn't touch regulations finally fell apart for good when, in order win over skeptical Freedom Caucus members, the White House reportedly offered to repeal Obamacare's essential health benefit rules, which require insurers to cover a wide array of services such as maternity care and hospitalization. These are regulations, pure and simple. You can argue that they affect the budget, and therefore should be fair game for reconciliation, because they affect the cost of the insurance the government has to subsidize. But that logic applies to pretty much all of the other regulations in Obamacare, as well.
And now, like the mouse that got its Milano, the Freedom Caucus wants to repeal the rest of Obamcare's regs, too. According to the Washington Post, they're pushing to scrap pretty much everything important in Title I of the law. That includes rules that stop insurers from charging people more based on their health or sex, from canceling their customers' plans at the drop of a hat, or from imposing lifetime or annual limits on coverage. The two provisions they're apparently willing to leave in place are the rules letting children stay on their parents' insurance until age 26 (nobody opposes that one) and barring insurers from turning down customers because they have pre-existing conditions (of course, that extremely popular rule would be rendered mostly useless, since carriers would be allowed to charge those sick individuals more).
This sounds barbaric. It is barbaric. The Title I rules are generally popular for a reason. They were designed to make the Kafka-esque nightmare of America's individual health insurance market something predictable and fair. Nobody wants to go back to a world where insurers can rescind coverage because somebody forgot to mention their childhood allergies on some paperwork or where sick people have to pay exorbitantly for insurance or go without.
And yet, at this point, that would be a more coherent approach to health policy than what GOP leaders seem to have settled on. That's because, by eliminating the essential benefit rules, the GOP plan would already make it possible for insurers to discriminate against the sick and aged. They just have to do it indirectly. Without any minimum benefit requirements to get in the way, carriers will be free to offer bare-bones plans that don't cover the needs of your typical 50- or 64-year-old. Carriers wouldn't reject anybody outright—they would just make sure not to sell health plans that might accidentally appeal to an unprofitable customer. I'd expect to see carriers start offering a whole lot of "insurance" that covers one night in the hospital and some antibiotics with maybe a gym discount thrown in to lure millennials.
Those are extremely perverse incentives that would warp the insurance market in some very ugly ways. Not only would sick people not be able to find the health plan they need, but relatively healthy and well-off customers looking for more comprehensive care like you'd typically get from an employer might have nothing to choose from but junk coverage designed to scare off the ill, or very expensive plans designed to compensate for the cost of caring for them. If you're a successful self-employed contractor with a nice roofing business, neither of those options probably sounds too appealing.
Eliminating most of Obamacare's regulations, rather than just the essential health benefits, might make this bizarro world of insurance a little more rational. Rather than indirectly discriminating against the sick by only offering cheapo or crazily expensive coverage in a way that also punishes healthy people, companies would be allowed to just charge the ill more. Meanwhile, it could offer somewhat comprehensive coverage to healthier customers at something approaching a reasonable price. What would happen to people with pre-existing conditions? Their situation wouldn't be great. But Trumpcare does have a $100 billion fund that states could use to set up subsidized high risk insurance pools, which has long been the standard conservative policy approach for dealing with people with pre-existing conditions. That might not be enough to adequately fund them over a decade, but it's something.
Now, to be clear, the insurance market that Freedom Caucus types are aiming to set up would still be an absolute horror. As I wrote on Wednesday, without essential benefit rules in place, insurance companies will be able to offer trash coverage priced at exactly the value of Trumpcare's premium subsidies, market the plans as free to consumers, and skim money off the government the way for-profit colleges have gobbled up Pell Grant and student loan money while ripping off undergrads for years. Older, sicker patients would certainly suffer, too, especially if the high risk pools are badly underfunded.
But those things would also be true if House leadership got its way. Obamacare's regulations, remember, really were designed to work as a cohesive whole. If you pull out a few of its key stones, you're likely to create as much wreckage, if not more, than if you demolished the whole thing. So maybe Trump and Paul Ryan ought to let the Freedom Caucus have its way. Then they can hopefully let whatever politically radioactive bill comes of it die mercifully in the Senate.
Head of D.C. Metro Says Escalators Too "Sensitive" for Passengers to Walk on Them
We should be kinder to escalators. The District of Columbia learned this Wednesday.
Talking to D.C.'s NBC affiliate station one day before the D.C. Metro board approved fare hikes and service cuts to begin in July, the head of Washington's Metro system said that by walking on the left side of the escalator and standing on the right—a mainstay of subway decorum!—people are actually harming the moving stairway. "These are very sensitive pieces of equipment," Metro General Manager Paul Wiedefeld said as a new escalator at the Bethesda station was unveiled.
Even as he said it, he knew the futility of his cause. "We prefer that they stand as they move up the escalator, but also we know that people will do what they want to do." It's true. And to well-behaved Washington commuters, the Metro chief's comments amounted to heresy:
The GOP Might Make a Deal That Would Screw the Sick While Letting Insurers Scam Taxpayers
This is nuts. Straight. Up. Nuts.
Right now, Republicans are negotiating a last-minute deal to save their health care bill before Thursday's vote in the House that, were it to actually become law, could have massive repercussions for the entire U.S. health care system. It would simultaneously be an enormous blow to the sick and a boondoggle for taxpayers that would turn the whole individual insurance market into an opportunity for insurers to skim money from the government by selling junk coverage.
I really, really wish I was exaggerating. But no.
According to multiple reports, the White House is trying to win over votes from the archconservative Freedom Caucus by adding an amendment to its health care bill that would kill off Obamacare's "essential health benefits" rules. Those regulations require insurers to cover 10 different areas of care—things such as hospital and outpatient services, prescription drugs, and mental health and maternity care. Liberals like the rules because, among other things, they ensure that when people pay for coverage, they get something of value. (Back in the pre-Obamacare days, people often bought cheap coverage, only to discover it was worthless once their hospital bills arrived.) Republicans dislike the essential benefits, however, because they make coverage more expensive. Which is true. When insurers actually have to cover stuff, it costs more.
Getting rid of the regulations has been at the top of the Freedom Caucus' wish list, because it would allow premiums to drop for people who don't need much in the way of actual benefits. Unfortunately, it would also turn the insurance market into a massive exercise in graft by allowing insurers to game the living hell out of the subsidy system that Republicans are presently setting up.
Remember, the GOP plan offers Americans who make less than $75,000 flat tax credits to help buy insurance, and these credits go up as you age. If you're under 30, you get $2,000 toward your premiums; if you're between 30 and 40, you get $2,500, and so on. If there are no rules about what insurers have to cover, companies will design extremely pared-down health plans that cost exactly as much (or maybe just below) what the tax credit is worth. Sure, they won't really provide much in the way of actual help if someone gets sick, but to insurance buyers they'll be free.
It doesn't take a lot of imagination to see how this leads to companies hawking lots of dubious insurance products at unsuspecting customers. Forgive the quoting of my own tweet:
Man. I'm already imagining the talk radio ads. "Call now to get your FREE healthcare plan! Yes, we said FREE! Call 1-800 MINIMED!"
— Jordan Weissmann (@JHWeissmann) March 23, 2017
Of course, those free, threadbare plans will appeal to young people who might otherwise go uninsured, thus gobbling up the most profitable part of the market. That will leave carriers hesitant to offer more comprehensive coverage that actual sick people might want to purchase. Older Americans who want assurance that someone will cover their hospital bills are going to end up paying through the nose for it.
And all this dysfunction will be fueled with billions in taxpayer dollars. Because, again, if the plans are free after the tax credit, there's no reason for people not to snap one up. Whatever the Republican tax plan was supposed to cost before, it's probably going to be whole hell of a lot more expensive now.
Of course we won't know for sure before the House vote—which, again, is this Thursday—because the Congressional Budget Office won't have time to score the plan. To be clear, we do not know for sure whether this bargain will make it into the final bill. It's also an open question whether it would be allowed into the legislation under the budget reconciliation rules the Senate will be using in its attempt to pass the legislation. But this whole exercise still feels like some nightmare version of a high school kid writing his term paper a 2 a.m. the morning before it's due. Except in this case, it's Donald Trump and a couple fringe right-wing ideologues rewriting the whole damn health insurance system. God save us all.
Surprise! Even With an Extra $85 Billion, Trumpcare Is Still Terrible for the Old.
Despite a last-minute attempt to make the legislation more generous to people over the age of 50, it looks like the Republican health care plan would still be an unmitigated disaster for many Americans nearing retirement age. Or so suggests a new analysis from the progressive Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.
After the Congressional Budget Office reported that some older insurance customers would see their premiums rise by as much as 750 percent under the GOP's plan, party leaders went back and added a roughly $85 billion dollar placeholder into their bill supposedly designed to beef up its insurance subsidies for the 50-to-64 demographic. While nobody knows precisely how the money would be used—it's been called a "magic asterisk"—the move was meant to assuage the fears of moderates in the House and Senate who are feeling queasy about the idea of pricing near-seniors out of the insurance market.
Unfortunately, it appears that the asterisk doesn't actually perform that much magic.
Even with the additional $85 billion kicked in, the CBPP estimates that the average 60-year-old earning $22,000 would still see his premiums after tax credits rise by more than $6,000, to $7,470. That's slightly less vertiginous than the $9,349 they'd have owed under Trumpcare 1.0, but it's still way outside the realm of affordability.
In some states, the price hikes will be far more dramatic, CBPP finds. In Alaska, premiums for 60-year-olds could reach near $27,000, while in Wyoming, West Virgina, Oklahoma, North Carolina, Nebraska, and Arizona they'd top $10,000.
Here's why the $85 billion, which amounts to a roughly 24 percent increase in the bill's total funding for tax credits, doesn't do much good for the people it's supposed to help. Under the Affordable Care Act, the government currently gives lower-income Americans tax credits to buy insurance that cap their premiums as a percentage of their income. So if you're a 62-year-old earning a bit above the poverty line in Arizona, the ACA keeps your monthly insurance payments low no matter what. Trumpcare nixes that system and replaces it with a series of largely flat tax credits based on age (they start phasing out for those who make more than $75,000). As written, those work to $3,500 for 50- to 59-year-olds and $4,000 for those 60 and up—not nearly enough to cover the full cost of premiums, which could easily reach five figures for an individual in their 60s, since Trumpcare would allow insurers to charge them up to five times what they charge twentysomethings (under Obamacare, the ratio is 3 to 1). The extra $85 billion, CBPP estimates, would only get those credits up to $5,100 and $5,900, not enough to make a significant difference for someone with a lower-middle-class income.
The CBPP's analysis suggests there's no real way for Republicans to paper over this problem in the legislation without spending far more money than they'd be willing. As long as insurers can charge near-seniors through the nose and the tax credits aren't targeted based on income but instead spread thinly across large demographic brackets, poorer, older Americans are going to face a massive affordability gap. All the way down to its foundations, this bill is engineered to screw poorish 64-year-olds.
After Bashing Obamacare for High Deductibles, the GOP Has Crafted a Health Care Plan That Raises Deductibles
Republicans like Donald Trump and Mitch McConnell have often pointed to the high insurance deductibles that Americans face under Obamacare as evidence of the health reform law's failure. This has always been an awkward and transparently cynical line of attack, since basically every replacement plan Republicans have floated over the years has been designed to allow insurers to sell cut-rate coverage with even higher deductibles. This is no less true of the proposal now making its way through the House of Representatives, which is designed to let carriers sell plans that cover less of their customers' health costs.
And so, in the brave new world of Trumpcare, average deductibles are almost certainly going to go up. In a column at Axios, Kaiser Family Foundation President Drew Altman estimates that the deductible in a "typical plan" will rise about $1,550, from $2,150 to to $4,100. He bases this calculation on the Congressional Budget Office's projection that the average "actuarial value" of insurance plans on the individual market—how much of customers' expenses they cover, on average—will fall from 72 percent to 65 percent.
Now some Republicans might look at this and say something like, "Great. Under Obamacare, Americans are required to buy high deductible plans. Under Trumpcare, they'll be able to choose cheap coverage that fits their needs!" If you encounter this argument in the wild, please respond with a withering stare. One of the major reasons Americans will have to choose cheap coverage under Trumpcare is that Republicans are cutting funding for premium tax credits and eliminating the "cost-sharing reduction" subsidies that lower deductibles for low-income households. Furthermore, because Trumpcare will allow insurers to sell skimpy plans without also offering more robust options—Obamacare forces them to sell both in order to participate on the markets—a lot of Americans will have few choices to pick from. If this bill passes, expect that a whole lot of people won't have any option but to pay more for worse coverage—if they can afford any coverage at all.
Emirates Airlines Responded to Trump's Laptop Ban by Updating an Ad Featuring Jennifer Aniston
On Tuesday the Trump administration announced a ban on laptops, tablets, Kindles, and other electronic devices larger than cellphones on flights from 10 Middle Eastern and North African airports on eight non-U.S. airlines. Misguided though the ban might be, most of the affected airlines have so far been fairly quiet about the ban.
So far the only exception is Emirates, the largest carrier in the Middle East. On Tuesday morning, the Dubai-based airline tweeted out an 18-second advertisement featuring Jennifer Aniston with the caption, "Let us entertain you" and a rather topical opening line: "Who needs tablets and laptops anyway?"
Let us entertain you. pic.twitter.com/FKqayqUdQ7
— Emirates airline (@emirates) March 21, 2017
Aniston is then shown holding a console attached to the seat in front of her and sitting with two children. "This thing has so many games and so many movies, it's crazy," she says. Aniston may not be the willing face of this friendly jab at Trump administration policy, but her time-tested likability makes her an effective one. Who wouldn't want to be on Jen's side?
On Twitter, users were impressed with the speed with which Emirates put out the ad, but the video actually came from a minute-and-a-half-long October advertisement in which Aniston befriends a boy who ventures into her private suite on the flight. The opening text was evidently slapped onto the clip to capitalize on a newsworthy event—a policy that may have been motivated by the Trump administration's protectionist instinct and that may have serious business consequences for Emirates and its peers, which thanks to state funding often offer cheaper fares than their American counterparts.
Emirates appears to be the only airline to have seized the moment. On Tuesday afternoon Royal Jordanian Airlines tweeted out basic information to let its customers know it will begin adhering to the ban on March 24. Saudi Arabian Airlines also stuck to the facts.
Attention all passengers ⚠ pic.twitter.com/HCNDcjcdi1
— Royal Jordanian (@RoyalJordanian) March 21, 2017
Otherwise, the other affected airlines—Egypt Air, Etihad Airways, Kuwait Airways, Qatar Airways, Royal Air Maroc, and Turkish Airlines—seemed to focus their social media attention elsewhere. Presumably they spent the day wishing they lived on one of the 99 out of 100 Earths in which Donald Trump is not president.
Trump's Laptop Ban Isn't Just Misguided and Xenophobic. It's a Giant Middle Finger to Business Travelers.
The Trump administration announced on Tuesday its latest effort to make life more difficult for anyone—citizen or noncitizen—who wishes to travel to and from the United States. As of right now, passengers on directs flights leaving 10 airports in the Middle East and North Africa on eight non-U.S. airlines are prohibited from bringing electronics larger than a cellphone on board.
The justification given was security grounds, although that sounds dubious. If laptops are dangerous in the cabin, why aren't they dangerous in the cargo hold? Meanwhile, the list excludes airports in places like Venezuela, a country about which the U.S. government has issued a travel warning. In the Washington Post, Henry Farrell and Abraham Newman smartly unpack some of the trade politics that may be behind the laptop ban. Several of the airlines in questions are either state carriers or enjoy significant government support that puts U.S. carriers at a disadvantage. In other words, this move could be an extension of Trump's twice-foiled travel ban, but it could also be an outgrowth of his protectionist trade policy.
But on top of all that, the device ban is also the latest in the Trump administration's efforts at a certain kind of class warfare—business class warfare. In addition to being a jab at foreign companies and another act of policy shaped by rank xenophobia, the announcement is a giant middle finger to one group of people you'd think our mogul in chief would like to keep happy: business travelers.
The use of laptops (and tablets) on long flights isn't simply a convenience or a cure for boredom. It's a requirement for any knowledge worker who works internationally. The planes plying the routes between Abu Dhabi and New York, between Riyadh and Washington, are filled with professionals of all types hunched over their MacBooks and ThinkPads.
The ability to work on long flights has evolved quickly over the years. Until recently, one of the virtues of having your laptop on the plane was that the cabin of an airplane winging across the Atlantic was the one place you could work without the constant interruptions of co-workers, social media, and emails. I looked forward to them as opportunities to write book proposals or finish chapters.
Now, however, another reality has taken hold. Access to in-flight internet via GoGo or other services is something close to standard. It kicks in at 10,000 feet. Virtually every plane is equipped with power plugs that can keep laptops juiced for the entire journey. On a recent flight back from Europe, eight grinding hours during a work day, I was able to be online—and hence in my office—pretty much the whole time. The internet access is slow, doesn't let you stream video, and can fade in and out over the ocean. But it lets people do pretty much everything else: get into secure systems or dashboards, chat with colleagues, trade stocks, move money, sign and forward contracts, monitor sales on your e-commerce site, fine-tune the proposal you're going to make upon landing.
As a result, the expectations and norms surrounding business travel have changed. There is a large class of highly compensated people for whom time is money—they bill by the hour or by the day. Investment bankers, management consultants, lawyers, accountants, project managers, engineers, architects. For them, long international flights used to be an economic black hole—you couldn't really charge clients for the time, and you couldn't get much work done. But now, for a lawyer who charges $1,000 an hour, paying $5,000 for a one-way business class seat from Dubai to the U.S. makes sense, even if she can comfortably do only seven hours of work. The same calculus holds for the accountant in coach. At the same time, we work in a business climate in which people expect you to be connected at all times. The idea that you're on a plane for 10 hours is no longer an excuse for not responding to a colleague or client.
There is something particularly pernicious about the way this laptop ban works. It doesn't apply to flights leaving the U.S. for the Middle East—which is to say west-east travel. But on those flights, a lack of connectivity or access to a laptop isn't as much of an issue. These flights often go overnight, when it is permissible to be unplugged and passengers may spend most of the time sleeping. Those flights also tend to be shorter. But east-west travel is another story. The flights take longer and are often timed to coincide with work hours at home.
Take the laptop—and internet access—out of people's hands, and it destroys their capacity to work. It turns several productive hours into unproductive ones. And there is huge amount of business to be done in the countries affected by the laptop ban. Saudi Arabia has a GDP of about $650 billion and Saudi Aramco is about to stage what could be the world's largest initial public offering. Morocco is building some of the world's largest solar plants. Istanbul's airport is an important regional hub, and the gateway to a market of 75 million people. Major U.S. multinationals all have outposts, operations, and significant holdings in the countries serviced by these airports. In a way, the laptop ban doesn't simply alienate individual business travelers; it alienates entire economies. Erecting policies that inhibit or discourage the free flow of people and commerce is just as protectionist as building a wall or slapping tariffs on imported goods.
Now, globe-trotting knowledge workers face a choice when returning from a business trip. They can stick to the nonstop flight and write off the east-west flight as wasted time, and read newspapers and books or watch in-flight movies. Or they could seek a less direct route home, which would allow them to be connected for some portion of the travel. One way to avoid the ban would be to fly from Saudi Arabia to Frankfurt, London, or Paris and then catch a flight on Delta or American back home. But doing so violates one of the cardinal rules of business travel. If you're flying for work, you always fly direct if you can to eliminate downtime and reduce the risk of delays and cancellations. It's good business. And our president is supposed to be all about good business, right?
Paul Ryan's Favorite Talking Point About Medicaid Is Utter Bunk
Republicans have a handful of go-to criticisms of Medicaid. One is that they believe it costs too much—which is why the House GOP has targeted $880 billion in cuts at the government-run health insurance program for low-income and disabled Americans as part of its Obamacare replacement plan. Of course, simply slashing coverage for the vulnerable seems a bit cold-hearted, so conservatives also like to claim that Medicaid does a poor job serving its beneficiaries, because doctors won't accept it. That makes it easier to say with a straight face that they're interested in "reforming" the program, rather than just bleeding it dry.
You can find variations of this point dating back years. But it's been coming up a whole lot more lately, as Republicans have been trying to sell their austere version of health care reform to a deeply skeptical public. "More and more doctors just don't take Medicaid," Paul Ryan told reporters during a PowerPoint presentation a couple weeks back, repeating a claim he'd made in January. "I mean, what good is your coverage if you can't get a doctor? And that is a huge, growing problem with Medicaid." When confronted at a CNN town hall by a cancer survivor who'd obtained life-saving medical coverage thanks to Obamacare's Medicaid expansion, Secretary of Health and Human Services Tom Price resorted to a similar argument.
"We have one-third of the physicians in this nation, Brian, who are not seeing Medicaid patients," Price said (the cancer survivor's was Brian). "And so if we want to be honest with ourselves as a society, it's important we step back and say, 'Why is that?' Why are those doctors not seeing Medicaid patients? Let me just suggest it's because the Medicaid program itself has real problems in it." Price added that the Trump administration wants to move some patients from Medicaid to private insurance that "might be much more responsive to them."
It is true that many doctors do not accept new Medicaid patients, in large part because the program pays physicians relatively little for their services. But new data suggests Ryan is dead wrong when he says this is a growing problem. If anything, it appears that more doctors have started to see Medicaid enrollees in the years since the program expanded under the Affordable Care Act. Meanwhile, a recent analysis shows that low-income Americans tend to have similar access to doctors whether they have Medicaid or a private plan, which belies Price's notion that many Medicaid patients would be significantly better off with coverage purchased on the individual market.
In other words, some of the GOP's favorite current talking points about Medicaid are bunk.
When the Washington Post tried to fact-check Ryan's Medicaid claims earlier this year, it had trouble finding any number at all to substantiate them. "I am not aware of any data source that would tell you one way or another whether the number of physicians who accept Medicaid or Medicare, or private insurance for that matter, is going up or down," Julia Paradise, associate director of the Kaiser Family Foundation's Program on Medicaid and the Uninsured, told the paper. But a recent survey highlighted by Bruce Jepsen at Forbes suggests the figure has been pretty stable in major metro areas over the past decade. According to the doctor job placement company Merritt Hawkins, 53 percent of physicians in 15 large cities said they were accepting Medicaid patients in 2017. That's up from 45.7 percent in 2014, when the Medicaid expansion began, and down slightly from 2009, when it was 55 percent.
These data may not cover the entire country, but they are instructive. First, they come from a substantial survey. Merritt Hawkins interviewed about 1,400 doctors' offices in large cities like New York, Los Angeles, and Atlanta covering five different specialties: cardiology, dermatology, family medicine, OBGYN, and orthopedic surgery. The company also found that doctors working in midsize metros were slightly more likely to accept Medicaid than their peers in bigger cities, so there's no particular reason to think that Medicaid is facing a more severe crisis outside the country's larger population centers (the report only offered survey results for midsize metros covering 2017). A separate Merritt Hawkins survey of more than 17,000 physicians around the country found that 63.7 percent said they saw all Medicaid patients in 2016, up from 61.9 percent in 2014.*
A pessimist like Price might look at these data and note that, while the problem isn't getting any worse, about half of doctors still aren't taking Medicaid patients or are limiting the number they'll see. That sure makes the program sound dysfunctional. But if you're relatively poor, it turns out that private coverage might not be much better. In November, an analysis by the Medicaid and CHIP Payment Commission showed that Americans who earned less than 138 percent of the poverty line—the population covered under Obamacare's Medicaid expansion—had about the same difficulty getting access to medical care during 2014 whether they had Medicaid or private insurance (that was the first year Obamacare's major pieces were fully implemented). In fact, those with private plans were twice as likely to say they lacked a regular source of medical care, and about 9 percentage points more likely to say they worried about medical bills. Medicaid patients did face slightly longer wait times. But they had far, far better access to medicine than the uninsured. So to demonize Medicaid, as Price does, is to ignore the fact that private insurance faces the same problems, and in some respects more severely.
If you stop and think about it, it makes sense that Medicaid might be about as good, if not better, than cheap private insurance, which tends to be cheap because it's accompanied by high co-pays and deductibles, and keeps costs down by offering patients a narrow network of doctors to choose from. Medicaid, in contrast, "is designed for people who have no money," University of Chicago professor and health policy expert Harold Pollack told me. "So there are a lot of aspects of Medicaid that are more comprehensive than for people with private coverage."
The irony about all this is that, whatever Medicaid's deficiencies are now, the Republican plan would almost surely make them worse by cutting the program's budget. Many doctors refuse to take Medicaid patients because the system doesn't pay them enough for their services. As funding shrinks, states will almost surely either have to knock those reimbursement rates lower, cut the enrollment rolls, or perhaps both. It will be become more of a niche, underfunded program, and that will discourage doctors from accepting its patients.
That might not be disastrous for access to care if today's Medicaid enrollees had the prospect of getting better insurance on the individual market, like Price suggested at that CNN town hall. But they don't. Under the Republican health care plan, low-income Americans (and especially low-income, older Americans who are below the qualifying age of Medicare) will receive smaller tax credits to purchase insurance than under Obamacare. Insofar as those families will be able to afford coverage at all, they'll have to opt for something cheaper and less comprehensive than they can get now. It seems plausible those plans will give them even less access to affordable medical care than the Medicaid coverage they enjoy today.
For the Americans who rely on it, Medicaid may not be any less desirable than the private coverage they could theoretically afford in its place. Under the plan Republicans are pushing, both options will simply get worse.
This post has been updated to reflect an additional Merritt Hawkins survey on Medicaid acceptance.


text: We are traveling to PC on United Airlines over holidays. Anyone have any recommendations on taking skis on plane VS shipping to resort? It seems that some airlines costs for checking these larger items have gotten very expensive. It also seemed more convenient to not have to transport skis for a family.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Perched atop the Oregon State Capitol stands a gilded statue of a bearded man. Is he a politician? A hipster? Marketing for the Portland Timbers?
No. The "gold man" is the "Oregon Pioneer," a symbol of the independent spirit of Oregonians.
The ability of ordinary people to affect change in Oregon is a long-standing tradition, exemplified by the regilding of the Oregon Pioneer in 1984. When the Oregon Legislature was unable to appropriate funding for the refurbishment, school children collected $40,000 worth of dimes to complete it.
Come and take a guided or self-guided tour. Your Oregon Capitol is open for visits from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. during the week, and on occasional weekends for special events. Admission is always free. Check the tours page for tour departure times. If you can't visit in person, take a virtual tour of the capitol and building grounds here.
Everyday people just like you have shaped Oregon's laws. How? Visit the Capitol and read about their stories in interpretive exhibits.
You can also begin your journey of discovery on this website, by reading stories about how citizens like you helped create some of Oregon's unique laws.
Or, visit one of the hundreds of historical sites near you where you can read about citizens in action.
You are invited to participate in the making of laws. Yes, we mean that. That's what a democracy is. While inside the Capitol, you can talk to your legislator, testify, or volunteer.
But you don't have to be at the Capitol to make a difference. You can be anywhere. Write your legislator, testify in writing, connect with your local government or neighborhood association, track bills, volunteer for political action committees, run for office, and, of course, vote.
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In my book and workshop, Digital Explorations in Fiber & Mixed Media, I explore ways of composing photographs in various ways.
This original photograph was cropped and stretched to create a long rectangle. I usually enhanced hue, either before layering or after. This is especially true when printing to a somewhat absorbent surface such as fabric and some papers.
Each of the 3 photos were created by exploring what would happen when layered with my painted fabrics. Some photos simply don't work but what a satisfying surprise when it does!


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I wanna sale very nice and cheap laptop, Everything works except the battery but it works while plugged in to the charger, I recently installed an extra Gig of ram. Very nice computers to give to your children as first computer or just a nice computer for light use.Very Clean, No parts missing, well taken care of.Windows XP60GB SSD Hard Drive2 GB RamWorking Anti-virus software!Asking for $90 Or o.b.o I can negotiate! Send email through my Classified Page or TEXT ONLY TO: 956-335-4543Serious Inquiries only! Thanks |
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30 Oct 2011 | #1 |
tag editor
would like to find a good video tag editor for win 7 have found abc good for avi and mp3 files need one for wmv and the rest or all files treid a few some dont work need recommendations file tag editor for wmv or all files win 7 compatible
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Hi exp000, try this Mp3tag - Download
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I saw a listing in 'GBH Magazine that The Taste of Allston event will be held on April 29 this year. It will be at the Doubletree Guest Suites in Allston from 6-8 pm. It costs $25 but WGBH members receive a $5 discount online or by showing their membercard at the door.
I went last year and there wasn't an overwhelming selection but it was fun, the music was good and there was a pretty good representation of local restaurants.
Here's the link to their website for more information.
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- Latest News HeadlinesLatest News Headlines
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Phillip LaRue's Song Featured On MTV's "The Hills" Tonight
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Edit Article
wikiHow to Subscribe to and Read RSS Feeds with Internet Explorer
If you like to keep up to date with your RSS feeds, but are not where you have an RSS reader, you can still do it. Here you can do it with Internet Explorer.
2Ensure that you've selected to view the Command toolbar. The Command toolbar will display a button on Internet 7, 8, and 9 and any upcoming versions for any RSS feed that is detected on a webpage.
- Right click any place in the open portion near the tabs area of your browser.
- Click "Command bar", if you notice the item not having a checkmark to left of the item name.
3Browse through your web pages you visit and commonly look for the orange new light button to become visible.
4Click the drop-down button that is visible now, to select this option.
5Select the RSS feed's name, the browser saw.
6Look for the top orange bar at the top of the white portion of the webpage. This is the bar that will give you the option to save your feed for later viewing.
7Click "Subscribe to this feed" button. It will then ask you to confirm your subscription activity.
8Click the "Subscribe" button.
9Wait a few moments for the new orange bar (confirming a successful addition to the "Common Feeds" list.
Community Q&A
Ask a Question
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If this question (or a similar one) is answered twice in this section, please click here to let us know.
- Other Microsoft programs (such as Windows Live Mail portion of Windows Live Essentials) include ways to add RSS feeds and manage feeds to and from your browser, but incur harder ways to add RSS feeds, such as selecting the RSS feed text and adding the feed through the software itself), so you can read the feed for later viewing in your Internet Explorer browser. Therefore, be super-careful not to add feeds of incriminating evidence that you don't want other unauthorized people to see!
- You can get to the Common Feeds list, by clicking the star icon in either the right-hand corner (version 9) of your browser, or on earlier versions (7 and 8) of Internet Explorer, click on the Feeds tab, and click on the feed name you added to review any new postings that have been recently posted.
- You can sort this list on some RSS feeds by either date posted, or one of several ways, and this may be changed at any time.
- You can change the name of the RSS feed to whatever you wish to save the view in the Common Feed List to, by typing a new name in the name box on the "Subscribe to this Feed" dialog box prior to clicking the "Subscribe" button.
- If you don't wish to save the feed for later viewing, you don't have to go any further than selecting the feed's name from the first drop-down list.
- For a list of popular places to find RSS feeds, you can either browse the web, or some search engines even give you some major saved source feeds. You can also do a search for "RSS feeds" on any major search page(Bing, Google, Yahoo, AOL, MSN, etc.) (search term should just be "RSS feed(s), (term name or topic name)". Make sure to add the space in between these two terms, and make sure it has the correct grammar such as correct capitalization and spaces in between your popular words).
- On browsers earlier than 9, the Command bar can never be removed from the browser.
- Your Internet Explorer browser comes preinstalled with a few feeds, once you install or upgrade to a new Internet Explorer browser. Although some of the older feeds on Internet Explorer's 7 and 8 browsers aren't working, there are replacements directly from Microsoft, that you can easily upgrade to.
- Not all web pages have RSS feeds. Internet Explorer will detect feeds that are RSS, Atom as well as many other forms, as they become more-widely known.
- There's also another type of button that will display on the command bar that is green that will replace the orange bar at times. This green button isn't the same button for detecting RSS feeds. It is called the web-slice button, and is rarely seen. The web-slice button will only display from web browsers starting with Internet Explorer 8 and 9 and any upcoming versions.
- If you are running an uncommon older browser than Internet Explorer 7, you'll need to upgrade (for free) to one of the newer browsers. Internet Explorer 6 and below will not be able to detect these feeds and will not display these pages at all, causing the browser to crash.
Things You'll Need
- Internet Explorer browser
- RSS feed to subscribe to and read
Sources and Citations
- displaying Command bar in Internet Explorer 9 portion: http://www.dkszone.net/command-bar-favorites-bar-status-bar-internet-explorer-9
- http://windows.microsoft.com/en-US/windows-vista/Using-feeds-RSS
Article Info
Categories: Internet Explorer
In other languages:
Español: suscribirte a fuentes RSS y leerlas con Internet Explorer, Русский: подписаться и прочитать RSS ленту через Internet Explorer, Português: se Inscrever e Ler Feeds RSS com o Internet Explorer
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Many of you have probably already seen this on The Screensavers, but we wanted to test this out for ourselves.
The whole concept came from this website here: Freeantennas.com
The idea is to boost the output from your wireless access point. The design is based on a Deep Dish Cylindrical Parabolic.
This is what you'll need: some construction paper, scissors, a glue stick, aluminum foil and the antenna template. You can get the template HERE.
Now the template was a bit big for my needs so i resized the two pictures down to 75 % in paintshop and then printed them out.
First i trimmed off the excess paper of the template to fit the construction paper i happened to have. I then glued the template on to the construction paper using the glue stick. This is to give the antenna some strength.
Using the scissors i cut out the template now stuck to the construction paper and followed the pattern's lines that needed to be cut.
Next i cut the six slits out of the rectangle piece and the glued the aluminum foil onto it. After gluing and wrapping the rectangle part in foil, i used the slits i cut before to cut through the aluminum.
Next up is to bend the other part nearly in half and slide the tabs into the slots on the rectangle piece. I stapled the tabs down for good measure.
And finally you have your antenna! Wow that thing is sure butt ugly, but it didn't cost me more that 10 cents to make.
I placed the antenna on the wifi antenna as shown in the picture and then set off to test it.
I used net stumbler to record the results. First with the home made antenna (left) and then without (right).
Low and behold the damn thing works! Now it's not a big gain, but it might be good enough to reach that particular spot in your home you couldn't get any wifi access. Before buying a store bought antenna try this and see if it works for you first, besides it'll only cost you a dime.
Biquad Antenna Construction
I've done quite a bit of experimentation and testing with various home made dipoles for 24dBi Conifer dishes, and have managed to increase the performance of the dish.
Trevor Marshall has a webpage with information about using a biquad as a feed on a Primestar satellite dish, with very good results. I decided to try using a biquad as a feed on a 24dBi Conifer dish, to see if I could improve the performance of it of the dish.
Note that the photos on Trevor Marshall's webpage do not clearly show the construction of the biquad - particularly the way in which the quad is attached to the coax. Numerous people (including myself) have constructed biquads incorrectly, based on his photos, and found that they perform very poorly.
Use the photos of my biquad below, and refer to the websites listed in the references section at the bottom of this page for more information on the correct construction of the biquad.
Parts Required
I used the following bits and pieces:
- 123x123mm square section of blank PCB
- 50mm length of 1/2" copper pipe
- short length of CNT-400 or LMR-400 low loss coax (~300mm long)
- 250mm of 2.5mm2 copper wire (approx 1.5mm diameter)
- N connector
I've also heard of people using CDROM as the reflector, as the foil on it will certainly reflect microwaves.
Cut a square piece of blank printed circuit board, 123x123mm.
Note that Trevor Marshall recommends a size of 123x123mm if using the biquad as a stand-alone antenna, while 110x110 is optimal if using it as a feed for a large dish.
He also recommends attaching some lips to two sides of the reflector, to reduce radiation from the rear lobes.
Use some steel wool to remove any tarnish and polish it up. Cleaning the copper in this way will make it easier to solder.
Cut a 50mm section of copper pipe, and file both ends smooth. Using some sandpaper and/or some files, polish up the copper pipe (including the inside of the copper pipe, to ensure a good connection with the coax braid).
Cut a notch into one end of the copper pipe, removing approx 2mm from half the circumference.
Drill a hole in the centre of the blank PCB so that the copper pipe is a tight fit in the hole. I found a reamer to be very useful for enlarging the hole to the correct size.
Insert the copper pipe into the hole, with the notched end on the copper side of the blank PCB. The copper pipe should be protruding approx 16mm through the hole, measured on the copper side of the PCB.
Solder the copper pipe to the PCB, to ensure a good physical and electrical connection.
Quite a bit of heat is needed, due to the thickness of the copper pipe, and an electrical soldering iron probably won't be able to deliver sufficent heat. I found a small gas torch works quite well.
Making the Element
The element is made from a length of copper wire, bent into the appropriate shape.
Note that the length of each "side" should be as close to 30.5mm as possible (measured from the centre of the copper wire to the centre of the copper wire), which is a quarter of a wavelength at 2.4GHz
I had some offcuts of electrical power cable lying around, and found that 2.5mm2 power cable had a diameter of approx 1.6mm - a little bigger than the 1.2mm that Trevor Marshall specifies, but didn't think it would make a significant difference to the performance of the biquad.
Remove the insulation, measure and cut a 244mm length the copper wire, and straighten it as best as you can.
Measure the mid-point of the wire, and make a 90 degree bend. The bend should be quite sharp and pronounced.
Measure the midpoints of each half, and make two more 90 degree bends in the wire, so that it looks like that shown in the photo below.
Once again, measure the midpoints of each section, and make some more 90 degree bends, resulting in what is shown below.
Do the same to the other side, resulting in the biquad shape.
Clean up all your bends, and ensure each side of the element is as straight as possible, and as close to 30.5mm as possible.
Note that you may need to trim a small amount off each end of the wire to achieve this.
The element must now be attached to the reflector. Note that only the two "ends" of the copper wire are to be attached to the copper pipe - the centre of the copper wire must not touch the copper pipe (hence the notch which was cut into the end of the copper pipe.
The copper wire element should be approximately 15mm away from the reflector. Testing antenna performance while varying the spacing between the copper wire element and the rear reflector indicates that a spacing of approx 15mm provides the lowest SWR (test results available here).
Strip approx 30mm of the outer sheath from the end of the coax.
Fold the braid back over the outer sheath, and trim the centre conductor, so that about 4mm is protruding.
Insert the braid into the copper pipe, so that the end of the centre conductor lines up with the extreme end of the copper pipe, and solder the centre of the element to it, ensuring the centre of the element is not in contact with the copper pipe. Refer to some of the additional photos below for details.
Note that the feed between the rear reflector and the biquad element needs to be shielded. Using coax to feed the biquad element directly, and positioning the coax inside the copper tube achieves this.
Use of bare conductors as a feed between the reflector and biquad element results in a radiating feed (such as this one), which will have a detrimental effect on the biquad's performance.
I used a coax crimper to crimp the end of the copper pipe onto the coax. This ensures that the coax would not move inside the copper pipe.
Now terminate the other end of the coax with an N connector.
If desired, you can add spacers at each end of the element, to ensure the element doesn't move in relation to the reflector. Refer to my double biquad page for more details on making spacers to support the element.
If you intend to mount the biquad outside, I'd recommend you place it into a weather-proof enclosure, to prevent corrosion, and to prevent water ingress into the coax.
Numerous people have used small tuppaware containers successfully.
This can be achieved by drilling a hole in one side of the container, and pass the coax tail through the hole, leaving the biquad itself inside the container. Seal up the hole for the coax with some silicone, and your biquad should be protected against the elements.
Some very rough initial testing using the biquad as a feed on a 24dBi Conifer dish looks very promising, with the signal strength being at least as as good as my home made Conifer dipole (I was holding the biquad at approximately the focal point of the dish, and hadn't even removed the Conifer dipole).
I also managed to get a marginal link to a 180 degree waveguide on an access point 10km away, using only the biquad by itself, connected to a 30mW RoamAbout wireless card.
Some more detailed testing with multiple antennas, including the biquad shown above, indicates the biquad has a gain of approx 11-12dBi.
A friend has access to some antenna test equipment, and performed some tests on the biquad featured on this page.
The azimuth plot (ie, radiation pattern) of the biquad is shown below, and shows a 3dB beamwidth of about 50 degrees.
A number of people have suggested the spacing between the element and the rear reflector should be a 1/4 wavelength (ie, 30.5mm) instead of 15mm. However, test results (such as these) indicate the SWR of the biquad is minimised when the spacing is about 15-17mm. Increasing the spacing to 30.5mm increases the SWR significantly, thus reducing the efficiency of the biquad.
For a higher-gain variation of the biquad that's virtually just as easy to build, have a look at the double biquad.
When using a biquad to establish a link to another wireless device, you should ensure the polarisation of the biquad is the same as the antenna you are connecting to. Similarily, if establishing a link with two biquads, ensure they are both oriented for the same polarisation.
Failing to match the polarisation will result in significant signal loss.
| |
Changing the polarisation is just a matter of rotating the entire biquad antenna by 90 degrees.
The biquad antenna is not particularly directional, but has a fairly wide beamwidth.
The 3dB beamwidth for a biquad (without side lips) is typically about 40-50 degrees, thus making it ideal for any applications where you want fairly wide coverage.
The relatively wide beamwidth also makes a biquad very suitable for war-driving and stumbling, allowing you to pick up signals without having to align the antenna directly with the signal source.
While a directional antenna, such as a Conifer dish (3dB beamwidth of a 24dBi Conifer dish is approx 7 degrees), is better suited for point-to-point links, the narrow beamwidth of a Conifer dish requires more precision when aligning the antennas (the narrower the beamwidth, the less susceptible it will be to interferance from other sources). An antenna with a wider beamwidth, such as a biquad, doesn't require the same precision for alignment, thus making it easier to get a link working.
If you're one of those people who may not have all the tools required for building a biquad antenna from scratch, or you don't want to shop around for all the parts required, you can buy a DIY kit containing all components from WarDrivingWorld.
In November 2006, WarDrivingWorld sent me one of their DIY biquad kits to review. The kit contains all the pre-cut and pre-drilled parts required to build a biquad antenna.
For more infomation on this kit, including antenna comparision test results, read my review of the WarDrivingWorld DIY Biquad Kit.
Biquad and double biquad antennas, as well as DIY kits for building your own antennas are also available from Biquad Supply.


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PRAM (Parallel Random Access Machine) David Rodriguez-Velazquez Spring -09 CS-6260 Dr. Elise de Doncker
Overview What is a machine model? Why do we need a model? RAM PRAM ◦ Steps in computation ◦ Write conflict ◦ Examples
A parallel Machine Model What is a machine model? ◦ Describes a "machine" ◦ Puts a value to the operations on the machine Why do we need a model? ◦ Makes it easy to reason algorithms ◦ Achieve complexity bounds ◦ Analyzes maximum parallelism
RAM (Random Access Machine) Unbounded number of local memory cells Each memory cell can hold an integer of unbounded size Instruction set included –simple operations, data operations, comparator, branches All operations take unit time Time complexity = number of instructions executed Space complexity = number of memory cells used
PRAM (Parallel Random Access Machine) Definition: ◦ Is an abstract machine for designing the algorithms applicable to parallel computers ◦ M' is a system of infinitely many RAM's M1, M2, …, each M i is called a processor of M'. All the processors are assumed to be identical. Each has ability to recognize its own index i Input cells X(1), X(2),…, Output cells Y(1), Y(2),…, Shared memory cells A(1), A(2),…,
PRAM (Parallel RAM) Unbounded collection of RAM processors P 0, P 1, …, Processors don't have tape Each processor has unbounded registers Unbounded collection of share memory cells All processors can access all memory cells in unit time All communication via shared memory
PRAM (step in a computation) Consist of 5 phases (carried in parallel by all the processors) each processor: ◦ Reads a value from one of the cells x(1),…, x(N) ◦ Reads one of the shared memory cells A(1), A(2),… ◦ Performs some internal computation ◦ May write into one of the output cells y(1), y(2),… ◦ May write into one of the shared memory cells A(1), A(2),… e.g. for all i, do A[i] = A[i-1] + 1; Read A[i-1], compute add 1, write A[i] happened synchronously
PRAM (Parallel RAM) Some subset of the processors can remain idle P0P0 P1P1 P2P2 PNPN Shared Memory Cells Two or more processors may read simultaneously from the same cell A write conflict occurs when two or more processors try to write simultaneously into the same cell
Share Memory Access Conflicts PRAM are classified based on their Read/Write abilities (realistic and useful) ◦ Exclusive Read(ER) : all processors can simultaneously read from distinct memory locations ◦ Exclusive Write(EW) : all processors can simultaneously write to distinct memory locations ◦ Concurrent Read(CR) : all processors can simultaneously read from any memory location ◦ Concurrent Write(CW) : all processors can write to any memory location ◦ EREW, CREW, CRCW
Concurrent Write (CW) What value gets written finally? ◦ Priority CW: processors have priority based on which value is decided, the highest priority is allowed to complete WRITE ◦ Common CW: all processors are allowed to complete WRITE iff all the values to be written are equal. ◦ Arbitrary/Random CW: one randomly chosen processor is allowed to complete WRITE
Strengths of PRAM PRAM is attractive and important model for designers of parallel algorithms Why? ◦ It is natural: the number of operations executed per one cycle on p processors is at most p ◦ It is strong: any processor can read/write any shared memory cell in unit time ◦ It is simple: it abstracts from any communication or synchronization overhead, which makes the complexity and correctness of PRAM algorithm easier ◦ It can be used as a benchmark: If a problem has no feasible/efficient solution on PRAM, it has no feasible/efficient solution for any parallel machine
Computational power Model A is computationally stronger than model B (A>=B) iff any algorithm written for B will run unchanged on A in the same parallel time and same basic properties. Priority >= Arbitrary >= Common >=CREW >= EREW MostLeast powerful LeastMost realistic
An initial example How do you add N numbers residing in memory location M[0, 1, …, N] Serial Algorithm = O(N) PRAM Algorithm using N processors P 0, P 1, P 2, …, P N ?
PRAM Algorithm (Parallel Addition) P 0 +P 1 +P 2 +P 3 + P 2 +P 0 + Step 3 Step 2 Step 1
PRAM Algorithm (Parallel Addition) Log (n) steps = time needed n / 2 processors needed Speed-up = n / log(n) Efficiency = 1 / log(n) Applicable for other operations ◦ +, *,, etc.
Example 2 p processor PRAM with n numbers (p<=n) Does x exist within the n numbers? P 0 contains x and finally P 0 has to know Algorithm ◦ Inform everyone what x is ◦ Every processor checks [n/p] numbers and sets a flag ◦ Check if any of the flags are set to 1
Example 2 EREWCREW CRCW (common) Inform everyone what x is log(p)11 Every processor checks [n/p] numbers and sets a flag n/p Check if any of the flag are set to 1 log(p) 1
Some variants of PRAM Bounded number of shared memory cells. Small memory PRAM (input data set exceeds capacity of the share memory i/o values can be distributed evenly among the processors) Bounded number of processor Small PRAM. If # of threads of execution is higher, processors may interleave several threads. Bounded size of a machine word. Word size of PRAM Handling access conflicts. Constraints on simultaneous access to share memory cells
19 Lemma Assume p'
Lemma Assume m'
Conclusions We need some model to reason, compare, analyze and design algorithms PRAM is simple and easy to understand Rich set of theoretical results Over-simplistic and often not realistic The programs written on these machines are, in general, of type MIMD. Certain special cases such as SIMD may also be handled in such a framework
Question Why is PRAM attractive and important model for designers of parallel algorithms ? ◦ It is natural: the number of operations executed per one cycle on p processors is at most p ◦ It is strong: any processor can read/write any shared memory cell in unit time ◦ It is simple: it abstracts from any communication or synchronization overhead, which makes the complexity and correctness of PRAM algorithm easier ◦ It can be used as a benchmark: If a problem has no feasible/efficient solution on PRAM, it has no feasible/efficient solution for any parallel machine
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From Scottish writer William Meikle comes a novel that is a welcome return to those tomes of pure enjoyment that we read with guilt in our early teens, in the tradition of James Herbert's The Rats and Guy N. Smith's Night of the Crabs.
It begins with a dead whale on a Boston shoreline - not in itself an unusual occurrence. But the things that claw their way out of the blubber are very unusual indeed. A cast of giant crabs, evolved over centuries, descends on a small coastal town and, having feasted, make their way to the city using the sewer system. Soon they are swarming around Manhattan, hunted and harried by a SWAT team tasked with ridding the city of the menace...before the menace gets big enough to rid itself of the city.
©2014 William Meikle (P)2014 Gryphonwood Press
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"Gripping Tale of Terror"
Fan Bloody Tastic
Guy N. Smiths Night of the Crabs and Killer Crabs.
Not Before but will again if I can find somthing of a similar kind
Yes if I had all the time it took to listen 4hrs 21 mins but I did it in several parts.
Very Cleverly written and well read. Gripping from first breath to last Sigh.


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Chris Karl, Designer at Ambius, shares his top tips on how to use lemon juice with orchids in this free video clip from eHow.
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I'm too lazy to write something. Contact/Demos/Promos/Fototetas: firstname.lastname@example.com
Listen to all music and sounds of DARI and follow this user by signing in for free. You can listen to 4 tracks and mixes and follow this user as 22 did before. This artist liked 1 tracks, followed 22 others and reshared 1 tracks and mixes. 6 other people are following this page too.
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Tuesday, April 23, 2013
A Mucky Postcard To Lady Luppell
17 comments:
I think her name is Lady Trippel. From The Court Circular in The Times, Tuesday, Dec 02, 1913; pg. 11:
"Lady Trippel, who has been very ill in Italy during the last 10 months, underwent a serious operation at Fitzroy House on Sunday morning. Her condition yesterday was grave but hopeful."
In July 1911, Lady Trippel gave a silver trinket box as a wedding present to Sir Harry Waechter and Miss Josephine D'Arcy.
An obituary in The Times on 31 March 1934 gives more:
"Lady Trippel, widow of Sir Henry Trippel, who died in 1930, died at Hereford on Wednesday at the age of 74 of blood poisoning. She was Lillian, daughter of Major William Amphlett Moss, of Great Witchingham, Norfolk, and married in 1890 ..."Henry Francis Trippel married Lillian Edith Moss in 1890. Their only daughter Dorothea Lillian A Trippel was born in 1891 and married Dr Herbert E Cumming in 1917.
ReplyDeleteMajor Henry Francis Trippel of the Army Motor Reserve, and formerly an Army Tutor, received his knighthood from the King at Whitehall on 28 July 1909. Apparently Sir Francis was a genius at fundraising. Between 1908 and 1911, he raised "£300,000 for various causes and institutions ... Extorting money from millionaires is a hobby with this gentleman."
ReplyDeleteOn the "mysterious Sir Francis Trippel," the following is from "The county families of the United Kingdom":
TRIPPEL, Sir (Henry) Francis, Knfc.—Cr. 1909.
b. 1866; m. 1890 Lillian Edith, dau. of Major
William Amphlett-Moss. Sir Francis Trippel, who was educated at Real-Gymnasium, Duisburg, and at Bonn Univ., took a leading part in the promotion of the Union Jack Club, has published many articles on military education and physical training, originated and edited 'The Flag,' and is Major ret., late Army Motor Reserve and Hon. Secretary of King Edward VII. British-German Foundation. — Bath Club, w. ; R. Automobile Club, s.w.


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One thing I've been dying to do once the tomatoes started coming in and really taste good was to walk over to the big Baltimore Farmer's Market on a Sunday morning and get some heirlooms or other interesting-looking ones to take home. 460 more words
Tags » Orange Bell Peppers
Pasta Tonight.
My friend made pasta the other day. Something I'd been thinking about, but she beat me to it.
I ended up researching it very briefly the other day just to see how difficult it would be without a machine. 253 more words


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Richard Aronowitz
Richard Aronowitz was born in 1970 to an English father and a German-Jewish mother and grew up in rural Gloucestershire. He studied Modern Languages at Durham and Heidelberg universities and Art History at the Courtauld Institute in London. He works as a Restitution Specialist at Sotheby's in London and lives in Cambridge.
His poems have appeared in many magazines and are anthologised in Anvil New Poets 3; his novels are Five Amber Beads and It's Just the Beating of My Heart, both published by Flambard Press.
It's Just the Beating of My Heart
The eagerly awaited second novel from the author of Five Amber Beads.One of A...
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Functional programming, UX, tech, econ
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I offer Scala and FP consulting services. If you're interested in working together, please contact me.
My book, Functional Programming in Scala, uses Scala as a vehicle for teaching FP. Read what people are saying about it.
Unison: a next-gen programming platform
unison.cloud: the worldwide elastic computer (coming soon)
Type systems and UX: an example
CSS is unnecessary
Update: I changed the title of this post and toned it down considerably to be less trollish. There was also some confusion / disagreement about the meaning of the term "zipper", so I've tried to clarify that as well.
CSS, a language for specifying visual appearance on the web, is … so complex that it has never been implemented correctly; yet, successive versions specify even more complexity. At the same time, it is so underpowered that many elementary graphic designs are impossible or prohibitively difficult, and context-sensitivity (or anything computational) must be addressed externally. Most CSS lore is dedicated to describing the tangles of brittle hacks needed to circumvent incompatibilities or approximate a desired appearance.
Here is a question: why should knowledge of my address grant anyone in the world (inlcuding both L.L. Bean and Unabombers) the capability to cause a physical artifact to be delivered to my place of residence? Moreover, anyone with knowledge of my address retains this capability until the end of time, at least until I move! If we were designing a physical delivery network from scratch today, in the age of software, is this really how we'd choose to set things up? Clearly not! Here is a proposal:
There was a functional pearl at ICFP 2013 by Axelsson and Claessen that introduced a deceptively simple, useful technique for dealing with variable bindings in DSLs. Without any heavy machinery, it gives us HOAS-like syntax for constructing terms of the DSL, while retaining a simple first-order representation. The 'library' they developed is about 15 lines of code. When it was presented at ICFP, the audience was stunned. IIRC, there were no questions, as everyone was clearly wondering how the @^#$!! didn't I think of that? I waited for someone in the audience to point out during the Q&A that this technique was FP folklore discovered by Alonzo Church in the 30s, but not a peep.
The heavyweight techniques for 'solving' the Expression Problem (Data types a la Carte (PDF) and some of the syntactically lighter weight extensible effect variants that popped up recently) are sometimes way overkill. Using the usual tools of abstraction, we can often make our DSLs extensible without any fuss.


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Responding to a question in the Lok Sabha, the minister said it was made clear to Pakistan long ago that talks and terror can't actually be possible as far as dialogue between the countries is concerned. Latest News from India News Desk
"Since it has been made clear, we have decided to talk on terror," she told the house. On whether India had raised with Pakistan the issue of terror camps operating from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK), the minister said that all issues related to terrorism were being discussed with the neighbouring country.
"India and Pakistan are also talking on terror outfits operating from PoK," she said, adding that India hopes to solve the terror problem through dialogue. On Monday, Sushma Swaraj made a statement in both houses of Parliament on her December 8-9 Pakistan visit.


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A Car you can Love from a Dealership you can Love.
One thing we do well is cars. And here in our showroom, there's a large collection of new WRX, Outback, Crosstrek, Forester and Legacy models, with each giving you a unique option here at Subaru of Wichita, serving Derby, Hutchinson, KS. Be it a compact car, sedan, hatchback, crossover, or SUV / fuel-efficient, stylish, powerful, or tech-oriented, we have you covered in our new Subaru lineup. You can check them out for yourself in our inventory below. Not looking for a new Subaru quite yet? Come check out our great selection of used vehicles. You can also come to us at Subaru of Wichita with any questions, too. We'd be happy to discuss models in greater detail, along with financing or car service.
The new Subaru models here come with both Limited and Powertrain warranties that give you extensive and comprehensive coverage. To discuss these in greater detail, contact us at Subaru of Wichita. We can give you an overview, and jump in to the finer points, as well. In the end, you'll see that it's quite clear: the warranties and coverage you get are top-notch.
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Wednesday, May 30, 2012
Transitioning to Summer Eating
Ever since we joined our first CSA half a decade ago, we've been eating differently. CSA's have a lot to recommend them, as ways to support local farmers, but most of all I think their value comes in changing our relationship to food and how we eat.
When I am part of a CSA, I go down to the market once a week and they hand me a bag of veggies. Who knows what will be in it - whatever is in season, whatever they've grown plenty of.
I've had to learn to cook with strange new vegetables (kohlrabi, anyone?), but it's not just the new types that have changed the way we eat. It's also that we eat with the seasons, that we can't plan weeks in advance, and that we are encouraged to experiment.
The CSA season is 25 weeks long, and it has just begun. My first week's share had rhubarb, onions, beet greens, carrots, chard, and chives.
In the summer we eat more salads, stir frys, and vegetable soups. We grill more often, as well. In the summer we buy fruit and meat at the market also, and sometimes our cheese as well.
So it's time to set the cookbooks aside, forget the long-term meal planning. It's time to find and wash out the popcicle molds and the salad dressing shaker. The seasons shift, and how we live shifts too.
intentional living
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text: The Brits Are Coming By HUGH PORTER/London Sunday, Feb. 16, 2003 Subscriber content preview. or Log-In Share Facebook Twitter Tumblr LinkedIn StumbleUpon Reddit Digg Mixx Del.i.cious Google+ Scott Barbour/Getty ImagesFRONT RUNNER: London Rapper Miss Dynamite The Brit awards the U.K. music industry's showcase bash have been making headlines since they were launched in 1977. But usually those headlines are less about the music being celebrated than the musicians' booze-fueled antics. Pulp's Jarvis Cocker invading the stage to waggle his bottom during an overblown Michael Jackson performance in 1996 remains a memorable hit. So does Chumbawamba drenching Deputy Prime Minister John Prescott in water in '98. But this week's ceremony is meant to be liquor-free, because the Brits are growing up choosing from a more thoughtful list of nominations and promising... To continue reading: or Log-In Want the full story? Subscribe Now Get TIME the way you want it One Week Digital Pass — $4.99 Monthly Pay-As-You-Go DIGITAL ACCESS — $2.99 One Year ALL ACCESS — Just $30! Best Deal!Print Magazine + Digital Edition + Subscriber-only Content on TIME.com Learn more about the benefits of being a TIME subscriberIf you are already a subscriber sign up — registration is free!