text:
I had been a member of the ABI list for a few years before, but my first 'real' experience with ABI was in 2008 after I established a nonprofit organisation, W.TEC, focused on mentoring Nigerian women and girls in their use of information technology (www.w-teconline.org). We were planning a pilot technology camp for teenage girls and sourcing for funding when I learnt of the Pass it On grants. We applied and got it. I was thrilled and that was the start of a wonderfully supportive relationship with ABI. The funding from the PIO grant was instrumental in getting the girls tech camp going (it is now in its 4th year).
In 2009, I was nominated for and selected for the ChangeMaker award. As part of my prize, I was invited to the Grace Hopper Conference to receive my award and participate in a panel with other ChangeMaker award winners. I can honestly say that GHC is the best conference I have been for (and I have attended a few). All the women I met (the ABI staff) were warm and everyone shared their experiences as women in computing freely. I learnt so much from the sessions and other attendees that I could apply to my work in Nigeria.
Through this network of incredible women, the GHC, the lists and regular newsletters, ABI has supported and encouraged many women in their technical careers (no matter what stage they are at).
ABI is the kind of organization that one is lucky to find. I found them when I was just starting my career in technology. In fact, I barely knew I was in technology but I was working as an application administrator and learning my first programming language and I didn't know anyone else who did what I did. One day I did an internet search and found Systers, one of ABI's great programs. That was in 1997. Thirteen years later I am a senior software development manager and I have been a Systers member the entire time. I have found a fantastic community of interesting and intelligent women who actually "get" what I am talking about and have been able to answer questions and offer moral support simply through the reliability and respect of the community. No other tech women community is like this one. Because of all the things I have gotten out of my relationship with Systers, I joined the Pass-It-On Awards committee when it started and have served on the review committee ever since (something like seven years now). I am a regular contributor as well. The Pass It On program is amazing. Targeted micro-funding is all someone needs some times and am I continually impressed by the projects and the women that we fund. Reading the reports of the success projects: teaching girls programming, buying computers for class rooms, funding studies, and simply helping a young woman make it to class. The Pass It On awards are particularly important because they have the component to pass on the value of the award to the community (women in computing technology) as part of the award. ABI crafts unique programs for and supports its community at a fundamental level that I don't often see with other organizations. It is really committed to its founding principles. I am honored to be a part of it.
anitaborginstitute 06/20/2010
It is dedicated volunteers like Elizabeth who make this program of Systers helping Systers work. Thanks for your commitment to the Systers Pass-it-on Awards!
Not too many people know or remember that my career in California started thank to ABI. In 2004, I got my current position after reading the job posting in its Systers community. Since then I have found my way to work with them. Why? ABI helped me to discover my passion for diversity and equality of technical women in computer related fields. I have personally profited from the excellent work ABI does with its Industry partners and I have attended the Grace Hopper Celebrations since 2004. Aside from the benefits in my professional career, ABI has been fundamental for the success of Latinas in Computing (LIC), a grass-root community born at the 2006 Grace Hopper Celebration. As a chair of LiC and a female engineer working in a high tech company, I can testify that ABI has positively impacted the professional lives of many of us.
anitaborginstitute 05/29/2010
Thank you so much Gilda! Your work with the Latinas in Computing community is a great example of what can result when ABI programs bring technical women together. We have used LiC as an example - many times - when asked advice by newer technical women's groups.
Anita Borg Institute adn the Grace Hopper conferences have been instrumental in keeping me form leaving the computer field! It is so hard to work with all men and without the support of these folks adn the Systers list I woudl have give up long ago!
anitaborginstitute 05/29/2010
Thank you, Kari! It's wonderful to hear that our Systers community has provided such support. And also wonderful how you've given back by volunteering.
I went to GHC in 2008 for the first time. Being involved with the online communities truly enhanced my conference experience. I was able to meet several people online before the conference and then meet them in real life! After the conference, I've kept in touch with the women I met through the communities. Prior to the conference, I submitted my resume to the conference resume database. From that, I was contacted by several companies for interviews at the conference. As a direct result, I received a job offer! It was great to know that GHC really supports students by offering resume workshops and encouraging companies to recruit at GHC. At GHC 2008, my good friend, Ashley, and I started a video blog, Ed & Ashley's 5 Minute Show. Our aim is to create visible role models. Volunteer-created content is highly encouraged in the communities and we've loved speaking with lots of inspiring women. Thank goodness the Anita Borg Institute gave us such a great opportunity!
anitaborginstitute 05/26/2010
Thanks for sharing your story, Erin! We love the way students like you keep coming back to the Grace Hopper conference after graduation, and giving back to the community by volunteering, speaking, and serving as role models yourself. The Anita Borg Institute staff loves the way your video program, Ed & Ashley's 5 Minute show, highlights technical women. We share your desire to update our websites. Resource limitations keep us focused on our programs, but it's definitely on our list.
We have sponsored students to attend the Grace Hopper Celebration of Women in Computing each year since it began in 2994. This annual event is co-sponsored by the Anita Borg Institute and the Association for Computing Machinery. Every student who has attended has been enriched by the experience of attending a conference that is supportive of women in computing. I have "thank you" notes from students who say things like "I had no idea I could go this far in the IT profession," "it was wonderful meeting so many women who have chosen IT as a career," and "thank you so much for sponsoring me-I know that I've made the right choice in my academic preparation." The IT profession needs people with as many diverse backgrounds to enter into the IT field, and the Anita Borg Institute has been instrumental in providing a forum for women who might otherwise see this profession as a "male field." Some of the students who we have sponsored have gone back to serve as panel presenters, track chairs and mentors and role models to current students.
anitaborginstitute 05/26/2010
Thanks, Connie! It's great to hear such positive comments about the Grace Hopper Celebration from students you have sponsored to attend our annual conference. GHC plays a critical role in providing students with role models, success stories, and a supportive community to ease the isolation of choosing a nontraditional career for a woman. You'll be happy to know that for the second year we are partnering with CSTA on a K-12 Computing Teachers Workshop at GHC, to help address the K-12 pipeline. And check the program for this year's conference (it will be posted soon at http://gracehopper.org/) for other sessions on outreach to girls.
Wow -- where do I start? I first became aware of ABI when I attended GHC 2006. It was the first conference I had attended that was female dominated, and what a difference it made! Instead of being exhausted by constantly having to put myself "out there", I could relax and enjoy the technical and non-technical conversations, sessions, and networking. I came back to work invigorated, motivated, and energized. ABI has also been invaluable in hosting a community for Latinas in Computing, where we've been able to reach out to Latinas throughout the world to promote and develop them as they move through their career stages. The staff is dedicated and tireless in their advocacy, and their leading edge research has greatly benefited the women in my organization. Participating as part of the conference team has been tremendously rewarding, knowing that you are positively impacting the lives of women in computing.
anitaborginstitute 05/22/2010
Thank you so much, Patty! Your story is a great example of why we do this work. And Latinas in Computing is a model of what happens when we facilitate and support technical women in coming together. And while we are completely in favor of you winning Powerball :-) our partners in academia, industry and government do a fantastic job of supporting our work. We are grateful to them every day!
I found support and career advice that helped me advance and assist other women in the technology field. Excellent organization that promotes women in technology and encourages young women to enter the field.
anitaborginstitute 05/21/2010
One of the things we love about our work is the way the technical women and diversity champions in our community help each other. It is so important for young women to see role models like you with long and successful careers. So thank you not only for your review, but for assisting other women in tech!
The Anita Borg Institute is doing great work. They run the fabulous Grace Hopper Conference for Women in Computing that brings together a lot of great women in the industry and helps new women entering the industry to get great jobs at all the tech companies around the country (particularly Silicon Valley). They also do a terrific job sharing resources, ideas, news with their community through their Systers list and their social media activity. Their events are well-run, they are highly professional to deal with as a speaker, and they have a lot of dedication to their cause.
anitaborginstitute 05/20/2010
Thank you so much, Denise. You make us blush! Of course it's fabulous speakers and awesome volunteers like you who make our events so wonderful.
The Anita Borg Institute for Women and Technology is an incredible organization that CA is very proud to partner with. Their work in connecting women and technology is inspiring and has made a huge impact on our company and its employees.
anitaborginstitute 05/19/2010
Thanks, Erica! We simply couldn't achieve the results that we do without the support of committed partners like CA. We are proud to have CA as a part of the Anita Borg Institute.


text:
Cosmic Ordering Guestbook
Thank you great cosmos, i recently, have had a developement that will change my situation for the better, proof that you do deliver, many thanks again.
Blessings be
my star
Thank you cosmic I place an order and I have received my order I cant beleived that it really works, Thank you, thank you, thank you cosmic.
thankyou for helping my friend be successful in her difficult quest.i just heard today she had been successful and now she will be able to move on with her life.i have always belived in the universe cosmic ordering .i await the completion of my last orders which i know will arrive as well.thankyou.
I think that to have them
I think that to have them delivered we must believe they will be delivered.
If we simply place the orders and then - doubting - we move with the flow thinking they won't be delivered, there and then we influence negatively the result.
We MUST have faith that the Cosmo will bring deliver. We MUST move in life conscious that they'll come to us as a wonderful gift.
It's the same with praying and worshipping: one involves simply repeating few lines, the other involves the strong belief that those words will be listened AND our needs/wishes granted.
I therefore order to the Cosmo that you'll receive more faith in its ability to deliver your orders, and ultimately, that all of them will be fulfilled.
Much love,
Thank you for you help and advice x
Order delivered.
Thanks to the Cosmic my orders were delivered today trough a letter bringing me the money that I needed so much.
Since I had put orders to the Cosmic many good things came into my life.
Still a have there the most important order to be delivered a truly believe that will be soon.
Thanks and thanks again Cosmic.
No delivery
Well, I posted my order in mid-January for delivery on 30 and.. absolutely nothing..
I know that mainifesation does work because I've experienced little glimpses, so what did I / not do this time? (It was a BIG order for money).
Any suggestions?
What am I doing wrong?
Hello Everyone!!
I really hope you can help me. Quite a while back I placed some orders ago and none of them were delivered. I have even checked them now as given how long ago I ordered them I have forgotten about them and therefore thought they may have been delivered but NO!!!
This is something I would really like to try again but don't want to if they are not going to be delivered. I just don't know what I m doing wrong. Everyone else just seems to be having so much success. Please tell me what I need to do, how should I ask for them etc. Can anyone give an example of how to ask?
Thank you in advance xxx
Some people seem to be
Some people seem to be naturally good at Cosmic Ordering. Your reaction of not wanting to do it again if it doesn't work indicates that perhaps you may be overly attached to the outcomes. Cosmic Ordering is free and you can simply state your desires here and forget about it. If it works - great, it not, is it really a big deal? If you can get into that space it will help!
There is some guidance on the site and in the articles where I provide some guidance but these are not set in stone - each person needs to discover their own way of doing things and their natural connection to the Universe.
Good Luck!
Can depression prevent your orders happening.
Just wondering if you have constant negative feelings considering a relationship break up that has nothing to do with what your order(e.g order for a sunny day) Can it hold back and prevent the delivery of your order ?
Unfortunately, depression
Unfortunately, depression really can block Cosmic Ordering Success. It is one of the few pre-requisites that you must be able to be confident and detached about the outcome. When depressed it is virtually impossible to maintain that state.
Take steps to see the good things in life. Try being positive and being grateful for the good things you have. This is a good way to challenge depression. And in those glimpses of positivity, place a small order and then let it go - hold it lightly and don't fret about it.
I hope this helps and good luck.
a new start
I put my cometic order in on new years eve its regarding a person I use to go out with. He came into my life after i split from a 12 year relationship. I was on the rebound. After a year i realised how much this person means to me. Hopefully my dreams have been heard and we will be together in May time. I feel so nervous and excited at the same time.
Ask, believe, recieve...
Ive had quite a few orders delivered with grateful thanks to the universe. thank you, x
I have had quite a few orders delivered over the past few weeks, just saying thanks doesn't seem enough
Thank you so much UNIVERSE
it's really works, u just have to believe it, & be ready to receive it!!!
Totally agree, ASK, BELIEVE,
Totally agree, ASK, BELIEVE, RECIEVE
I truly believe in the cosmos.
I would like to spread to the world about my cosmic ordering experience.
I placed my orders on 09/11/13. I asked for some money to start my own business (tarot reading and counselling) and for a part time job in the same area.
Thanks to the Cosmos my orders were delivered on 09/12/13.
Money and job come together.
Thanks , thanks again to the Cosmos.
There is another order over there as soon will be delivered I will post again.
Ask Believe Receive
I placed an order at 10 am today, by 11 am I got what I asked for quickest one ever
Thanks to The Universe x
Another one.
I had another one delivered within the hour thank you Divine Universe. So grateful x
It WORKS!!!
You just have to believe in the cosmos and not think about your order too much and it will come. It may or may not be on the exact delivery date. It will come when you least expect it.
For example, I had placed an order a couple weeks ago that I hoped to have the best thanksgiving ever, as I was kinda worried about where I would go for thanksgiving since I was kinda broke to buy the food, plus I didn't know how to cook a turkey, and I didn't really know where my family would go for thanksgiving. I was short on just buying some cheap thanksgiving food at some restaurant. On thanksgiving day, my grandparents called me up to say that I was invited to go to their house to spend the thanksgiving holiday. Needless to say, I had the best thanksgiving holiday ever his year.
So you see, if you place your order and then let go of that thought, it would come up naturally, usually with the best result possible. If you get nervous or worry too much about it, it would probably mess up your order, and it would either take longer to deliver or it won't be delivered at all.
I also have an order that is overdue just last week. It was a pretty big order and for the first few days after ordering, I was really anxious and paranoid to worry about if it was really gonna be delivered. It's been 5 days already and still no result. But now I came to learn that either it would be delivered eventually or that the universe has something better for me. Now I don't even think about what the outcome would be anymore since now I have accepted that if for some reason the order never comes, then so be it, I move on to other things.
So the key to that is, place order, forget, believe, and see what happens.
The law of attraction definitely works ASK, BELIEVE, RECEIVE
I placed an order to be delivered in 3 days time and it started to deliver by the second day. Although what i asked for had to be paid back it delivered
Dear Cosmic Universe Thank
Dear Cosmic Universe
Thank you so much for delivering another order.
My daughter sold her car for near the asking price and bought her new one.
Thank you again.
I asked for a job for my daughter! As she had worked so hard at uni , and was becoming so down, I had to try. At first I kept thinking about it and willing it to happen! And nothing. So I had one last go, asked for a job that will be right for her, left it to the cosmos, let it go and believed ! and today she has been given a chance. Thank you cosmos!
To Glynis
How wonderful!
I've seen other people say you can't (or shouldn't?) place cosmic orders on behalf of someone else, but you've proved it can work. Of course, knowing your daughter is happy has also made you very happy so perhaps it was 'your' order all along. Blessings to you both!
Thank you
Although my order came later than requested it came when I least expected but more likely when the cosmos thought I was ready.With strong belief and patience the cosmos does deliver - so thank you I am happier than I have been in a long while
Last night
Thank you Great Cosmos for listening to my desperate plea.. my short term wish was granted, the long term one would be an answer to my greatest desire..i thank you once again. Brightest Blessings
Keep believing te universe is tronger than we know
Gratitude, gratitude gratitude within a week job of my dreams, partner and I are working everything out-also listened to" the Secret," Believe and keep believing, feel it xxxxxx

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Carlsberg has said it still expects to meet its targets for the full fiscal year, despite posting slightly-lower-than-expected results for its first half.
For the first six months, underlying operating profit was down 4% to 3.45bn crowns, while overall volumes declined by 1%. However, sales on an organic basis were up 4% to 31.2bn crowns, helped by a 2% rise in Western Europe. Net profit jumped up 25% to 1.87bn crowns, helped by one-off gains.
Carlsberg maintained that its cost-cutting plans are delivering, although it now expects currency fluctuations to hurt it to the tune of 600m crowns for the year, up from 550m crowns as previously forecast.
CEO Cees 't Hart also noted: "We have a number of operations that are not operating in the way we would have liked, we are reviewing these and we continue the program of streamlining our business".
For the year, Carlsberg still expects underlying operating profit to rise by a low single-digit percentage.


text: Moorish Cavalry Printings/Rarity: Cost: CMC: 4 Card Type: Creature — Human Knight Power/Toughness: 3/3 Oracle Text: Trample Flavor Text: Members of the elite Moorish Cavalry are very particular about their mounts, choosing only those whose bloodlines have been pure for generations. Retrieved from "http://mtg.wikia.com/wiki/Moorish_Cavalry?oldid=67598" Ad blocker interference detected! Wikia is a free-to-use site that makes money from advertising. We have a modified experience for viewers using ad blockers Wikia is not accessible if you've made further modifications. Remove the custom ad blocker rule(s) and the page will load as expected. Categories: Arabian Nights Common Time Spiral Timeshifted Cards CMC: 4 White Creature Human Knight Trample


text:
Strategy headlines • Page 2
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Sid Meier's Civilization: Beyond Earth announced as spiritual successor to Alpha Centuari
Sid Meier's Civilization: Beyond Earth was announced as the latest triple-A title from Firaxis Games today during a PAX East 2014 panel.
Heroes of the Storm: can a MOBA noob become a winner? - part one
Heroes of the Storm is Blizzard Entertainment's take on the MOBA genre, designed to ease newcomers into its strategic blend of PvP and lane control madness. We hurl MOBA noob Dave Cook to the wolves to see if he can handle it.
THQ: where are they now?
South Park: The Stick of Truth arrives in Europe today – many months later than anticipated by THQ. What's happened to the shuttered publisher's other lost gems?
The Banner Saga trademark dispute explained by King - statement
Candy Crush Saga developer King has responded to its trademark filing against The Banner Saga, claiming it is preserving its ability to enforce its rights.
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Hearthstone's doing a decent job of ruining Pat's life. Find out why inside. Nearly 30 minutes of gameplay video from the beta included.
Riot boss's Twitter hacked, unreleased card game leaked
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text:
During World War II, the United States emerged as a major actor in Chinese affairs. As an ally it embarked in late 1941 on a program of massive military and financial aid to the hard-pressed Nationalist government. In January 1943 the United States and Britain led the way in revising their treaties with China, bringing to an end a century of unequal treaty relations. Within a few months, a new agreement was signed between the United States and China for the stationing of American troops in China for the common war effort against Japan. In December 1943 the Chinese exclusion acts of the 1880s and subsequent laws enacted by the United States Congress to restrict Chinese immigration into the United States were repealed.
The wartime policy of the United States was initially to help China become a strong ally and a stabilizing force in postwar East Asia. As the conflict between the Nationalists and the Communists intensified, however, the United States sought unsuccessfully to reconcile the rival forces for a more effective anti-Japanese war effort. Toward the end of the war, United States Marines were used to hold Beiping and Tianjin against a possible Soviet incursion, and logistic support was given to Nationalist forces in north and northeast China.
Through the mediatory influence of the United States a military truce was arranged in January 1946, but battles between Nationalists and Communists soon resumed. Realizing that American efforts short of large-scale armed intervention could not stop the war, the United States withdrew the American mission, headed by General George C. Marshall, in early 1947. The civil war, in which the United States aided the Nationalists with massive economic loans but no military support, became more widespread. Battles raged not only for territories but also for the allegiance of cross sections of the population.
Belatedly, the Nationalist government sought to enlist popular support through internal reforms. The effort was in vain, however, because of the rampant corruption in government and the accompanying political and economic chaos. By late 1948 the Nationalist position was bleak. The demoralized and undisciplined Nationalist troops proved no match for the People's Liberation Army (PLA). The Communists were well established in the north and northeast. Although the Nationalists had an advantage in numbers of men and weapons, controlled a much larger territory and population than their adversaries, and enjoyed considerable international support, they were exhausted by the long war with Japan and the attendant internal responsibilities. In January 1949 Beiping was taken by the Communists without a fight, and its name changed back to Beijing. Between April and November, major cities passed from Guomindang to Communist control with minimal resistance. In most cases the surrounding countryside and small towns had come under Communist influence long before the cities. After Chiang Kai-shek and a few hundred thousand Nationalist troops fled from the mainland to the island of Taiwan, there remained only isolated pockets of resistance. In December 1949 Chiang proclaimed Taipei, Taiwan, the temporary capital of China.
On October 1, 1949, the People's Republic of China was formally established, with its national capital at Beijing. "The Chinese people have stood up!" declared Mao as he announced the creation of a "people's democratic dictatorship." The people were defined as a coalition of four social classes: the workers, the peasants, the petite bourgeoisie, and the national-capitalists. The four classes were to be led by the CCP, as the vanguard of the working class. At that time the CCP claimed a membership of 4.5 million, of which members of peasant origin accounted for nearly 90 percent. The party was under Mao's chairmanship, and the government was headed by Zhou Enlai (1898-1976) as premier of the State Administrative Council (the predecessor of the State Council).
The Soviet Union recognized the People's Republic on October 2, 1949. Earlier in the year, Mao had proclaimed his policy of "leaning to one side" as a commitment to the socialist bloc. In February 1950, after months of hard bargaining, China and the Soviet Union signed the Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance, valid until 1980. The pact also was intended to counter Japan or any power's joining Japan for the purpose of aggression.
For the first time in decades a Chinese government was met with peace, instead of massive military opposition, within its territory. The new leadership was highly disciplined and, having a decade of wartime administrative experience to draw on, was able to embark on a program of national integration and reform. In the first year of Communist administration, moderate social and economic policies were implemented with skill and effectiveness. The leadership realized that the overwhelming and multitudinous task of economic reconstruction and achievement of political and social stability required the goodwill and cooperation of all classes of people. Results were impressive by any standard, and popular support was widespread.
By 1950 international recognition of the Communist government had increased considerably, but it was slowed by China's involvement in the Korean War. In October 1950, sensing a threat to the industrial heartland in northeast China from the advancing United Nations (UN) forces in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea), units of the PLA--calling themselves the Chinese People's Volunteers--crossed the Yalu Jiang River into North Korea in response to a North Korean request for aid. Almost simultaneously the PLA forces also marched into Xizang to reassert Chinese sovereignty over a region that had been in effect independent of Chinese rule since the fall of the Qing dynasty in 1911. In 1951 the UN declared China to be an aggressor in Korea and sanctioned a global embargo on the shipment of arms and war materiel to China. This step foreclosed for the time being any possibility that the People's Republic might replace Nationalist China (on Taiwan) as a member of the UN and as a veto-holding member of the UN Security Council.
After China entered the Korean War, the initial moderation in Chinese domestic policies gave way to a massive campaign against the "enemies of the state," actual and potential. These enemies consisted of "war criminals, traitors, bureaucratic capitalists, and counterrevolutionaries." The campaign was combined with partysponsored trials attended by huge numbers of people. The major targets in this drive were foreigners and Christian missionaries who were branded as United States agents at these mass trials. The 1951-52 drive against political enemies was accompanied by land reform, which had actually begun under the Agrarian Reform Law of June 28, 1950. The redistribution of land was accelerated, and a class struggle against landlords and wealthy peasants was launched. An ideological reform campaign requiring self-criticisms and public confessions by university faculty members, scientists, and other professional workers was given wide publicity. Artists and writers were soon the objects of similar treatment for failing to heed Mao's dictum that culture and literature must reflect the class interest of the working people, led by the CCP. These campaigns were accompanied in 1951 and 1952 by the san fan ("three anti") and wu fan ("five anti") movements. The former was directed ostensibly against the evils of "corruption, waste, and bureaucratism"; its real aim was to eliminate incompetent and politically unreliable public officials and to bring about an efficient, disciplined, and responsive bureaucratic system. The wu fan movement aimed at eliminating recalcitrant and corrupt businessmen and industrialists, who were in effect the targets of the CCP's condemnation of "tax evasion, bribery, cheating in government contracts, thefts of economic intelligence, and stealing of state assets." In the course of this campaign the party claimed to have uncovered a well-organized attempt by businessmen and industrialists to corrupt party and government officials. This charge was enlarged into an assault on the bourgeoisie as a whole. The number of people affected by the various punitive or reform campaigns was estimated in the millions.
The period of officially designated "transition to socialism" corresponded to China's First Five-Year Plan (1953-57). The period was characterized by efforts to achieve industrialization, collectivization of agriculture, and political centralization.
The First Five-Year Plan stressed the development of heavy industry on the Soviet model. Soviet economic and technical assistance was expected to play a significant part in the implementation of the plan, and technical agreements were signed with the Soviets in 1953 and 1954. For the purpose of economic planning, the first modern census was taken in 1953; the population of mainland China was shown to be 583 million, a figure far greater than had been anticipated.
Among China's most pressing needs in the early 1950s were food for its burgeoning population, domestic capital for investment, and purchase of Soviet-supplied technology, capital equipment, and military hardware. To satisfy these needs, the government began to collectivize agriculture. Despite internal disagreement as to the speed of collectivization, which at least for the time being was resolved in Mao's favor, preliminary collectivization was 90 percent completed by the end of 1956. In addition, the government nationalized banking, industry, and trade. Private enterprise in mainland China was virtually abolished.
Major political developments included the centralization of party and government administration. Elections were held in 1953 for delegates to the First National People's Congress, China's national legislature, which met in 1954. The congress promulgated the state constitution of 1954 and formally elected Mao chairman (or president) of the People's Republic; it elected Liu Shaoqi (1898-1969) chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress; and named Zhou Enlai premier of the new State Council.
In the midst of these major governmental changes, and helping to precipitate them, was a power struggle within the CCP leading to the 1954 purge of Political Bureau member Gao Gang and Party Organization Department head Rao Shushi, who were accused of illicitly trying to seize control of the party.
The process of national integration also was characterized by improvements in party organization under the administrative direction of the secretary general of the party Deng Xiaoping (who served concurrently as vice premier of the State Council). There was a marked emphasis on recruiting intellectuals, who by 1956 constituted nearly 12 percent of the party's 10.8 million members. Peasant membership had decreased to 69 percent, while there was an increasing number of "experts", who were needed for the party and governmental infrastructures, in the party ranks.
As part of the effort to encourage the participation of intellectuals in the new regime, in mid-1956 there began an official effort to liberalize the political climate. Cultural and intellectual figures were encouraged to speak their minds on the state of CCP rule and programs. Mao personally took the lead in the movement, which was launched under the classical slogan "Let a hundred flowers bloom, let the hundred schools of thought contend." At first the party's repeated invitation to air constructive views freely and openly was met with caution. By mid-1957, however, the movement unexpectedly mounted, bringing denunciation and criticism against the party in general and the excesses of its cadres in particular. Startled and embarrassed, leaders turned on the critics as "bourgeois rightists" and launched the Anti-Rightist Campaign. The Hundred Flowers Campaign, sometimes called the Double Hundred Campaign, apparently had a sobering effect on the CCP leadership.
The antirightist drive was followed by a militant approach toward economic development. In 1958 the CCP launched the Great Leap Forward campaign under the new "General Line for Socialist Construction." The Great Leap Forward was aimed at accomplishing the economic and technical development of the country at a vastly faster pace and with greater results. The shift to the left that the new "General Line" represented was brought on by a combination of domestic and external factors. Although the party leaders appeared generally satisfied with the accomplishments of the First Five-Year Plan, they--Mao and his fellow radicals in particular-- believed that more could be achieved in the Second Five-Year Plan (1958-62) if the people could be ideologically aroused and if domestic resources could be utilized more efficiently for the simultaneous development of industry and agriculture. These assumptions led the party to an intensified mobilization of the peasantry and mass organizations, stepped-up ideological guidance and indoctrination of technical experts, and efforts to build a more responsive political system. The last of these undertakings was to be accomplished through a new xiafang (down to the countryside) movement, under which cadres inside and outside the party would be sent to factories, communes, mines, and public works projects for manual labor and firsthand familiarization with grassroots conditions. Although evidence is sketchy, Mao's decision to embark on the Great Leap Forward was based in part on his uncertainty about the Soviet policy of economic, financial, and technical assistance to China. That policy, in Mao's view, not only fell far short of his expectations and needs but also made him wary of the political and economic dependence in which China might find itself .
The Great Leap Forward centered on a new socioeconomic and political system created in the countryside and in a few urban areas--the people's communes. By the fall of 1958, some 750,000 agricultural producers' cooperatives, now designated as production brigades, had been amalgamated into about 23,500 communes, each averaging 5,000 households, or 22,000 people. The individual commune was placed in control of all the means of production and was to operate as the sole accounting unit; it was subdivided into production brigades (generally coterminous with traditional villages) and production teams. Each commune was planned as a self-supporting community for agriculture, small-scale local industry (for example, the famous backyard pig-iron furnaces), schooling, marketing, administration, and local security (maintained by militia organizations). Organized along paramilitary and laborsaving lines, the commune had communal kitchens, mess halls, and nurseries. In a way, the people's communes constituted a fundamental attack on the institution of the family, especially in a few model areas where radical experiments in communal living-- large dormitories in place of the traditional nuclear family housing-- occurred. (These were quickly dropped.) The system also was based on the assumption that it would release additional manpower for such major projects as irrigation works and hydroelectric dams, which were seen as integral parts of the plan for the simultaneous development of industry and agriculture.
The Great Leap Forward was an economic failure. In early 1959, amid signs of rising popular restiveness, the CCP admitted that the favorable production report for 1958 had been exaggerated. Among the Great Leap Forward's economic consequences were a shortage of food (in which natural disasters also played a part); shortages of raw materials for industry; overproduction of poor-quality goods; deterioration of industrial plants through mismanagement; and exhaustion and demoralization of the peasantry and of the intellectuals, not to mention the party and government cadres at all levels. Throughout 1959 efforts to modify the administration of the communes got under way; these were intended partly to restore some material incentives to the production brigades and teams, partly to decentralize control, and partly to house families that had been reunited as household units.
Political consequences were not inconsiderable. In April 1959 Mao, who bore the chief responsibility for the Great Leap Forward fiasco, stepped down from his position as chairman of the People's Republic. The National People's Congress elected Liu Shaoqi as Mao's successor, though Mao remained chairman of the CCP. Moreover, Mao's Great Leap Forward policy came under open criticism at a party conference at Lushan, Jiangxi Province. The attack was led by Minister of National Defense Peng Dehuai, who had become troubled by the potentially adverse effect Mao's policies would have on the modernization of the armed forces. Peng argued that "putting politics in command" was no substitute for economic laws and realistic economic policy; unnamed party leaders were also admonished for trying to "jump into communism in one step." After the Lushan showdown, Peng Dehuai, who allegedly had been encouraged by Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev to oppose Mao, was deposed. Peng was replaced by Lin Biao, a radical and opportunist Maoist. The new defense minister initiated a systematic purge of Peng's supporters from the military.
Militancy on the domestic front was echoed in external policies. The "soft" foreign policy based on the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence to which China had subscribed in the mid-1950s gave way to a "hard" line in 1958. From August through October of that year, the Chinese resumed a massive artillery bombardment of the Nationalist-held offshore islands of Jinmen (Chin-men in Wade Giles but often referred to as Kinmen or Quemoy) and Mazu (Ma-tsu in Wade-Giles). This was accompanied by an aggressive propaganda assault on the United States and a declaration of intent to "liberate" Taiwan.
Chinese control over Xizang had been reasserted in 1950. The socialist revolution that took place thereafter increasingly became a process of sinicization for the Tibetans. Tension culminated in a revolt in 1958-59 and the flight to India by the Dalai Lama, the Tibetans' spiritual and de facto temporal leader. Relations with India--where sympathy for the rebels was aroused--deteriorated as thousands of Tibetan refugees crossed the Indian border. There were several border incidents in 1959, and a brief Sino-Indian border war erupted in October 1962 as China laid claim to Aksai Chin, nearly 103,600 square kilometers of territory that India regarded as its own. The Soviet Union gave India its moral support in the dispute, thus contributing to the growing tension between Beijing and Moscow.
The Sino-Soviet dispute of the late 1950s was the most important development in Chinese foreign relations. The Soviet Union had been China's principal benefactor and ally, but relations between the two were cooling. The Soviet agreement in late 1957 to help China produce its own nuclear weapons and missiles was terminated by mid-1959. From that point until the mid-1960s, the Soviets recalled all of their technicians and advisers from China and reduced or canceled economic and technical aid to China. The discord was occasioned by several factors. The two countries differed in their interpretation of the nature of "peaceful coexistence." The Chinese took a more militant and unyielding position on the issue of anti-imperialist struggle, but the Soviets were unwilling, for example, to give their support on the Taiwan question. In addition, the two communist powers disagreed on doctrinal matters. The Chinese accused the Soviets of "revisionism"; the latter countered with charges of "dogmatism." Rivalry within the international communist movement also exacerbated Sino-Soviet relations. An additional complication was the history of suspicion each side had toward the other, especially the Chinese, who had lost a substantial part of territory to tsarist Russia in the mid-nineteenth century. Whatever the causes of the dispute, the Soviet suspension of aid was a blow to the Chinese scheme for developing industrial and high-level (including nuclear) technology.
In 1961 the political tide at home began to swing to the right, as evidenced by the ascendancy of a more moderate leadership. In an effort to stabilize the economic front, for example, the party-- still under Mao's titular leadership but under the dominant influence of Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yun, Peng Zhen, Bo Yibo, and others--initiated a series of corrective measures. Among these measures was the reorganization of the commune system, with the result that production brigades and teams had more say in their own administrative and economic planning. To gain more effective control from the center, the CCP reestablished its six regional bureaus and initiated steps aimed at tightening party discipline and encouraging the leading party cadres to develop populist-style leadership at all levels. The efforts were prompted by the party's realization that the arrogance of party and government functionaries had engendered only public apathy. On the industrial front, much emphasis was now placed on realistic and efficient planning; ideological fervor and mass movements were no longer the controlling themes of industrial management. Production authority was restored to factory managers. Another notable emphasis after 1961 was the party's greater interest in strengthening the defense and internal security establishment. By early 1965 the country was well on its way to recovery under the direction of the party apparatus, or, to be more specific, the Central Committee's Secretariat headed by Secretary General Deng Xiaoping.
In the early 1960s, Mao was on the political sidelines and in semiseclusion. By 1962, however, he began an offensive to purify the party, having grown increasingly uneasy about what he believed were the creeping "capitalist" and antisocialist tendencies in the country. As a hardened veteran revolutionary who had overcome the severest adversities, Mao continued to believe that the material incentives that had been restored to the peasants and others were corrupting the masses and were counterrevolutionary.
To arrest the so-called capitalist trend, Mao launched the Socialist Education Movement (1962-65), in which the primary emphasis was on restoring ideological purity, reinfusing revolutionary fervor into the party and government bureaucracies, and intensifying class struggle. There were internal disagreements, however, not on the aim of the movement but on the methods of carrying it out. Opposition came mainly from the moderates represented by Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, who were unsympathetic to Mao's policies. The Socialist Education Movement was soon paired with another Mao campaign, the theme of which was "to learn from the People's Liberation Army." Minister of National Defense Lin Biao's rise to the center of power was increasingly conspicuous. It was accompanied by his call on the PLA and the CCP to accentuate Maoist thought as the guiding principle for the Socialist Education Movement and for all revolutionary undertakings in China.
In connection with the Socialist Education Movement, a thorough reform of the school system, which had been planned earlier to coincide with the Great Leap Forward, went into effect. The reform was intended as a work-study program--a new xiafang movement--in which schooling was slated to accommodate the work schedule of communes and factories. It had the dual purpose of providing mass education less expensively than previously and of re-educating intellectuals and scholars to accept the need for their own participation in manual labor. The drafting of intellectuals for manual labor was part of the party's rectification campaign, publicized through the mass media as an effort to remove "bourgeois" influences from professional workers-- particularly, their tendency to have greater regard for their own specialized fields than for the goals of the party. Official propaganda accused them of being more concerned with having "expertise" than being "red".
By mid-1965 Mao had gradually but systematically regained control of the party with the support of Lin Biao, Jiang Qing (Mao's fourth wife), and Chen Boda, a leading theoretician. In late 1965 a leading member of Mao's "Shanghai Mafia," Yao Wenyuan, wrote a thinly veiled attack on the deputy mayor of Beijing, Wu Han. In the next six months, under the guise of upholding ideological purity, Mao and his supporters purged or attacked a wide variety of public figures, including State Chairman Liu Shaoqi and other party and state leaders. By mid-1966 Mao's campaign had erupted into what came to be known as the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the first mass action to have emerged against the CCP apparatus itself.
Considerable intraparty opposition to the Cultural Revolution was evident. On the one side was the Mao-Lin Biao group, supported by the PLA; on the other side was a faction led by Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, which had its strength in the regular party machine. Premier Zhou Enlai, while remaining personally loyal to Mao, tried to mediate or to reconcile the two factions.
Mao felt that he could no longer depend on the formal party organization, convinced that it had been permeated with the "capitalist" and bourgeois obstructionists. He turned to Lin Biao and the PLA to counteract the influence of those who were allegedly "`left' in form but `right' in essence." The PLA was widely extolled as a "great school" for the training of a new generation of revolutionary fighters and leaders. Maoists also turned to middle-school students for political demonstrations on their behalf. These students, joined also by some university students, came to be known as the Red Guards. Millions of Red Guards were encouraged by the Cultural Revolution group to become a "shock force" and to "bombard" with criticism both the regular party headquarters in Beijing and those at the regional and provincial levels.
Red Guard activities were promoted as a reflection of Mao's policy of rekindling revolutionary enthusiasm and destroying "outdated," "counterrevolutionary" symbols and values. Mao's ideas, popularized in the Quotations from Chairman Mao, became the standard by which all revolutionary efforts were to be judged. The "four big rights"--speaking out freely, airing views fully, holding great debates, and writing big-character posters --became an important factor in encouraging Mao's youthful followers to criticize his intraparty rivals. The "four big rights" became such a major feature during the period that they were later institutionalized in the state constitution of 1975. The result of the unfettered criticism of established organs of control by China's exuberant youth was massive civil disorder, punctuated also by clashes among rival Red Guard gangs and between the gangs and local security authorities. The party organization was shattered from top to bottom. (The Central Committee's Secretariat ceased functioning in late 1966.) The resources of the public security organs were severely strained. Faced with imminent anarchy, the PLA--the only organization whose ranks for the most part had not been radicalized by Red Guard-style activities--emerged as the principal guarantor of law and order and the de facto political authority. And although the PLA was under Mao's rallying call to "support the left," PLA regional military commanders ordered their forces to restrain the leftist radicals, thus restoring order throughout much of China. The PLA also was responsible for the appearance in early 1967 of the revolutionary committees, a new form of local control that replaced local party committees and administrative bodies. The revolutionary committees were staffed with Cultural Revolution activists, trusted cadres, and military commanders, the latter frequently holding the greatest power.
The radical tide receded somewhat beginning in late 1967, but it was not until after mid-1968 that Mao came to realize the uselessness of further revolutionary violence. Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping, and their fellow "revisionists" and "capitalist roaders" had been purged from public life by early 1967, and the Maoist group had since been in full command of the political scene.
Viewed in larger perspective, the need for domestic calm and stability was occasioned perhaps even more by pressures emanating from outside China. The Chinese were alarmed in 1966-68 by steady Soviet military buildups along their common border. The Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 heightened Chinese apprehensions. In March 1969 Chinese and Soviet troops clashed on Zhenbao Island (known to the Soviets as Damanskiy Island) in the disputed Wusuli Jiang (Ussuri River) border area. The tension on the border had a sobering effect on the fractious Chinese political scene and provided the regime with a new and unifying rallying call.
The activist phase of the Cultural Revolution--considered to be the first in a series of cultural revolutions--was brought to an end in April 1969. This end was formally signaled at the CCP's Ninth National Party Congress, which convened under the dominance of the Maoist group. Mao was confirmed as the supreme leader. Lin Biao was promoted to the post of CCP vice chairman and was named as Mao's successor. Others who had risen to power by means of Cultural Revolution machinations were rewarded with positions on the Political Bureau; a significant number of military commanders were appointed to the Central Committee. The party congress also marked the rising influence of two opposing forces, Mao's wife, Jiang Qing, and Premier Zhou Enlai.
The general emphasis after 1969 was on reconstruction through rebuilding of the party, economic stabilization, and greater sensitivity to foreign affairs. Pragmatism gained momentum as a central theme of the years following the Ninth National Party Congress, but this tendency was paralleled by efforts of the radical group to reassert itself. The radical group--Kang Sheng, Xie Fuzhi, Jiang Qing, Zhang Chunqiao, Yao Wenyuan, and Wang Hongwen--no longer had Mao's unqualified support. By 1970 Mao viewed his role more as that of the supreme elder statesman than of an activist in the policy-making process. This was probably the result as much of his declining health as of his view that a stabilizing influence should be brought to bear on a divided nation. As Mao saw it, China needed both pragmatism and revolutionary enthusiasm, each acting as a check on the other. Factional infighting would continue unabated through the mid-1970s, although an uneasy coexistence was maintained while Mao was alive.
The rebuilding of the CCP got under way in 1969. The process was difficult, however, given the pervasiveness of factional tensions and the discord carried over from the Cultural Revolution years. Differences persisted among the military, the party, and left-dominated mass organizations over a wide range of policy issues, to say nothing of the radical-moderate rivalry. It was not until December 1970 that a party committee could be reestablished at the provincial level. In political reconstruction two developments were noteworthy. As the only institution of power for the most part left unscathed by the Cultural Revolution, the PLA was particularly important in the politics of transition and reconstruction. The PLA was, however, not a homogeneous body. In 1970-71 Zhou Enlai was able to forge a centrist-rightist alliance with a group of PLA regional military commanders who had taken exception to certain of Lin Biao's policies. This coalition paved the way for a more moderate party and government leadership in the late 1970s and 1980s .
The PLA was divided largely on policy issues. On one side of the infighting was the Lin Biao faction, which continued to exhort the need for "politics in command" and for an unremitting struggle against both the Soviet Union and the United States. On the other side was a majority of the regional military commanders, who had become concerned about the effect Lin Biao's political ambitions would have on military modernization and economic development. These commanders' views generally were in tune with the positions taken by Zhou Enlai and his moderate associates. Specifically, the moderate groups within the civilian bureaucracy and the armed forces spoke for more material incentives for the peasantry, efficient economic planning, and a thorough reassessment of the Cultural Revolution. They also advocated improved relations with the West in general and the United States in particular--if for no other reason than to counter the perceived expansionist aims of the Soviet Union. Generally, the radicals' objection notwithstanding, the Chinese political tide shifted steadily toward the right of center. Among the notable achievements of the early 1970s was China's decision to seek rapprochement with the United States, as dramatized by President Richard M. Nixon's visit in February 1972. In September 1972 diplomatic relations were established with Japan.
Without question, the turning point in the decade of the Cultural Revolution was Lin Biao's abortive coup attempt and his subsequent death in a plane crash as he fled China in September 1971. The immediate consequence was a steady erosion of the fundamentalist influence of the left-wing radicals. Lin Biao's closest supporters were purged systematically. Efforts to depoliticize and promote professionalism were intensified within the PLA. These were also accompanied by the rehabilitation of those persons who had been persecuted or fallen into disgrace in 1966-68.
Among the most prominent of those rehabilitated was Deng Xiaoping, who was reinstated as a vice premier in April 1973, ostensibly under the aegis of Premier Zhou Enlai but certainly with the concurrence of Mao Zedong. Together, Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping came to exert strong influence. Their moderate line favoring modernization of all sectors of the economy was formally confirmed at the Tenth National Party Congress in August 1973, at which time Deng Xiaoping was made a member of the party's Central Committee (but not yet of the Political Bureau).
The radical camp fought back by building an armed urban militia, but its mass base of support was limited to Shanghai and parts of northeastern China--hardly sufficient to arrest what it denounced as "revisionist" and "capitalist" tendencies. In January 1975 Zhou Enlai, speaking before the Fourth National People's Congress, outlined a program of what has come to be known as the Four Modernizations for the four sectors of agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology. This program would be reaffirmed at the Eleventh National Party Congress, which convened in August 1977. Also in January 1975, Deng Xiaoping's position was solidified by his election as a vice chairman of the CCP and as a member of the Political Bureau and its Standing Committee. Deng also was installed as China's first civilian chief of PLA General Staff Department.
The year 1976 saw the deaths of the three most senior officials in the CCP and the state apparatus: Zhou Enlai in January, Zhu De (then chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and de jure head of state) in July, and Mao Zedong in September. In April of the same year, masses of demonstrators in Tiananmen Square in Beijing memorialized Zhou Enlai and criticized Mao's closest associates, Zhou's opponents. In June the government announced that Mao would no longer receive foreign visitors. In July an earthquake devastated the city of Tangshan in Hebei Province. These events, added to the deaths of the three Communist leaders, contributed to a popular sense that the "mandate of heaven" had been withdrawn from the ruling party. At best the nation was in a state of serious political uncertainty.
Deng Xiaoping, the logical successor as premier, received a temporary setback after Zhou's death, when radicals launched a major counterassault against him. In April 1976 Deng was once more removed from all his public posts, and a relative political unknown, Hua Guofeng, a Political Bureau member, vice premier, and minister of public security, was named acting premier and party first vice chairman.
Even though Mao Zedong's role in political life had been sporadic and shallow in his later years, it was crucial. Despite Mao's alleged lack of mental acuity, his influence in the months before his death remained such that his orders to dismiss Deng and appoint Hua Guofeng were accepted immediately by the Political Bureau. The political system had polarized in the years before Mao's death into increasingly bitter and irreconcilable factions. While Mao was alive--and playing these factions off against each other--the contending forces were held in check. His death resolved only some of the problems inherent in the succession struggle.
The radical clique most closely associated with Mao and the Cultural Revolution became vulnerable after Mao died, as Deng had been after Zhou Enlai's demise. In October, less than a month after Mao's death, Jiang Qing and her three principal associates-- denounced as the Gang of Four--were arrested with the assistance of two senior Political Bureau members, Minister of National Defense Ye Jianying (1897-1986) and Wang Dongxing, commander of the CCP's elite bodyguard. Within days it was formally announced that Hua Guofeng had assumed the positions of party chairman, chairman of the party's Central Military Commission, and premier.
The jubilation following the incarceration of the Gang of Four and the popularity of the new ruling triumvirate (Hua Guofeng, Ye Jianying, and Li Xiannian, a temporary alliance of necessity) were succeeded by calls for the restoration to power of Deng Xiaoping and the elimination of leftist influence throughout the political system. By July 1977, at no small risk to undercutting Hua Guofeng's legitimacy as Mao's successor and seeming to contradict Mao's apparent will, the Central Committee exonerated Deng Xiaoping from responsibility for the Tiananmen Square incident. Deng admitted some shortcomings in the events of 1975, and finally, at a party Central Committee session, he resumed all the posts from which he had been removed in 1976.
The post-Mao political order was given its first vote of confidence at the Eleventh National Party Congress, held August 12- 18, 1977. Hua was confirmed as party chairman, and Ye Jianying, Deng Xiaoping, Li Xiannian, and Wang Dongxing were elected vice chairmen. The congress proclaimed the formal end of the Cultural Revolution, blamed it entirely on the Gang of Four, and reiterated that "the fundamental task of the party in the new historical period is to build China into a modern, powerful socialist country by the end of the twentieth century." Many contradictions still were apparent, however, in regard to the Maoist legacy and the possibility of future cultural revolutions.
The new balance of power clearly was unsatisfactory to Deng, who sought genuine party reform and, soon after the National Party Congress, took the initiative to reorganize the bureaucracy and redirect policy. His longtime protege Hu Yaobang replaced Hua supporter Wang Dongxing as head of the CCP Organization Department. Educational reforms were instituted, and Cultural Revolution-era verdicts on literature, art, and intellectuals were overturned. The year 1978 proved a crucial one for the reformers. Differences among the two competing factions--that headed by Hua Guofeng (soon to be branded as a leftist) and that led by Deng and the more moderate figures--became readily apparent by the time the Fifth National People's Congress was held in February and March 1978. Serious disputes arose over the apparently disproportionate development of the national economy, the Hua forces calling for still more largescale projects that China could ill afford. In the face of substantive losses in leadership positions and policy decisions, the leftists sought to counterattack with calls for strict adherence to Mao Zedong Thought and the party line of class struggle. Rehabilitations of Deng's associates and others sympathetic to his reform plans were stepped up. Not only were many of those purged during the Cultural Revolution returned to power, but individuals who had fallen from favor as early as the mid-1950s were rehabilitated. It was a time of increased political activism by students, whose big-character posters attacking Deng's opponents--and even Mao himself--appeared with regularity.
The culmination of Deng Xiaoping's re-ascent to power and the start in earnest of political, economic, social, and cultural reforms were achieved at the Third Plenum of the Eleventh National Party Congress Central Committee in December 1978. The Third Plenum is considered a major turning point in modern Chinese political history. "Left" mistakes committed before and during the Cultural Revolution were "corrected," and the "two whatevers" policy ("support whatever policy decisions Chairman Mao made and follow whatever instructions Chairman Mao gave") was repudiated. The classic party line calling for protracted class struggle was officially exchanged for one promoting the Four Modernizations. In the future, the attainment of economic goals would be the measure of the success or failure of policies and individual leadership; in other words, economics, not politics, was in command. To effect such a broad policy redirection, Deng placed key allies on the Political Bureau (including Chen Yun as an additional vice chairman and Hu Yaobang as a member) while positioning Hu Yaobang as secretary general of the CCP and head of the party's Propaganda Department. Although assessments of the Cultural Revolution and Mao were deferred, a decision was announced on "historical questions left over from an earlier period." The 1976 Tiananmen Square incident, the 1959 removal of Peng Dehuai, and other now infamous political machinations were reversed in favor of the new leadership. New agricultural policies intended to loosen political restrictions on peasants and allow them to produce more on their own initiative were approved.
Rapid change occurred in the subsequent months and years. The year 1979 witnessed the formal exchange of diplomatic recognition between the People's Republic and the United States, a border war between China and Vietnam, the fledgling "democracy movement" (which had begun in earnest in November 1978), and the determination not to extend the thirty-year-old Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance with the Soviet Union. All these events led to some criticism of Deng Xiaoping, who had to alter his strategy temporarily while directing his own political warfare against Hua Guofeng and the leftist elements in the party and government. As part of this campaign, a major document was presented at the September 1979 Fourth Plenum of the Eleventh National Party Congress Central Committee, giving a "preliminary assessment" of the entire thirty-year period of Communist rule. At the plenum, party Vice Chairman Ye Jianying pointed out the achievements of the CCP while admitting that the leadership had made serious political errors affecting the people. Furthermore, Ye declared the Cultural Revolution "an appalling catastrophe" and "the most severe setback to [the] socialist cause since [1949]." Although Mao was not specifically blamed, there was no doubt about his share of responsibility. The plenum also marked official acceptance of a new ideological line that called for "seeking truth from facts" and of other elements of Deng Xiaoping's thinking. A further setback for Hua was the approval of the resignations of other leftists from leading party and state posts. In the months following the plenum, a party rectification campaign ensued, replete with a purge of party members whose political credentials were largely achieved as a result of the Cultural Revolution. The campaign went beyond the civilian ranks of the CCP, extending to party members in the PLA as well.
Economic advances and political achievements had strengthened the position of the Deng reformists enough that by February 1980 they were able to call the Fifth Plenum of the Eleventh National Party Congress Central Committee. One major effect of the plenum was the resignation of the members of the "Little Gang of Four" (an allusion to the original Gang of Four, Mao's allies)--Hua's closest collaborators and the backbone of opposition to Deng. Wang Dongxing, Wu De, Ji Dengkui, and Chen Xilian were charged with "grave [but unspecified] errors" in the struggle against the Gang of Four and demoted from the Political Bureau to mere Central Committee membership. In turn, the Central Committee elevated Deng's proteges Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang to the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau and the newly restored party Secretariat. Under the title of secretary general, Hu Yaobang took over day-to-day running of the party. Especially poignant was the posthumous rehabilitation of the late president and one-time successor to Mao, Liu Shaoqi, at the Fifth Plenum. Finally, at the Fifth National People's Congress session in August and September that year, Deng's preeminence in government was consolidated when he gave up his vice premiership and Hua Guofeng resigned as premier in favor of Zhao Ziyang.
One of the more spectacular political events of modern Chinese history was the month-long trial of the Gang of Four and six of Lin Biao's closest associates. A 35-judge special court was convened in November 1980 and issued a 20,000-word indictment against the defendants. The indictment came more than four years after the arrest of Jiang Qing and her associates and more than nine years after the arrests of the Lin Biao group. Beyond the trial of ten political pariahs, it appeared that the intimate involvement of Mao Zedong, current party chairman Hua Guofeng, and the CCP itself were on trial. The prosecution wisely separated political errors from actual crimes. Among the latter were the usurpation of state power and party leadership; the persecution of some 750,000 people, 34,375 of whom died during the period 1966-76; and, in the case of the Lin Biao defendants, the plotting of the assassination of Mao. In January 1981 the court rendered guilty verdicts against the ten. Jiang Qing, despite her spirited self-vindication and defense of her late husband, received a death sentence with a two-year suspension; later, Jiang Qing's death sentence was commuted to life imprisonment. So enduring was Mao's legacy that Jiang Qing appeared to be protected by it from execution. The same sentence was given to Zhang Chunqiao, while Wang Hongwen was given life and Yao Wenyuan twenty years. Chen Boda and the other Lin Biao faction members were given sentences of between sixteen and eighteen years. The net effect of the trial was a further erosion of Mao's prestige and the system he created. In pre-trial meetings, the party Central Committee posthumously expelled CCP vice chairman Kang Sheng and Political Bureau member Xie Fuzhi from the party because of their participation in the "counterrevolutionary plots" of Lin Biao and Jiang Qing. The memorial speeches delivered at their funerals were also rescinded. There was enough adverse pre-trial testimony that Hua Guofeng reportedly offered to resign the chairmanship before the trial started. In June 1981 the Sixth Plenum of the Eleventh National Party Congress Central Committee marked a major milestone in the passing of the Maoist era. The Central Committee accepted Hua's resignation from the chairmanship and granted him the face- saving position of vice chairman. In his place, CCP secretary general Hu Yaobang became chairman. Hua also gave up his position as chairman of the party's Central Military Commission in favor of Deng Xiaoping. The plenum adopted the 35,000-word "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the People's Republic of China." The resolution reviewed the sixty years since the founding of the CCP, emphasizing party activities since 1949. A major part of the document condemned the ten-year Cultural Revolution and assessed Mao Zedong's role in it. "Chief responsibility for the grave `Left' error of the `cultural revolution,' an error comprehensive in magnitude and protracted in duration, does indeed lie with Comrade Mao Zedong . . . . [and] far from making a correct analysis of many problems, he confused right and wrong and the people with the enemy. . . . Herein lies his tragedy." At the same time, Mao was praised for seeking to correct personal and party shortcomings throughout his life, for leading the effort that brought the demise of Lin Biao, and for having criticized Jiang Qing and her cohort. Hua too was recognized for his contributions in defeating the Gang of Four but was branded a "whateverist." Hua also was criticized for his anti-Deng Xiaoping posture in the period 1976-77.
Several days after the closing of the plenum, on the occasion of the sixtieth anniversary of the founding of the CCP, new party chairman Hu Yaobang declared that "although Comrade Mao Zedong made grave mistakes in his later years, it is clear that if we consider his life work, his contributions to the Chinese revolution far outweigh his errors. . . . His immense contributions are immortal." These remarks may have been offered in an effort to repair the extensive damage done to the Maoist legacy and by extension to the party itself. Hu went on, however, to praise the contributions of Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De, Peng Dehuai, and a score of other erstwhile enemies of the late chairman. Thus the new party hierarchy sought to assess, and thus close the books on, the Maoist era and move on to the era of the Four Modernizations. The culmination of Deng's drive to consolidate his power and ensure the continuity of his reformist policies among his successors was the calling of the Twelfth National Party Congress in September 1982 and the Fifth Session of the Fifth National People's Congress in December 1982.


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"The story is not over."
Welcome to LegendAqua's (that's me) Kingdom Hearts II walkthrough! This is my second (of many) walkthroughs and many more will be written after this one is completed! You should also know, my readers, that you will hence forth be known as Storms or Stormies, for easy identification.
Now Stormies if you do well know, II is highly revered as one of the best games in PS2 eh?. Unlike some KH games however, anyways hopefully my production staff can handle another walkthrough with me again........
Ok Stormies we got a different control and battle system than BBS, for once you actually got to play as only one character this time, fortunately... some controls are still the same such as is still attack, is guard, but for Sora running you will be able to do Dodge Roll, using the analog stick of directional buttons are still moving your character around and is used to interact with people or items off-battle, pressing will open up the main menu or during battle it will pause while you take a nice elixir before you carry one thwarted the he' outta those Heartless!!!
The Good Stuff
Ok onto the good flashy controls now!!!, pressing at a certain time when it shows up in your screen hub will allow you to do some flashy animations, such as hurting an enemy the flashiest way possible!!!. You can summon and a new thing called Drive Form which allows you to optimize Sora's battle style!!!!, ain't that cool!!!!!. There are also Summons, however it's less than BBS or KH1...errr.... Ok enough chitty chatty, Let's go Stormies!!!!
Boss Template
This is the template that will be used for Boss fights. The fun rating is a new feature which shows how fun the battle is. The more * there are, the more fun the battle is. The maximum amount of *'s is 10.
First, for all you Storms out there, ahem hem...THE OPENING VIDEO OF KINGDOM HEARTS II
Roxas's Story
- Day 1 ~ 2:It all begins...now
- Day 3 ~ 4:Struggles and Thorns
- Day 5 ~ 6:The 7 Wonders and the Final Day
Sora's Story
- Wait shouldn't this be up top?...What?, Ohhhhh!, It begins once again? Huh?
- New? Enemies and Old?? Allies
- Recruitment into the Chinese Empire
- Anger Management Class 1:The Rumbling
- Back to Bastion and The 100 Acre.
- Life and Times of
James WoodsHades
- The Castle of Disney
- Black and White???
- Coin Games...Savvy?
- Turning over a new Iago
- Back to Twilight
- This is Christmas, this is Christmas..everywhere a Christmas???...eh???
- Oh I just can't wait to be king!
- Good News everyone!!!...and Computer Bugs
Second Visit
- Tri-factor War:Part 1
- Tri-factor War:Part 2
- The Keyblade Masters Apprentice:Eraqus' Business
- Cloaked man Vs. Cloaked man
- Anger Management Class 2:Lances N' Roses
- Hades Cup, and Heroes
Dead's Man ChestCurse of the Medallion again?
- Jafar chasin' and what not...
- Present Thieves
- Lion Ghost Stories
- Datalog: To the Source *Warning*:Hilarity and Chaos at MAX *Warning*
- Dusk to Twilight
- Betwixt and Between
- The World That Never Was...yeah I went there :P
- <sarcasm>Singing Hooray!!!!</sarcasm>
- Pooh's Memories
- Getting the Ultimate
- Cup Collectin' and Paradoxes??
- The One Winged Angel Strikes Back


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- Description
Enjoy French press coffee from the improved Planetary Designs Double Shot 2.1
- A NEW, nearly indestructible handle with reinforced attachment points
- Caribiner friendly for easy attachment to packs
- Improved screw-in attachment for hidden canister
- Constructed of double-walled, 18/8 restaurant-grade stainless steel
- Patented plunger press and ultra-fine, stainless steel mesh screen
- High gloss, scratch-resistant finish
- Hidden storage compartment in base for additional coffee grounds, keys etc.
- Hand-wash recommended
- 14 oz. capacity, 6 3/4"H.
- Additional Information
- Reviews
You may also be interested in the following product(s)
GSI - Cascadian Mug$2.95


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|Message view
|« Date » · « Thread »
|« Date » · « Thread »
|Li Ying <liying.cn.2...@gmail.com>
|Re: Bookmark and session
|Mon, 06 Dec 2010 23:55:03 GMT
Do you mean, when user click some bookmark, you want to check if this bookmark belongs to this user? Basically, you can not control bookmark, because it is a browser operation. The only way i can tell is, to add a user id param to all your page url. So, when userA saved a bookmark, and when it clicked by userB, you can check the user id param and detect which user belongs to. If the user param in url is different to the user who is log in, you can redirect to the main page. This solution is a little ugly, and I don't know why you need it. --------------------------------------------------------------------- To unsubscribe, e-mail: firstname.lastname@example.com For additional commands, e-mail: firstname.lastname@example.com
|View raw message


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KURAYAMI ZAKURO'S APPEARANCE Her hair is black, with two long pigtails. Her eyes are the same color, always showing her emotions easily. She wears a black dress, black knee boots, white OTK socks, black gloves, angel wings earrings & ring and angel wing-like pins to fix her pigtails. She barely uses her black headphones. She also wears a key necklace.
Pages in category "Appearance"
The following 3 pages are in this category, out of 3 total.


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Nigerian Man Murders His Wife In The UK
July 23, 2012 – Nigerian Man Murders His Wife In The UK
A Nigerian Man identified as Shola Adebiyi has been arrested for the brutal murder of his wife, Esther Arogundade in the UK.
Esther was found stabbed to death at her residence in Cumbrae Gardens, Salford on the 26th of June, 2012.
The 32-yr old mother of one was later pronounced dead at the hospital after suffering multiple stab wounds.
This world is full of all sorts of evil.
May her soul rest in peace


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Hotel at a Glance: Presidential Suites Punta Cana
The white-sand, palm-tree-dotted beach directly in front of Presidential Suites Punta Cana is so stunning, staffers nicknamed it "Nirvana Beach." It's outfitted with plenty of lounge chairs as well as two beach bars serving up refreshing cocktails. Three all-inclusive restaurants are located on the beach as well, overlooking panoramic views of the Caribbean Sea.
- Spacious accommodations: The resort's one-bedroom suites include a living area, a fully equipped kitchen, a dining area, and a private balcony or terrace with a view of the gardens, pool, or ocean.
- Go swimming in a pair of large freeform pools.
- Dining choices: Asian, Italian, and an international buffet
- Number of bars: 4
- Why go?: U.S. News & World Report says "the sugary sand of a Punta Cana beach is so soft, so perfectly golden brown that you might think it was synthetic."
Punta Cana, Dominican Republic: Miles of White-Sand Beaches
When Christopher Columbus landed on the Dominican Republic more than five centuries ago, he described it as "a beautiful island paradise." Punta Cana, located on the island's easternmost tip, lays legitimate claim to that description. The coast stretches for more than 20 miles and is dotted with coconut palms, chaise lounges, and laid-back bars. Glitzy resorts feature prominently along the shoreline, but Playa El Cortecito, a short drive up the coast, harks back to earlier times. Brightly colored, thatched-roof shacks line the beach, and local fishermen bring their boats to shore each afternoon with the day's catch.
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