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Restrictive Attitudes towards Same-Sex Marriage: The Varying Importance of Gender by Race
- Emery Barker
- 2 years ago
- Views:
1 Restrictive Attitudes towards Same-Sex Marriage: The Varying Importance of Gender by Race Andrew R. Flores University of California, Riverside S. Karthick Ramakrishnan University of California, Riverside In the aftermath of Proposition 8, a California constitutional amendment repealing gay marriage, attention focused on whether African Americans and Latinos propelled the measure to victory. Lost amidst the dominant framing around race was the role of gender, and the intersectional roles played by gender across racial and ethnic groups. We make use of two surveys of California voters to show that gender plays a different role in shaping gay marriage attitudes among whites and African Americans than among Latinos and Asian Americans. We discuss the reasons for this divergence in light of past research on the predominance of straight-marriage norms among the latter two groups.
2 In November 2008, California voters passed Proposition 8, a state constitutional amendment that eliminated the right of same-sex couples to marry, by a margin of 52% to 48%. Given the relatively narrow margin of victory for the amendment, many news analysts pored through the California exit poll data to see which groups may have been critical to its passage. One of the dominant narratives that emerged out of the sub-group analysis of the November exit poll data centered on race and the apparently high level of voter support for Proposition 8 among African Americans and, to some extent, Latino voters. An Associated Press headline two days after the election summed up much of the post-mortem news coverage on Proposition 8: Blacks, Latinos helped Prop. 8, exit polls say (Wohlsen 2008), and was followed by several news stories, commentaries, and talk shows featuring the opinions of analysts and community leaders that all echoed the same theme, of a deep divide between African Americans and gays within the Democratic Party coalition, and the potential for Republicans to make inroads among minority voters on hot-button social issues (Erbe 2008; Vick and Surdin 2008; Ferriss 2008; DiMassa and Garrison 2008). The focus on racial minority opposition to gay marriage was perhaps not surprising, given several factors: a) the relatively close vote in favor of Proposition 8; b) the conflicting preferences of important constituencies in the Democrat Party (blacks, Latinos, and gays/lesbians); c) the historic election of a black President of the United Sates with very high black voter turnout; d) the exit poll data broken down by race that showed some of the highest levels of support among black voters; and e) the prior news coverage on religious organizations and Proposition 8, which made the focus on race a relatively new angle. Furthermore, the explosive charges that African American voters were the crucial vote in favor of restricting gay marriage spawned a series of counter-critiques that focused on such factors as the lack of 1
3 sufficient outreach between gay rights groups and race-based civil rights organizations and the lack of attention to race and class inequality within the gay rights community (Cannick 2008a, 2008b). While such a debate was perhaps inevitable, or even necessary given the political circumstances, it was empirically and theoretically wanting. The empirics used to assert a racial divide over gay rights were flawed in several respects. They were based on exit poll data that are designed to be more representative of white voters than African Americans or Latinos. Thus, for instance, the critique that the National Election Pool overestimated Latino support for George W. Bush in 2004 because it was more likely to poll Latino voters in suburban areas and swing districts was equally valid in 2008, as the methods for the NEP remained fundamentally similar (Leal et al. 2005). Perhaps more importantly, the exit poll data did not survey enough African Americans or Latinos to provide breakdowns within the group, by factors such as gender or religion. As a consequence, the arguments that emerged out of the data were relatively unsophisticated, of a relatively monolithic bloc of African American voters opposed to other voting blocs such as youth, white Democrats, and female voters. While there may have been an implicit recognition that non-religious black and Latino voters may have indeed rejected Proposition 8, the data did not allow for an analysis of sub-groups. Thus, the exit poll data and the subsequent analysis of the data paid scant attention to factors related to intersectionality (of race, gender, and religion) that have been fairly well developed within the literature on public opinion and issue 2
4 preferences, particularly with respect to gay rights and abortion among African Americans and whites. 1 In this paper, we seek to provide a more sophisticated answer to the question of raceand gender-based differences on voting decisions regarding constitutional restrictions on gay marriage. In addition to re-examining some of the received wisdom regarding the opinions of black women and men, and white women and men, we extend the analysis to consider the opinions of Latinos and Asian Americans as well using data from two surveys of California voters one conducted a month prior to Election Day and the other conducted after the election. The first survey was conducted by the Public Policy Institute of California (PPIC) in the month prior to the November 2008 election, with a representative sample of California residents including 1,051 whites, 287 Latinos, 112 African Americans, and 88 Asian Americans who were eligible to vote. 2 While the PPIC surveys are generally considered to be among the most accurate gauges of public opinion in California (Tuna 2010), it is limited in one significant aspect, in that surveys are not conducted in any Asian languages. Also, the PPIC data only cover opinion one month prior to the November election, and not after Election Day. To overcome these limitations and to provide additional evidence to test our claims, we analyze the 2008 Collaborative Multi-racial Post-election Survey (CMPS), a post-election survey conducted in California as well as 17 other states with significant populations of racial and ethnic minorities 1 We use intersectionality, overlaps, intersections, and intersecting identities interchangeably throughout the paper. 2 The PPIC survey of Californians and their Government was a random-digit dial (RDD) telephone survey, with interviews conducted between October 12-19,
5 (Frasure et al. 2010). The sample sizes in the CMPS are smaller here for most groups, however, with 67 whites, 58 African Americans, 334 Latinos, and 210 Asian Americans. In our analysis of both of these data, we find no consistently significant relationship between race and voting on Proposition 8, either in the bivariate or multivariate context. We do, however, find a gender gap in voting, with women less likely than men to support Proposition 8, after controlling for other factors such as age, education, religion, and party identification. Still, this gender gap is found only among whites and African Americans, but not among Latinos or Asian Americans. Thus, while race proves to be relatively insignificant in terms of its direct relationship to the constitutional ban on gay marriage in California, it nevertheless plays an important role in its intersection with gender. Taken together, our findings suggest that the focus on black exceptionalism with respect to public opinion on gay marriage bans misses perhaps an even more important pattern the differential role that plays among whites and African Americans on the one hand, and among Latinos and Asian Americans on the other. We posit some theoretical foundations for why this might be the case, and suggest avenues for future research particularly in light of ongoing changes in the politics of race and gender with respect to marriage equality and LGBT rights more generally. Gender Gaps and Intersectionalities with Race Our expectations of a gender gap in public opinion on same-sex marriage is built most fundamentally on the vast literature on gender differences in various aspects of American politics. Since the 1980s, studies of political attitudes, vote choice, and political participation have consistently shown that gender differences are consequential. For instance, women have 4
6 tended to hold more favorable opinions toward those who are disadvantaged, and women are significantly different from men on issues pertaining to social welfare and foreign policy (Frankovic 1982; Conover 1988; Burns, Schlozman, and Verba 2001; Chaney, Alvarez, and Nagler 1998; Kaufman and Petrocik 1999; Wirls 1986; Edlund and Pande 2002; Cook and Wilcox 1991). Women diverge from men, not only in their preferences on various policies, but also in how they rank the salience of those issues (Burns et. al. 2001). And, given differences in the ways that men and women assign policy priorities and form their political preferences, it is not surprising to find that they also have markedly different preferences when it comes to presidential voting (Chaney et. al. 1998) and party identification, with women consistently more likely than men to favor the Democrat Party in the United States, and left-leaning parties in Europe (Inglehart and Norris 2000; Sapiro 1983; Kaufman and Petrocik 1999; Norrander 1999; Wirls 1986). On a few issues such as abortion, prior research suggests that there may be no gender gap in public opinion, with women perhaps even being more conservative than men on some measures of opinion on abortion (Shapiro and Mahajan 1986). Still, on most measures of public opinion, whether it be ideology, issue preferences, party identification, or presidential approval, studies have consistently found a tendency for women to be more left-leaning than men. Based on this literature alone, we would expect to find lower support for constitutional bans on gay marriage among women than among men. However, as we noted at the outset of this paper, news coverage of Proposition 8 in California and the incipient scholarship on public support for antigay policies would suggest that the relationship between gender and public opinion may be mediated in important ways by race. Indeed, there is by now a long-standing literature in gender studies that tries to ascertain the circumstances under which general findings 5
7 about gender and public opinion also apply within particular minority groups (Kane 2000). Prior to these studies that considered race/ethnicity and its intersection with gender, scholars approached women as a homogenous group and, given the nature of most survey samples, the inferences drawn were mostly about white women. 3 In the past two decades, however, several studies have analyzed surveys with sizable samples of African Americans and Latinos. In most of these cases, they have found that gender gaps in politics exist among racial and ethnic minorities as well, although the results are often less consistent for nonwhites as for whites (Welch and Sigelman 1992; Montoya 1996; Lien 1998). In some instances, gender gaps in opinion were found to be even greater among nonwhites than among whites. For example, Lee Sigelman and Susan Welch (1984) found a greater gender gap among blacks than among whites on the question of whether respondents would vote for a black candidate or a female candidate for President of the United States. On the issue of support for abortion rights, Wilcox (1990) found that the gender gap among blacks was greater than among whites, due to the fact that black women were more liberal on the issue than their white counterparts, and black men were more conservative than white men. In other studies, however, the gender gap among racial and ethnic minorities has been shown to be smaller than the gender gap among whites, or to be insignificant altogether. For instance, Welch and Sigelman (1992) examined gaps in ideology, party identification, and presidential vote choice among Latinos, blacks, and whites, and found the differences among racial minorities to be weaker, yet still statistically significant. However, when the analyses shift from general measures of ideology and party identification, to issue preferences, the findings on gender gaps among racial and ethnic minorities becomes inconsistent or insignificant. So, for 3 For a concise review of this literature, see Montoya (1996) pp
8 example, Lisa Montoya (1996) finds in her analysis of the 1989 Latino National Political Survey that Latinas are more liberal than Latinos on issues dealing with social welfare and a women s role in politics, patterns that are consistent with those found among whites. However, this pattern is true only in the bivariate context and not in the multivariate context for most national origin groups, leading her to surmise that the immigrant experience leads to greater solidarity in opinion among immigrant-heavy groups than among the native-born population. Montoya also finds that there were no significant differences between Latinos and Latinas on military spending, while the gap is much clearer among whites. Similarly, Gay and Tate (1998) note that racial solidarity in public opinion among blacks often trumps gender differences in public opinion on general social programs as well as race-specific programs. Gender only mattered where the interests of women are posed as distinct from those of men, such as on support for the Women's movement. As for Asian Americans, Lien (1998) found inconsistent results on the existence of a gender gap on various measures of public opinion. Thus, when it comes to intersectional research on gender gaps across racial groups, the results are more consistent on general measures of attitudes such as political ideology and party identification, and far less consistent in terms of predicting issue preferences on social welfare programs and race-based programs. Gendered and Racial Differences on Attitudes Towards Sexual Minorities Given the disparate findings on the effects of gender on issue preferences more generally, what can we expect in terms of gender gaps on constitutional bans on gay marriage? It is tempting to simply express agnosticism regarding the intersection of gender and race when it comes to this issue, and to let the empirics do the talking. However, as Nancy Wadsworth 7
9 (2011) has pointed out, it is important to go beyond the recognition of overlapping identities (identity intersectionality), and to dig deeper into the historical and social contexts that produce these intersectional differences with respect to sexuality (foundational intersectionality). We agree with Wadsworth s assessment, that there needs to be more theorizing on the source of intersectional differences on any particular set of attitudes or behavior. Although the literature on support for same-sex marriage bans is fairly new, we draw on a much more extensive literature on attitudes towards sexual minorities, both in the general population, and particularly with respect to racial and ethnic minorities. We also consider the literature on linked fate among Latinos and African-Americans (Sanchez 2006; Dawson 1994), and how collective group consciousness may cohere around certain issues but not others (Cohen 1999). Finally, given the way that religion played a prominent role in the run-up to Proposition 8 in California, and in larger national debates over a U.S. constitutional ban on gay marriage, we also draw attention to prior research on the differential impact of religiosity on public opinion among women and men. Identity Intersectionality and Sexual Affect: The numerous studies in attitudes toward gay men and lesbians provide a clearer indication of what mass opinion may be on gay rights issues. For the most part, sexual affect correlates with policy opinion on issues concerning lesbians and gay men (Lewis 2003; Sniderman et. al. 1991; Sherrill 1996; Haider-Markel and Meier 1996). Men have consistently held more negative sexual affect than women (Herek 1988; Herek and Capitanio 1995; Herek and Gonzalez-Rivera 2006; Kite and Whitley 1996). 4 There 4 There is some debate about the dynamic of the gender differences in attitudes towards homosexuals (e.g. Glenn and Weaver 1979). Whitley (1988) shows that women are more 8
10 are also racial gaps, with blacks having more negative attitudes than whites (Ernst et. al. 1991; Negy and Eisenman 2005; Lewis 2003). Other racial gaps involving Latinos and Asian Americans remain under-studied. Intersectional differences in sexual affect by race and gender have been used to illustrate both inter-group gaps between racial groups, and intra-group gaps within racial groups. For instance, Ernst et al. (1991) argue that the perceived black-white difference is really a difference between black women and white women, with the latter having more negative sexual affect than the former. In terms of intra-group differences, studies of blacks and Latinos have also shown that men of color have a more negative sexual affect than women of color (Herek and Capitanio 1995; Herek and Gonzalez-Rivera 2006). To date, there have been not enough comparable observations of Asian Americans in cross-racial surveys to draw reliable inferences on intragroup and inter-group gaps that are driven by gender. While these various studies provide some basis to expect gender gaps in attitudes towards gay marriage among whites, African Americans, and Latinos, there are limitations as well. As Gregory Lewis (2003) has shown, the correlates between attitudes towards homosexuals and attitudes towards gay rights policies are not perfect. For example, even though African-Americans have more negative attitudes towards homosexuals than whites, they may indeed be more likely to support gay rights. There is also disagreement in the scholarship on whether women and men support gay rights at different levels, regardless of differences in sexual affect (Kite and Whitley 1996; Whitley 1988; Brumbaugh et al. 2007). Racial differences may also be a function of other variables: Negy and Eisenman (2005) show, for instance, that negative towards lesbians; men are more negative towards gay men. Whitley (1988) also shows that the word homosexual is generally confounded with gay men. 9
11 including religion discards any black-white differences, while Lewis (2003) found differences even with a control variable for religion. Not only do these studies reveal conflicting findings, they also utilize identity intersectionality, leaving wanting a foundational understanding of why intersectional differences exist. Here, we move towards a foundational approach in the study of race and gender intersectionality as it involves support for gay rights. In doing so, we use a multi-level focus on identify formation with respect to race, gender, and public opinion. Thus, for each of the largest racial and ethnic groups, we lay out the ways in which gender differences may, or may not, exist with respect to support for gay marriage. Foundational Intersectionality and Support for Gay Rights: Our foundational approach to intersectionality considers differences across racial and ethnic groups that operate at two levels: at the individual level, where gender norms on masculinity and femininity shape opinion on gay rights, and also at the collective level, where historical legacies of social movement activity and subgroup exclusion continue to operate. At the individual level, anti-gay stigma has been theorized to be the result of numerous factors, of which foremost is an individual s perception of gender norms (Herek 2004; Parrot et. al. 2008; Gaines and Garand 2010). The construction of hyper-gendered roles, especially hypermasculinity, exaggerates the degree of anti-gay stigma (Parrot et. al. 2008; Nierman et. al. 2007; Whitley 2002; Gaines and Garand 2010). To the extent that cultural contexts reproduce gender norms for racial and ethnic groups, resulting in how specific groups reify masculinity and femininity, we might expect group differences in gender norms to produce group differences in the relationship between gender and support for gay rights. 10
12 Among African Americans, hypermasculinity at the individual level is often explained as the product of social exclusion, as the racial and class subordination of African American men prompts them to capitalize on their gender privilege as an access to power. This capitalization of masculinity, in turn, significantly affects the relationships African-American men have with one another (Roberts 1994). Among Latinos, the tradition of machismo is the theoretical justification for why Latinos and Latinas differ (Baca-Zinn 1982). Strangely for Caucasians, gender differences are less attributed to hypermasculinity than the social construction of the caring, nurturing woman. There are currently no sociological explanations for the differences among Asian women and men; as Lien (1996) recounts, there is little difference in the historical development of Asians that would make a gender gap expected. In addition to individual-level processes that may vary by race, macro-level factors may amplify or diminish intragroup differences in public opinion. As many prior works on racial formation in the United States have shown, historical traditions of state-imposed discrimination tend to solidify collective consciousness (Marx 1996; Dawson 1994). By drawing from a history of oppression, members of racial minority groups link their fates to one another and produce cohesive political blocs (Sanchez 2006; Dawson 1994). At the same time, the construction of race is a dynamic process: just as there are historical moments that unify groups, there are moments that break this cohesion. For some social movements that challenge political institutions, those institutions subsequently stabilize by absorbing some attributes of the movement s goals, resulting in internal divisions of a collective movement (Piven and Cloward 1977). In other instances, the struggles and concerns of subgroups may be marginalized in the name of solidarity for the larger group or movement. In The Boundaries of Blackness, Cathy Cohen (1999) notes that the increased stratification among blacks accentuated second-order 11
13 marginalization. The divisive issue of AIDS in the black community produced numerous cleavages across class, gender and sexuality, and it crippled the ability blacks in response to state inaction (Cohen 1999). At the same time, the gay rights movement and the women s rights movements have historically been criticized for their underlying racism. Many black feminist narratives and manifestos describe the experience of exclusion from the white feminist movement and the civil rights movement (Ford 2002; Combahee River Collective 1977). The exclusion from the white feminist movement was a product of racism whereas the exclusion from the civil rights movement was a product of sexism. Chandra Ford (2002), a black lesbian feminist, identifies her desire to be included in the black liberation front, but these efforts resulted in repetitive rapes by black men. In such a narrative, exclusion and aggression coincide with research on hypermasculinity of African-American males. The aggressors the dominant anti-gay and misogynist forces were centralized around black men. Thus, macro-level dynamics in the case of African Americans reinforce micro-level processes, and we can expect to find sharp genderlevel differences in support for gay rights, including gay marriage. The macro-level narrative is different in the case of lesbian Latinas. Not only are Latinos identified as holding a negative view of lesbianism by a tradition of machismo, Latinas are also implicated by a tradition of marianismo (Reyes 2002). Evelyn P. Stevens (1973) coined the term marianismo as the symbiotic counterpart to machismo, and she noted that the development of the tradition is intricately related to adoration and emulation of the Virgin Mary. Though Stevens (1973) argues that these traditions manifest differently across Latin communities, she contends that these traditions are present in all of them (see also Castillo and Cano 2007; Castillo et al. 2010). Researchers find the continuation of the marianismo belief system is consequential to the 12
14 perception of treatment of women in Latin American countries, and among Latinos in the United States (e.g., Bull 1998; Lavrin 2005; Moreno 1997). In the Latina narratives, exclusion does not embody a single gender group; the exclusion and hostility engulf both Latinos and Latinas. Lesbians are viewed as giving up a significant aspect of their marianismo motherhood; this results in antagonism not only from Latino men, but also from women (Trujillo 1991). What is apparent from these narratives is that the attachment to gender norms is important to both Latinos and Latinas. Thus, in the case of Latinos, the traditions of machismo and marianismo may work at cross-purposes with respect to gender differences in support for gay rights: the former would be expected to accentuate gender differences, while the latter would be expected to diminish them. Similar to Latinos, Asian Americans comprise a multitude of groups that have unique traditions and norms. On sexuality, Sumie Okazaki (2002) finds that there are Asian cultural characteristics and that these pan-asian characteristics are primarily in regards to sexuality and sexual behavior. Sex is minimally discussed in Asian culture as there is adherence to rigid moral and social codes (Abraham 1999; Chan 1986, 1992; Horan and DiClemente 1993). Many narratives about gay and lesbian Asian Americans center upon rejection by Asian communities (Kumashiro 1999; Okazaki 2002), and gay and lesbian Asian Americans are more likely to be involved in queer communities as opposed to Asian ones (Chan 1989). In qualitative stories of gay Asian American males, Kevin K. Kumashiro (1999) reports that gay males are doubly marginalized by cultural scripts of queerness and Asian-ness. From their Asian communities, males are expected to carry on the family name by marrying and procreating; to be a part of Asian culture as a male is to perform heterosexuality (see also Atkinson, Morten, and Sue 1993). Being more collectively focused than individually focused, Asian communities expect sexual 13
15 behavior, though private, to benefit the family and community (Okazaki 2002). These cultural norms do permeate to gay and lesbian Asian Americans as they are more likely to develop sexual identity in ways that are different from their white and African-American counterparts (Dubé and Savin-Williams 1999). We observe from this literature that Asians, like Latinos, have communitarian expectations of sexual behavior. To sum up, then, our foundational approach leads us to the following expectations with respect to gender and support for gay rights across racial groups: We expect a clear gender gap for African Americans, based on survey research and qualitative research that identify African American men to have lower sexual affect than African American women. We expect white women to have more positive attitudes than white men, as various past studies have shown greater sexual affect among white women, and a greater level of compassion on a variety of social issues. At the same time, we do not expect to find gender differences among Latinos, based on qualitative research that has identified strong gender norm attachment among both Latinos and Latinas. Finally, we are unsure on the relationship between gender and support for Proposition 8 among Asian Americans, given the dearth of research on sexual affect among this group. From small-n studies on Asian Americans, the communitarian expectation of procreation indicates to us that there should not be a gender gap similar to Latinos. In essence, we expect similarities between whites and African Americans that are unique from the cultural scripts of Latinos and Asian-Americans. Direct and Intersectional Effects of Religion: In addition to gender and race, religious identity and religiosity are both important on matters of morality. The direct effects of religion become significant and stable predictors of sexual affect and support for gay rights policies. 14
16 Members of Protestant religions that tend to support biblical literalism are less likely to support gay rights (Sherkat et al. 2010; Burdette, Ellison, and Hill 2005; Hunsberger and Jackson 2005; Fulton, Gorsuch and Maynard 1999; Hunburger 1996; Glenn and Weaver 1979). Biblical literalists tend to view same-sexual behavior as morally wrong and are less supportive of the civil liberties of those who engage in such behavior (Olson, Cadge, and Harrison 2006, Peterson and Donnenwerth 1998; Hertel and Hughs 1987). Religious identification with less literalist denominations primarily mainline Protestant religions and Catholicism increase support for gay rights (Finlay and Walther 2003). Those who attend church more often are less likely to be supportive gay rights issues (Whitley 2009; Lewis and Gossett 2008; Negy and Eisenman 2005; Schulte and Battle 2004; Lewis 2003; Herek and Capitanio 1995). Finally, as we discussed earlier, religion and religiosity have at times weakened the black-white difference in sexual affect (Negy and Eisenman 2005; Lewis 2003). The persistent presence of religion as a predictor of gay rights attitudes makes it seem that the same would be the case for same-sex marriage. Complicating the story of religiosity and public opinion, however, is also the finding regarding the intersections between religion and gender. Past studies, primarily of white women, have shown that religiosity is associated with support for traditional values among women as well as men, including opposition to premarital sex, drug use, and the like (Wolbrecht et al. 2008, Eagly et atl. 2004). Indeed, religious women often score higher on many of these traditional values than men. At the same time, the higher level of religiosity among women leads to political consequences that are different from men. Not only are women more likely to identify as Democrats, even among the more religiously identified (Kauffman 2004), they also express greater support for civil liberties and for social welfare policies that benefit the disadvantaged (Wolbrecht et al. 2008; Golebiowska 1999). Thus, we would expect that 15
17 controlling for religiosity should widen gender gaps in support for constitutional bans on gay marriage like Proposition 8. It is not clear, however, whether this gendered relationship between religiosity and public opinion holds across racial groups, because the prior literature on religiongender gaps is virtually non-existent for African Americans, Latinos, and Asian Americans. Data and Findings One of the reasons why race became a central narrative to the passage of Proposition 8 in California was the lack of good public opinion data on gender differences within the major racial and ethnic groups in the state. Furthermore, the data were only presented in aggregate form, making it difficult to have even simpler models that control for competing explanations such as religiosity, age, and education. Pat Egan and Ken Sherrill (2009) overcame some of these limitations, by using ecological inference to arrive at an estimate of black support for Proposition 8 that was lower than what the exit polls suggested. Still, given the lack of individual-level data, they were unable to move beyond seeing gender and religiosity as competing explanations instead of as intersectional identities. Here, we seek to advance the scholarship on intersectionality and public support for gay rights by relying on a dataset that has individual-level data with variation on these three important factors (race, gender, and religion), in addition to others such as age, education, and partisanship. We use data from the October 2008 Public Policy Institute of California Statewide Survey (PPIC) and the 2008 Collaborative Multi-racial Post-election Survey (CMPS). Each of these surveys has its strengths and weaknesses. The PPIC survey is a random-digit telephone survey of California residents, with 88 Asian Americans, 112 African Americans, 287 Latinos, and 1,051 whites who were asked how they would likely vote on Proposition 8. However, the 16
18 survey has some drawbacks: it is not conducted in Asian languages, and it is a pre-election survey with some uncertainty about vote intentions. By contrast, the CMPS is a post-election survey from 18 states that included support for four Asian languages. 5 The California sample has a sizable number of Asian Americans (210) and Latinos (334), but there are only 58 African Americans and 67 whites in the California sample, making intergroup and intragroup differences more difficult to establish. Our outcomes of interest are the extent to which respondents support or oppose the California state constitutional ban on gay marriage. The CMPS question was worded as follows: How did you vote on Proposition 8 here in California? This is the measure that would change the California constitution so that only marriage between a man and woman is valid. Did you vote yes or no on Prop 8? The PPIC question was far more detailed in its description of the Proposition, in keeping with the descriptions of other California ballot propositions in the survey. 6 In Figure 1, we present the variation in responses to the Proposition 8 question by racial 5 The CMPS conducted between November 9, 2008 and January 5, 2009 is the first multiracial and multilingual survey of registered voters across multiple states and regions in a presidential election. The sample was drawn from 18 states: the top states with significant Asian, Black, and Latino populations, plus five battleground states with at least one racial minority group with 10 percent or greater of the registered voter population. 6 The PPIC question was as follows: Proposition 8 is called the Eliminates Right of Same-Sex Couples to Marry Initiative Constitutional Amendment. It changes the California Constitution to eliminate the right of same-sex couples to marry. It provides that only marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized in California. Fiscal impact over the next few years includes potential revenue loss, mainly sales taxes, totaling in the several tens of millions of 17
19 and ethnic group, first from the PPIC pre-election survey and subsequently from the CMPS postelection survey. As Figure 1 indicates, the proportion of voters indicating that they would vote for Proposition 8 is nearly identical across all four groups in the PPIC survey (44% to 46%). Among those indicating that they would vote against Proposition 8, the levels are slightly higher among whites and Latinos, but the differences are not statistically significant, even at the 90% level. What is significant, however, is the higher proportion of African Americans who answered don t know (13%) when compared to white and Latino respondents (4% each). [INSERT FIGURE 1 ABOUT HERE] Given that Proposition 8 passed with a slight majority in California a month after the PPIC survey, it is possible that nearly all of the don t know voters ultimately ended up voting in favor of Proposition 8. Indeed, the CMPS data show majority support for Proposition 8 among all four racial and ethnic groups in California, with the highest levels of support among African Americans. However, there is still a sizable proportion of African Americans and Asian Americans who answered don t know after the 2008 election although given the relatively small samples of whites, the differences are not statistically significant. Thus, it is possible that the don t know responses continue to reflect a social desirability bias from critical news coverage on racial voting patterns after the passage of Proposition 8. dollars, to state and local governments. In the long run, it will likely have little fiscal impact on state and local governments. If the election were held today, would you vote yes or no on Proposition 8? 18
20 What about gender differences in opinion on Proposition 8 among these different racial and ethnic groups? For ease of interpretation, we compare the results by race and gender by showing the proportion of yes votes for Proposition 8 in the pre- and post-election surveys, excluding don t know responses (Figures 2a and 2b). As the results indicate, most of the bivariate gender differences in opinion are not statistically significant at the.10 level with only one exception, where 69% of Latina respondents indicated that they had voted for Proposition 8 while only 54% of Latinos reported that they had done so. However, these bivariate differences between Latinos and Latinas are not borne out in the pre-election PPIC survey, and it also remains to be seen if they hold up in the multivariate results. [INSERT FIGURES 2A and 2B ABOUT HERE] In our multivariate analyses, we analyzed our outcomes using five different models that control for age, education, religious affiliation, born again status, and party identification. Models A is a logit model with don t know responses coded as missing data; Models B and C are logit models with don t know responses collapsed into yes and no responses, respectively; and Model D is an ordered logit model with don t know responses as the intermediate category. For ease of interpretation, we present in Table 1 the results from Model A, which is the most conventional way that public opinion research treats don t know responses and refusals to answer by excluding them from the analysis. However, we also note below any variation in findings from the other models, and include all of the full model results in the Appendix. 19
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text:
Vogue Special Design S-3782; ca. early to mid 1930s; One-Piece Frock With or Without Peplum. Run about frock with or without short peplum which effects a two-piece model. Narrow inset back panel and vestee front are featured. Outside darts at front shoulders. Frock is built up about the neck at sides and back. Soft looped scarf is worn inside the neck. Full or seven-eighths length set-in sleeves wide at lower edge. Splits at side of skirt below seams are optional.
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text:
by Anton Chekhov
PLEASE NOTE: Marketplace items do NOT qualify for free shipping.
Great Russian playwright's tragic masterpiece portrays the inner anguish of a tormented artist who burns with unrequited love. Acclaimed as a prototype of 20th-century drama, it brilliantly reveals the universal tragedy of ruined hopes and dreams.
Anton Chekhov


text:
What's "Cheap" to you?
Posted 20 September 2012 - 02:13 PM ( #1 )
Cheap to me is... When my brother bought a v2 for £2 all together. (that's about $3.50)!!
Would you consider higher prices like $15-$20 to be right for a tama?
Started20 Sep 2012
Last Post06 Oct 2012
Posted 20 September 2012 - 02:16 PM ( #2 )
Posted 20 September 2012 - 04:07 PM ( #3 )
Posted 20 September 2012 - 04:44 PM ( #4 )
For a connection I would never pay more than 20$. However the vintage models that's something else.
I recently purchased a Osutchi and Mesutchi for about 20$ each incl shipping and I found that super cheap for those!
On the other hand, I just bought a Devilgotch for 200$ and for that model this is cheap!
Posted 20 September 2012 - 05:58 PM ( #5 )
In terms of American/UK Connections:
I wouldn't pay over $15 for a V1-V5. Might be willing to shell out a little more for a Music Star/V6, since I don't have one. I'm a little behind. xD
In terms of vintages and Japanese Connections, again, it depends on the version. For the Connections, I'd be willing to pay $20, for the vintages, no more than $50.
And then there are the colours...
For those, I'd pay up to $80-$90 for +colors and iD's, $75 for an iD L, and no more than $80 for a 15th Anniversary.
I think in order not to be disappointed with prices, you have to be realistic about them. You can't expect somebody to put a....say, Santagotchi up for $4 as a Buy-It-Now. People aren't stupid, they know when something is rare and they know that there could be people willing to shell out big bucks for whatever they're selling.
I think my parents will probably facepalm when they see my Tama wishlist. xD
Posted 21 September 2012 - 03:32 AM ( #6 )
Posted 21 September 2012 - 06:14 AM ( #7 )
Tamagotchis are pricless treasures that mean more than a mountain of gold to me. No matter what price, whether it's 50 cents or a thousand dollars, I'll always think that it's ultra cheap compared to how much happiness the Tamagotchi brings me.
I remember something my papa said several years ago when he bought me a V5.5... "$25? That's really cheap. You should get two for that price." XD
- Amarisje likes this
Posted 06 October 2012 - 12:02 PM ( #9 )
Any more than that is too much.
I'd much rather have Digimons, though. XD
I got my very first one for 25 cents at a thrift store. <3
Posted 06 October 2012 - 03:52 PM ( #10 )
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text:
Contact Info
Address:C-20, Ground Floor,
Sector-2, Noida-201301
You are Here: Home >> Property in Jim Corbett >> Residential Property >> Samsara Heights
Are you tired of the chaotic and mundane city life? Overcrowded streets, pollution laden air and various 8other atrocities, heavily outweigh the pros of living in a city. So if you want to inject a much needed dose of greenery and nature in your life, then explore the scenic world of Samsara Heights today.
Living at Samsara Heights is an experience like no other. You need to live it, to understand it. It is a culture, a lifestyle and an unmatched mesmerizing experience like no other. Stepping out of the immense comfort of their home is something residents of Samsara Heights won't feel like doing. Just visualize yourself waking up to perfect harmony of all the nature's five elements. Samsara Heights makes it possible. When you live at Samsara Heights, the mighty Himalayas and Corbett Park become your favourite companions.
On your back-yard rests the all important and world renowned Jim Corbett National Park, while your front yard is adorned by the mighty Himalayan Range. Between the two wonders will be your tailor made stone farmhouse. So live amongst the picturesque view and declare to the world that you have rightly dared taking the biggest adventure which one possibly can- living the life that you have always dreamed of.
Samsara Heights is a highly affordable project with immense prospects of massive return on your investments. Thus Samsara Heights ensures that your hard earned money grows multifold. A plethora of luxury amenities like vigilant security, abundant power and water supply, Free Membership to Samsara – The Resort & Club, Corbett, telescopic viewpoints, sporting facilities and much more, makes life of its residents an absolute delight. So don't waste another minute, nature is inviting you to change your life for the better.
Let's Talk About Your Dream Property


text:
Results 1 to 12 of 83
Hybrid View
The Good, Bad & Ugly: Ravens @ Bucs
Graduating from training camp to the preseason has its adjustments. The effort elevates and the intensity level picks up along with the tempo.
And unfortunately so does the number of mistakes.
Players understand that careers and playing time are at stake. Its incumbent upon each of them trying to make his mark, to make plays to show up on film.
Veterans with their roles already defined get their work in but they are not as vested in the results of a preseason contest. They just want to get in their reps and escape unscathed. Players on the bubble fight for survival. Mix the varying objectives together and its difficult to draw conclusions or to project similar results or failures for the regular season.
For the Ravens their biggest objectives heading into the preseason were to:
Address uncertainties at inside linebacker
Develop cohesiveness on defense given the many new faces
Determine who might step up at wide receiver
Of these three objectives its so far so good with two of them. The third, not so much.
With that in mind, lets go to the Good, Bad & Ugly in Tampa last nightFollow me on Twitter @RSRLombardi
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Re: The Good, Bad & Ugly: Ravens @ Bucs
Great overview, thanks for posting. Haven't seen the game but I'll catch the replay tomorrow morning.World Domination 3 Points at a Time!
08-09-2013, 10:04 AM #3Legendary RSR Poster
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Re: The Good, Bad & Ugly: Ravens @ Bucs
Love hearing that LQW continues to shine.
Agreed he needs to run with the #1's going foward. Can't wait to watch the replay!
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Re: The Good, Bad & Ugly: Ravens @ Bucs
Yeah, LQW was everywhere on ST's. Tyrod finally looked comfortable and Caldwell really played to his strengths which was nice to see.
Re: The Good, Bad & Ugly: Ravens @ Bucs
There's a lot of locks on the team that success is getting through the preseason without injury. While you don't want to put too much into one preseason game, many of these guys are either playing for a roster spot and/or a starting spot. What they do in practice weighs on this, but they need to perform in game time situations. LQW made the most of his chances, he can only play against who is on the field at the time he's in there. He made the most of his opportunities and I hope he impressed enough to see him run with the 1s.
I'm interested in seeing more of Shiancoe, Furstenburg and Juice. Dickson is going to be the starter, but depth is needed and someone for 2 TE sets. Bajema is a blocking TE. I'm not high on him since he's not a threat as a pass catcher. With the WR situation being what it is, the TEs could see a lot of targets.
After only one preseason game, it's far from over yet. I know I'm getting ahead of myself, but imagine a Delaware QB throwing to 2 WRs and a TE from Maryland.
08-09-2013, 10:41 AM #8Veteran Poster
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Re: The Good, Bad & Ugly: Ravens @ Bucs
Whether it's with the 2's and 3's or not, he consistently gets open and makes tough catches. Some football skills are natural and not taught, and IMO the toughness and concentration required to make tough catches in traffic are some of them. LaQuan appears to have some of those "natural" skills, and I want to see him get a shot in the slot with the 1's.
Re: The Good, Bad & Ugly: Ravens @ Bucs
I have more confidence in Laquan than Doss and Thompson to be honest.
Sent from my iPad using Tapatalk HDAlthough Walsh's system of offense can compensate for lack of talent; however, defense is a different story. According to Walsh, talent on defense was essential and could not be compensated for. What did Walsh do in 1981? He acquired physical and talented players on defense.
Re: The Good, Bad & Ugly: Ravens @ Bucs
we seem to forget LaQuan has some valuable in game experience already. Didn't he make a pretty crucial catch in a game at Pitt a few years ago?
08-09-2013, 10:25 AM #12Veteran Poster
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text:
This is the place!
"With so much to learn, so much to see and still so much to discover, I found the island of my ideal endless adventure"
So what next?
Are the words Richard woke up from his dream with. It was just another night and Richard was staring at the sky, watching and enjoying the stars as he always does. Then he sees a powerful light.
Rici: How nice, they have fireworks~
The sand then explodes right in front of him,
Rici: They really are something~
He scratches his eyes, mostly asleep and then he gets up trying to go and find a better view for the fireworks. He walks on the cold sand and feels like he is dreaming. His head is barely hanging from his shoulders. Explosions take place all around him as he walks casually. One explosion hits one of the sand trees and it breaks from its root. The tree starts falling down towards Richard, but then it gets blasted away, broken into multiple pieces. Richard is left with his fist pointing at the sky, but he continues to walk forward, without any sense of where he is going or what world he is in.
Then an explosion hits him head on, but he comes out of the blast with a few scratches and full of smoke.
Rici: Dammit, their fireworks are really dirty (he then starts coughing a little)
As soon as he finishes coughing he dodges a laser beam that blows up his survival supplies. He turns back and sees all the little that he owns destroyed and he looks back while dodging another laser beam.
Rici: Dammit, now I need food and water again. Who the fuck is in charge of these fireworks?
He finally gets to see a lot of silhouettes and with a closer look he notices a whole load of hot girls. His jaw drops and he starts salivating.
Rici: WOOOOOHOOOOOO!!!! FOUND MYSELF IN HEAVEN!!! DAMMIT! HOW COULD I NOT SEE MERMAIDS ON FI?! I'M NOT GONNA MISS MY CHANCE NOW!
The hot girls start shooting lasers and rockets at Richard as he continues being blinded. He starts randomly dodging the attacks either way.
Richard ignores the shouts completely. He then reaches a pacifista and then grabs its hand and gets ready to kiss it, but the hand shoots a laser.
Rici: OH SHIT! I forgot I look horrible! How dare I kiss a hand like yours miss when I am so ugly?! But please would you like a dance?
He starts dancing with the pacifista what you would call a failure of a tango. He closes his eyes and continues dodging the attacks.
Rici: So what is your name beau-
He opens his eyes only to see the beautiful girl turned into a tall man in a suit with sunglasses.
Rici: EHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHH!?!?!??!?!?!?!?!?
The pacifista prepares to shoot into Richard's face who tries to release his hands from the grip of the pacifista.
Then the pacifista's head is cut off.
????2: THIS IS WHAT HAPPENS WHEN YOU DON'T LISTEN! god job sword!
Sword: Good job too!
Rici: EHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHH!!?!?!?! WHAT THE HELL IS GOING ON!?
All pacifistas turned into creepy guys with sunglasses and suits.
Rici: WHY ARE THEY WEARING SUNGLASSES DURING THE NIGHT?!?!
Sword: That what you worried about?!
Richard dodges another beam and avoids a rocket and he finally gets a closer look at who is there beside him holding a sword.
Rici: WHY THE HELL ARE YOU TALKING?!
He asks in a shout while he breaks the face of a pacifista.
Sword: WHY ARE YOU SHOUTING?!?!
Richard hits another pacifista with a powerful punch and breaks its glasses and ripping its head off.
He then jumps and kicks two at the same time.
Rici: Dunno! It's fun!
He then notices the hot girl holding the sword and he gets distracted another time when he gets scratched by another beam.
Rici: Oh come on!! I just wanted to get some sleep!
He punches the pacifista that shot him in the abdomen and leaves a whole through.
When he turns back he sees that all the other pacifistas are done for.
Rici: Already?
He looks at the girl and tries to become serious.
Rici: Who the hell are you? And wasn't there another person here with us? I thought I heard another voice.
Caring: My name is Caring and this is Mr Sword.
Mr Sword: Pleasure to meet ya.
Richard puts his hand at his face and nods in a tired fashion.
Rici: Ok... so what are you doing here at this hour? Don't you have any sleeping hour?
Caring: nope
Rici:... so... why the hell are pacifistas looking for you?
Caring: theyre after me
Rici: Why are they after you?
Caring: .. dont wana say
Richard sighs then as he sees that the girl in front of him is only about 14, he who thoughts it was a about his age, 23 or so.
Rici: So where do you plan on staying this night?
Caring: right here
Rici: Ok. follow m- OH DAMMIT! I FORGOT I DON'T HAVE ANY PLACE TO ACTUALLY SLEEP IN AS WELL!!! ARGH AND I WANTED TO SEEM COOL FOR ONCE!!
Caring: (sweatdrop) ummm... are you ok mister?...ummm... ummm...you dont hav to worry
Rici: Oh c'mon, we aren't gonna spend the night outside like this, what if they try finding you again?
Caring: ummm... ok...
And so they roamed the forest trying to reach for civilization, but instead they quickly came at a house of wood in the middle of nowhere.
Rici: What the hell is up with that place... dammit, I guess we're gonna spend the night there Caring
They enter the house only to discover it is a pub. And so Richard tries to get back to sleep and the girl tries to as well, but she fails to. The morning then comes and so Richard wakes up. He is really tired after last night and he hears some mumbling.
Rici: No mom... I want more sleep...
He then hears more mumbling.
Rici: C'mon~ let me sleep somre more...
He slowly opens his eyes to see the girl's mouth being covered by a hand.
He instantly wakes up to see a guy in a suit, but without sunglasses this time. The guy starts charging his laser from the mouth.
Rici: C'MON! IT'S DAY NOW!! THIS IS THE TIME WHEN YOU SHOULD WEAR SUNGLASSES! NOT AT NIGHT!!
The pacifista then fires it. The girl manages to release the grip for a bit and she shouts.
Caring: YOU BAKA!! THIS IS NOT A NORMAL ONE!!!!
Rici: Eh?
The pub then explodes and the debries fly everywhere. A load of rubble appears instead of the former house. Richard gets up from the debries and he coughs a lot then notices a sign in front of him between the debries.
Rici: "Rora's chat" Well I guess it's gone now. So where the hell is that bastard!!
He spits some blood and crackles his fists.
Rici: How could it go after such a girl?! ARGH! WHAT HAS BECOME OF THIS WORLD?!
A huge beam the size of the house hits the ground where Richard stands. The place then explodes and the wave is felt throughout the whole jungle.
PX-0: Target eliminated...
Rici: My target maybe tihahahaha (cough cough cough)
Richard then punches the pacifista from the side, but his fist gets blocked.
Caring: I SAID HE IS NOT NORMAL
Rici: Like I care!
Richard then proceeds to kick the pacifista in the head sending it into the ground whilst grabbing the girl's hand.
The pacifista onto a tree crushing it.
Caring: how did you get up her!
Rici: Let's say I'm just new to this place
Caring: umm....youre weird...
Rici: Thanks!
A powerful beam comes from the tree which tries hitting them in mid air, but Richard manages to dodge it.
Rici: I wish I had some damn better haki!!!! Girl! You gotta get outt-
He then notices she's gone.
Rici: EHH!??!?!?! WHERE DID YOU GO?!
He starts looking around himself and then sees wings in front of himself. Dark wings and a tall figure with long red hair. It was holding in its hand Mr Sword.
Rici: No way... who are you...
The girl Richard tried taking care of turns around and looks at him with demonic eyes.
I am Starfire.
Rici: Aren't you...
Richard continues falling while he asks that and finally he lands before he finishes his sentence.
Richard gets out of the debries once again completely serious and really tired of jokes.
The winged girl who named herself Starfire fights PX-0, but she easily gets grabbed and pinned down.
Rici: Dammit, (he sighs) you know I'm tired, right? You kept me awake a damn while...
Starfire: you're an idiot!!! get out of here!!!!!!!! didn't Caring tell you to get away! th is is my problem!!! i dont need help!!!!!!
Rici: Why is it after you?...
Starfire: this isn't the time for this!!!
Rici: TELL ME!!!
He shouts in the moment he punches the pacifista making it let go of Starfire and sends it flying for about 10 meters.
Starfire: you...
Rici: I might be new, but I am not weak, I am strong enough, so tell me...
Starfire: are you sure mister?
Rici: Yes.
Starfire: its your choice then...but they are after me...the world... they took me from my mommy.... the doctors...
The girl starts crying while she lies on the ground and the pacifista rises again and prepares to fire.
Starfire: they took me away and started doing things to me.... i ended up to not know who i am... i am...starfire...but my memories are that of that girl... most of them..so...
Richard crackles his fists and barely holds his anger.
Starfire: will you please help me... mister?
The pacifista fires its beam and Richard punches it and breaks it apart. Then Richard aproaches the Pacifista step by step and gets hits a few times by its powerful laser beams, but he continues walking.
Rici: I see... SO THEN LET ME TAKE CARE OF THIS FOR YOU!!!!! FIST OF THE MORNING TURTLE!!!!!!!
Richard's fist punches through the new beam and breaks through it and then breaks the mouth of the pacifista
Rici: AS IF I WOULD LET YOU HURT SUCH A CHILD!!!!!!!!!!!
The pacifista goes berserk and Richard punches it again to break its 2nd laser, then the 3rd laser cuts it in half and it finally explodes and Richard is blown away by the blast. He falls on the ground and he sees Caring's face crying over his.
Rici: Don't worry, I ain't hurt (her tears stop and she has a smile on her face again)...OH SHIT I DESTROYED THE PUB!!!!!!!
He instantly wakes up and looks at the ruins from under him, which he landed on.
Rici: WE GOTTA GET OUTTA HERE!!! THIS TIME FOR REAL!!! I DON'T HAVE THE MONEY TO PAY FOR THE REPAIRS!!!
Caring: youre weird he he he
Rici: OH DAMMIT!!! WHAT DO I DO?!?! ARGH!!!!!!
Richard starts running away towards the sea aimlessly without any idea what he is doing or where he is going.
Caring: hei! wait for me!
The girl finally smiles truly as she starts running after the idiot who thought he destroyed a pub.
-End of first chapter-


text:
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text:
SO I'M REALLY HAPPY THAT I HAD A CHANCE TO GO To GAY PRIDE. IT WAS MY FIRST TIME AND IT WAS THE BEST FIRST TIME EVER AND I HAD THIS IDEA IN MY HEAD THAT KEPT BOTHERING ME SO I HAD TO wriTE IT DOWN AND HERE IT IS. I WANT YOU GUYS TO READ IT AND TELL ME WHAT YOU THINK. /damarisvelas
"I can't stand her anymore" she said as she looked at carmen. " Aren't you supposedly in love with her?" carmen said as she smirked
she looked at her giving her a grin. "I was, but now I just can't even look at her. Time changes just like feelings."
Carmen nodded her head side to side. "I hope you don't feel the same way about me?"
"Of course I don't you're my lover and spencer is just my boring wife. I just want to escape." she mumbled going on top of carmen.
"then let's go away." carmen whispered giving her a kiss.
"it's not that easy...plus I'm hungry let's go eat." she stood up getting ready.
They entered the restaurant and sat across from each other. "I'm going to the restroom." carmen murmured standing up.
"hello I'm Ashley, your waitress for the evening, What would you like to drink?" ashley spoke looking at the notepad in front of her.
She looked up from the menu and noticed Ashley immediately. "Oh my fuck." she said. Ashley moved her gaze thinking something bad happened, but was surprised at what she saw.
"yyou...mme..uh" ashley whispered not believing the sight in front of her.
She stood up from her seat and grabbed ashey's arm dragging her to her car. " get in" she said. Ashley got in listening to her orders.
She drove to the beach. She turned off her car and moved her gaze to ashley. " you look exactly like me...well except I'm much prettier and I do have more filling in the front and the backside, but nevertheless you're like a copy of me."
Ashley sat there listening to her rant about them looking alike. Ashley felt lost and didn't know what to do. "as surprising as this is. Why did you drag me all the way to the beach and who are you?" ashley asked.
"I'm Mandy Musgrave-Carlin, but just call me mandy and I brought you here because I have a proposition for you." mandy spoke keeping her gaze on ashley as she still was amazed how ashley did really look like her.
" what kind... of proposition are ...implying?" ashley asked feeling slightly scared.
Mandy gave her smirk. "It involves you taking my place."
"what place?"
" Like being a devoted wife and mother for about a couple weeks . Its nothing to much to ask for and if you do it. I will pay you 2 million dollars." mandy said.
"You must really hate your husband." ashley said giving her a small smile.
Mandy nodded her head side to side. "I never said I had a husband."
"well you said to be a devoted wife." ashley said becoming confused.
" do you want the money yes or no?"
"If I do it I get paid 2 million dollars right?" ashley spoke moving her gaze out the window.
"yes, and if you do a great job I'll pay more. Believe me this job is way better than your job down at the restaurant." mandy said trying to get ashley's attention.
'I do need the money and it just for a couple weeks' ashley thought then moved her gaze back to mandy. "fine I'll do it."
mandy clapped her hands. "good. This is going to be the best vacation for me."
"aren't you going to tell me about your family." ashley asked
"oh right...okay before I tell you anything you can't back out... promise." mandy said keeping her gaze with ashley.
" is it bad or something?"
"of course not...I told you that I'm married, but not to guy it's actually a girl." mandy said still keeping her gaze on her.
"a...a..ggirl?" ashley moved her confused face down to her hands. Mandy rolled her eyes. "yeah a girl is there a problem with that?"
ashley gave her a scared look. "I don't know how to be with a girl."
Mandy raised her eyebrow. "who said anything about being with my wife. Me and my wife haven't had sex in a long time..so that won't be a problem."
ashley nodded her head. "okay fine. How does your wife look like and whats her name?"
Mandy took out her phone. "this is my wife, Spencer and the little girl is our daughter Sammy." she said pointing to the picture on the phone.
Ashley watched in amazement at how beautiful Spencer looked and their daughter. 'why would anyone want to leave her side she's so beautiful.'
"hello ashley?" Mandy said getting annoyed.
"huh" ashley said
"you kinda spaced out. Look we don't have time for this shit so let me give you the basic info about my beloved family. First, spencer is my wife she owns a record label with her best friend, aiden. Aiden is married to Kyla, which is spencer's sister. Thats all the people you need to know and they hate me even my own wife so you won't be talking to them that much. I'm a major bitch that loves money and everyone knows that. Thats all you need know." ashley gave her a small smile.
"lets get you out of those clothes and into more classy ones." Mandy said as she started the car.
Ashley felt uncomfortable in the clothes she was wearing they were to revealing for her own taste.
"okay so here's the address to the mansion and don't get lost. Remember you're a bitch that loves money. Any questions?"
"uh...I" ashley could barely speak getting nervous
"good. You can go now. Oh please take care of my baby." Mandy said
"oh..sammy yeah I'll take care of her." ashley whispered
"not her. I'm talking about my car, which you're driving." Mandy said as she entered back to the restaurant leaving a nervous ashley behind.
' okay ash...you can do this..its 2 million dollars. You need that money.'
she started the car heading to the Carlin's residence.
"why are you with her?" aiden asked as he saw spencer looking at a picture of her family.
"because she's my wife." spencer said putting the picture back to its place.
" you don't even love her." aiden whispered as he sat in front of her. Spencer covered her face with her hands.
"That doesn't matter because we have a daughter together and it would break sammy's heart if I wasn't with her mom." spencer said as she moved her chair around not wanting to face aiden. She knew that he was right, but she couldn't bring herself to let Mandy go.
Ashley arrived at the mansion and stared at it not believing something this huge could be a house. 'wow..I can't believe Mandy would leave this.'
she got out of the car and headed towards the front door. 'should I knock...nah I'll just go in..it is my house' she went in without knocking.
"Mandy is that you?" spencer screamed coming out of the dining room.
Ashley stood still not knowing what to do. "Y..yyeah!" she said. Spencer stood in front of her. "I can't believe you Mandy. Your 30 minutes late for dinner. Why are you late?" spencer asked
ashley looked at spencer taking in the view of spencer's beautiful body. "I...I was ...shopping?"
spencer sighed. "Its always the same thing with you every single day. When are you going to change?"
ashley didn't have time to answer. "Mommy!" a little blond girl came running towards ashley. "Sammy" ashley whispered kneeling down to the girl.
"I missed you." the little girl said as she hugged ashley.
Spencer was surprised that Mandy accepted the hug. 'she has never let sammy hug her before.' her thoughts were broken when she heard giggling. She looked down and saw Mandy tickling sammy.
"mommy..haha..stop...mama...help!" spencer smiled liking the laughter of Mandy and sammy.
Ashley stopped her movements sitting up with sammy on her lap. "Since I won...you have to give mommy a kiss?" ashley said pointing to her cheek.
Sammy looked thoughtful for second until a small grin appeared on her face. "okay, but mama has to give you one too." ashley stopped smiling upon hearing sammy's request and moved her gaze to spencer.
Spencer stood quiet. 'I haven't touched Mandy in while and I don't think I can. She has hurt me way to much and just because she hugged sammy doesn't mean I have to be nice to her or do anything with her.'
"sammy, honey its time for dinner." spencer said not wanting to look at ashley. Sammy stood up and taking ashley's hand. "Do you want to sit by me?" sammy said while pouting at the same time. Ashley softly smiled at her. "Why wouldn't I?"
sammy moved her gaze down to the floor. "you said before that you would never sit with me because I eat like a pig." ashley frowned at what the little girl had said.
"sammy forget everything I have ever said to you. Mommy had just been really angry with some people, but Forgive me for being a mean witch. I promise never to say those mean things ever again okay. " ashley gave sammy a soft kiss on the cheek and on the forehead. 'I can't promise you forever, but I promise for the weeks that I am here I will be the best mom that you could ever ask for' ashley thought as she pulled sammy in for a hug
"okay" sammy whispered wrapping her small arms around ashley's neck. Ashley moved her gaze to spencer and saw how hurt and angry she looked.
Spencer wanted so much to go up to Mandy and slap her across the face for saying those cruel words to a child, but stopped her movements when she heard Mandy speak and apologize. She had never heard Mandy apologize for anything, but she still knew that mandy would always be the same girl. This was just an act.
"why don't we go eat." spencer said as she signaled sammy towards her. Sammy nodded her head up and down agreeing with her. "come on mommy come sit with me." sammy excitedly shouted.
Ashley smiled following the little girl. She stopped her movements once she saw the huge dining hall. 'WOW' was the only thing she could think that could describe the dining hall. "come on mommy" sammy whined pulling ashley's hand towards the seat.
Spencer kept her gaze on th girls as they still kept on giggling for the simplest of things. 'I don't know what Mandy is up to, but she better not hurt sammy.'


text:
I am an avid programmer, very passionate about coding, technology and learning all kinds of new things. I find coding to be the best way of bringing my ideas to life.
In my free time I like playing video games, watching movies, TV series, science-related documentaries, and international news; or just tinkering with old computers and hacking.
I'm currently a second-year student of Computer Science at the Babeș-Bolyai University in Cluj-Napoca, Romania.
Email Adress:
+40 770 131 168