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Title: The Manner/Result Complementarity Revisited: A Syntactic Approach. Affiliation: Centre de Lingüística Teòrica-Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
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1 Title: The Manner/Result Complementarity Revisited: A Syntactic Approach Authors: Jaume Mateu, Víctor Acedo-Matellán Affiliation: Centre de Lingüística Teòrica-Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 1
2 The Manner/Result Complementarity Revisited: A Syntactic Approach Structured abstract Purpose To show that the manner/result complementarity (Rappaport Hovav & Levin, 2010), that is, the fact that a verb cannot simultaneously lexicalize manner and result, need not be stipulated, but is derivable from general principles of syntactic computation and properties of the syntax-morphophonology interface. In particular, it derives from the formal (i.e., nonsemantic) fact that a single root cannot simultaneously undergo Conflation and Incorporation in the lexicalization of a verb (Haugen, 2009). Methodology/approach The approach to argument structure is syntactic: argument structure is built up through syntax (Hale & Keyser, 2002; Marantz, 1997; i.a.). A sharp distinction between syntactically nontransparent conceptual content and syntactically transparent semantic construal is assumed (Mateu, 2002; Ramchand, 2008; i.a.). Findings The manner/result complementarity derives from general syntactic principles and need not and, hence, must not be stipulated as a constraint on the structuring of events. These general principles are also responsible for other complementarities found in the lexicalization of verbs. If our proposal is correct, one should not pretend to explain the relevant constraint in mere event structure terms. 2
3 Originality/value of paper The syntactic approach to argument structure (Hale & Keyser, 1993f.; Marantz, 1997f.) assumed in this paper sheds light on recalcitrant cases like those ones involving manner/result complementarity. Keywords conflation, incorporation, argument structure, manner/result complementarity, syntax Categorisation Research paper 3
4 The Manner/Result Complementarity Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2010) make the interesting strong claim that no verb encodes or lexicalizes both manner and result (see also Levin & Rappaport Hovav, 1991, 2008). 1 The result is unspecified for MANNER verbs, i.e., those verbs that specify a manner of carrying out an action (see some examples in (1a)). Similarly, the manner in which something acquires a state is unspecified for RESULT verbs (see some examples in (1b)). (1) a. MANNER verbs (i.e., verbs that specify a manner of carrying out an action): e.g., wipe, scrub, walk, swim, etc. b. RESULT verbs (i.e., verbs that specify the result of an event): e.g., fill, clean, arrive, come, etc. Rappaport Hovav & Levin claim that the origins of the so-called manner/result complementarity in (2) can be found in the lexicalization constraint in (3): (2) Manner/result complementarity: Manner and result meaning components are in complementary distribution: a verb may lexicalize only ONE. Levin & Rappaport Hovav (2008, p. 1, ex. (6)) (3) The lexicalization constraint: A root can only be associated with one primitive predicate in an event schema, as either an argument or a modifier. Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2010, p. 25, ex. (12)) 1 According to Levin & Rappaport Hovav (2008, p. 1), lexicalized meaning refers to those meaning components entailed in all uses of a verb, regardless of context [ ]. In the unmarked case what is lexicalized in a verb is kept constant in all uses. (Our emphasis: XX.) 4
5 In their lexicalist model, these authors claim that the root can be associated as a modifier in the event structure pattern of manner verbs (see (4a)) or as an argument in the pattern of causative change of state predicates (see (4b)). Given the lexicalization constraint in (3), it is predicted that the root in a single verb cannot be associated to both modifier and argument positions (see (4c)): 2 (4) a. [x ACT <ROOT> ] b. [x CAUSE [ y BECOME <ROOT>]] c. *[ [x ACT <ROOT> ] CAUSE [y BECOME <ROOT>]] (* in a single verb) Our present syntactic proposal is that the constraint in (3) and its associated descriptive claim in (2) follow from how primitive elements of argument structure are composed in the syntax (Hale & Keyser, 2002; Harley, 2005; Marantz, 2005; Mateu, 2002; i.a.). We want to emphasize that the constraint in (3) must not be regarded as an inescapable stipulation (as in Rappaport Hovav & Levin s (2010) non-syntactic approach), but can be shown to be derived from the very nature of Conflation and Incorporation processes (Haugen, 2009). If our proposal is correct, one should not pretend to explain the relevant constraint in mere event structure terms (cf. (3)). A Syntactic Approach to the Manner/Result Complementarity To advance our main point, we will show how the descriptive observation in (2) can be accounted for in a syntactic model where notions like Manner and Result become grammatically relevant since they can be claimed to be relationally encoded in the relevant 2 Cf. Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2010, p. 26): [ ] assuming that manner roots modify the predicate ACT and result roots are arguments of BECOME, a root can modify ACT or be an argument of BECOME in a given event schema. A root cannot modify both these predicates at once without violating the lexicalization constraint. 5
6 syntactic argument structures: in particular, we claim that Manner can be read off the adjunction relation to v (cf. Den Dikken, 2008; Embick, 2004; Harley, 2005; Mateu, 2002f.; McIntyre, 2004; Zubizarreta & Oh, 2007), whereas Result can be read off a SCR(Small Clause Result)-like predicate (cf. Hoekstra, 1988; i.a.). For example, the same root BREAK is structurally interpreted as Manner in (5a) and as Result in (5b): (5) a. [ vp [ v BREAK v] [ SC [ DP he] [into the room]]] (He broke into the room) b. [ vp v [ SC [ DP the glass] [ BREAK]]] (The glass broke) We want to emphasize that our approach sharply contrasts with Levin and Rappaport Hovav s in that Manner and Result are not meaning components of the root, but interpretations derived from the position the root occupies in the structure. From now on, we use capital letters to refer to Manner and Result in this sense. It follows that, from this neoconstructionist perspective, expressions such as Manner root or Result root are oxymoronic; if any, we could refer to Manner constructions and Result constructions, that is, constructions where the root is adjoined to v and constructions where the root occupies the SCR-predicate position, respectively. By contrast, we use manner and result, in lowercase letters, to refer to the conceptual content of the root. In this sense, we stick to Grimshaw s (2005, p. 85) strong claim that there are no constraints on how complex the conceptual content of a root can be, unlike Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2010, p. 25), who claim that [m]anner/result complementarity, however, involves the root. As we will see, a root may certainly involve manner and result simultaneously; crucially, however, it may not be interpreted as Manner and Result simultaneously. 6
7 In our present theory, the constraint in (3) boils down to the syntactic fact that a single root cannot act both as a SCR-like predicate and as a v modifier at the same time (we ll exemplify it in more detail with the case study of the verb climb below). Importantly, the particular constraint in (3) should not be regarded as an inescapable stipulation (as in Rappaport Hovav & Levin, 2010), but can be shown to be derived from the formal fact that a root cannot be incorporated and conflated at the same time (that is, in a single verb). In particular, we follow Haugen s (2009) revisionist claim in (6): (6) Incorporation is conceived of as head-movement (as in Baker, 1988; Hale & Keyser, 1993), and is instantiated through the syntactic operation of Copy, whereas Conflation is instantiated directly through Merge (compounding). Haugen (2009, p. 260) According to Haugen (2009), there are two ways of forming denominal verbs: i.e., via Incorporation or via Conflation. Basically, in Incorporation cases, the denominal verb (e.g., see (7a)) is formed via copying the full matrix of the nominal complement into the null verb (see Hale & Keyser, 1993). In Conflation cases, the denominal verb (e.g., see (8a)) is formed via compounding a root with the null verb. (7) a. The boy danced. b. [ vp [ DP The boy] [ v [ v DANCE] [ DANCE]]] (8) a. The factory horns sirened midday (ex. from Clark & Clark, 1979, apud Borer 2005, p. 69) b. [ vp [ DP The factory horns] [ v [ v SIREN v] [ DP midday]]] 7
8 The reason why a root cannot be incorporated and conflated at the same time is morphophonological: a single null head, in this case v, may be specified with only one phonological matrix. Since both Incorporation and Conflation are aimed at filling up this null head v, they cannot apply simultaneously. It is important to emphasize the fact that a syntactic approach to the Manner/Result complementarity, like ours, is not equivalent to a purely semantic one. Thus, we disagree with Rappaport Hovav & Levin s claim in (9): (9) For the purposes of investigating manner/result complementarity, the specific type of predicate decomposition representation does not matter. The representations could be recast along neo-davidsonian lines [ ] or as minimalist syntactic structures. Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2010, p. 24, fn. 3) Rappaport Hovav & Levin s (2010) contention in (9) cannot be correct, since the predictions of the semantic and syntactic approaches can be shown to be quite different in an important way. For example, a brief comparison of Koontz-Garboden & Beavers s (2010) semantic approach with our syntactic one will be illustrative. As pointed out by these two semanticists, the manner/result complementarity in (2) cannot be said to hold as such when framed in truly semantic terms, contra Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2008, 2010). For example, Koontz- Garboden & Beavers point out that, conceived truth-conditionally, the prediction is that there should be verbs encoding both manner and result, and manner of death verbs can be claimed to fill in this gap, since they appear to lexicalize both the manner in which an action is carried out (e.g., for electrocute, electrocution) and the resultant state of an entity (e.g., for 8
9 electrocute, the state of being dead by electrocution), and neither meaning component can be dropped out. Thus, by using manner of death verbs like electrocute, drown or guillotine, Koontz-Garboden & Beavers (2010) claim that Rappaport Hovav & Levin s (2008, 2010) generalization with respect to the manner/result complementarity does not hold as such in semantic theory: the former point out that its scope is narrower than the latter assume. However, to our view, what Koontz Garboden & Beavers (2010) show is not that the complementarity in (2) is too strong; if any, what they show is that (2) cannot be formulated as such in purely semantic terms (contra Rappaport Hovav & Levin, 2010). Thus, Koontz- Garboden & Beavers (2010) conclude in (10): (10) We must admit the third and final logically possible class of eventive roots, namely manner+result roots, contra Rappaport Hovav & Levin s assumption that such roots should not exist. Koontz-Garboden & Beavers (2010, p. 34) We are happy with Koontz-Garboden & Beavers s conclusion in (10), since it is worded in terms of roots: as noted above, we have nothing to say with respect to how complex the conceptual semantics of a root element can be; in particular, a root can of course be claimed to encode manner and result simultaneously as part of its conceptual content, i.e., as part of the conceptual scene it invokes. 3 Rather our proposal here is that when Manner and Result are understood in syntactic terms, there is a validity for the descriptive generalization in (2) 3 Cf. Grimshaw s (2005, p. 75f.) important distinction between semantic structure and semantic content. Following Hale & Keyser (1993f.), we assume that only (part of) the former can be syntactized and then constrained by syntactic well-known principles. In contrast, the complexity of conceptual content (i.e., Grimshaw s [2005] semantic content) is not constrained by syntax. See also Borer, 2005 for extensive discussion on the need to sharply distinguish the meaning conveyed by grammatical structures from the grammatically inert, conceptual content encapsulated in roots (in her termes, listemes). 9
10 and the constraint in (3). Consider, for example, the manner of death verb guillotine in (11a). Our claim is that the syntactic argument structure corresponding to its use as a causative predicate of change of state is the one depicted in (11b), where the root is structurally interpreted as Result: in (11b) the root is the complement of an abstract P element that expresses Terminal Coincidence Relation (in Hale & Keyser s [2002] sense: a TCR involves a coincidence between one edge or terminus of the theme s path and the place, while a central coincidence relation (CCR) involves a coincidence between the center of the theme and the center of the place). The phonological matrix of the root in (11b) is copied into the null P en route to the null verb via Incorporation. (11) a. They guillotined Mary. b. [ vp [ DP They][ v GUILLOTINE [ PP=SC [ DP Mary] [ P P TCR GUILLOTINE]]]] That the predicate in (11a) is a change-of-state predicate and that it thus must receive an analysis along the lines of that in (11b) is born evidence to by the fact that it admits depictive secondary predication, as shown in (12). Following Rapoport s (1993, p. 179) proposal that only change of state verbs can have object-host depictives, Mateu (2002, pp ) claims that those telic verbs that coappear with these depictive predicates contain a TCR in their argument structure. In contrast, those atelic transitive verbs that involve a CCR cannot have object-host depictives (e.g,. cf. *John pushed the horse i tired i ). 4 (12) They guillotined the murderer i barefooted i. 4 See Hale & Keyser, 2002 and Mateu, 2002, for the claim that verbs like push involve a CCR. Cf. [ vp [ DP John][ v PUSH [ PP [ DP the horse] [ P P CCR PUSH]]]]] (cf. John provided the horse with a push; John gave it a push). But see Harley, 2005, for a different analysis of push-verbs. 10
11 We claim that the fact that the conceptual content of the root guillotine encodes manner/instrument is not structurally represented in (11b), although this fact could be said to have a linguistic effect: e.g., as is well-known (cf. Alexiadou 2010, Levin & Rappaport Hovav 1995, among many others), agentive change-of-state verbs do not enter into the causative alternation (see (13)). We claim that it is part of our world knowledge that one cannot become guillotined without the intervention of an agentive causer: (13) #Mary guillotined. (# on the reading: Mary became guillotined.) Similarly, in our neo-constructionist framework (see also Borer, 2005), the computational system allow us to generate the syntactic argument structures in (14a) and (14b), where the root is now structurally interpreted as Manner/Means since it is adjoined to v. As noted above, in these cases the root is argued to be compounded with the null verb via Conflation (see Haugen 2009; Mateu, 2005, 2008; McIntyre, 2004). Concerning (14b), our claim is that it is not syntactically but pragmatically ill-formed: its structural interpretation would be, roughly, They created Mary guillotining/with a guillotine (cf. example (8b) above and also (14c)): (14) a.. [ vp [ DP The guy][ v [ v GUILLOTINE v] [ PP=SC [ DP his way] [ P P TCR the list ]]]] 5 b. # [ vp [ DP They] [ v [ v GUILLOTINE v] [ DP Mary]]] (# on the reading: They created Mary guillotining/with a guillotine.) c. [ vp [ DP They] [ v [ v SMILE v] [ DP their thanks]]] 5 It s hard to believe that the same guy who drank, rocked, and guillotined his way onto the shit list of every right-thinking American parent 30 years ago [...]. (http://www.straight.com/article /alice-cooper). 11
12 The important point for us here is that manner of death verbs like the one exemplified in (11a) do obey the constraint in (3), since the root is only Incorporated (see (11b)) but not Conflated (see (14)). Notice then that the present theory predicts that a root cannot be interpreted as Manner and Result simultaneously, given that it cannot incorporate and conflate at the same time. In the same vein, we do not follow Harley & Haugen s (2007) analysis of instrumental verbs, which, according to them, involve Conflation rather than Incorporation (in Haugen s [2009] terms). Thus, Harley & Haugen (2007, p. 10) claim that English instrumental denominal verbs always involve roots conflating directly with v, indicating manner [...]. Haugen (2009, p. 254) also claims, for the same verbs, that the nominals are directly merged (or conflated) as adverbials directly into v. The representation in (15), taken from Harley, 2005, p. 61, could be said to be applied to the instrument verb in (11a), as shown in (16): 6 6 Harley s analysis in (15) raises a non-trivial theoretical problem: unlike Harley (2005) and Marantz (1997), Borer (2005) and Acedo-Matellán & Mateu (2010) argue that roots do not project (i.e., their non-relational nature prevents them from taking complements). Moreover, it is not clear to us which empirical evidence one could put forward in order to motivate a syntactic encoding of the root head hit besides the adjunct one encoded by HAMMER in (15). 12
13 (15) Sue hammered the metal. vp DP v hammering Sue v P (hit) DP the metal (16) They guillotined Mary. vp DP v guillotining They v P (hit?) DP Mary As pointed out by Acedo-Matellán & Mateu (2010), there is no empirical evidence for the Conflation analysis of instrumental denominal verbs depicted in (16). In other words, much as the conceptual content of the root GUILLOTINE includes the instrument with which an action is carried out, and that, thus, it codifies a manner, this does not necessarily mean that 13
14 this root need be merged as adjunct to v through Conflation. On the contrary, as claimed by Acedo-Matellán & Mateu (2010), a predicate like that in (16) is perfectly amenable to an analysis where the root occupies the complement position of a small-clause-like projection and is thus interpreted as Result (see 11b). As for Conflation (i.e., Compounding of a root with a null light verb), there are compelling reasons to claim that it is only to be found in those constructions that involve Talmy s (1991, 2000) Co-event pattern (see below). Be this as it may, for the purposes of the present paper it is not relevant whether Harley & Haugen s (2007) analysis of instrument verbs as those in (15) and (16) (based on Conflation) is correct or it is ours (based on Incorporation). What is relevant here is that a root cannot incorporate and conflate at the same time, which explains the Manner/Result complementarity. A final caveat is in order with respect to the Manner/Result complementarity. It is important to point out that such a complementarity only emerges in cases where a monomorphemic verb is involved: e.g., notice that (3) does not hold for resultative constructions like John wiped the table clean, where the verb only encodes Manner, the Result component being encoded by the adjective. Importantly, the word level is not relevant in establishing the complementarity (for a different view, see Rappaport Hovav & Levin, 2010, p. 26). For instance, in the outprefixation construction, exemplified in (17), the prefix encodes Result and the verb expresses Manner (Talmy, 2000): (17) John outswam/outdanced/outworked Mary. Another relevant case could be the one discussed by Marantz (2001, p. 21, 2005, p. 12): according to him, the verb destroy and related Latinate verbs (e.g., construct, instruct, restructure, etc.) involve the bimorphemic analysis in (18): STROY is a manner root that 14
15 incorporates a particle, spelled out de-, that takes an inner subject as the direct object of the syntactically derived verb destroy. According to Marantz, the presence of the root in (18) would account for the ill-formedness of the anticausative variant of these verbs: e.g., #The city destroyed (see Alexiadou, 2010 for recent discussion): 7 (18) John destroyed the city // *The city destroyed // *John destroyed. v STROY the city de- (Ex. taken from Marantz, 2001, p. 21) Here we will not review the advantages of Marantz s (2001, 2003, 2005) syntactic analysis in (18) (see his works for more discussion). Rather we limit ourselves to pointing out that verbs like destroy and other similar examples (e.g., instruct, construct, etc.) should not be taken as counterexamples to the syntactic Manner/Result complementarity as we understand it here since, as noted above, the relevant constraint we are interested in is the one that prevents encoding Manner and Result in a single, monomorphemic verbal element. Note, finally, that Marantz s claim that STROY encodes Manner in (18) is a very good example of what we pointed out above: i.e., Manner, in syntactically oriented works, does not necessarily correlate or coincide with the manner component found in more intuitive semanticocentric approaches. 7 Cf. Marantz, 2005, p. 14: The obligatoriness of an agent is associated with roots that name agentive manners, i.e., are event modifiers of the activity little v. The obligatoriness of an object results from a predicative piece <e.g., de- : XX> that takes an inner subject of the lower event. So, verbs that take obligatory agents and also obligatory objects must have an agentive manner piece and a predicative piece. We observe that Marantz s analysis makes the following prediction: John AG guillotined should be grammatical compared to *John AG beheaded/decapitated, which would necessarily involve a SC-complement headed by the prefix. 15
16 The verb climb and the Manner/Result Complementarity In this section we use the verb climb (cf. Acedo-Matellán & Mateu, 2010; Fillmore, 1982; Jackendoff, 1985; Koontz-Garboden & Beavers, 2009, 2010; Levin & Rappaport Hovav, 2008; Mateu, 2002) to exemplify and elaborate on our syntactic account of the Manner/Result Complementarity. The verb climb has been said to be interesting in that it shows two different uses, a manner use and a result/directionality one: compare (19a) and (19b), respectively. (19) a. Joe climbed. b. The prices climbed. According to Levin & Rappaport Hovav (2008), when the basic manner meaning of climb is dropped out, e.g., when clambering is not involved, this verb can be said to lexicalize a directional or result sense. However, unlike them, we do not think that the polysemy shown in (19a) and (19b) must lead us to categorize the root of climb as involving a manner of motion sense in (19a) and a result/path one in (19b). Rather our claim is that the root CLIMB can occupy the complement position of an unergative structure in (20a) or can occupy the SC-like predicate position of an unaccusative structure in (20b). (20) a. Unergative structure: [ vp Joe [ v v CLIMB]], CLIMB as Incremental Theme b. Unaccusative structure: [ vp v [ SC [the prices] CLIMB]], CLIMB as Result In addition, this root can appear as adjoined to v, as in in the unaccusative structure in (21b). 16
17 (21) a. Joe climbed out of the tunnel. b. [ vp [ v CLIMB v] [ SC Joe out of the tunnel]], CLIMB as Manner As emphasized above, it is then the syntactic argument structure that tells us how the root is structurally interpreted: so, for example, we claim that the root CLIMB is interpreted as Incremental Theme in (20a), as Result in (20b), and as Manner in (21b). In our present syntactic approach, scrutinizing the grammatically relevant meaning of Manner of climb is not based on the conceptual presence of clambering in (19a) vs. its absence in (19b) but rather it is based on purely syntactic factors: we provide a structural definition of Manner as modifier of v (see 21b). Intuitively speaking (e.g., assuming Jackendoff s [1985] claim that manner is involved if and only if clambering is involved), one could say that both (19a) and (21a) involve a use of the root CLIMB as manner. However, in our syntactic approach the qualification is to be made that Manner is only involved in (21a). In (19a) the root is rather structurally interpreted as Incremental Theme, as corresponds to the complement position of unergative verbs (see Harley [2005] for this claim). A proof that (19a) and (21a) involve different structures and that the root CLIMB occupies different positions within them is auxiliary selection in languages like Dutch. In particular, while unergative predicates like (19a) select the HAVE auxiliary (see (22)), unaccusative predicates like (21a) select the BE auxiliary (see (23), involving the presence of an argumental PP which codifies the Result): (22) De avonturier heeft/*is geklommen (gedurende vele uren). the adventurer has/is climbed during many hours 17
18 (23) De avonturier is naar de top geklommen. the adventurer is to the top climbed Mateu (2002, p. 284) Furthermore, as pointed out by Acedo-Matellán & Mateu (2010), we want to emphasize that the existence of cases like (24a), which do not involve the manner sense of clambering, does not question the existence of the syntactic process of so-called Manner conflation : i.e., as far as their syntax is concerned, examples like (24a) also involve this process, while examples like (24c) do not. Accordingly, we argue that both examples in (21a) and (24a), i.e., the agentive and the non-agentive ones, involve the very same conflation process of the root with a null unaccusative light verb: see (21b) and (24b). 8 (24) a. The train climbed out of the valley. [Ex. from Jackendoff 1985, ex. (14c)] b. [ vp [ v CLIMB v] [ SC the train out of the valley]], CLIMB as Manner c. The train went out of the valley. Additionally, we can put forward a typological argument in favor of the fact that Manner is only involved in (21a) but not in (19a). As predicted by Mateu s (2002) syntactic 8 Interestingly, Geuder & Weisgerber (2008) argue that the conceptual manner feature of climb cannot be simply described as clambering. Instead they argue for a conceptual meaning of climb which involves force exertion against gravity. This highly abstract definition of the conceptual content of CLIMB allows to explain why instances of climb can be found where both clambering and upward movement are absent: (i) Afterwards the snake climbed down the crack [...]. Apud Geuder & Weisgerber (2008) These cases are precisely the ones problematic for Jackendoff s (1985) account, based on a prototypicality hierarchy where only one meaning component (either clambering or upward movement) might drop out, but not both, as is the case in (i). Importantly, we want to emphasize that Geuder & Weisgerber s (2008) description, which seems an accurate one, should be restricted to the conceptual content of the root CLIMB. So we can agree that force exertion against gravity is probably what conceptually distinguishes (24a) from (24c), but we think that mixing the structural/syntactic meaning of Manner with (or reducing it to) this conceptual description is dangerous since notice that this conceptual description (i.e., force exertion against gravity ) applies to both (19a) and (21a). So we stick to our syntactic/structural definition of Manner as adjunct to v, which is involved in (21a) but not in (19a). As noted, in (20a) the root CLIMB is interpreted as Incremental Theme as a result of occupying the complement position of an unergative structure. 18
19 reformulation of Talmy s (2000) well-known typology of motion events, Romance languages are expected to have a direct counterpart for (19a) (see (25a)), but not for (21a) (see (25c), which is only acceptable on a locative reading). Manner conflation is then involved in (21a) but not in (19a). (25) a. En Joe escalà. [Catalan] det Joe climbed b. En Joe sortí del túnel escalant. det Joe exited of-the tunnel climbing c. *En Joe escalà fora del túnel. [* On the directional reading.] det Joe climbed out of-the tunnel Finally, let us analyze the transitive use of the verb climb in (26a). Intuitively speaking, (26a) could be said to have the same meaning involved in (26b): (26) a. Joe climbed the mountain. b. Joe climbed to the top of the mountain. Jackendoff (1990) makes one such proposal, claiming that the lexical entry of climb is the one in (27), by virtue of which climb is always characterized as involving a directional GO predicate. According to Jackendoff s notation in (27) and (28), the Path-constituent in (27) abbreviates the two possibilities in (28): (28a) accounts for (26a) and (26b), while (28b) accounts for examples like (21a), (24a) or (19a) in this last case the Path is said to be unspecified. Those apparently problematic cases involving climbing down (e.g., Joe climbed down the tree) would also be accounted for by the possibility in (28b): 19
20 (27) climb V <XP j > [ Event GO ([ Thing ] i, [ Path {TO ([ Place TOP-OF ([ Thing ] j )])}] {j} )] Jackendoff (1990, p. 76) (28) a. [ Path TO ([ Place TOP-OF ([ Thing ] j )])] b. [ Path ] j Jackendoff (1990, p. 76) Before refuting Jackendoff s claim that both (26a) and (26b) have the same structural meaning, we want to point out some other non-trivial problems for Jackendoff s Path analysis of climb in (27). For example, notice that Jackendoff s conceptual decomposition of the verb in (27) does not predict the important contrast between those resultative-like constructions with CLIMB shown in (29), which in our syntactic framework involve Conflation of CLIMB with a causative light verb (e.g., [ vp Joe [ v [ v CLIMB v] [ SC the afternoon away]]]), and those clearly ill-formed resultative constructions in (30) where the verb does encode a path: (29) a. Joe climbed the afternoon away. b. Joe climbed his way to the top. c. Joe climbed his feet sore. d. Joe climbed his head off. 20
21 (30) a. *Joe {entered/came/arrived} the afternoon away. b. *Joe {entered/came/arrived} his feet sore. c. *Joe {entered/came/arrived} his head off. The relevant descriptive generalization seems to be that directional verbs do not enter into socalled unselected object constructions (Mateu, 2002). 9 So Jackendoff s lexical decomposition in (27) cannot be correct. 10 Turning back to the pair (26a) and (26b), we claim, unlike Jackendoff, that the compositional semantics of the transitive (26a) and the unaccusative (26b) is not the same: they represent two very different syntactic construals, since (26b) is to be analyzed as involving an unaccusative construction like (21a) or (24a), while the transitive use in (26a) can be claimed to be provided with the same syntactic argument structure that can be posited for route verbs in examples like those ones in (31), adapted from Tenny These verbs involve Conflation of the root with an agentive light verb (see the parallel structures in (32), both of which involve a syntactic Manner conflation process): (31) Route verbs (Tenny, 1994, p. 17, 1995a, b) a. The adventurer swam the channel. b. The adventurer surfed the wave. c. The adventurer walked the trail. d. The adventurer canoed the stream. 9 See also Rappaport Hovav & Levin, 1998, 2010 for the generalization that result verbs (including both directional and change-of-state verbs) cannot appear in unselected object constructions. 10 See Mateu, 2002 for some devastating consequences that follow from Jackendoff s (1990, 2002) compositional analysis of roots, a fatal choice which in part forces him to argue for a complex syntax-semantics interface. 21
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A torn tendon, which normally arises as the result of an athletic injury or accident, generally produces significant, and often times severe, physical symptoms and range of motion abnormalities.
Pain is the most obvious symptom of a torn tendon. Localized pain occurring at the site of tendon rupture is present in almost all cases. Severe tendon tears generally produce severe pain.
Normally, swelling occurs at the site of a tendon tear as well as in the soft tissues in the immediate vicinity. Severe tendon tears generally produce severe swelling.
It is common to hear a popping sound when a tendon tears, especially in cases where a tendon tears completely.
Joint Restriction
A tendon tear normally results in restricted joint movement, sometimes severe, of the joint in close proximity to the torn tendon.
Knot Formation
The individual fibers of a torn tendon oftentimes spasm and, along with localized soft tissue inflammation, produce a knot, or bump, that can be felt directly under the skin at the site of the tendon injury.
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Presentation paper abstracts for AVIONICS 09 conference
Avionics Conference
: 11 December, 2008
(New Product)
Three key papers to be presented at the Avionics Conference and Exhibition on the 11th to the 12th of March 2009 at the Passenger Terminal (City Centre) Amsterdam, Holland.
* Planned revisions to DO-178C/ED-12C, DO-248C/ED-94C and DO-278/ED109 - A Joint Committee RTCA/SC205 and EUROCAE/WG71 has been working on the revision to DO-178B and related documents for several years. DO-178B was published over 17 years ago, and as software technology has evolved, so has the need to update this document. The new revision will be called DO-178C/ED-12C. This revised core document will have additional supplements to support new technologies, for example, Model based development, Object oriented technologies, and Formal methods. In addition document DO-248B/ED-94B 'Clarification of DO-178B', will be revised and so will DO-278, which addresses ground based systems. This presentation will describe the changes already agreed and those still being proposed for these documents, and explain some of the rationale behind these changes. These documents will become certification guidance material, and will affect all those involved in software for airplanes and related ground based systems.
This paper will be presented by George Romanski, President, Verocel, USA.
* The existing tools of RNP, HUDs and HGS - This paper consists of two sections. The first section identifies and discusses the existing tools of RNP, HUDs and HGS in addition to highlighting new tools such as surveillance, enhanced and synthetic vision systems. The intent of the second section is to introduce these powerful tools to the reader who may not be familiar with them and to highlight situations where these tools can improve operational efficiencies Section two is also intended to illustrate how the operational application of these tools can safely reduce approach minimums. Initial analysis suggests a visibility credit can be applied to existing RNP SAAAR approach minimums when flown with the HGS, down to a minimum. Further research will be required and at least one operator is willing to support this effort.
This paper will be presented by Perry Solmonson, Director, Horizon Air, USA.
* Safety and Security Challenges for Aviation Infrastructure in the next decade - Electronic systems in Aviation in the upcoming decade will have to fulfil more demanding requirements than ever before. This applies to ground based control systems, as well as airborne avionics. We're at the start of a complete overhaul of air traffic control systems, where concepts such as 'Free Flight', and 'Open Skies' will have to alleviate congestion and bottlenecks. With the advent of unmanned military aircraft (UAVs) operating that same space, security requirements emerge, that were not necessary in the past. Other new groups of airspace users are coming to the market: personal jets operated by far less experienced pilots will fly in the same airspace as professionals operating airliners or larger business jets. Safety of the smaller (possibly single pilot operated) aircraft also puts a responsibility on the shoulders of the designers of cockpit systems and the communication systems to prevent pilot overload. 4D air traffic control, full introduction of Mode-S transponders, TCAS systems and ADS-B, are already here today, but new more advanced communication equipment will further increase interoperability as well as safety through better situational awareness both in the cockpit and on the ground. Interoperability between military and civil users will also have to increase using a single airspace without compromising either safety or security. The latter will pose military system designers with extreme challenges. Their aircraft are primarily advanced weapon systems requiring cockpit equipment space to operate, and the introduction of multi-mode (civil/mil) communication functionality challenges for that same space of which there was already to little. Secure software defined radio technology allows the systems builder to build multiple radios onto a single system as one of the measures to condense more functionality into the same space.
This paper will be presented by Frank Van den Berg, Director, Green Hills Software, The Netherlands.
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Need Appliance Repair Help? Ask a Technician for Answers ASAP
It's a Maytag. what computer board are you talking about. I've located a push button switch and a switch membrane on marcone website but can't find part.
Hey thanks for your reply. I replaced the computer board today. Typically when I'm there the washer completes load without incident. The issue is becoming more frequent. After I replaced the board today the first cycle I ran stopped and flashed message "select washer setting" When you re-select setting the wash finishes from where it left off. Any ideas?
Thanks, Mark


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Obakki Pender Dress
Obakki Pender Dress
Stretch knit dress with cowl neck and pleated waist detail. Fitted | Cowl Neck | Slight Cap Sleeve | Pleated Waist Detail | Knee Length | Ribbed Knit
Founded in 2005 by Treana Peake, Creative Director and dedicated humanitarian activist, Obakki is luxury, sophisticated fashion with purpose. The women's wear line is the creative arm of Obakki Foundation, a registered charity that focuses on providing clean water and education in Africa. By using creativity for change, Obakki covers administrative costs and drives net proceeds to the foundation's humanitarian projects. To date, the charity has improved the lives of over 500,000 people through its water and education programs
Do you have questions about this product? We're here to help!


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Bass Hunter Bass Baby Boat
Item # WX2-186914
Mfg. Number: BHBB
Bass Hunter Bass Baby Boat
Item # WX2-186914
Mfg. Number: BHBB
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Sevylor Fish Hunter Inflatable Boat KitBuyer's Club $350.99 Non-Member $389.99
Attwood Kayak Hoist SystemBuyer's Club $26.99 Non-Member $29.99
- Details & Specs
- Sometimes, the biggest fish are found in the smallest, tightest, shallowest areas that bass boats and other larger watercraft simply can't access. But with the Bass Hunter® Baby Bass Boat, you can!
Bass Hunter Boats was founded in 1977 with the concept of designing a boat that was not only small and easy to haul, but also incredibly stable. The result was the Bass Baby. This compact, portable pontoon-style Boat is the perfect way for 2 fishermen to navigate shallow water, negotiate narrow channels, fish gas-restricted lakes and more. And, at only 130 lbs., it's a breeze to haul and deploy, no trailer needed!
- Stable, twin-pontoon design makes for a smooth, tip-free ride into bass country
- Made of rotationally molded polyethylene for excellent durability in a lightweight design
- Narrow pontoons provide excellent tracking
- Swivel seats and seat frames are adjustable fore and aft, and remove easily for hauling
- Includes built-in ruler, 4 no-tip beverage holders and deep-dish storage trays that run the length of the boat on both sides, ideal for rod and tackle storage
- Wheels are positioned on back of boat for easy transporting
- Rated for a 2HP outboard motor
- 2-person 475-lb. capacity
- Measures 96" x 54" x 18"d.
- Weighs just 130 lbs.
Order today and head for that honey hole!
Please Note: This item is shipped by commercial carrier curbside. Unloading is the customer's responsibility, including off the back of the truck. This product Ships in 1 Box, Measures 98"l. x 55"w. x 19"h., and Weighs approx. 160 lbs. No expedited delivery. High-value orders require a physical street address, otherwise insurance costs will be added to the shipping total.Key Specifications
- Item Number: 186914
- Construction: Rotationally molded polyethylene
- Motor Rating: 2 HP outboard
- Capacity: 2 persons, up to 475-lbs.
- Special Features: Built-in ruler, 4 no-tip beverage holders and deep-dish storage trays
- Dimensions: 96" x 54" x 18"d.
- Weight: 130-lbs.
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Advisor/Advisee Program
At Berkshire, few relationships are as important and meaningful as the one formed between a student and his or her advisor. While students are encouraged to look to all faculty members as mentors, each student is assigned an advisor who acts as an advocate, surrogate parent and friend throughout their time at Berkshire. In many cases, these relationships continue beyond Berkshire.
Advisors develop a supportive relationship with each advisee while maintaining frequent, informal and formal contact with parents.Advisors are the first points of contact for parents with any concerns about their child. In addition to regularly scheduled Advisee Lunch (held each Wednesday), students have the opportunity to meet with their advisor during daily office hours or other scheduled meetings.


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This stable blanket from the NRS Competitor Series Line has a countoured neck line that shapes smooth around the shoulders and neck. The D-ring attachment allows use with a neck cover (NRS-HOOD, Not Included). The front is closed and fleece lined to prevent rubbing and sore spots. The leg straps have been reinforced for added longevity and the velcro belly band straps enable a quick and snug fit.
Copyright © 2017 NRS World


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The opening lines of The Nymphos of Rocky Flats -- "I don't like what Operation Iraqi Freedom has done to me. I went to the war a soldier; I came back a vampire" -- perfectly sum up the ambiance of this fast-paced and charmingly irreverent blood-sucking mystery.
A decidedly unique twist on the well-trodden vampire mythos, Mario Acevedo's first novel chronicles the adventures of Felix Gomez, a former Army sergeant turned private detective investigating an outbreak of nymphomania (yes, nymphomania!) at a former U.S. Department of Energy nuclear weapons facility in Colorado. When an old college buddy working as the Rocky Flats assistant manager for environmental restoration contacts Gomez with a lucrative -- and downright intriguing -- case revolving around bizarre occurrences of uncontrollable sexual behavior in female employees and a huge government cover-up, the undead detective quickly accepts. But what he thought would be a relatively clear-cut case turns into a massive conspiracy involving radioactive waste, Area 51, extraterrestrial biological entities, fanatical Transylvanian vampire hunters, Tantric mysticism, and, of course, plenty of oversexed women.
Comparable to Andrew Fox's Bride of the Fat White Vampire and Charlie Huston's Already Dead, Acevedo's debut offering -- which has one of the most memorable titles to come along in years! -- marks the unveiling of an ingeniously witty and surprisingly polished storyteller. Fans of authors like Paul Di Filippo, Cory Doctorow, and Steve Aylett will cherish this highly unusual and impressive read. Two fangs up! Paul Goat Allen


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- Doctors
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- Dr. Jerry T. Henry
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Ratings for Dr. Jerry T. Henry
After having another podiatrist completely botch my ingrown toenail removal (it grew back), I was lucky enough to find Dr. Henry. I have seen a ton of doctors in my life and this guy shines among the best. He is funny and has an amazing bedside manner. He jokes with you and keeps you at ease. He even gave us his cell phone number and told us to call or text him if ANYTHING came up with the toe healing after he re-removed the ingrown that the other doctor had screwed up. When my other big toe decided to go the same route, I went straight back to Dr. Henry. He was just as cordial and wonderful the second time. I will never see a different podiatrist as long as I have the option of seeing him. The wait time was always brief, the staff was always sweet. Getting in and out was beyond easy. I very highly recommend this doctor.
Dr. Henry told me that he could do nothing for my foot other than give me a coritzone shot and that he would not give me one and that he could only recommend to wear a better shoe or to stop ****ing about the pain. This doctor needs to work on better bedside manner.
Dr. Henry is patient, thorough, and caring. He removed a growth from my foot and was compassionate throughout the whole ordeal. I highly recommend him.
Dr. Henry is a doctor that cares about his patients. He is extremely knowledgeable and has a great sense of humor!
Dr. Jerry T. Henry's Credentials
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- California College Podiatric Medicine (Grad. 1992)
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Published: July 8, 1987
Dr. Florence Hollis, a professor emeritus at the Columbia University School of Social Work, died Thursday at Crosslands, a retirement community in Kennett Square, Pa. She was 80 years old.
Dr. Hollis, a native of Philadelphia, received her doctorate in social work from Bryn Mawr College. She was on the faculty of Columbia's School of Social Work from 1947 to 1972, when she retired. She was a former director of publications for the Family Service Association of America and wrote three books, ''Social Casework in Practice; Six Case Studies,'' ''Women in Marital Conflict'' and ''Casework, a Psychosocial Therapy.''


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Pirates acquire Gomez for Latimore
Righty tossed first perfect game in Akron history in 2009
By John Parker / MLB.com | January 9, 2013 12:37 PM ET
Gomez, who will turn 25 in February, was designated for assignment by the Indians on Jan. 2 to make room on the 40-man roster for outfielder Russ Canzler, whom they claimed off waivers from the Blue Jays. The Venezuelan-born Gomez spent parts of three seasons in Cleveland, going 14-16 with a 5.18 ERA in 42 appearances, 38 of them starts. He was 5-8 with a 5.96 mark over 90 2/3 innings in 2012 and saw his strikeout rate plunge to a career-low 4.7 per nine innings.
Gomez also made 11 starts for Triple-A Columbus in 2012, going 6-5 with a 4.41 ERA and 54 strikeouts over 69 1/3 frames. He tossed a two-hit shutout, fanning seven, at Indianapolis on July 13, harking back to his perfect game against Trenton as a member of the Double-A Akron Aeros in 2009. That gem was the first nine-inning perfecto in the Eastern League since Scranton's Chet Covington set down 27 straight Albany hitters on May 23, 1943.
In five appearances with the Tiburones de La Guaira of the Venezuelan Winter League this offseason, Gomez is 0-1 with a 5.65 ERA and a .344 average against.
The Pirates' fourth-round pick in the 2007 Draft, Latimore has spent the last two seasons with Double-A Altoona, hitting 15 homers in both Eastern League campaigns. He was a Florida State League All-Star in 2010 after batting .266 with 19 longballs and 100 RBIs and owns a career .252/.310/.419 line over 610 Minor League games. The North Carolina native turns 24 in February.
John Parker is a contributor to MLB.com. This story was not subject to the approval of the National Association of Professional Baseball Leagues or its clubs.View More


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Kenya, with its stellar medal prospects for the Rio Games, caused a stir on Tuesday when the head of its Olympics committee said the team might withdraw because of the Zika virus, with officials saying later it was too soon to decide.
The virus is unlikely to prevent Australian tennis star Sam Stosur however, with the world No.27 confirming her availability.
"It's not going to deter me from going," the US Open champion said.
"Obviously there are a lot of precautions you need to take, but the Australian Olympic team are very thorough."
Australia's Olympic Committee has said no athletes have indicated their intention to withdraw, but it would "totally understand" if any did.
Similarly, New Zealand's Olympic Committee has warned athletes and officials of the potential risks.
A committee spokesman said any competitors who decided to opt out would receive the committee's "absolute support".
The mosquito-borne virus, which is widespread in Brazil and has been linked to birth defects, has prompted concern among athletes and sports officials around the world as they prepare for the August 5-21 OLympic Games in Rio de Janeiro.
National Olympic Committee of Kenya head Kipchoge Keino said on Tuesday the country would not risk taking Kenyans "if this Zika virus reaches epidemic levels" and said that he was seeking reassurance from organisers.
But a Kenyan spokesman later played down the comments, saying the East African country was monitoring the research about the disease, which produces no symptoms in most people who are infected and relatively mild illness in those who do show symptoms.
"It is too early to make a determination on the status of the virus during the OLympic Games, which is six months away," said Kenyan chef de mission for Rio, Stephen Soi.
Zika has spread through most of the Americas, with Brazil the most affected country.
The World Health Organisation declared an international health emergency over the virus in February, citing concern over a possible link with a rise in cases of microcephaly, a birth defect characterised by an abnormally small head that can result in developmental problems.
However, a causal link has not been proven.
British Olympic Association Chairman Lord Sebastian Coe said none of the country's athletes were reluctant to go.
And many leading male golfers are among those determined not to miss Rio, when their sport returns to the Olympics after an absence of more than a century, he said.
American world No.14 Brandt Snedeker said: "We're used to being in different climates and different areas with many different concerns, not just the Zika virus or whatever it might be, so we realise the dangers when we do travel."


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Let's Talk Multiple Offers & Recent Trends - Burlingame
Wednesday, April 24, 2013 from 6:00 PM to 8:00 PM (PDT)
Thinking about Buying?
When you find the home that's right for you, it's smart to be prepared, especially in this tough market! This class is an overview of how to best tackle multiple offer situations and review local tends.
What We'll Cover:
Your Host, Redfin Agent Regina Puzon
Regina Puzon an agent on Redfin's San Francisco Team. She's helped over 77+ people buy and sell. Want to meet her before the class or just have a quick question? Feel free to give her a call at (415) 489-2461 or email her at email@example.com. She's happy to answer all of your home buying and selling questions.
Free and Never any Obligation
Our mission is to reinvent real estate. A big part of this means we want you to be as informed as possible about buying or selling a home. Attending this class doesn't obligate you to work with a Redfin agent; just come to learn!
Redfin uses a combination of full-service, local real estate agents and modern technology to give you better service, and still save you thousands in fees.
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Reader e-mail response to my last column, "Wanted: more than a few good men for marriage," was varied and lively. Oddly, I received no comments from younger people. Here's a summary of some of the comments. Joe (father of five): "The problem is not with the young men but with the young women. They do not want to be married in the manner of most of their mothers. A lot don't want to be married at all. They certainly don't want to cook, keep house, raise children, or iron. They want to have a career, they want to be important, they want to be the shakers and movers. "As my second son said, 'Why do I want to marry a carbon copy of myself in a skirt?' We have made a mess of the social aspects of courting and marrying and now we wonder why our children are having so much trouble with the traditions.' ' Bill: "I wonder if our views just don't connect with the younger generation. Maybe our lifestyles are no longer relevant. It seems every major institution (media, government, etc.) is doing everything possible to limit or destroy basic moral values."
A never-married woman, 49: "My experience is that women's lib, in the 1960s and 1970s, taught women we could take care of ourselves. We don't need a man to define our role in life. Many of us still desperately wanted one, not to define us, but to enhance us. To share with. To comfort, and fill in the spaces we could n ever fill for ourselves. We can survive alone. We often have to. Very few of us truly want to.
"I have come to believe a man would only love me, if I agreed to a role that was a diminished version of myself. There is no pride in that."
Norplant Suggested
Liz (grandmother): "The welfare reform bill seems to have encouraged more marriage between the 'live-in' couples. However, women who are having more babies, married or not, who cannot afford them timewise or financially, should have to wear Norplant or some other form of contraceptive for, when the family dissolves, so does society and we see this now, everyday."
Chuck: "Maury Povich is running a series of shows for finding out which of several boys/men is the father of the girl's baby. No sense of responsibility from anyone. Just, 'Is it mine? Too bad. That was her fault.' And her? 'He misled me. Told me he loved me.' Someday we might get married."
Bob: "What's wrong is the Red Diaper Babies and other socialists/progressives/communists have inculcated into American families the idea that women can fulfill their dreams by working and being independent of men. So who needs men as fathers? Women can be inseminated or adopt. Other problems from this destructive undermining of the American family include the flight of very bright women from careers in teaching and nursing to business and industry. The result is dumbing down of our children and less professional care at hospitals."
Betsy: "I know of a few nice young men looking to marry, but they want a girl like 'mom.' "
Jeff: "A good, reliable, in-for-the-long-run husband is getting very hard to find. Even those men that are married often spend their major efforts on their job (s), on 'stuff,' on weekend sports, etc. instead of investing in their families. "
'Not All Eve's Fault'
John: "Since mother is no longer home and she is sacrificing her children for her own fulfillment, our society suffers the consequences. If the children are not aborted along the way, they are warehoused in day care. Then they become latch key kids and, subsequently, members of a 'blended family.' There are no good men for marriage because they don't have to pay for a 'meaningful relationship.' It 's not all Eve's fault. Adam abrogated his responsibility long ago."
Dan: "Young women have brought this regrettable situation on themselves by being sexually active with men without the commitment of marriage. Girls need to be willing to hold out for marriage or move on. It's tough when so many others in t his society are not."
Muriel: "I feel this all started with the 'women's movement.' It is too bad women had to feel equal by disregarding all the morals with which we were raised. [ In our generation] we were more than equal; we were looked up to and respected as someone special by the young men we married. How does a mother teach high morals when she herself didn't follow them?"
Humanism, Not God
Tom: "The basic issue in today's society is being taught to worship mankind, science, humanism, instead of the creator God. God created man and woman to help each other; to complete each other; to live together in love; and to provide stab le, loving environments in which the next generation can be brought up with loving discipline."
Another Tom: "At least one, maybe two, of our children lived together before marriage and we didn't raise hell about it, as we should have. That is one thing wrong parents condoning shacking up. Another is passing out condoms in school and teaching or accepting pre-marital sex as OK. Not teaching and emphasizing abstinence before marriage is the only safe and morally right way to go. Marriage vows are entered into without full commitment and promise."
Rita: "Marriage is a great stabilizer. I grew up in the '60s and found at least 50 percent of the baby boomers had second and third marriages. Now I have come to that juncture. I stayed in a marriage longer than I should but was afraid, knowing what I and my parents experienced. It is better to be without this spouse and get my son and daughter to be properly focused. To my daughter I have said, quite seriously, meet the mom before you ever think about marrying the son."
(Editor's Note: Mr. Wallwork of Far Hills, a former Republican state senator, is a businessman and West Point graduate. His column appears here the second and fourth weeks of the month, alternating with a column written by Gordon MacInnes, a Democrat. Mr. Wallwork's e-mail address is firstname.lastname@example.com)