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ATLANTIC CITY - Slot machines went mute, the dice stopped rolling and luggage-toting customers bolted for the doors Friday at the Atlantic City casinos in advance of Hurricane Irene.
By 8 p.m., 10 of the 11 casino hotels had closed - only the second time in the city's 33-year history of legalized gambling that a hurricane forced a shutdown. Hurricane Gloria caused them to close in September 1985 when the storm veered dangerously near the coast.
Golden Nugget Atlantic City was the only casino to remain open Friday. Amy Chasey, Golden Nugget's vice president of marketing, said the casino will close at noon today, but the hotel and some restaurants plan to stay open throughout the weekend, offering limited services.
The mass exodus of customers left the casinos and Boardwalk looking like a ghost town. The Boardwalk, normally bustling with summer crowds, was virtually deserted by late afternoon, when the skies were still sunny.
"You couldn't ask for a better beach day in late August, but the Boardwalk is empty. It's surreal," said Tony Rodio, president and chief executive officer of Tropicana Casino and Resort.
Resorts Casino Hotel was the first to shut down, closing at 8 a.m.
"It's an eerie feeling, isn't it?" Aaron Gomes, executive vice president of operations at Resorts, said while standing in the middle of a dark gaming floor devoid of customers.
Like other casinos, Resorts fortified its Boardwalk entrance with heavy plywood and sandbags. The boarded-up oceanfront windows gave the giant gaming halls a stark appearance.
As part of their emergency shutdown procedures, the casinos locked away their cash and gaming chips, shut off the slot machines and called in armed guards to protect the buildings during the storm. Electricity remained on so that surveillance cameras could keep an eye on things.
Casino executives and the New Jersey Division of Gaming Enforcement will be in discussions throughout the weekend to work toward a "seamless reopening," state spokeswoman Lisa Spengler said.
Gomes said Resorts could remain closed until Sunday or even Monday, depending on the amount of damage and flooding the hurricane causes over the weekend. He estimated Resorts would lose $3 million in revenue.
"It hurts," he said. "This was probably going to be one of the busiest weekends of the year."
Caesars officially closed at 4 p.m., but casino guests started leaving Thursday night and by Friday afternoon there were few people in rooms or on the casino floor.
On the Boardwalk entrance of the casino, the glass doors were boarded up in places and paper signs taped to the doors told people about the closing. By the Pacific Avenue entrance, yellow caution tape was strung across the valet entrance.
Even before the Trump Taj Mahal closed at 8 p.m., the entrances to the self-park lots were blocked off. Workers were cleaning up inside and telling anyone who walked through the doors that the casino would be closing soon.
The scene was the same also at Trump Plaza, with the large majority of patrons leaving long before the hotel officially closed
The hurricane is the latest blow for an industry already struggling with the fragile economy and competition from casinos in surrounding states. Irene threatens to wash out a prime money-making summer weekend for the casinos.
Casinos had no choice but to close. Atlantic City is under a mandatory evacuation order. Gov. Chris Christie said the gaming industry would have to shut down by noon today, but the casinos had already announced plans Friday to shutter their properties.
"While we know this will be an inconvenience for our guests, we know they will understand that this decision has been made with their safety and the safety of our employees in mind," said Don Marrandino, president of the Bally's, Caesars, Harrah's Resort and Showboat casinos owned by Caesars Entertainment Corp. "We will take all steps necessary to ensure a smooth, efficient and safe evacuation process."
Brian Cahill, a spokesman for Trump Taj Mahal Casino Resort and Trump Plaza Hotel and Casino, said employees were told not to report for work after 4 p.m. Friday. Both Trump casinos will operate with limited staffing levels to assist customers. Cahill said efforts were being made to notify hotel guests and casino customers "to leave the property as soon as possible."
"We are taking every measure possible to contact guests who had planned to visit this weekend and inform them that the property will be closed," Cahill said.
Even before they officially closed, some casinos appeared desolate. Rows of slot machines were empty on the Taj Mahal's sprawling gaming floor. Blackjack dealers stood idly at the gaming tables, waiting for customers.
"I don't want to be around here when the storm hits," Taj Mahal customer Joseph Doherty said.
"No one wants to be here," Doherty's wife, Teresa, quickly added. "Isn't this something? Everybody has left."
The Dohertys were getting in some last-minute gambling at a 25-cent slot machine before heading home to Clifton, Passaic County, about a two-hour drive from Atlantic City.
Another Taj Mahal customer, Louise Ferguson, had packed her suitcase and was heading home a day early. Ferguson, of Blackwood, Camden County, said she feared getting stuck in traffic jams evacuating the coast.
"I'm 67 years old, so I think I've been through some tornadoes or hurricanes since I was 5 or 6, but I am still kind of scared of this one," she said.
Anthony and Patricia Verderano, Taj Mahal customers from Rockaway, Morris County, were worried about the hurricane-force winds that are expected in Atlantic City starting today. However, they were already planning to return to the shore for more gambling next week.
"You have to really worry about this hurricane," Anthony Verderano said. "We've had 65 mph winds before, but now they're talking about 85 mph. It's supposed to be really nasty, but we'll be back Monday, Tuesday or Wednesday if everything is OK."
Mikal's Funeral Parlor in Atlantic City parked two hearses on the second floor of the Taj Mahal parking garage to protect them from flooding. Still, the sight of hearses parked at a casino was a grim reminder of the danger of the storm.
At Showboat Casino Hotel, Dianne Romano, of Staten Island, N.Y., stood in the lobby, her 5-year-old grandson, Brock Henry Raybold, at her side. Romano was hoping to catch a bus home well before the hurricane arrived.
"I'm petrified," she said. "This is crazy."
Her grandson looked quizzically at the buzz of activity inside Showboat as customers hurried through the hallways and lobby on their way out the doors.
"He loves Atlantic City," Romano said of Brock. "He's crying. He wants to stay."
Later in the day, Showboat had only a few stragglers left on the casino floor. As Elvis Presley crooned "Jailhouse Rock" over the loudspeakers, slots player Pat Nero was trying to coax a jackpot out of a 25-cent machine.
"Since we're here, we might as well play," said Nero, a Sayreville, Middlesex County, resident who had planned to spend two weeks in Atlantic City with his wife before the storm ruined their vacation.
A Showboat security guard politely told Nero to cash out at the slot machine, just as the casino was preparing to close at 4 p.m.
Over the public address system came an announcement from a Showboat employee: "We are taking the threat of this hurricane very seriously, and we know you will, too. Thank you for understanding. We look forward to welcoming you back at Showboat as soon as possible."
Staff Writers Scott Cronick and Lee Procida contributed to this report
Contact Donald Wittkowski:


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subset: commoncrawl


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Hi Guys welcome to the fourth vs. blog. let's gert on with the winner from last time....................................The Prisoners (Comics). Wow I thought Tyreeres was gonna win but whatever that was 2 days ago lets get on with todays fight.
The Hunters: The Hunters are cannibals and murderous people. They kill with no Mercy so they have an adventege for Brutality but the National Guard have 2 advantages....They have a crap ton of weaponry, By the looks of their camp they have loads of vechiles. Oh yeah and they are trained to fight but yet again they were all killed in one episode.
Who Wins? I think the National Guard would dominate them completly. Leave a comment who you think would win and leave a vote in the poll.
Next Fight: Rick's Original Group in Atlanta (Comics) vs. Lee's Group (Episode1/Drug Store)
P.S the next fight was Ghost's Idea give him credit.


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We can arrange for objects from the V&A Collection to be photographed and turned into quicktime movies for your project. To find out more about this service, please contact us.
Available Movies: Quicktime Movies which have already been produced and can be immediately licensed, include:
Commissioning new Quick Time Movies: Please allow 8 weeks + for the creation of new Quick Time Movies of your chosen object.
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There were 25,400 more deaths between December and March last year compared with summer months, despite the winter being the coldest for 30 years.
The so-called 'excess winter deaths' in 2009/10 were 30 per cent lower than the previous year, the data from the Office of National Statistics found.
The deaths in England and Wales were in line with the average across the last five years with the previous year, 2008/9, standing out as the abnormally high.
Excess winter deaths have remained at around 25,000 since 2005/6 but in 2008/9 deaths jumped to over 35,000.
Prof David Spiegelhalter, a statistician from Cambridge University, said two opposing factors may have resulted in last year being an 'average year' because despite the weather being exceptionally cold there were fewer cases of flu occurring in the winter months than normal.
"Deaths have remained amazingly constant," he said.
Flu-related deaths may have been spread more across the whole year by the pandemic swine flu strain hitting out of the normal winter flu season.
Although deaths attributed to swine flu were lower than predicted, at only 474 for Britain, these only included people who died in hospital or shortly afterwards who were known to have the H1N1 virus. Flu can trigger to heart attacks, asthma attacks and exacerbations of lung disease which can be fatal without the patient being in hospital and without flu being recorded on the death certificate.
For this reason excess winter deaths are normally higher in years with large flu outbreaks and the figures from the ONS show that the highest winter deaths in recent years, nearly 50,000, occurred in the last official seasonal flu epidemic in 1999/2000.
The ONS researchers also suggested that the figures may indicate that the links between extreme cold weather and deaths is not as strong as previously thought. They pointed to Finland which has the lowest excess winter mortality in Europe despite its Artic weather and Portugal having the highest excess winter mortality with a mild climate.
Vanessa Fearn said: "Previous research suggests that excess winter mortality is lowest in cold countries such as Finland. This is likely to be because their houses are insulated against the weather and people dress warmly when the temperatures plummets."
Friends of the Earth's Warm Homes campaigner Dave Timms said: "Lower outbreaks of flu helped cut winter deaths last year despite the bitterly cold weather – improving homes so they're better insulated and cheaper to heat could help save even more lives.
"Living in a cold, damp house can make heart disease and strokes more likely – it's a disgrace that millions of vulnerable people in Britain live in homes lacking basic insulation.
"Next month's Energy Bill is an opportunity for the Government to protect the nation's health and tackle climate change by delivering a nationwide refit to improve the worst insulated homes by 2020."
Michelle Mitchell, Charity Director of Age UK, said: "It's unacceptable that in this day and age tens of thousands more older people die in this country every winter from the effects of the cold weather. As another winter sets in, plummeting temperatures will once again spell misery, ill-health and, in some cases, even death for too many people in later life across the country.
"The simple fact that the UK has one of the highest winter mortality rates in Europe – higher than even Sweden or Finland – makes it clear this is very much a home-grown problem.
"These are avoidable deaths due not just to the cold weather in itself but to the country's inability to meet the challenge of dropping temperatures.
"Behind these shocking statistics lie deep-seated social issues, such as 3.5 million older people in fuel poverty and one in three over-60s living in houses which fail the decent-home standard."


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"The service is simply excellent! I confess that I initially had several fears. But considering the positive reviews I decided to take the risk. I ordered a basket for Valentine's and it was delivered today to my husband who is working in Honduras (we're from Argentina). And he just called me very excited because he entered his room and found the gift. They delivered my gift promptly, right on time. And my husband said the gift was very cute. Also during these days their customer service constantly kept in touch with me to arrange the details. I recommend them without any hesitation."
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text: This article or section contains lore taken from Warcraft novels or short stories. Flamewine was a type of drink favored by mages.[1] (LG 11) Retrieved from "http://wowwiki.wikia.com/wiki/Flamewine?oldid=2291030" Ad blocker interference detected! Wikia is a free-to-use site that makes money from advertising. We have a modified experience for viewers using ad blockers Wikia is not accessible if you've made further modifications. Remove the custom ad blocker rule(s) and the page will load as expected. Categories: Pages using deprecated templates Lore Mages Warcraft: The Last Guardian Pages with citation errors Add category Cancel Save


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What is JotForm?
JotForm is a free online form builder which helps you create online forms without writing a single line of code. No sign-up required.
At JotForm, we want to make sure that you're getting the online form builder help that you need. Our friendly customer support team is available 24/7.
We believe that if one user has a question, there could be more users who may have the same question. This is why many of our support forum threads are public and available to be searched and viewed. If you'd like help immediately, feel free to search for a similar question, or submit your question or concern.
Form / Account TransferAsked by smclaren727 on September 12, 2016 at 08:57 AM
I need both forms and all submissions / responses moved FROM my account smclaren727 TO tsalvato. We decided to set our paid account up under his name. Can you help with this please?
JotForm Support
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Feel free to create a new thread if you have any other inquiry. Thank you.


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|968 sq. ft.
|Property type
2 Bed & 2 Shower Rooms. Master Bedroom with Balcony, second Bedroom with Juliet Balcony. Both with Double Beds.
Open Plan Kitchen (including dishwasher, large fridge, and washing machine (in storage room). Satellite TV (limited UK channels). Sofa.
Separate Dinning Room (Table and Chairs). Plenty of outside space - garden and roof terrace. Café / Bar 100 yards - home cooked food and alcohol & friendly service, with nice large communal pool.
Hi - my name is Peter Lawrence. I am a British expat currently living and working in the Middle East [Currently in Oman]. Turkey is half way home for me, and its great that friends and family use the Villa whenever possible. I work in Human Resources and Training & Development, and am Director of the HR Consultancy "Human Capital Department".
Peter Lawrence purchased this villa in 2015
We love the peace and tranquility here, and fantastic sea views. The Villa complex also has a strong sense of community centred on the Cafe/Bar run by Mutu.
The property is well maintained and i am keen to keep in good order, so that it can be enjoyed by friends and family and occasional guests.
Recently I have purchased a log burner which will mean that the villa will be nice and snug in the winter months.
The villa compound has a lovely pool near the cafe bar (run by Pam and Saeed) where you can get pub grub and occasional traditional feasts. Its a friendly compound and quite sociable.
There is WiFi in the complex and Satellite TV in the villa [limited menu of channels] and i-Phone music and Apple TV. Water, Electricity and Gas included in the rental price. There is a lovely wood burner in the front room to keep warm in the winter evenings.
Maid service can also be arranged if required. There is quite a large back garden which is currently lawn, but hope to put some plants in before the summer.
The compound is well maintained and has security CCTV.
The villa is spacious, clean, and you can see beautiful sunset from the rooftop. It is better to ask Peter to arrange pick-up transport from the airport specially if you arrived in the evening. Don't worry about food and drinking water because it is available in the clubhouse. You will have the privilege to use the pool as well! Pam will be there to help you anytime, including arranging boat trips or any activities you would like to do during your stay. Recommended!
We booked a 3 week stay not knowing the area, so were unsure what to expect. The property was a little away from the coast, on a hill with superb views of the bay, and easy to find with the directions supplied.
On arrival, the on site pool bar owners could not have been more helpful with getting us settled in and advice about the area.
Any minor issues about the accommodation that arose were quickly and efficiently resolved.
Highly recommended!!!
Unmissable are the superb fish resaurants in Gumashluck, and for a special romantic treat watch the sunset ay the Limon, just down the road.
Take a boat trip to quiet crystal clear bays and amazing bathing spots!
The Villa is set on a small compound [a mix of villas and apartments - about 60 dwellings in total].
It has two communal pools - the main one next to the cafe bar offers great adult swimming [and plenty of room for the kids to slash about].
|Rental Period
|Minimum Price
|Additional Nights
|Weekend Night
|Monthly *
|Event Price
My Standard Rate
1 night minimum stay
for 1 night
|Cleaning Fee
For more property details go to www.oleander-yalikavak.com
* Approximate monthly price. Actual pricing will depend on the days of the month you stay.


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What's your New Year's resolution?
Here's what some readers said:
"My resolution is to stay exactly the same, not change, when the clock
strikes midnight on Dec. 31. I have a great job, a wonderful girlfriend and
my friends and family are perfectly happy and healthy. Sept. 11 has taught many
of us to appreciate what we have. My resolution is to continue to appreciate
every minute and every second of every day. And as opposed to past resolutions,
this is one I know I'll keep."
Michael R. Ratty, Somerville, Mass.
"My New Year's resolution is to get off Nicorette so when I drink
too much at bars and bum a cigarette from someone, I don't have to worry about
the clash between the two substances. (Nicorette advises its users not to smoke
and chew at the same time)."
Lindsay Lightfoot, Reno, Nev.
"To go from complete obscurity to top of the world by writing a
book, making a film, doing stand-up comedy and/or announcing my bid for President
of the United States. By the way, I am dead serious about all of these goals
Eddie Wright, Charlotte, N.C.
"Stop playing on the (free) Internet during work."
Mark J. Coakley, Jamestown, N.C.
"I resolve to continue to proofread all the errors I find in newspapers,
Internet, businesses, graduate info from schools and my daughter's high school
sign here in Tennessee. Drama is currently spelled darma on their sign. I am
on a one-man crusade!"
John David Sullivan, Lynchburg, Tenn.
"My New Year's resolutions are to stop biting my nails and stop
saying 'Oh God' to every little thing that happens. These are two
things that I've been doing for far too long, and while seemingly trivial, changing
my bad habits in 'baby steps' will lead the way for bigger and better improvements
in the year."
Kristine Whitehead, Raleigh, N.C.
"The one and only New Year's resolution I've ever made that I've been
able to keep is this one: I resolved to never make another New Year's resolution
again. It's surprisingly easy to keep. Never once have I even been TEMPTED
to break it. I mean, who needs the guilt involved in breaking a resolution mere
days after making it? It is a relief that I have been able to remove that stress
from my life, small though it may be. But then again, every little bit helps."
Stephen Lee, Orlando, Fla.


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2.7Soaring Wings Raspberry Wheat
An okay raspberry wheat. The raspberry hides most of the wheatiness of this beer. Tried with Jess at the brewery in 2016.
Friday, October 21, 2016
2Soaring Wings Pegasus Pilsner
Not a great pils. Waterier than most. A bit stale in the aftertaste, a little sticky sweet. Tried with Jess at the brewery in 2016.
Friday, October 21, 2016
3.3Soaring Wings Blackbird Stout
Sample at Omaha Beer Fest, Stinson Park. 6-11-16. Tap. Poured black, tan head. Aroma of coffee, light roasted malt. Taste was bittersweet, coffee, chocolate.
Monday, June 27, 2016
3.3Soaring Wings Blackbird Stout
Draft/Fest. A- Coffee, mocha, roasty. A- Black color, dark liquid, light brown head. T- Coffee, cocoa, roasty. P- Full body, average texture, average carbonation, dry finish. O- Not exciting, not disappointing, but pretty solid. Especially considering it's from a winery.
Tuesday, August 25, 2015
3.7Soaring Wings Captain Vanilla Porter
Draft/Fest. A- Coffee, cocoa, vanilla, roasty. A- Black color, dark liquid, tan head. T- Coffee, mocha, cocoa, vanilla, roasty. P- Full body, average texture, average carbonation, smooth finish. O- A winery that does brewery on the side? Surely it can't be good...wrong! This was a solid beer. Tons of flavor and very robust.
Tuesday, August 25, 2015
3.2Soaring Wings Blackbird Stout
Sample at the Great Nebraska Beer Festival. Dark brown color, tan head. Aroma is roasty with cocoa and raisins. Taste has moderate roast, dry finish. OK.
Monday, August 24, 2015
3.6Soaring Wings Captain Vanilla Porter
Draft (I think) at the Great Nebraska Beer Festival. Dark brown color with ruby notes, white head. Aroma of vanilla, roasty coffee. Taste is smooth vanilla, dark fruit, coffee. Decent.
Monday, August 24, 2015
4Soaring Wings Imperial Stout
750 ml bottle purchased at the Vineyard by Adrien. Aroma is a nice level of roast, hints of coffee and light molasses.
The flavor is the mild molasses with light roast upfront. Light sugar. The finish comes through with a big oak barrel finish. The red wine come through in a mild tone, nice deep tones. Really nice layers of flavor. ABV totally hidden, pretty damn nice.
Saturday, April 11, 2015
3.9Soaring Wings Imperial Stout
Dark brown to black, almost no head. Aroma is really interesting. Lots of red-wine, very oak forward, a bit of charred wood. A lot of chocolate as well. Sweet, lots of residual sugars. chocolatey, oaky, tannic, lots of chocolate, good roast qualities. This is a really good beer. Pretty special. would love to try again.
Saturday, April 11, 2015
3.6Soaring Wings Raspberry Wheat
Golden pour, white head at GNBF. Flavors of wheat, light lemony notes and a good dose of raspberry seeds. Nothing artificial going on here. Clan and refreshing.
Friday, September 27, 2013
2.5Soaring Wings Pegasus Pilsner
Clear gold pour and a small white head. This isn't a great pils. Stale flavors and watery. Seems like this one could use more body and flavor.
Thursday, September 26, 2013
3.4Soaring Wings Hop Zeppelin Double IPA
Gold pour, white head. Citrusy flavors start this, then a malty sweetness takes over. Crackers, bread, grass, lemony notes.
Thursday, September 26, 2013
3.2Soaring Wings Blackbird Stout
(Draught) Pours an opaque black body with a medium tan head. Aroma of roasted malt, chocolate, and coffee. Flavor of coffee, roasted malt, chocolate, and some dry earthiness in the finish.
Tuesday, June 11, 2013
3.7Soaring Wings Blackbird Stout
GABF. Dark brown pour, brown head. Standard stout. Milk chocolate, some light roasted grains, dates, dark brown sugar. Lightly sweet.
Monday, October 29, 2012
2.3Soaring Wings Hop Zeppelin Double IPA
GABF, 2012. My first Nevada rating. flat with no life to it. gold color. some hop aroma. hops in the flavor also with some sweet malt. no carbonation at all. something went wrong here.
Thursday, October 18, 2012
3.3Soaring Wings Hop Zeppelin Double IPA
On tap in Denver for GABF 2012. Pours a cloudy golden color with a medium white head. A big sweet nose, very malty. Smooth sweet grassy hops, a bit of candy. Not infected as earlier examples were (it seems from the ratings). Not a big standout IIPA though.
Monday, October 15, 2012
2.3Soaring Wings Hop Zeppelin Double IPA
Date: January 01, 2012
Mode: Growler
Source: Tasting
Appearance: clear dark amber, wispy off white head, streaks of lace
Aroma: sweet fruity aroma, caramel sweetness, butterscotch, citrus hops
Flavor: sweet and buttery flavor, caramel sweetness, fruity hops, light bitterness
Aroma: 4/10; Appearance: 7/10; Flavor: 4/10; Palate: 5/10; Overall: 8/20
Rating: 2.3/5.0
Drinkability: 5/10
Score: *+ /4
Saturday, February 25, 2012
2Soaring Wings Hop Zeppelin Double IPA
Appearance: Pours out a clear, rusty-amber body with a small, slim head that no amount of swirling or encouragement can revive.
Smell: Lightly sweet-scented butterscotch candy paired with breakfast time toast topped with a pat (or four) of butter. Small sniff of alcohol. The faintest hint of citrus ever, otherwise the hops seem to be AWOL.
Taste: Buttered bread with butterscotch sweetness and, though not only an IPA but a purported Double IPA, it's seriously vacant in the hop and bitterness department. Peppery alcohol does very little to cut through the heavy diacetyl.
Mouthfeel: Medium-light body. Medium-low carbonation.
Overall: Good grief. Really lacking in body and character that isn't the unyielding butter-basted diacetyl. It's early yet, so Soaring Wings could still pull it together, but it's probably not a bad thing that they can just fall back on the wine production.
Wednesday, January 18, 2012


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text:
Community Development Research Brief. Suburbanization of Poverty in the Bay Area
- Jason Barnett
- 2 years ago
- Views:
1 Community Development Research Brief Suburbanization of Poverty in the Bay Area Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco Matthew Soursourian January 2012
2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Using data from U.S. Census Bureau, this research brief analyzes the changing geography of poverty in the Bay Area, yielding the following conclusions: Household poverty rates have risen across the Bay Area, both in urban and suburban areas. The Bay Area s total household poverty rate increased 1.1 percentage points during the period of analysis, from 2000 to The population in poverty rose faster in suburban census tracts and varied across racial groups and nativity status. The number of people living in poverty rose 16 percent in the suburbs, compared to 7 percent in urban areas. Blacks and Hispanics saw the greatest percentage growth in suburban poverty, as did the native-born population. The share of the poor living in suburban tracts has increased across all racial groups, but the change is highest among Blacks. The share of the poor Black population living in the suburbs increased more than 7 percentage points, whereas the next highest group, Asians, increased 2 percentage points. Changes in the percent of urban and suburban residents in poverty also varied between racial categories and nativity status. Poverty rates increased across almost all groups except Asians and the foreign-born population living in suburban areas. The poverty rates for suburban Blacks and urban Hispanics each rose more than two percentage points. Access to transit decreased for the population in poverty. While the percent of people living within 0.5 miles of a rail station did not change significantly for the total population, it did decrease 1.5 percentage points for the poor population. Furthermore, the percentage of poor people living more than 4 miles from a rail station increased 3 percentage points. Taken as a whole, these data points indicate that poverty has become more suburbanized in the Bay Area over the past decade, which presents several challenges for the community development field. Suburban areas lack the density of social service providers found in urban areas, and they also tend to lack public transit infrastructure. Given the rise in the suburbanization of poverty, there is an increased need for inter-jurisdictional coordination and capacity building among suburban nonprofits and foundations. Finally, the changing geography of poverty may have implications for community development policy and financing, such as the Low Income Housing Tax Credit, the New Markets Tax Credit, and the Community Reinvestment Act. The views expressed are not necessarily those of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco or the Federal Reserve System. 2
3 INTRODUCTION Data from the 2005 American Community Survey revealed that for the first time, more poor people lived in the suburbs of major U.S. metropolitan areas rather than in central cities. 1 In fact, the growth of low-income residents has grown fastest in suburban areas outside of dense urban areas, despite poverty s persistent association with the inner city. This research brief focuses on the nine-county San Francisco Bay Area and explores the demographic changes that took place between 2000 and In general, the local data reflect the national trends that Brookings has documented, with increased poverty in suburban areas. Because the data for this research is not longitudinal and does not track migration, it is impossible to determine whether the rises in poverty were driven by changes in individuals incomes or changes in poor individuals locations. Without this individual-level data, we can only speculate about the factors underlying the demographic shifts. Several push and pull factors could have contributed to the trend of rising suburban poverty. The housing boom of the mid-2000s offered affordable homeownership in outer suburbs, while rising home prices in the urban core encouraged homeowners to sell their houses for larger properties farther from the central city. When the housing bubble burst, these suburban areas saw home values plummet farthest. The frenzy of housing construction had largely supported many of these local economies, which collapsed when demand dried up, leading to further job losses and increased poverty. The rising value of properties in the urban core may have led to indirect displacement, as landlords converted rental units to condominiums and Tenancy in Common (TICs), or raised rents to the extent allowed by local regulation. 2,3 Displaced residents may have moved from central cities to more affordable suburban areas. Alternatively, low-income residents in the urban core may have deliberately moved to the suburbs seeking safer environments with less crime and greater opportunities. At the same time, employment has become decentralized, with job growth occurring fastest outside of central cities. Locally, San Francisco saw moderate employment decentralization from 1998 to 2006, as the number of jobs within three miles of downtown decreased by 2.6 percent. 4 Workers followed job opportunities to the suburbs, and may have relocated to shorten their commutes. 5 In the late 2000s, as the economy began to contract, many of the people who moved outside the central city to seek employment may have found themselves without jobs and in jurisdictions that had no previous experience with high rates of unemployment. Further research is needed on the extent to which displacement, intentional migration, or changes in income explain the increase in suburban poverty in the Bay Area. Each factor has 1 Berube, Alan and Elizabeth Kneebone. Two Steps Back: City and Suburban Poverty Trends Metropolitan Policy Program, Brookings (2006). 2 Chapple, Karen. Mapping Susceptibility to Gentrification: The Early Warning Toolkit. The Center for Community Innovation at UC-Berkeley (2009). 3 Craven, Marisa et. al. Development without Displacement. Association of Bay Area Governments (2009). 4 Kneebone, Elizabeth. Job Sprawl Revisited. Metropolitan Policy Program, Brookings (2009). 5 Raphael, Steven and Michael A. Stoll. Job Sprawl and the Suburbanization of Poverty. Metropolitan Policy Program, Brookings (2010). 3
4 different implications for a policy response. The remainder of this research brief, however, focuses on tracking how these changes are unfolding and which demographic groups and geographic areas have witnessed the greatest shifts, and then explores implications that these trends have for the community development industry. 4
5 FINDINGS 1. Household poverty rates have risen across the Bay Area, in both urban and suburban areas. The percentage of households in poverty increased throughout the Bay Area between 2000 and In 2009, the area-wide household poverty rate was 12.5 percent, compared to a rate of only 6.8 percent in suburban tracts. Between 2000 and 2009, the increase in poverty rates was slightly larger in suburban rather than urban areas. Changes in Poverty at Household Level, Number of Poor Households in 2000 Number of Poor Households in 2009 Household Poverty Rate 2000 Household Poverty Rate 2009 Percentage Pt. Change, 2000 to 2009 Bay Area 185, , % 8.6% 1.1% Urban Tracts 91, , % 12.5% 1.0% Suburban Tracts 94, , % 6.8% 1.2% 2. The population in poverty rose faster in suburban tracts and varied across racial groups and nativity status. While the overall population growth rate has been consistent across urban and suburban areas, averaging 2.6 percent for the Bay Area, the growth rate of the total number of people living in poverty is significantly higher in suburban tracts. The number of people in poverty increased by 7 percent in urban areas and by 16 percent in suburban areas. Figure 1 in the appendix shows which cities experienced the largest increases in the number of poor people. Percent Growth in Population and Number of Poor Individuals Total Population Growth Population in Poverty Growth All Races White Black Hispanic Asian Foreign Born Native Born Bay Area 2.6% 11.7% 12.1% 0.4% 25.3% 7.5% 5.5% 15.1% Urban 2.5% 7.2% 9.9% -11.3% 22.8% 3.8% 4.1% 9.2% Suburban 2.6% 16.1% 13.2% 19.9% 28.2% 12.8% 7.2% 20.0% The differences in urban and suburban poverty growth are reflected across racial categories, but are more pronounced in several groups. Blacks were the only group to see a decline in the number of poor urban residents. While the number of poor Blacks living in urban tracts decreased by 11 percent, the number of poor Blacks in the suburbs increased by about 20 percent. When comparing increases in poverty across the entire metro area without separating urban and suburban tracts, Hispanics saw the greatest growth in the number of poor people, with a 25 percent increase overall. In addition to racial variation, differences in the percentage growth of poverty emerged across nativity status. The population growth of native born poor was almost three times greater than the growth of foreign born poor (15.1 percent versus 5.5 percent). The ratio of native born 5
6 poverty growth versus foreign born poverty growth is greater in the suburbs (almost three times) than in urban areas (slightly more than double). These disparities indicate that the native born population has driven suburban poverty growth and immigration has not played a significant role in this trend. For reference, about two-thirds of the poor population in the Bay Area is native born, and this percentage has increased since The census tracts that saw the greatest percentage increase in the number of poor between 2000 and 2009 are located in Pittsburg, Antioch, Vallejo, Novato, and tracts on the fringe of San Jose. These tracts have below average population totals, and the large percentage increase partly reflects the fact that their baseline populations were lower. On a city-level, Santa Rosa, Antioch, Vallejo, Redwood City, and Concord saw the greatest increase in the raw number of people living in poverty (excluding San Jose and San Francisco). Out of all the cities with more than 20,000 residents in 2009, Millbrae, Hercules, Brentwood, Morgan Hill, and Dublin saw the greatest percentage increases in the number of people in poverty, ranging from an 86 percent increase in Millbrae to 103 percent in Dublin. Among the same cities with over 20,000 residents in 2009, Santa Rosa, Suisun City, Morgan Hill, Antioch, and Redwood City saw the greatest percentage point increases in poverty rates, ranging from a 3.5 percentage point increase in Santa Rosa to a 4.7 percentage point increase in Redwood City. 3. The share of the poor living in suburban tracts has increased across all racial groups, but the change is highest among Blacks. 6 The chart below shows the share of poor individuals in the entire Bay Area who were living in suburban tracts in 2000 and In 2000, for example, 51 percent of poor people of all races lived in suburban tracts and by 2009 this number had increased two percentage points to 53 percent. Out of the seven demographic groups broken out below, Blacks had the highest percentage point increase in the share of poor living in suburban tracts (7.3 percentage points, compared to the next highest group, Asians, which was 2 points). Whites had the smallest percentage point increase, with just slightly more than half a percentage point. Another notable finding is that even though just over half of all poor people in the Bay Area are living in suburban tracts, this does not hold true for every demographic group. In fact, excluding Whites and Native Born, the remaining sub-demographic groups each have less than 50 percent of their poor population living in suburban areas. For example, despite the 7.3 percentage point increase in the share of poor blacks living in the suburbs, the majority of the poor Black population was still located in urban tracts by Data from the 2010 Census corroborated anecdotal observations that over the previous decade the Bay Area s historically Black cities were losing Black residents. The Black populations of San Francisco, Oakland, Richmond, and Berkeley decreased by 19, 23, 23, and 20% respectively (see: Richman, J. Census: Blacks leaving urban core for East Bay Suburbs. Oakland Tribune, 2011). Over approximately the same time period ( ), the number of Black people in poverty decreased by 2% in San Francisco, 24% in Oakland, 22% in Richmond, and 20% in Berkeley. It is difficult to make comparisons between the changes in total Black population and changes in Blacks in poverty, since the former implies migration and the latter could indicate either migration or changes in income. Nevertheless, it appears that with the exception of San Francisco, out-migration from historically Black cities included people in the lowest income brackets and was not exclusive to middle or upper-income residents. 6
7 80% Share of Bay Area Poor Living in Suburban Tracts Change 60% 40% 20% 0% All Races White Black Hispanic Asian Foreign Born Native Born 4. Changes in urban and suburban poverty rates also varied between racial categories and nativity status. The chart below shows the change in poverty rate (in percentage points) for various demographic groups in the Bay Area between 2000 and The most important finding from this graph is that poverty rates have increased nearly across the board regardless of urban/suburban distinction. For the total population, the poverty rate increased 0.8 percentage points, with slightly less of an increase in urban tracts than suburban tracts (0.6 percentage points versus 0.8 percentage points). Figure 2 in the appendix provides a snapshot of city poverty rates in 2009 as well as areas where poverty rates increased the most. The only groups that saw a decline in poverty rates were the foreign born suburban population and Asians. For Asians, poverty rates decreased for urban and suburban populations, with a slightly larger decrease in suburban than in urban tracts. The poverty rate of the foreign born population in suburban tracts decreased 0.6 percentage points, while the poverty rate of the same demographic in urban tracts increased 0.3 percentage points. This piece of data, taken along with the 1.2 percentage point increase in the poverty rate of suburban native born population, further underscores that the suburbanization of poverty is driven by the native born population and not by immigrants. Finally, the trends for the Black and Hispanic populations are almost exact opposites. The poverty rate for suburban Blacks increased by slightly more than two percentage points, about the same increase for the urban Hispanic population. At the same time, the poverty rate of urban Blacks increased by 0.6 percentage points, the same amount that poverty among suburban Hispanics increased. 7
8 Bay Area Changes in Poverty Rates, Urban Suburban Change in Percentage Points 2% 1% 0% -1% All Races White Black Hispanic Asian Foreign Born Native Born 5. Access to transit decreased for the population in poverty. The suburbanization of poverty has meant that a smaller percentage of poor people live within walking distance of public transportation, since rail lines are located along urban corridors. The first table below shows that on average, the poor population in the Bay Area lives closer to rail transit than the total population. Between 2000 and 2009 however, the percentage of the poor population living within half a mile of a rail station decreased by 1.5 percentage points, while the percentage of the total population with the same proximity to rail did not change. Furthermore, the second table shows that the percentage of the poor population living farther than four miles from a rail station increased three percentage points. Figure 3 in the appendix presents a comparison of proximity to rail and changes in city poverty rates. 20% Percent of population less than.5 miles from rail station 15% 10% 5% % Total Population Population in Poverty 8
9 40% Percent of population more than 4 miles from rail station 30% 20% 10% % Total Population Population in Poverty 6. A Caveat on the Limited Impact of Intra-Demographic Shifts Poverty changes within different demographic groups will have varying degrees of impact on poverty rates for the total population. That is to say, a change in the urban/suburban distribution of the poor Black population will have less of an impact on the overall trends than the change in the Hispanic population, because Hispanics make up a third of the total poor population, while Blacks make up just under 14 percent. The percentages are shown below and have not changed significantly since 1999, with the one exception being that the percentage of poor people who are Hispanic rose from 29 percent in 1999 to about 33 percent in Demographic Shares of Poor Populations Percent of Total, Urban, and Suburban Poor Populations in 2009 who are: White Black Hispanic Asian Foreign Born Bay Area 30.6% 13.9% 33.4% 18.3% 33.4% Urban 20.2% 16.4% 37.6% 22.5% 39.3% Suburban 39.8% 11.8% 29.7% 14.6% 28.2% Along the same lines, the percentage growth of various demographic groups living in poverty will similarly reflect the baseline size of that population. To use an example, there are about 90,000 Black people living in poverty in the Bay Area, compared to almost 200,000 White people. Therefore, an increase of 10,000 people to each group would result in a larger percentage growth for the Black population than for the White. The most salient changes occurred within demographic groups, rather than across the entire poor population. Suburban poverty did not grow as much in the Bay Area as it did in other metro areas over the same time period. 7 The change was more subtle and beneath the general trends emerged more significant rearrangements within demographic groups. 7 Kneebone, Elizabeth and Emily Garr. The Suburbanization of Poverty: Trends in Metropolitan America, 2000 to Metropolitan Policy Program, Brookings (2010). See Table 3. 9
10 IMPLICATIONS Going forward, the trend of suburbanization of poverty in the Bay Area will continue to be of concern, particularly with the addition of policy changes at the state level. California s smartgrowth legislation, SB 375, will direct future growth in the urban core and along transit lines by identifying priority development areas. 8 Without safeguards to preserve affordable housing within the areas that have been slated for increased development, the legislation has the potential to hasten the suburbanization of poverty. The shifting geography of poverty compels the community development field to reevaluate how we do our work because it signals important changes in the communities we care about. It remains to be seen if suburbanization will increase or diminish access to opportunity, but we can identify several challenges that the suburbanization of poverty presents, as well as possible ways to address these challenges. First, a dispersed poor population may face difficulty in accessing social services. In a dense urban area, public and non-profit providers are often concentrated in central, accessible areas. However, suburban areas typically have a lower concentration or limited range of nonprofit and social service providers, making it more difficult for those in need to obtain assistance. Nonprofits and service providers working in suburban geographies will need new forms of outreach in order to target a more dispersed population. Technology and phone hotlines might play roles in solving this issue, particularly as social service departments simplify online benefits enrollment, but not for services that require in-person attendance. Another option is for providers to co-locate in one-stop shops that make it easier for clients to access a range of services. Areas without the resources to re-purpose a central drop-in center or one-stop shop may partner with local schools or community centers to hold one-day events for outreach and education, mimicking the spatial efficiencies of dense, urban environments. Project Homeless Connect, a program that started in San Francisco, brings together non-profit medical and social service providers every two months in a range of locations throughout the city. Other communities in the Bay Area and around the country have since replicated this model, which could be particularly useful in suburban areas. Second, suburban areas also lack public transit infrastructure, and since low-income people are less likely to own a car, they rely on public transit more than higher-income people do. 9,10 This means that poor people living in suburban areas must either pay for a car or navigate an inefficient transit system, forfeiting a significant portion of their income or the opportunity cost of their time. This is a challenge without a simple solution, as transit agencies across the Bay Area face budgetary constraints, which preclude any significant expansions. Third, poverty suburbanization introduces challenges related to inter-jurisdictional coordination. High poverty that is concentrated within an urban core becomes the responsibility of one city, 8 For background on Priority Development Areas in the Bay Area, see: 9 Commuting Expenses: Disparity for the Working Poor. Bureau of Transportation Statistics Issue Brief, U.S. Department of Transportation (2003). 10 In the Bay Area, 27% of low-income households do not have access to a car, compared to 10% of total households. See: Coordinated Public Transit-Human Services Transportation Plan. Focus on Low-Income Populations in the San Francisco Bay Area. Metropolitan Transportation Commission (2006). 10
11 but dispersed poverty requires the coordination of multiple municipalities and their respective planning departments, human services agencies, and housing agencies. In order to better coordinate job training, social services, and benefits distribution, state agencies could incentivize collaboration among local agencies from different jurisdictions. This is already happening between workforce development programs, and the increased dispersal of poor people underscores the need for enhanced collaboration. 11 Fourth, historically middle-class suburbs have less experience with low-income populations and they lack the network of foundations and non-profit service providers in the central cities that emerged in response to high urban poverty. To address these institutional limitations, funders will need to make investments in capacity building for organizations that do not have experience working with large and growing poor populations. Similarly, banks, foundations, and Community Development Financial Institutions (CDFIs) will need to expand the boundaries of the areas where they have traditionally invested. Poverty suburbanization is occurring at a time when service providers are closing rather than expanding, making it more difficult for suburban areas to respond to a growing poor population. This means that suburbs need support from funders to create institutional networks and align investments along transit, housing, and workforce development. 12 San Francisco and Minneapolis have initiated similar alignments in an urban context. In the San Francisco region, the Bay Area Transit-Oriented Affordable Housing Fund provides $50 million in financing for affordable housing and other community services located near transit stations. In the Minneapolis-Saint Paul region, the Corridors of Opportunity project aims to integrate affordable housing, workforce development, and essential social services into transit planning. Both of these strategies offer potential models for suburban initiatives to align investments. The suburbanization of poverty has implications for funding mechanisms that are specific to community development: The Community Reinvestment Act (CRA), the mainstay of community development tools, encourages banks to help meet the credit needs of the areas where they operate, particularly in low- and moderate-income neighborhoods. The CRA guidelines use Census Bureau data to determine which neighborhoods qualify as CRA-eligible (at the census tract level). Currently, eligibility is based on the 2000 Census, meaning that neighborhoods that experienced substantial increases in poverty over the past decade may have been overlooked by financial institutions, despite the increased need for investment in those areas. In early 2012, the Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council will release updated CRA-eligibility definitions, based on the American Community Survey (ACS) five-year estimates. These definitions will remain in place for the following five years, rather than ten years like the previous guidelines. This is certainly an improvement, but there is still a risk that these definitions will fail to capture future shifts in poverty. 11 Juring, Megan and Bryon R. Macdonald. California s Comprehensive Workforce Development System: A Disability Access Policy Framework Coming of Age. World Institute on Disability (2003). 12 See Corridors of Opportunity HUD Sustainable Communities-Funded Projects in the Minneapolis-Saint Paul Region at and Bay Area Transit-Oriented Affordable Housing Fund at 11
12 Implementing a communication mechanism to alert banks when tracts become eligible, which would signal an increase in need, could help to expedite the response to suburban poverty. In addition, the use of supplementary data sources, updated more frequently than ACS, could help draw attention to areas where poverty is growing. The New Markets Tax Credit (NMTC), a program designed to spur investment in lowincome and distressed communities, may also need to change in response to the suburbanization of poverty. NMTC uses a fund mapping system to determine a census tract and county s eligibility for credits. Similarly to the CRA, NMTC bases tract eligibility on data from the 2000 Census and plans to update definitions with the ACS five-year estimates. NMTC may benefit from the same suggestions regarding tract eligibility outlined above for the CRA. Given that suburban regions are struggling to meet the increased demand for services, the NMTC might also be a useful means to provide low-cost capital to areas in need. The Low Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC), which is the largest subsidy for low-income rental housing, helped finance over 600 developments in the Bay Area between 1987 and Nationally, the percentage of LIHTC units built in suburban locations over the last decade has varied from year to year, but in general fewer units are being built in the suburbs. In 2000, the percent of units built in suburban areas was 38.5 percent; by 2007, the number had fallen to 30.8 percent. 14 National data indicate that over this same time period, poverty was suburbanizing such that by 2005, there were more poor people living in the suburbs of large cities than in the cities themselves. 15 The disconnect between LIHTC allocation and poverty trends underscores the need to reassess how the tools of community development finance are employed. Should subsidies target areas where poverty is rising? Or focus on preserving affordability in dense urban areas? Congress authorized LIHTC in 1986, when the geography of poverty looked markedly different from its current arrangement. The changes in poverty trends over the past decade might mean that the goals of LIHTC are due for a reexamination. In the LIHTC allocation process, statewide housing agencies develop Qualified Allocation Plans (QAPs), which establish housing goals that will dictate how the state distributes its credits. QAPs allow states to direct credits toward projects in certain geographies or projects that will serve a specific population. Perhaps states will need to consider how the changing geography of poverty will impact the state s housing goals and the allocation of credits. While the tools most recently employed by policymakers and urban planners have prioritized the deconcentration of poverty, it is important to remember that poverty deconcentration is a means to an end: namely, more equitable access to safe neighborhoods, high quality schools and jobs, and other factors that enhance life opportunities. Therefore, if decentralized urban poverty increases poverty in the suburbs but those suburbs fail to provide the services, employment, and transit upon which low-income residents depend then families will face an even greater set of challenges, compounded by the factors unique to suburban areas. 13 LIHTC Database, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. 14 Table 36 in Updating the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) Database: Projects Placed in Service through Office of Economic Affairs, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (February, 2010). 15 See footnote 1: Berube, Alan and Elizabeth Kneebone (2006). 12
13 APPENDIX Methodology Poverty: This research brief uses data from 2000 Census and the American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates for the nine-county Bay Area (Alameda, Contra Costa, Marin, Napa, San Francisco, San Mateo, Santa Clara, Solano, and Sonoma). Throughout the brief, 2009 is used to refer to data from the 5-Year estimates. To measure poverty, the study follows the U.S. Census Bureau s definitions of poverty, which uses a set of money income thresholds that vary by family size and composition to determine who is poor. The Census Bureau poverty guidelines, based on the Orshansky thresholds, have received substantial criticism, and in 2010 an interagency panel was convened to address the shortcomings of the official poverty definition and propose a supplemental poverty measurement (SPM). 16 Geography: This study uses definitions of urban/suburban census tracts from the Metropolitan Transportation Commission, which is the agency responsible for planning, coordinating and financing transportation for the nine-county San Francisco Bay Area. According to their guidelines, an urban census tract has a population density greater than 10,000 persons per square mile. 17 This research brief uses a binary delineation between urban and suburban, with 10,000 persons per square mile as the threshold. All of the tables included in the brief are based on this definition. The second section of Findings includes data that is based on city-level analysis. The appendix also includes maps showing data at the city level. Distance to Rail: This study uses system maps of Bay Area Rapid Transit (BART), Caltrain, and the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency (Muni) to calculate the distance from the center of a census tract to the nearest rail station. It should be noted that BART service to SFO station, South San Francisco, San Bruno, and Millbrae began in 2003 and Muni service along the Third Street Light Rail (in Bayview-Hunters Point, San Francisco) began operating in List of Figures Figure 1: Growth in Poor Population, Figure 2: City Poverty Rate, 2009 Figure 3: Proximity to Rail Station Figure 4: Cities with Largest Percentage Changes in Poor Population Figure 5: Cities with Largest Changes in Poverty Rate 16 For more information regarding the SPM, see: Short, Kathleen. The Research Supplemental Poverty Measure U.S. Census Bureau (2011). 17 See table on page 5 of Travel Forecasts for the San Francisco Bay Area 2009 Regional Transportation Plan Vision 2035 Analysis Data Summary. Metropolitan Transportation Commission (2007). 13
14 Figure 1: Orange shading denotes cities with the largest percentage growth in the number of people living in poverty. Nearly all of the orange areas are outside the urban core. 14
15 Figure 2: This map presents a snapshot of the geography of poverty in the Bay Area in 2009 and draws attention to areas where poverty rates have increased since 2000 (outlined in red). Pittsburg, Antioch, Vallejo, and Santa Rosa have high poverty rates but are also located in suburban areas farther from the urban core. 15
16 Figure 3: Cities outlined in red experienced the greatest increases in poverty rates from 2000 to Almost all of these cities fall within the quintile farthest from rail stations. 16
17 Figure 4: On the left, this table lists the ten cities with the largest percentage growth in the number of poor residents. On the right, it lists where the number of poor decreased by the largest percentage. Percentage Change in Number of Poor Residents (of cities with more than 20,000 people in 2009) Largest Increase Largest Decrease City Percentage Increase City Percentage Decrease Dublin 103% Los Gatos -20% Morgan Hill 102% Daly City -15% Brentwood 99% Berkeley -13% Hercules 94% Gilroy -10% Millbrae 86% Oakland -10% Campbell 72% Los Altos -10% Redwood City 72% Lafayette -9% Danville 68% San Rafael -7% San Bruno 66% Belmont -7% Pacifica 65% Cupertino -6% Figure 5: On the left, this table lists the ten cities where poverty rates increased by the most percentage points. On the right, it lists where the poverty rate decreased by the most percentage points. Change in Poverty Rate (of cities with more than 20,000 people in 2009) Largest Increase Largest Decrease City 2009 Poverty Rate Percentage Pt. Change City 2009 Poverty Rate Percentage Pt. Change Redwood City 11% 4.7% Gilroy 8% -2.2% Antioch 12% 4.0% Oakland 17% -1.9% Morgan Hill 9% 3.8% Berkeley 19% -1.4% Suisun City 10% 3.8% San Pablo 17% -1.0% Santa Rosa 12% 3.5% Daly City 6% -0.9% Campbell 8% 3.5% Los Gatos 3% -0.8% Vallejo 13% 3.2% Richmond 15% -0.8% Rohnert Park 11% 3.1% San Rafael 10% -0.6% San Bruno 7% 3.0% Cupertino 4% -0.5% Millbrae 6% 2.9% Lafayette 2% -0.4% 17
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text:
Dragon magazine 259 was released in May 1999.
|This article is about a subject published in Dragon magazine.
Only topics that fall within Realms canon should be presented here; either Realms-specific articles or articles from core D&D that are applicable to the Realms.
Stolen DreamsEdit
- By Elaine Cunningham. Illustrated by Russell Walks.
A short story set at the Friendly Arms Inn.[template]
Rogues Gallery: Dream SpheresEdit
- By Elaine Cunningham. Illustrated by David Day.
In the City of Splendors, a word can cut more deeply than a knife.[template]
Dragon's Bestiary: Symbiotes and ParasitesEdit
- By Johnathan M. Richards. Illustrated by Brad McDevitt.
Hold still... you've got something on you.[template]
Wyrms of the North: ZundaerazylymEdit
- By James Wyatt. Illustrated by Carlo Arellano.
This steel dragon's secrets could spell the North's salvation—or its doom.[template]
Bazaar of the Bizarre: Sleep on ItEdit
- By Drew Karpyshyn. Illustrated by Jim Crabtree.
For the weary adventurer, a selection of the finest in pillows, blankets, and bedrolls.[template]


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