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CodeCriminal replied to Richard Blues's topic in For Beginners[quote name='Serapth' timestamp='1348079422' post='4981774'] I would be curious to do a poll at some point along the lines of: Which do you think is harder: -- filming a movie -- coding a video game [/quote] I've been involved in both (programmer/actor though less acting than programming ) and that's a tough one lol. Each of them are equally draining but in different ways, at least that is my opinion... kinda states the obvious haha [quote name='DaveTroyer' timestamp='1348164862' post='4982109'] Me-thinks we're getting a bit side-tracked guys. ... Hope this helps! [/quote] Ah yes, I apologize. Ok so I'm pretty tired of dishing out the same old Your-Not-Going-To-Make-X. speech so lets try it a different way, pick one of the languages below, try several before settling on one if you must. In no particular order: - C# - Python - Java - C++ Then, in chosen language, try to implement what you think will be the single most easiest feature to program in your MMOx If it were me I would probably start with menu system (no fancy GUI or anything, just the ability to navigate a hierarchy of sub/menu's and have the perform different actions) simple enough. Then move onto something a little harder, perhaps an inventory (depends on how you want your inventory system to work). If you manage to achieve that, try to do something a little harder; a chat client! over the interwebs! (atleast I think its harder, probably because I have never attempted it and have little idea as to what it involves). Then keep going for as long as you can, the rest of us who were once in your exact position already know the ending to this story, but at least this way you will gain a serious amount of valuable experience!
CodeCriminal replied to CodeCriminal's topic in General and Gameplay Programming[quote name='SiCrane' timestamp='1348665253' post='4983965'] [quote name='roadysix' timestamp='1348662542' post='4983957'] I've read that allocators of the same type are required by the standard to be able to deallocate the memory that another of its type has allocated. [/quote] No, memory allocated by a allocator A can be deallocated by allocator B only if A == B is true. If they aren't equal to each other, they're not required to be able to deallocate each other's allocated memory. See section 20.1.5 of the C++03 standard or 220.127.116.11 of the C++11 standard. [/quote] I don't have the standard documentation available to me nor do I know where to get it. What you have said is essentially what I mean but the problem is that allocators of the same type are required to return true from A == B (or so I read somewhere) I am probably wrong, if so does this mean I can implement the comparison operators normally?
CodeCriminal posted a topic in General and Gameplay ProgrammingHello again, I have another query about custom allocators. I've read that allocators of the same type are required by the standard to be able to deallocate the memory that another of its type has allocated. This presents a problem when trying to implement a memory pool based allocator (or variation thereof) seeing as I would like each pool allocator to manage its own memory block, the size of which supplied by a template parameter. Something along the lines of [CODE] template <typename T, std::size_t Blocks> class pool_allocator ; [/CODE] But of course allocators of the same type would not be able to deallocate memory of other instances of the same type of pool class. I decided try and make the data members static, _blocks, and _size for now since I haven't really fleshed out how this is going to work. and then do something like this: [CODE] inline pool_allocator( ) noexcept { T* __Tmp = reinterpret_cast<T*>(::operator new((Blocks + _size) * sizeof(T))); std::uninitialized_copy(_blocks, _blocks+_size, __Tmp); // may not be necessary because most pools will be constructed at the beginning of the program, but it doesn't hurt runtime to have it in there if this is the case. _blocks = __Tmp; _size += Blocks; } // ... // static member initialization template <typename T, std::size_t Blocks> T* pool_allocator<T, Blocks>::_blocks = nullptr; template <typename T, std::size_t Blocks> std::size_t pool_allocator<T, Blocks>::_size = 0; [/CODE] It would be better if I could get the summation of all pool allocator Blocks at compile time but I see no way to do this at the moment - ideas anyone? ... There was something else I wanted to say as well but it escapes me at the moment.. It'll come back. Anyway, how would I deal with fragmentation in the most efficient manor possible while still maintaining contiguous blocks of memory that arrays allow for? some things may be deallocated from the middle of the memory block and the only way I can see is to keep a sort of queue of pointers to free space in memory but this is a terrible solution for obvious reasons. I'm not entirely sure my approach will work in the end, but there is little to go by on the internet that I've found
CodeCriminal replied to ATC's topic in General and Gameplay ProgrammingAbove post I'm actually working on a small library of random items that include math related things such as vectors and matrices. if you want id be willing to share code, or give feedback over skype or something though I don't have a mic. I don't yet have a class for quaternions so I'd be interested to see your implementation.
CodeCriminal replied to ATC's topic in General and Gameplay ProgrammingI was once in the same boat as you somewhat, I wanted an algorithm to do LU decomposition because I had heard that you can compute the inverse of a matrix with the decomposition though I never was able to find any information on exactly how to go about that. I did however write a working algorithm to do the decomposition and it should still be here on gamedev somewhere.. (I'll check my posts and then get back to you) though I was told it was lacking "pivoting" or something.. I'm no math genius I just learn enough to get by in programming (and possibly a little extra if it peaks my interest which is more often than not). hold on let me find that post for you.. EDIT: Sorry, seems my old posts/topics have been deleted =/ .. blows.. well I'm not that great at math and it took me a good few hours to read about LU decomposition and how it is done, to come up with an algorithm. I'm sure if you keep at it you will come up with the algorithm as well it wasn't complex at all if I remember correctly just a few for loops. It might be around somewhere, I used to go by CodeCriminal around here but have since changed my handle. EDIT2: Woo found it http://www.gamedev.net/topic/562662-lu-decomposition-and-computing-the-determinant-of-an-nxn-matrixsolved/
CodeCriminal replied to CodeCriminal's topic in General and Gameplay Programming[quote name='Bregma' timestamp='1348578275' post='4983554'] [quote name='roadysix' timestamp='1348561194' post='4983505'] EDIT: I just tried a few things out, and one of those things was to inherit from the allocators rebind member which at first spat out some errors during compilation. Then gcc suggested something interesting - 'use Allocator::template rebind to indicate that it is a template' - I have never come across anything like this before but it seems to have fixed the original problem I had with your change to the rebind member when I change it like so: [/quote] Yes, that construct is required by the language in that situation. Older versions of the Microsoft C+ compiler fail to comply with the language specification on that, I'm not sure about current versions. GCC has required it since 3.0 which was released a decade ago now. [/quote] Ah, good to know, I've only been working with gcc for just under a year now (not counting actual time spent programming) and I was a visual studio guy before that, so that's probably the reason why I had never come across it before. (couldn't resist those c++11 features that vc10 was lacking in [img]http://public.gamedev.net//public/style_emoticons/default/smile.png[/img] ) [quote name='Bregma' timestamp='1348578275' post='4983554'] You're poking around with a part of C++ that has all the pointy bits at one end. Hang on, you're in for a fun ride. [/quote] Oh joy a challenge, I look forward to it haha. [quote name='Bregma' timestamp='1348578275' post='4983554'] BTW, the only place GCC should be using [font=courier new,courier,monospace]std::allocator_traits<tracking<int>>[/font] is in its test suite. [/quote] Well since changing the code in the rebind member that [i]edd[/i] suggested, that problem has pretty much disappeared, I'm now faced with the getting it to work with std::list. The problem I am getting is that std::list<T, Alloc>::get_allocator( ) or some function there within is trying to call a "supposed" non-existent copy constructor. The errors go a little something like this: error: no matching function for call to 'type::allocator<std::_List_node<int> >::allocator(const type::allocator<std::_List_node<int> >&) It works with std::allocator but not my own implementation it seems.. (recently discovered) ... After one quick look I noticed my constructors where declared explicit, for some reason this blows up in the containers. Removed the explicit keyword and now everything is working again! .. until I find the next flaw that is. [quote name='Bregma' timestamp='1348578275' post='4983554'] Oh, and one more thing. The current C++ standard changes allocators around a lot. The old C++98 allocator model is being deprecated. It's a good riddance kind of thing. [/quote] Oh really? so am I using the old allocator model? If so where can I find information on constructing allocators that comform to the new standard? Thanks [revised code] : http://codepad.org/9mrTYNT2
CodeCriminal replied to CodeCriminal's topic in General and Gameplay Programming[quote name='e?dd' timestamp='1348528945' post='4983394'] I don't think your implementation of rebind is correct. I believe it should be something like this: [code] template <typename T> struct rebind { typedef tracking<typename Allocator::rebind<T>::other> other; }; [/code] I haven't checked the rest, but I suspect that this correction will solve your immediate problem. [/quote] Hmm, that does indeed make sense seeing as the std containers are passing their first template parameter to rebind internally it seems. However it didn't solve my problem and introduced a new error, something along the lines of "template parameter 1 is invalid", and that is just trying to instantiate the template. I'll take a closer look when I get home (in class right now [img]http://public.gamedev.net//public/style_emoticons/default/tongue.png[/img]) EDIT: I just tried a few things out, and one of those things was to inherit from the allocators rebind member which at first spat out some errors during compilation. Then gcc suggested something interesting - 'use Allocator::template rebind to indicate that it is a template' - I have never come across anything like this before but it seems to have fixed the original problem I had with your change to the rebind member when I change it like so: [CODE] template <typename T> struct rebind { typedef tracking<typename Allocator::template rebind<T>::other> other; }; [/CODE] I can already see there are a few other problems with the class that will need to be addressed before I get it working, but when I do I shall report back. EDIT2: Ok, so I seem to have it working now and the latest draft is pasted below in codepad, it works as expected but I could take this class further providing something a little more feature rich. There wasn't really much that needed to be done to get it working just a few silly mistakes. Thanks for your help [img]http://public.gamedev.net//public/style_emoticons/default/smile.png[/img] [url="http://codepad.org/31creIpW"]http://codepad.org/31creIpW[/url] I'm not really sure what to do about the comparison operators, leave them as-is or make comparisons of that data? EDIT3: Having some troubles with std::list because of the rebinding it does from allocator<int> to allocator<_Node_t<int>*> (or something along those lines...
CodeCriminal replied to CodeCriminal's topic in General and Gameplay Programming[quote name='e?dd' timestamp='1348513957' post='4983320'] because we don't have your code [/quote] Ah yes, sorry, I've pasted in codepad simply because I don't like what this forum does to the formatting when you post code. http://codepad.org/aeiKdVxZ I thought about trying to add the template parameter Allocator as a template-template parameter, I seem to recall being able to do this but I'm not too well versed in with it so would require some reading on my behalf (though I am doubtful that it will solve my problem).
CodeCriminal posted a topic in General and Gameplay ProgrammingHi, so as a little excersize I've been looking into c++ allocators a little more and google'd my way to the link below (which I've come across a couple times but never really bothered to dig into it) [url="http://www.codeproject.com/Articles/4795/C-Standard-Allocator-An-Introduction-and-Implement"]http://www.codeproje...n-and-Implement[/url] Something that peaked my interest was the simple memory profiling with the tracking policy class, so I decided to implement something similar to this but instead of using policy classes I went the adapter route. Use of my class goes something like this: [CODE] #include "allocator.hpp" // my own allocator header // ... std::vector<int, tracking<std::allocator<int>>> vec; // ... std::cout << vec.get_allocator( ).total_allocations( ) << std::endl; // etc. etc.. [/CODE] However this code produces an ungodly amount of errors during compilation, after taking a look it seems that the standard library that comes with gcc at least uses something along the lines of std::allocator_traits<tracking<int>> internally which of course is not what I want. Is there any way to get around this? I don't understand why int is being passed to tracking in its template parameters, or even how since wouldn't it make more sense to do something like: std::allocator_traits<Allocator>::??? which as far as I can see would work.. I could try the policy based approach but I expect this would fail too unless I have my allocator defined with a default policy or something.. Maybe I will just roll my own containers that mimic the standard. Though as of right now it seems overkill (although fun) just for this tiny error. Thoughts?
CodeCriminal replied to xhh's topic in For BeginnersIf, like me (and so many others), you enjoy programming for what it is, and not just because you want to make a game, then you will probably enjoy tinkering in c++. Though, if all you're looking for is something a little more powerful than Gamemaker to take your ideas to the next level then best bet is to stick with python, C# or some other high level/managed language. If you want to try C++, SDL/SFML as has already been mentioned, are choice libraries to develop applications such as games so don't forget to check those out (I would personally recommend SFML simply because I am familiar with it somewhat and seems generally cleaner than its C based competitor).
CodeCriminal replied to CodeCriminal's topic in General and Gameplay Programming[quote name='sundersoft' timestamp='1346546811' post='4975599'] You might want to wait for concepts to be standardized (or killed) before trying to add information about when a template would work to its interface. You're going to have to change your code if the standards comittee actually implements concepts and you want to use that feature (which would basically do what you're trying to do right now). http://en.wikipedia..../Concepts_(C++) However, this probably isn't going to be standardized for another 5 years at least (if it does become standard). [/quote] I had heard about concepts some time ago, though it is only now that I need them that I understand what they are for ("concepts" is a bit misleading), but as you said I'd be waiting a long time for them to implemented, (if the implementation of the c++11 standard is anything to go by) anyway thanks for clarifying and I think I'll stick with the regular function overload for now
CodeCriminal replied to CodeCriminal's topic in General and Gameplay Programming[quote name='Brother Bob' timestamp='1346543108' post='4975591'] [quote name='roadysix' timestamp='1346542823' post='4975590'] Incurring the overhead of a proxy function call is also undesirable [/quote] Any decent compiler will remove the extra function call. [/quote] Oh, thats good to know makes sense really
CodeCriminal replied to CodeCriminal's topic in General and Gameplay Programming[quote name='Brother Bob' timestamp='1346541495' post='4975584'] [quote name='roadysix' timestamp='1346540294' post='4975578'] I could probably cast the non-const pointer to const but this isn't really desirable. [/quote] Overloading to the rescue (how ironic...): [code] template <typename T> void function(T x) { ... } template <typename T> void function(const T* x) { ... } template <typename T> void function(T* x) { function(static_cast<const T *>(x)); } [/code] [/quote] Incurring the overhead of a proxy function call is also undesirable, where simply being able to partially specialize a function would be favourable. Alas, as pointed out it is not possible. [quote name='Brother Bob' timestamp='1346541495' post='4975584'] [quote name='roadysix' timestamp='1346540294' post='4975578'] Of course, these are all hypothetical needs, and I don't imagine I will come across anything like this in the near future, if ever, though it is still interesting and worth knowing. [/quote] Perhaps not in a near future, but they certainly aren't hypothetical. I would say that your example with just an overload for pointer type is a fairly trivial and not totally unexpected example.... [/quote] Hmm well I would still try to avoid this kind of thing some way or another. [quote name='sundersoft' timestamp='1346542575' post='4975588'] [quote name='roadysix' timestamp='1346530306' post='4975525'] [quote] You could try changing the specialization to: [code] template <> typename std::enable_if<std::is_arithmetic<mytype>::value, mytype>::type func(const mytype& x) noexcept; [/code] [/quote] I could try this but it would involve specializing is_arithmetic for mytype which is something I don't really want to do. Even still it would only evaluate to true and produce the same problems. [/quote] I really doubt you're going to be able to specialize the function if your type doesn't have is_arithmetic<mytype>::value==true . You are allowed to specialize templates in the standard library (under certain conditions). The following code compiles even though the mytype specialization of func doesn't use is_arithmetic: [/quote] I soon realized this after posting that reply and decided to go with the function overload. Extending the standard namespace is something I try to avoid, but I am interested in what these "certain conditions" are, if you could explain further.
CodeCriminal replied to CodeCriminal's topic in General and Gameplay Programming[quote name='Brother Bob' timestamp='1346539070' post='4975572'] That is not partial specialization, but regular function overloading. The two templates are separate. [/quote] Haha I realized that, that is why I put "partial specialization" in inverted commas. [quote name='Brother Bob' timestamp='1346539070' post='4975572'] So what you have is the correct way, but I suspect you're not failing to call the pointer-overload because it's a better match, but because you're passing a non-const pointer and non-const overloads are preferred over const-overloads in that case. [/quote] Ah yes, I passed a const pointer to the function and the correct function was called. Seems to me like this could be a dangerous game to play and partial specializations would be a better fit for this kind of thing.. though, I'm no c++ expert. The same incorrect result is achieved if I have two overloads, one with a const-reference and another with a const-pointer when I try to pass in a non-const-pointer the function that takes a const-reference is called. I could create two overloads that do not take const parameters but what if I didn't want the function accidentally changing the value of that variable passed to it (of course I would use const) but what if I need to pass a non-const pointer to the function that accepts a const-pointer.. silent disaster. I could probably cast the non-const pointer to const but this isn't really desirable. Of course, these are all hypothetical needs, and I don't imagine I will come across anything like this in the near future, if ever, though it is still interesting and worth knowing.
CodeCriminal replied to CodeCriminal's topic in General and Gameplay ProgrammingOk, I guess the overload is my best bet for now seeing as the explicit specialization doesn't work, thanks Brother Bob, you learn something new everyday haha [img]http://public.gamedev.net//public/style_emoticons/default/smile.png[/img] EDIT: I have a question about not being able to partially specialize a function as this is news to me. lets say that I have a template function that takes any type performs some operations and then returns, pretty basic stuff [CODE] template <typename T> void function(const T x) { /* ... */ } [/CODE] Then I would like to "partially specialize" this function for pointers to T, I tried to create an overload like this: [CODE] template <typename T> void function(const T* x) { /* ... */ } [/CODE] I have never had to do anything like this before but that is besides the point. While this compiles, I did not get the expected result and only the first template function was being called, even when I passed a pointer to the function! Which to me is surprising. Without being able to partially specialize a function, what would be the correct way to go about setting up something like this? Thanks


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Bookstore's Book Club helps parents get kids excited about books
As parents, we all know we should read to our kids. But not all books are equal. Maybe you have picked up a picture book, only to find it bored your child, dealt with too serious a topic or-horrors!-contained a swear word.
Giselle Walsh, mother of an 11-month-old daughter and aunt to several nieces and nephews, says her two worst book picks for kids were There's a Hair in My Dirt by cartoonist Gary Larson and Love You Forever by Robert Munsch. The first includes a swear word, she says, which means it is not appropriate for children even though it is marketed as a kids' book. The second, Walsh says, adults love but kids find boring.
That's why Walsh is happy she found Anderson's Book Camp at Anderson's Bookshop in Downer's Grove. The camp is not for kids, but for adults who have to choose books for children.
"One of my struggles was I didn't know the difference between a good children's book and a bad one," says Walsh.
The camp, which meets at 7 p.m. on the second Monday of each month, has helped. In the session on how to get your child to love reading, Walsh says she found that a book's age appropriateness wasn't as important as whether it held a child's interest.
Another mom, Mary Wisniowicz, says she went to two book camps and both times came away with lots of information. "I went because I have a 3-year-old daughter and we want her to develop a love of reading. But when you go into a library or bookstore, there are so many books." She wants to start her daughter off on the right ones.
Kathleen March, the force behind the Book Camp, is a mom herself and knows the questions that come up. Her now 14-year-old daughter struggled with reading when she was in fifth grade. Although the problem turned out to be poor eyesight, March worried over which books would be best when it first seemed that her daughter was having difficulty reading.
March, now an Anderson employee, used that experience in designing the program.
On Feb. 9, the club will discuss how books can help in your child's character development. The March 8 topic is "It takes a good reader to be a good writer." On April 12, parents will get help dealing with reluctant readers. The May 10 program is aimed at parents of advanced readers. And finally, the June 14 session is, "It's summer. Now what?"
Sessions are free, but advance registration is required. Call (630) 963-2665. Anderson's Bookshop is at 5112 Main St., Downers Grove.
Merry Mayer
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"Simplicity is the ultimate sophistication."
~ Leonardo da Vinci
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TS Telangana Police SI ASI Constable 2016 Notification Online Application
Candidates who are waiting for a job in a police department there is good news for them. Telengana Police Board is going to release the recruitment notification for the aspirants who are looking for a police job in Telengana. Telengana Police Board has released a recruitment notification for the posts of SI (Sub Inspector), ASI (Assistant Sub Inspector) and Constable. Interested and eligible candidates can apply online form the official website of Telengana Police Board. TS Police SI ASI Constable Recruitment Notification 2016 will be soon released in the official website. TS Police SI ASI Constable Online Application 2016 will be soon released and candidates can simultaneously apply for the post. Candidates have to register themselves before the application process.
TS Poilce SI ASI Constable Notification 2016:
Every year TS Police Board conducts Recruitment examination for recruiting eligible candidates who wish to join police department. Through recruitment examination it short lists the eligible candidates. Candidates of TS will be selected on the basis of performance in the recruitment examination conducted by the TS Police Board. Candidates who clear the recruitment examination will be offered offer letter for the post they have opted. Exact Dates related TS Police Recruitment Notification will be declared soon in the official website. All the details regarding the Eligibility Criteria,Exam Syllabus ,Exam Dates will be soon released in the official portal. So keep visiting the website for the latest updates.
Telangana Police (Physical) Eligibility Criteria 2016:
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The Years of Rice and Salt
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Preview (read now) Add to my own site Give this ebook to a friend Add to my wishlist Author's page Publisher's page
About the authorKim Stanley Robinson is the author of the Nebula and Hugo Award—winning Mars trilogy: Red Mars, Green Mars, and Blue Mars, as well as The Martians, Antarctica, The Wild Shore, The Gold Coast, Pacific Edge, A Short, Sharp Shock, and other novels. He lives in Davis, California.
From the Hardcover edition.


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Regis B. Kimble is a director and editor. He worked as an editor on Buffy the Vampire Slayer during the show's first five seasons and also edited the Angel episode "City of". He is also credited with being a title designer on Angel.
Kimble directed the Buffy the Vampire Slayer episode "Earshot" and the Angel episode "Eternity".


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Juan Francisco Roman, 42
Taxi Driver Arrested for Possession of Loaded Firearm and Narcotics
Orcutt - February 15th, 2017
At approximately 1:00 a.m. on February 13, 2017, a Sheriff's deputy conducted a traffic stop on a taxi cab in the area of Tanglewood Drive and Driftwood Drive for a traffic violation. During the stop, the deputy contacted 42-year-old Juan Francisco Roman of Santa Maria who was the driver of the taxi cab. During this contact, deputies conducted a search of the taxi cab and located a loaded 9mm firearm next to the driver seat. In addition, deputies located a usable quantity of methamphetamine and heroin.
During the course of the investigation, deputies learned Roman was a convicted felon with multiple prior arrests for weapons violations. He was taken into custody without incident and booked into the Santa Barbara County Jail for a variety of felony charges. Roman is being held on $50,000 bail.
For Media Inquires Contact PIO Kelly Hoover
Business Hours: (805) 681-4100


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- Bartholomew Freeman
- 2 years ago
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1 Paper, resented at the Annual Convention of the North American International Studies Association Los Angeles, March 14 18, 2000 THE KOSOVO CRISIS AND THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM: ISSUES OF LEGITIMACY AND ACTORS MOTIVATION Ognyan Minchev University of Sofia Institute for Regional and International Studies I. The Kosovo crisis problems of legitimacy. The crisis in Kosovo opened the door to a completely new type of international involvement and management of local inter-communal clashes. It s already been more than 120 years since the international community (in the format of the European Concert of Powers ) has intervened for the first time into a local crisis, using the arguments of humanity and human rights defense. This happened in 1876 when the Ottoman Empire defeated a rebellion of the Bulgarian population, claiming independence from the Porte. The huge atrocities of the Ottoman troops against the civilian population have actually lead to mass scale public opinion condemnation in Europe and in the US and brought the Great Powers on the conference table in Constantinople in resolving the Eastern Question. Mass-scale violations of human rights have been in the focus of the international public opinion and the community of democratic states throughout the 20C. That stimulated the sophistication of international law in many aspects limiting the means of legitimate warfare, establishing clear status for refugees, military prisoners of war, civilians in war stricken regions, etc. The League of Nations, established in 1919 as an instrument to preserve the new status quo in post war Europe and to contain revisionist attempts on behalf of the defeated nations, has been the first precedent of an international organization (even if very fragile and ineffective one), aimed at mediating among the nations interests from the position of defined principles, including the principles of human rights observation. The Holocaust and other immense atrocities of the Nazi machine throughout World War II brought to the international scene the UNO as the first precedent of an international institution, capable of enforcing decisions made. At the same time it was effectively restricted in its instruments to do that in most of the individual cases when the UNO has opposed inhumane practices around the world. The logic of the Cold War has substantively reduced the ability of the UNO to prosecute major cases of human rights violations, even if those cases have been treated by the Assembly resolutions or even by the Security Council decisions. In all cases of international treatment of human rights abuse throughout th 20 century one basic principle of the international system has dominated both the logic of international decision making and the practical interventions into conflict stricken
2 areas. This is the principle of national sovereignty and the legitimacy of the sovereign national decision making over the particular process subject of international concern. If we, for example, take a look at the so called third basket of the Helsinki Act of 1975, what we ll see formulated is the principle right to monitor human rights status in a nation state. The latter, though, goes together with the obligation of the state not to impede, but to support such an independent monitoring. The crises of disintegrating Yugoslavia among other comparable events in the post Cold War world - have caused gradually developing precedents both of undermining the sovereignty of decision making at nation state level (through relativating the very concept of state sovereignty), and of international interference with strong obligatory enforcement. In the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the nation state as a sole legitimate agent in the international relations has been to a large extent replaced by the autonomous participation in the international crisis management of the conflicting parties leaders the Muslim Boshniaks, the Serbs and the Herzeg Bosnia Croats. The internationally recognized sovereign the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina had no practical legitimacy to play a role, larger than the Muslim party representation. The confusion of this semi-legitimate international status of the three conflicting communities has become explicitly obvious at Dayton, where the legitimacy problems have been resolved through involving the presidents of two neighboring states Serbia and Croatia as parties to the agreement for peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Bosnian crisis has shown the largest ever involvement of international organizations into a conflict management process. The EU, the OSCE, the UNO, NATO to enlist only the major ones have been direct participants in managing the conflict, even if their efforts have been ineffective for years. Only the combination of UNO Security Council resolutions and the willingness of NATO to execute them have finally produced the fragile resolution of the crisis at Dayton. The UNO NATO partnership combined the legitimacy of the international organization with the executive ability of the military-political union, for the first time acting out of the zone of its principle responsibilities. The Kosovo crisis represented a difficult case of legitimizing an international involvement from its very beginning. First, the crisis took place in the undisputed sovereign territory of the FR Yugoslavia. Unlike Bosnia, where the majority of the population (Serbs and Croats) has disputed the very statehood, Kosovo represents integrative territory of the Republic of Serbia the bigger partner in the rump- Yugoslav federation. The Albanians whose position within the territory and the state constitution has been the focus of dispute represented a significant minority within the state of Serbia. Changing, or improving their status could be a result of sovereign Serb Yugoslav decision making process. The legitimate body of international intervention the UNO could act as a strong mediator, enforcing international peace-keeping mission in the disputed region, but the UNO could have no authority either to control larger territory of the FRY, or to change the status of Kosovo itself. This is the framework, in which all international actors, mediating in the crisis operated until the end of The first significant point of departure has been Rambouillet. The draft agreement, proposed to the Serb delegation at Rambouillet contained many unacceptable elements for the Milosevic regime in Belgrade. Giving up controls
3 over the disputed Kosovo region under a peaceful agreement would present Milosevic as a traitor in the eyes of the nationalist Serb public opinion. The strong man in Belgrade had already once felt the strength of his angry fellow compatriots after having signed the Dayton agreement against the will of the Bosnian Serbs. This time the reaction could be even stronger. That was enough argument to refuse signature at Rambouillet. But the draft agreement, prepared by the leaders of the West for Rambouillet contained one more significant obstacle to an easy surrender on behalf of Belgrade. According to the draft clauses and amendments, the peace keeping units of the NATO (not of the UN) in Kosovo would have free access to the entire territory of the FRY without being subject to the internal Yugoslav law. Obeying to such a clause would mean principle surrender of the FRY sovereignty on behalf of Milosevic regime. Such a precondition appears for the first time in an international effort to monitor and mediate in a crisis region in order to serve the observation of human rights there. The propagandist legitimization of the NATO campaign against official Belgrade was built around the global character of the human rights principles and the responsibilities of the international community to defend those rights in a global world. The growing integrity of uniting Europe was used as a powerful additional argument. But the split between the positions of the major Western leaders, united around the NATO, and the UNO, where Russia and China hold veto powers at the Security Council, has reduced the legitimacy of the international community further action to the arguments of the major Western powers. The military campaign against Belgrade was carried out as a result of the united will of those Western powers. Only after Milosevic gave up to the military pressure and opened the door to the international peace keepers of KFOR, agreement involving the UNO as a formal agency of control over the international force had been made possible. These developments have outlined a new framework of international action legitimization in the field of conflict management. First, the national sovereignty is no longer an obstacle to international action, when major violations of human rights are considered to have occurred. That will have major implications upon the entire international system. Viewing international relations in substance, smaller countries in numerous regions of the world have often been considered sovereign only de jure. Poverty and economic crises, strong neighbors and traditional imperial masters have often reduced national sovereignty to a nominal existence. The entire Soviet block throughout the Cold War has been constituted of sovereign on paper satellites. Kosovo, though, represents a precedent in which human rights concerns have been considered as a senior and more valuable principle of the international system, than the principle of sovereignty. This has immediately raised the question about the legitimate authority, capable to judge where is the point, in which sovereignty gives up its primacy to the human rights concerns. If sovereignty becomes relative, what will be the institutional basis of the international system from now on? Second, there is no valid international authority to make decisions and act on behalf of the community of nations in cases of violent crises or major conflicts. The UNO and its Security Council do not, obviously, reflect the new power structures of the post Cold War world. In the case of Kosovo, the leaders of the West decided to bypass the UNO and act against Belgrade, legitimizing NATO as the new instrument of executing the decisions of the international community, thus de-legitimizing the
4 great power status of Russia and China. The NATO summit in Washington D.C., celebrating the 50 th anniversary of the Alliance, adopted in effect a new framework of the NATO strategy and territorial range of operation, involving Central and Eastern Europe as parts of the Alliance s legitimate territory of action. Of course, this new strategic framework has been based on the evident will of most Central and Eastern European countries to join NATO and to be part of the Euro Atlantic security system. NATO s obligation to act in favor of human rights defense has additionally been legitimized by the fact that only nations with democratic political systems may constitute the Alliance s membership. But this set of arguments does not resolve the major issue, stemming from the substitution of the UNO the world international organization with a military-political alliance with regional scope of its mission. In the case of NATO Kosovo action democratic nations defend a minority, subjected to violent atrocities by an authoritarian regime. What if a regional organization, defending religious or cultural identity with fundamentalist principles interferes into a sovereign nation from the same region, legitimizing its action with the argument that this non-compliant nation does not observe the values and the principles of Europe and the Western world could not successfully defend the precedent of a regional scope organization s military action against a sovereign country with the argument that our values are humane, and more than that universal. In a culturally diverse world international law will be less capable than ever to tell the difference between Western laic values, Christian values, or Islamic and Hindu values, concerning human rights or any other field of value systems definition. Third, loosing the authority of the single international organization, which builds up a process of consensus on international conflict management action, and reducing the status of national state sovereignty in the international system impairs the legal definitions of the necessary threshold to international intervention. The world becomes much more relative in terms of responsibilities and rights. We live in a multicultural world. We have always lived in a multicultural world. What makes the difference today is that we assess positively the fact of multicultural living. This positive assessment, though, does not make it easier to define the rules of multicultural living. The nation state sovereignty has always been based on the principle of self-determination. A community becomes a sovereign only after proving it is a nation. (Long term struggles and dear victims usually pave the road to national emancipation in an entire epoch of human history the epoch of the modern world.) A democratic nation has the obligation to observe the rights of all its citizens, including those belonging to minority communities, without being obliged to recognize those minorities right to self-determination. Turning this principle into a relative one, opens the door to an endless process of communal claims for selfdetermination, with no possible end up. The endless self-determination process promises an endless chain of inter-communal conflicts and endless interventions of the international communities, aimed at human rights defense and at restoring peaceful coexistence. An endless chain of international protectorates, devouring humanitarian aid and preventing hostile clans to sit at each other s throats may well replace the imperfect, but stable world of sovereign states. Let s take a look at Bosnia and Kosovo. Enormous amounts of international funds maintain weak protectorate administrations, presiding upon intense corruption and organized crime, tense inter-communal relations and continuous efforts to ethnic cleansing, performed by the currently stronger communities. The structural weakness of the international community to deal with escalating communal claims has been
5 perfectly well demonstrated in the process of ex-yugoslavia s disintegration. The first step has been to recognize the constituent republics. The next challenge immediately followed Bosnia, an entity, which had no autonomous chance to survive the internal clash. A second step semi-recognition of the constituent Bosnian parties, clashing with each other. Step three uneasy peace, sponsored by the international community, and involving as mediators the war lords themselves Milosevic, Tudman and Izetbegobic have been the signatories in the peace, following their own war Fourth step Kosovo. The international mediator Milosevic becomes indicted war criminal Step five? If we come back to the Kosovo case, the challenges of legitimizing an international action do not stop with the successful end of the NATO campaign against Belgrade. The comparison between means and ends and in particular between aims and results brings us to an environment of multiplying crises, stemming out of unresolved old dilemmas. First, the Kosovo action of NATO against Belgrade did not stop mass scale human rights abuse, even if it had successfully prevented a huge massacre of Kosovar Albanians, planned by the Milosevic regime. In the past nine months, systematic abuse of human rights of the now victorious Albanians over the minority Serbs has been taking place under the helpless observation of KFOR units, designed to perform military actions, but helpless in performing policing functions. The ethnic intolerance of Albanians in Kosovo affects not only the Serbs, yet all other ethnic communities Roma, Turks, Slav Muslims etc. Second, the protectorate status of Kosovo resembles a contradictory structure. Kosovo is a legal part of Serbia, and Kosovo is practically separated territory with its own currency, border controls, customs, dependent on foreign donors and organized crime economy, aiming at full independence. Thus Kosovo represents an important test case of the unavoidable change of borders as a primary consequence of war. Europe resolved its ethnic clashes after the World War II on the basis of two interconnected principles: inviolability of borders and respect to minority rights. One could say if Milosevic failed to observe minority rights in Kosovo, he would now face separation. Without going into too much detail the separation of Kosovo could not remain a single case in the international system in the Balkan region and in Europe. If a minority succeeded once to receive its independence as a gift from the international community, many other minorities are very likely to follow this tempting lead. If Kosovar Albanians could become independent, what obstacle in terms of reason or international law could prevent the independence of the Bosnian Serbs and Croats? A potential independence of Kosovo would immediately affect the stability of neighboring Macedonia, opening in this way the entire Pandora s box of old Balkan ethnic and nationalist strife. Separatism and international protectorate buffer zones against separatism are hiding one more evidence of long-term legitimacy shortage: the new structure of Kosovo - administrative and economic - does not promise easy recovery. The region is overwhelmed by the organized crime economy and politics, which function on the basis of adverse clan competition. No effective law and order could be installed in this entirely criminal zone, where nobody feels secure for his/her life or property. If the community and its international sponsors could not establish the basics of decent institutions in Kosovo, what could we count at for the future? The restoration of Serb
6 control is impossible and unjust. The capacity for decent self-rule is almost nonexistent. How many years of international protectorate administration and how many billions of dollars could rebuild a legitimate order in Kosovo, thus preventing a crisis spill over into the Balkans? How many places like Kosovo do we have on the Balkans? In Europe? In the World? How many cases like Kosovo do we face today? And tomorrow? The day after tomorrow? Thomas Hobbs argued that no Leviathan (or reasonable order) is possible in the field of international relations. The process of international system s development in the next centuries tried to prove this Hobbs' thesis wrong. The consent of sovereign nations upon particular principles, norms and values, has made it possible to distinguish (within a reasonable risk of relativism) between legitimate and illegitimate behavior at the international scene. How could we establish a legitimate new international system, if the universal rule of normative consent among sovereign nations is being replaced by the flexible qualitative considerations upon the human rights records of different states and regimes, selectively applied after the real politik interest of a current international community? (Flexibility is evident in comparing the Kosovo and Chechnya cases, where dealing with a Great Power as Russia makes the only difference to dealing with the little nasty regime in Belgrade.) Human rights represent a value system. We either have to convince the entire world in a quantifiable normative version of our human rights observation standards, or we have to face an international system, built on relative bases. Legitimacy is a process of consensual empowerment, which makes it particularly difficult to develop international authority, enjoying legitimate influence upon a growing diversity of cultures (that is diversity of values), intensely communicating in the global world. The motivation of the different actors, involved in the Kosovo crisis represents an illustration of this problem. II. The Kosovo crisis the motivation of the actors. The actors in the Kosovo crisis seem to interact dynamically with each other, but this is only at the level of physical contact. At the level of value motivation to act, the participants often represent parallel universes with no relationship among them. Who are they, the actors? The Albanian community of Kosovo represents the passionate, emotional nationalism of a young nation, what Albanians really are. Like all young nationalists, Albanians try to enter the modern world of nation statehood, motivated by premodern, primordial perceptions of the world. Albanians fight for land, and rely upon clan solidarity. Their blood tells them the truth about who is a friend or foe. They do not admit alien blood into their community. They live together in a collectivist extended family structure, where membership is subject to a sole criterion proven origin. This is why Albanians do not live with the others. The aliens that is the non-albanians have their own, non-intersecting territorial and spiritual realms. This is to explain the ethnic cleansing not only of the Serb foes, but also of all non- Albanians from the territory of Kosovo, once after the Albanian community took over control with the KFOR presence. Serb nationalism shares most of the above mentioned features of the Albanian community, even if it is much older and on the defensive side. As former masters of the Yugoslav quasi-empire, Serbs have developed the art of assimilating other ethnic
7 groups with violence or cultural sophistication. The myth of the Serb identity, though, is as primordial and organic as the Albanian claim for ethnic communal purity. The legendary prince Lazar, who preferred Heavenly immortal victory for the Serbs to the victory in the real battle against the Ottomans at Kosovo pole represents the transcedental legitimacy of the Serb claim of control over Kosovo. The Kosovo defeat in 1399 sanctified the Serbs into a heavenly nation and no authority on Earth could reclaim this holy background of Serb national identity. The Serb Albanian dispute on Kosovo has the architecture of a medieval spiritual drama, where no compromise between the alternative parties seems possible. The global world with its new images and rules intervened in this drama in a really dramatic fashion. The leaders of the West represent a new international elite, whose perception of warfare has largely been shaped after the CNN imaging of the Desert Storm operation in the Gulf. Human rights war has become possible, because it is a bloodless war. The good guys are high in the sky and the bad guys suffer feet below, where only the computer smoke of Star Wars-like explosions makes us guess how severe the punishment is. Those, who got punished for no guilt are isolated into the peripheral category of co-lateral damage, representing the unavoidable risk of life. This picture substantially reduces the psychological threshold to accept the war as a normal event or fact of life. In this context of post-modern warfare Kosovo represented a low risk opportunity for the US President Bill Clinton to reclaim moral authority on the international scene, after having lost a substantial portion of it back home. Of course, we could not question President Clinton s administration devotion to the human rights cause, which has been very actively manifested by the State Secretary Madeline Albright. Raised in a Czech family during the World War II, Ms. Albright s passionate participation into the Kosovo campaign brought back to the political columns the forgotten notion of the Munich Syndrome. In 1938 the democratic leaders of France and Britain gave up the road to the still vulnerable Nazi dictator Hitler, permitting him to occupy Czechoslovakia and later on the entire Europe. The lesson of history, which Ms. Albright has learned on the example of her own life, is beat the dictator while he s small. European political landscape has been and still is dominated by leaders of explicit left-wing legacy at the time of the Kosovo crisis. Most of those European politicians have started their conscious political life as pacifist demonstrators or anti- NATO campaigners in the Cold War era, when the successful performance of NATO has been crucial to the survival of the Western world. What has persuaded all those people, raised in the wave of 1968 culture, to support the NATO campaign against a brutal, but small Balkan dictator? How could Tony Blair and Xavier Solana present themselves as bigger hawks, compared to Jesse Helms or Henry Kissinger? We could offer many answers to those questions, but one of them is for sure true. The new generation left leaders of Europe are in search for their place in the history of unification and integration of the Old Continent. Schuman and Monet developed the idea of European unity. De Gaulle and Adenauer gave birth to the European integration as an expanding process. Miterand and Kohl mastered the Maastricht treaty, transforming the economic community into political, economic and social European Union. Now what is left for Blair, Schroder, Prodi and Solana is to achieve the EU enlargement and extend the values and principles of democratic, united
8 Europe throughout the territory of the continent even over the dark Balkans, which European legacy might be argued This picture would be incomplete, if missing the attitudes of Russia and China. Suffering from its heavy post-imperial syndrome, Russia expressed authentic geopolitical anger at the NATO attack on the Serb brothers. Pushed back in its borders before Peter the Great, Russia was furious to see the Balkans the last legitimate sphere of Russian interest, and Serbia the faithful Russian gendarme attacked by the wily West. A defeat for Serbia should certainly mean cutting Russia off the Adriatic and dramatically reducing the remnants of Russian presence into the Mediterranean basin. China fully cashed the accident with its embassy in Belgrade. The Kosovo crisis was a truly legitimate opportunity to show up as a world power a status Beijing will not be late to reclaim many times from now on. This small excursion into the motivation of the key actors of the Kosovo crisis explicitly shows the limits of legitimacy in an integrated international action, based on values with no clear normative consent behind them. If we tend to act on the basis of the purely value systems motivation, we have to face the clash of civilizations paradigm. This paradigm may seem affordable from the perspective of a resident of Cambridge Massachusetts, but it is certainly painful for the residents of the Balkans and many other regions of the world, where different cultures intersect and create environment of plural value systems. If the global world has to be a place of law and order, it should be governed by explicit rules of reason, capable to translate values and interests into operational norms. Responsibility of observing those norms and rules should be claimed from the legitimate members of the international community. Do we consider it possible to replace national sovereignty with a plurality of actors into an increasingly relative world of global interaction? Can we consider entities as international civil society or international community as structured and responsible enough to reclaim sovereignty from the out-fashioned nation states? No doubt a new international system in the global world will represent much of the traditional clash of interest, much of the traditional relative value of international law interpretations, typical for the modern world. But if we stick to the tradition of reasonable translation of diverse interests into easily comprehensible consensual norms, equal for all international actors, then we have bigger chances to reproduce at least a relative law and order in the global village, where consensus upon values is not possible. Human rights respect as we understand it - should be essential part of this New World Order, where we have to try to install it into the status of consensual norm. And the global sheriff should treat all violators equally because this is the law. Within the upcoming new international system of the global world, the Kosovo crisis opens the door to optional tendencies of development in human rights status. This first human rights war underlines the importance of respect for all human beings. It sends a clear warning to all dictators present and future about the end of their immunity to act against the international standards of humanity. At the same time, the Kosovo crisis and its aftermath have clearly shown the relative nature of international human rights concerns, the immature instruments of human rights defense within a controversial situation of tense inter-communal clash. There s a
9 danger in this immature ability to bring justice for all from the perspective of human rights defense. This is the danger of a growing number of people, believing that the notion of human rights reflects an idealistic value system, which is incorrectly used to disguise illegitimate hidden aims.
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