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Natural conservationists? Evaluating the impact of pastoralist land use practices on Tanzania's wildlife economy
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The land management practices of pastoralist Maasai communities have a major bearing on landscapes and wildlife habitats in northern Tanzania and play a key role in maintaining habitat for one of the world's most spectacular assemblages of terrestrial large mammals. Pastoralists manage lands according to locally devised rules designed to manage and conserve key resources such as pastures and water sources. Dry season grazing reserves are an important part of traditional land management systems in many pastoralist communities, providing a 'grass bank' for livestock to consume during the long dry season when forage invariably becomes scarce and domestic animals are stressed for water and nutrients. Because of the scale and importance of northern Tanzania's wildlife-based tourism industry, and its indirect dependence on communal lands under the authority of pastoralists, these land use practices have an important economic dimension. By conserving large proportions of northern Tanzania's wildlife ecosystems, local pastoralist communities collectively make an important contribution to the national and regional economy. Using data regarding the degree to which wildlife depends on pastoralist lands in different ecosystems, and the relative importance of different areas in terms of generating revenue for the northern safari circuit, the annual value of pastoralist land uses to the wildlife-based tourism industry in northern Tanzania is estimated at approximately US $83.5 million. The economic value of pastoralists' contribution to wildlife conservation highlights the importance of Tanzanian policies in land, livestock, tourism, and wildlife sectors prioritizing measures that promote communal rangeland management and support traditional land use practices.
KeywordsLand use Pastoralism Wildlife conservation Tourism Economic value Ecosystem services
Pastoralists, wildlife, and tourism in northern Tanzania: an overview
Northern Tanzania's savannahs and grasslands contain some of the world's most diverse and abundant remaining terrestrial wildlife populations. This abundance of wildlife has, during the past 20 years, been the key asset underlying the development of one of Africa's fastest-growing tourism industries. By 2007, tourism was estimated to contribute $1.6 billion directly and indirectly to Tanzania's economy, accounting for about 11% of the country's Gross Domestic Product (Mitchell et al. 2009). Northern Tanzania's tourism circuit, stretching between Mount Kilimanjaro on the east and the Serengeti to the west, generates more than half of Tanzania's foreign earnings from tourism, making it 'one of the most valuable strips of tourism real estate in Africa' (Mitchell et al. 2009, page 7).
The areas that are now designated as state-protected areas were formerly used and occupied by local communities, with parks such as Serengeti and Tarangire occupied by pastoralists prior to their gazettement. When the colonial and post-independence governments established national parks and game reserves in these customarily owned lands, local people were evicted and rights of occupancy gradually extinguished. Despite this long-running effort to divide the landscape into areas for people and areas for wildlife conservation, northern Tanzania continues to be characterized by a high level of interaction and co-existence between local resident people and wildlife. Parks and reserves are invariably situated within larger ecosystems, and wildlife continues to move across the artificial boundaries dividing communal and state lands. Many species of large mammals, such as elephants, wildebeest, and zebra, undertake annual migrations based on the seasonal availability of water, forage, and nutrients. Wildlife in northern Tanzanian ecosystems continues to rely on many lands and resources which are located outside protected areas on private and community lands, making these latter areas essential for the long-term conservation of wildlife.
The ways that local pastoralist communities manage their lands and resources thereby have a major impact on the conservation of wildlife in savannah ecosystems in northern Tanzania. Indeed, pastoralist land management practices such as grazing and the use of fire have had a major influence over the course of the past 3,000 to 4,000 years in shaping East African savannah landscapes. Many observers attribute the contemporary abundance of wildlife in East Africa to the historic influences of pastoralists on savannah landscapes and on the general ecological compatibility between pastoralists and wild large mammals (Collet 1987; Western 1989; Homewood and Rodgers 1991). Pastoralists in northern Tanzania's savannah ecosystems thereby provide an economically valuable ecological service by conserving wildlife on their lands, which in turn helps to sustain the natural assets that Tanzania's growing tourism industry depends on. This article describes the nature and extent of that ecological service by pastoralists and develops a general and approximate estimate of its economic value in the context of Tanzania's wildlife-based tourism industry. Such an understanding is central to the development of economically efficient and productive national policies in sectors such as land, livestock, and wildlife in Tanzania and the harmonization of rural livelihoods with national and international conservation objectives.
Sharing the land: pastoralist and wildlife interactions
It has long been recognized that pastoralists and their livestock, and wildlife live alongside one another in East African savannah ecosystems, where they exhibit a high degree of spatial overlap or co-existence (Sitters et al. 2009; du Toit 2011). Both pastoralist livestock and wildlife utilize foraging strategies based on mobility (seasonal migrations or transhumance) in order to access pasture and water occurring in an unpredictable physical environment (Homewood and Rodgers 1991).
The degree to which pastoralists' livestock and wild ungulates compete for grazing and water resources, which in turn shapes the potential for co-existence or even symbiotic interactions, has been the subject of both research and debate within East Africa for decades. In the 1950s and 1960s, the general perception was that pastoralist overgrazing was prevalent and resulted in environmental degradation and damage to wildlife habitat. This overgrazing narrative was a central factor in the creation of the Serengeti National Park and relocation of resident people, including about 1,000 Maasai pastoralists, in 1959 (Collet 1987; Neumann 1998; see also Grzimek and Grzimek 1960). A core concept of range science at this time was the concept of carrying capacity holding that a given unit of land area can only support so many livestock (or wild animals) due to the limitations of a given volume of forage which that land area can produce (Pratt and Gwynne 1977). Pastoralists, according to this paradigm, would exceed the carrying capacity of the land by producing more livestock over time, but not selling (or eating) sufficient numbers of animals, leading to more grazing pressure on limited forage resources. Underlying this process of overgrazing was the so-called cattle complex, meaning the cultural value pastoralists place on building up large herds of livestock, and the tragedy of the commons whereby communally owned and managed pastures lacked controls limiting individuals' livestock numbers and consumption of forage, making progressive overgrazing seemingly inevitable (Lamprey 1983; see also Hardin 1968).
Many of these ideas about overgrazing, the cattle complex, and a tragedy of the commons on communal lands continue to inform policy debates over livestock, land tenure, and natural resource management in East Africa today (Mattee and Shem 2006). However, during the last 30 years, a wide range of ecological, anthropological, and institutional studies have altered thinking about rangelands and discredited or modified many earlier assumptions about pastoralist land management practices. Ecological research in semi-arid areas across Africa has demonstrated the key role that rainfall plays in the condition of above-ground vegetation; during droughts, areas tend to lose cover but recover fairly rapidly following rainfall (Behnke et al. 1993; Dodd 1994; Scoones 1995).
Pastoralists and the environment: managing uncertainty
Pastoralists respond to these highly variable and unpredictable, non-equilibrium conditions by moving between different local pastures depending on where rain has fallen at a given time, and maintaining reciprocal relationships with neighbouring and distant communities so that livestock may seek refuge or access pastures in areas where conditions are better during times of drought (Ellis et al. 1988). A considerable body of research has emerged during the last 30 years demonstrating that pastoralist management strategies such as mobility, rotational pasture use through different wet season and dry season grazing areas, and building up cattle numbers so as to be able to endure catastrophic but relatively common periods of drought are ecologically rational measures for coping with the variable semi-arid and arid environments that these people live in (Homewood and Rodgers 1991; Behnke et al. 1993; Scoones 1995; Bourn and Blench 1999).
Pastoralist-wildlife interactions
In terms of better understanding livestock-wildlife interactions in East African savannahs, a starting point is the reality that different types of animals eat different types of forage (du Toit 2011). Species such as giraffe, gerenuk, kudu, and domestic goats are browsers, eating leaves from trees and bushes, whereas species such as wildebeest, zebra, buffalo, gazelle, and cattle are grazers. Bell (1971), based on research carried out in the Serengeti, describes a process of 'grazing succession' whereby different species of wild ungulates, such as wildebeest and zebra, progressively move through a grazing area. The diversity of grazing ungulates that exists in East Africa is possible because different species can co-exist without directly competing for grazing since their feeding preferences are different. For example, zebra eat taller, more coarse grass while wildebeest, as well as smaller grazers such as gazelle, are more selective and efficient grazers (antelopes and gazelle, unlike zebra, are ruminants and have much more efficient digestive systems) preferring shorter swards of grass. This enables wildebeest to graze areas that zebra have already passed through and grazed over initially, and in this way, zebra may facilitate grazing by wildebeest and other more selective grazers including cattle (du Toit 2011).
Interactions between livestock and wildlife may, as conditions change, be both competitive or, as in the process of grazing succession, facilitative depending on the species involved and the seasonal availability of resources. For example, Odadi et al. (2011) describe how zebra and cattle compete for forage during the dry season, when forage is more scarce, while zebra facilitate cattle access to grazing during the wet season, when grass growth is at its high point. It is important to highlight that it is not only the presence of livestock, but their absence as well, that shapes habitat conditions for wildlife in both positive and negative ways. As an example of the latter, Gichohi's (1992) study of Nairobi National Park in Kenya describes how after pastoralists were excluded from the park in the 1960s, the lower levels of cattle grazing as well as the use of fire, resulted in reduced numbers inside the park of selective grazers which prefer a low grass sward; this included hartebeest, warthog, and Thomson's gazelle. These species had benefited from the presence of livestock and pastoralist land management practices. This work illustrates what Western and Gichohi (1994) term as 'segregation effects' in savannah ecosystems, whereby human interventions that remove people from areas where they have had long-term influences on ecological processes and species composition can have negative cascading effects on certain wild species.
Changes in population trends and overall numbers for large mammal herbivores (grazers only) in Ngorongoro Crater following eviction of resident pastoralists in 1974
Trend before 1974
Trend after 1974
Overall difference in population before and after 1974
Slight increase
Sharp increase
Thomson's gazelle
The Loliondo area is a part of the Serengeti ecosystem but, unlike the adjacent Serengeti National Park (SNP) or Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA), Loliondo comprises village lands managed by Village Councils. This gives local pastoralist communities a much greater jurisdictional control over land use decisions. Maddox (2003) carried out surveys of both herbivore and large carnivore populations in Loliondo, comparing species densities and abundance to areas inside NCA and SNP. He found no difference in wildlife diversity between the three areas, with animal biomass higher outside SNP, and concludes that there is 'no evidence that the presence of the Maasai and their livestock was particularly detrimental to any single species' and 'no evidence that livestock biomass replaces wild species biomass outside the park.' His findings echo earlier Serengeti ecosystem surveys analysed by Campbell and Borner (1995) which found 'no marked changes in density on either side of the protected area boundaries' dividing community-managed pastoralist lands in Loliondo from the state-managed SNP.
In summary, East African savannahs feature a combination of facilitative and competitive interactions between pastoralists and wildlife, but considerable evidence points to the ecological viability of co-existence between pastoralism and diverse and abundant populations of large mammals. Some studies find few negative spatial influences of livestock on wild ungulate distributions (e.g. Sitters et al. 2009), while other studies find a higher level of competition for forage or water in certain contexts (e.g. Ogutu et al. 2010). As noted above, both the presence and absence of livestock and pastoralists shapes East African rangelands in important ways and thus both positive and negative wildlife conservation influences arise from excluding pastoralists from areas such as national parks (Western and Gichohi 1994). One point on which there is no disagreement, though, is that pastoralist land uses are largely compatible with wildlife, whereas agriculture is not, and the preferences amongst local pastoralist communities for maintaining rangelands as common property has been and remains critical to the integrity of East African savannah ecosystems.
Pastoralist land management and wildlife conservation in northern Tanzania
Throughout the East African savannahs of Kenya and Tanzania, wildlife relies extensively on pastoralist lands, both those immediately adjacent to state-protected areas and across the broader landscape. Even in the Serengeti ecosystem, which includes over 25,000 km2 of state-protected areas, migrating wildlife relies extensively on community lands to the east, west, and north of the park (Thirgood et al. 2004). For example, Norton-Griffiths (1995) estimates that if the ecosystem's migratory wildebeest - roughly 1.2 million animals - could not access the private and communal lands to the north and east of Kenya's Maasai Mara National Reserve, which is the dry season refuge for these herds, the total number of animals the Serengeti ecosystem could support might be reduced by one-third. Indeed, large-scale wildlife declines of resident wildlife populations and the Loita-Mara wildebeest population of 56% and 81%, respectively, have been attributed to land use changes on these private and communal lands (Homewood et al. 2001). In total, 65% of Kenya's wildlife is today found on community and private lands, with only 10% in national parks and about 25% accounted for by the Maasai Mara National Reserve alone (Western et al. 2009a). In other words, pastoralists and other landholders host the majority of Kenya's wildlife populations, sustaining the key asset in the national tourism industry (Norton-Griffiths 2007).
In northern Tanzania, wildlife similarly relies on dispersal areas and habitats outside state-protected areas although, in general, state-protected areas cover larger areas than in Kenya, with Tanzania having devoted about 30% of its total land area to protected areas where human residence is excluded (Brockington 2006).
When the herds of wildebeest move south from the Maasai Mara at the onset of the rains, usually occurring around November, they pass through the community lands of Loliondo. From the Serengeti plains, the herds also spill out onto the Salei plains north of the Gol Mountains, located on the village lands of Malambo and Engare Sero villages. These community-managed areas provide important wet season habitat (Thirgood et al. 2004). To the west of SNP, wildlife also moves outside the boundaries of SNP and the adjacent Ikorongo and Grumeti Game Reserves, onto village lands (now grouped together as the Ikona Wildlife Management Area) in Serengeti and Tarime Districts. Communities resident in these areas are however not transhumant pastoralists but agro-pastoralist members of the Kuria and Ikoma ethnic groups. These communities also prey extensively on wild ungulates as a source of food, in contrast to pastoralists in Loliondo, who do not traditionally eat wild animals. Consequently, wildlife densities to the west of the SNP show a marked decline outside the protected area's confines (Campbell and Borner 1995).
The second extensive wildlife migratory system in northern Tanzania is the Maasai steppe, which covers a vast stretch of about 35,000 km2, from near the Kenyan border around Lake Natron south through the Simanjiro plains and Tarangire National Park, to the arid Makame depression of northern Kiteto District (Sachedina and Nelson 2010). Unlike the Serengeti system to the west, the Maasai steppe is over 80% community and privately managed lands, with the vast majority being communal village lands. As the name of the ecosystem suggests, the Maasai steppe is inhabited almost entirely by pastoralist communities. The southern part of the steppe borders onto lands occupied by agricultural communities belonging to various non-pastoralist groups; in recent years, these groups of people have been extending smallholder agriculture into traditionally pastoralist areas in the southern Maasai steppe, leading to local conflicts over land use and tenure.
The most important dry season refuge for wildlife of the Maasai steppe is located within Tarangire National Park, which contains the Tarangire River and the Silalo swamps, providing key water sources during droughts to water-dependent species such as elephant, buffalo, and zebra. During the wet season, these and other species disperse widely across the ecosystem (Borner 1985). Short grass plains to the west of Mount Kitumbeine and the Simanjiro plains to the east of Tarangire National Park both provide major dispersal habitats for zebra and wildebeest. In the 1970s, Kahurananga (1981) estimated the wet season populations of the Simanjiro plains at approximately 6,000 zebra and 10,000 wildebeest. Elephants move north out of Tarangire towards Lake Manyara and another small volcanic mountain, Esimingori, during the rains (TCP Tarangire Conservation Project 1997). Another subpopulation of elephants takes refuge in the southern part of Tarangire during droughts but primarily inhabits the Makame depression in the southern Maasai steppe. During the wet season, most wildlife is widely dispersed across the system, with few animals inside Tarangire National Park at that time. Although Tarangire National Park is the main site for large-scale tourism visitation in the system, as one of the leading destinations within the northern tourism circuit, wildlife is largely dependent on habitats located on community lands. The continued maintenance of these wet season habitats and migration corridors between key dry and wet season territories is consequently critical for wildlife and Tarangire's tourism product (Sachedina 2008).
These community lands are managed by local pastoralists for a range of livelihood purposes, but the overwhelming land management aim of pastoralist communities in both the Serengeti ecosystem and the Maasai steppe is oriented towards livestock production. As noted earlier, Maasai pastoralists in northern Tanzania manage their lands according to rules designating different pastures as wet season and as dry season grazing areas. Dry season reserved areas are particularly important in providing a 'grass bank' for livestock to consume during the long dry season of roughly June to October, when forage invariably becomes scarce and animals are stressed for water and nutrients. These dry season reserves are thus a key element of pastoralist livelihoods and natural resource management in northern Tanzania (UCRT 2010).
Traditionally, the use of dry season grazing reserves is governed by decisions made by customary Maasai leadership structures, which involve the leaders (ilegwanak) of the different age-sets meeting to decide when community members' herds may access the reserves. The period of time when entry will be allowed will depend on the amount of rain that has fallen in a given year and the condition of forage in the various grazing areas. In recent years, pastoralist communities have been able to formalize their customary land management systems through written village by-laws and land use plans. These measures, prepared based on Tanzania's local government and land policy and legislation, enable communities to formalize their traditional rules and translate them into a modern legalistic form which can be understood by outsiders and given some level of legal force. These locally developed land use plans and by-laws, underpinned by Tanzania's village-based system of local governance and land tenure, also provide the foundations for community-based natural resource management in Tanzania. This includes development of Village Land Forest Reserves under the 2002 Forest Act and Wildlife Management Areas (WMAs) defined by the 2009 Wildlife Conservation Act, as various mechanisms for communities to be granted user rights over these natural resources by the relevant state authorities.
Dry season grazing reserves compose a variable but significant proportion of the communal village lands throughout northern Tanzania's pastoralist areas. These grazing reserves function as de facto village-level conserved areas or, to use the IUCN (World Conservation Union) terminology, as Community Conserved Areas (Kothari 2006). The maintenance of reserved grazing areas in pastoralist villages, managed at the communal scale, is a key reason why extensive unfragmented savannah landscapes continue to exist in northern Tanzania, across vast areas with little formal governmental regulation of land uses such as the Maasai steppe. Traditional pastoralist land use practices and designations give northern Tanzania much of its wild or wilderness character, which in turn is a central reason why this landscape both supports wildlife and attracts foreign tourists to the degree that it does.
These grazing reserves also physically overlap with many of the key wildlife habitats and dispersal areas in northern Tanzania. For example, in Loliondo, dry season grazing areas are situated in the western portion of the seven villages whose lands lie adjacent to SNP's eastern boundary (Ngoitiko et al. 2010). Pastoralists' dry season grazing reserves therefore provide a de facto buffer zone under local management which helps to conserve wildlife populations in western Loliondo. This includes the resident wildlife populations noted by Maddox (Maddox and Thomas 2003) and others, as well as the southbound migration route of the ecosystem's large ungulate herds. To the east, when wildebeest move onto the Salei plains during the wet season, they utilize dry season grazing reserved areas in Engare Sero village, which straddles the Rift Valley escarpment from Salei down to Lake Natron.
In the Maasai steppe, key habitats such as the Simanjiro plains are partially protected by traditional dry season grazing reserves. For example, Terrat village, which holds about one-third of the Simanjiro plains within its village land boundaries, traditionally allows livestock onto the plains from July up until around January (Nelson et al. 2010). In January, if rain has fallen, wildebeest usually begin calving on the plains, and livestock move away until the dry season grazing period begins again in July (approximately). To the west and southwest, Loiborserrit and Emboreet villages situate their dry season grazing reserves along the eastern border of Tarangire National Park, in an area that provides extensive habitat for buffalo, elephant, and other large mammals moving back and forth across the unseen park boundary. As in Loliondo, these local customary land management practices serve to conserve a large expanse of wildlife habitat adjacent to the park, effectively extending the area conserved and preventing the encroachment of agriculture against the park boundary. During the last 20 years, these traditional designations have been reinforced by a range of formal local governance and conservation measures, including local land use plans and by-laws, community tourism concession agreements with private operators, and, in Terrat village, a unique land easement agreement which pays the village to maintain their portion of the Simanjiro plains as dry season grazing reserve and to formally prohibit agriculture (Sachedina and Nelson 2010).
Estimating the economic value of pastoralist land use practices to tourism
Pastoralist land management practices across northern Tanzania function to conserve important wildlife habitats, complementing state-protected areas and enabling wildlife to continue moving between seasonal habitats across expansive ecosystems. These customary land use and management practices clearly contribute to the conservation of wildlife habitat and wildlife populations in northern Tanzanian ecosystems. Moreover, these ecosystem services have an important economic dimension, given the scale and importance of northern Tanzania's tourism industry.
Tanzania's tourism industry generated an estimated $900 million in direct revenue and an estimated $1.6 billion in indirect economic value in 2008 (Mitchell et al. 2009). The northern safari circuit, which includes Serengeti, Lake Manyara, and Tarangire National Parks and the Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA, and adjacent pastoralist lands, attracts about 300,000 international tourists and total in-country tourist expenditure estimated at around $550 million annually (Mitchell et al. 2009). In other words, the northern safari circuit, which relies entirely on wildlife using both state-protected areas and local pastoralists' lands (even if most tourism activity is situated within the former rather than the latter), accounts for over 60% of Tanzania's total national tourism industry.
It is clear that by conserving large proportions of northern Tanzania's wildlife ecosystems, local pastoralist communities collectively make an important contribution to the national and regional economy. But, precisely how much do these ecological services contribute to the overall wildlife-based tourism economy? What proportion of total northern circuit tourism earnings is attributable to pastoralist land management practices?
In answering this question, one faces two basic challenges. First, the quality of available data on tourism revenues and aggregate economic impacts is limited and somewhat dated. This article utilizes the most reliable and informative statistics and analyses, building in particular on the northern circuit tourism value chain analysis produced by Mitchell et al. (2009). Second, the role of pastoralist land use practices varies across individual landscapes within northern Tanzania. In the Maasai steppe, for instance, wildlife that spends the dry season inside Tarangire National Park is dependent through the entire wet season, including for calving grounds, on community lands outside the park. In the Serengeti ecosystem, state-protected areas cover a much greater proportion of the total ecosystem. Thus, the economic contribution of pastoralist land uses across northern Tanzania needs to be weighted according to the relative importance of pastoralist land uses in these different ecosystems anchoring the regional tourism industry.
Proportional value of different areas (national parks and NCA) in the northern circuit
Number of tourists
Proportion of northern circuit visitors (%)
Estimated proportion of total northern circuit revenue generation
Lake Manyara NP
Serengeti NP
Tarangire NP
Total value attributable to Maasai steppe
Total value attributable to Serengeti ecosystem (including 25% NCA)
In the Maasai steppe, over 80% of the total wildlife range lies on private and communal lands, the vast majority of it within predominantly pastoralist villages. However, the key wildlife habitats comprise a smaller area and are focused on areas such as the Simanjiro plains and similar short grass plains near Mount Kitumbeine for herds of zebra and wildebeest, as well as areas such as Lolkisale and Makame for elephants. We can conservatively estimate that about 50% of the key habitats supporting wildlife in the Maasai steppe is managed by pastoralists on village lands in this ecosystem and that, if all pastoralist lands were unavailable for use by wildlife, the total value of the ecosystem in terms of wildlife-based tourism would decline by half.
In the Serengeti ecosystem, the proportion of wildlife habitat provided by pastoralist communities' village lands is much lower. Thirgood et al. (2004), using radio-telemetry studies of wildebeest during 1999 and 2000, estimate that the wildebeest herds spend about 3% of their total time in Loliondo and the Salei plains, which are the main pastoralist-controlled lands in the Serengeti ecosystem.c We will therefore estimate the relative contribution that pastoralists make to the conservation of the Serengeti ecosystem at 3%.d
Estimated value of pastoralist lands to wildlife-based tourism in the Maasai steppe and Serengeti ecosystems
Degree of wildlife reliance on pastoralist lands (%)
Economic contribution of pastoralist lands as a percentage of total tourism earnings
Maasai steppe
Serengeti ecosystem
It should also be noted that this estimate can be considered a minimum valuation of pastoralist contributions to the wildlife-tourism economy. These estimates focus on the northern safari circuit's two main ecosystems - the Serengeti and the Maasai steppe - but other less significant forms of wildlife utilization also generate revenue. For example, most pastoralist lands are allocated by the central government as tourist hunting concessions, which as of 2003 generated an average of $40/km2 in direct government revenue (Baldus et al. 2004). Nearly all of such predominantly pastoralist districts such as Longido, Monduli, and Simanjiro are allocated as hunting concessions, covering an area of at least 35,000 km2. The revenue from tourist hunting in pastoralist areas, which is largely enabled by the co-existence of pastoralist communities with diverse and relatively abundant populations of large mammals on their lands, is therefore at least $1.4 million annually. Due to recent raises in hunting fees, the current actual total is in all likelihood several times that amount in direct revenue alone, without including any indirect benefits or economic multipliers.
Policy implications
It has long been recognized that pastoralist lands and land use practices provide much of the habitat that migratory wildlife in East African national parks continues to rely on for seasonal habitat requirements (Myers 1972; Western 1982). As northern Tanzania's tourism industry has grown, with the northern safari circuit comprising about 6% of the country's total national economy, the economic importance of pastoralist conservation practices in these extensive ecosystems has increased considerably. This highlights the strategic economic importance to the Tanzanian state of pastoralist land use practices, including in particular the rights to zone land for seasonal uses and continue to practice mobility as a key element of management systems.
Given the economic importance of pastoralist land management practices, Tanzanian policy in sectors such as land, livestock, wildlife, and tourism should take into account these strategic economic considerations and support the ability of local pastoralist communities to maintain communal pastures and reserved grazing areas. The key, from an economic and development policy perspective, is to craft policy and legal measures that enable pastoralist rangelands to continue to maintain wildlife and livestock in communally managed rangelands. Land use changes that result in conversion of these pastoralist rangelands to agricultural cultivation represent the foremost threat to wildlife populations and, in turn, the continued market advantage Tanzania enjoys in high-end wildlife tourism.
It is thus highly notable, and in an economic policy sense quite perverse, that Tanzanian policy generally provides few incentives for pastoralists to continue to tolerate or conserve wildlife on their lands, and nor are policy measures effectively geared towards encouraging pastoralists to maintain the communal land holdings and mobile transhumant production systems that underpin the continued co-existence of wildlife and livestock in these rangelands.
Land tenure
A key issue for the future of Tanzanian savannah ecosystems will be the ability of local pastoralist communities to continue managing rangelands at the communal scale, rather than fragmenting rangelands into individually owned properties. Converting rangeland from communal pastures to individual properties will likely prevent the movements across large areas of land that both livestock and wildlife in semi-arid landscapes depend upon. Tanzania needs look no further for a possible future scenario than Kenyan Maasailand to the north, where the former Group Ranches have been extensively subdivided into individual land holdings which are of insufficient size to support pastoralist production (Kimani and Pickard 1998; Western et al. 2009b). These processes of subdivision have been driven by weaknesses in the governance and design of the Group Ranches as collective entities, resulting in progressive loss of communal land through decisions made by local elites on the Group Ranch governing bodies (Mwangi 2007). This process of rangeland fragmentation, driven by past policy design choices by the Kenyan state, has dire implications for wildlife in key areas such as the Maasai Mara and Amboseli - also the country's most valuable wildlife tourism sites - and there is evidence of declining wildlife populations due to these land use changes (Homewood et al. 2001).
Unlike Kenya, Tanzania's land tenure laws and policies provide a relatively enabling framework for communal land management. The Land Act and Village Land Act, passed in 1999, make customary rights in land legally equivalent to granted rights and specifically cater for rights to be held and exercised collectively (Alden and Liz 2003). The Village Land Act also provides for villages to zone their land between individual and communal areas, which supports land use planning measures that reserve different seasonal grazing areas, as has been done in many northern Tanzanian pastoralist communities (UCRT Ujamaa Community Resource Team 2010).
However, the Land Act also includes 'unused community lands' within its definition of 'general lands' which are under the control of the Ministry of Lands and may be allocated for use to applicants. Seasonally used pastoralist lands are often perceived by outsiders as 'unused' and therefore may be subject to attempts by government authorities to allocate them in this way (Mattee and Shem 2006). Lands that pastoralists have traditionally used and set aside as dry season grazing reserves are often considered unused, and recently, during certain land disputes, notably the land conflict that has occurred in Loliondo since 2009, government has argued that such areas are not in fact village lands (TNRF and Maliasili Initiatives 2011). This undermines the security of communal pastoralist land holdings and encourages individualization and cultivation of pastoralist lands, in a process that Sachedina (2008) terms as 'branding the land' with the plough so that use and occupancy can decisively be documented.
Tanzanian livestock policy and legal reforms in recent years have consistently emphasized modernization and increasing commercial meat, milk, and hide production. These modernization models generally prioritize development of large-scale, privately owned ranches as the key to increasing commercial production and view traditional pastoralist production as inefficient and relatively archaic (Mattee and Shem 2006).
The individualization or spread of privately owned ranches in northern Tanzania would have significant costs in relation to the tourism industry, due to the impacts on wildlife of rangeland fragmentation. When private ranches are carved out of communal pastures, the private parcels tend to be much smaller and are often demarcated through fencing. It is debatable if the development of smaller, privately held landholdings out of larger scale, communal pastures would lead to more commercial production of livestock in northern Tanzania. However, it is indisputable that such changes would have major costs in terms of wildlife populations and tourism enterprises, as Kenya's experience with rangeland fragmentation illustrates (Norton-Griffiths 2007). Rather than promoting private ranch-based livestock sector development models, policymakers should focus on measures that enable pastoralist livestock producers to improve their production and profit margins, such as enhanced market information or veterinary services.
Wildlife and tourism
While pastoralists continue to provide valuable ecosystem services in support of Tanzania's tourism industry and related wildlife conservation interests, the wildlife and tourism sectors continue their long legacy of failing to reciprocate in their provisions as they relate to pastoralists. Historically, pastoralists have lost key lands and resources to the state-protected areas and continue to lose access to areas. For example, the Mkungunero Game Reserve's creation in the late 1990s in the southern Maasai steppe created conflicts with local pastoralist villages and widespread apprehension about expanding protected areas and land loss in the area (Sachedina 2008). The allocation of centrally managed tourist hunting concessions on community lands is a widespread source of conflict and results in local people having insecure rights over land and resources in areas such as the Maasai steppe (Sachedina 2008). Pastoralists in Loliondo and the Maasai steppe have also had recurrent disputes with protected area authorities regarding the boundaries of their lands and national parks (Goldman 20092011).
These tensions between protected area authorities and local communities create perverse incentives which are not conducive to maintaining integrated wildlife and livestock land uses in pastoralist rangelands. For example, in Emboreet village, on the border of Tarangire National Park, there is evidence that local pastoralists have expanded farming in key wildlife habitats as a response to fears that external agencies will appropriate their land for purposes of wildlife conservation (Sachedina 2008).
While the national park service, TANAPA, does maintain some benefit-sharing programmes with surrounding communities, these are neither of the scale nor of the type needed to positively influence neighbouring pastoralists to support ecosystem-scale conservation objectives through the necessary land use choices. For example, Tarangire National Park provided average benefits (usually in the form of contributions to district or village-level social service or infrastructure projects) to Simanjiro District of $30,470; at this time, the park's annual income from tourism was around $1.5 million/year (reaching $2.1 million by 2005 and now consistently above $2 million/year) (Sachedina and Nelson 2010). This represents an investment - designed explicitly to encourage support for conservation among neighbouring communities - of about 2% of revenues in what is the single most important dispersal and breeding area for much of the wildlife found in Tarangire. As Sachedina and Nelson (2010) describe, it is not only the limited amount of funds invested in neighbouring communities, but the way these funds are provided as in effect unconditional donations to development projects that are not in any way tied to local land use decisions or conservation actions, that undermines their impact. By contrast, an investment by a coalition of private tourism operators of a limited amount of funding in a conditional agreement with one village on the Simanjiro plains which agreed not to farm within its traditional grazing area has reinforced local incentives not to convert key wildlife habitat to agriculture (Nelson et al. 2010). In order to protect its own long-term financial interests in wildlife and tourism, it would be advisable for TANAPA to make more targeted investments in supporting pastoralist land uses in areas surrounding its parks and to use conditional payment for ecosystem services agreements to achieve such ends.
At the level of wider wildlife and tourism policy, recent years have witnessed a perverse trend towards increasing restrictions on the ability of local communities, such as pastoralists living adjacent to Tarangire and SNPs, to capture revenue directly from concessionary agreements with private tourism operators. In 2007, the government introduced new regulations for fee-sharing systems for tourism occurring on community lands, effectively taxing these agreements at a punitive level in excess of 50%, thus greatly reducing revenues that communities receive from such arrangements (Snyder et al. 2011).
At the same time, Tanzania has moved forward with the development of WMAs, areas set aside on village lands by communities where the government grants communities formal user rights over wildlife so that they can capture benefits from commercial uses such as tourism and hunting. However, the development of WMAs has been limited by complex procedural requirements, limited investments in local capacity building, and benefit-sharing arrangements that still give government 35% of total revenues and do not devolve control over tourist hunting to the local level (Nelson 2007; Sulle et al. 2011). In some areas such as Loliondo, pastoralists have opted not to implement proposed WMAs due to concerns about these factors as well as the security of grazing areas under the wildlife-focused WMA framework (Ngoitiko et al. 2010). In theory, WMAs should be able to reconcile local livelihoods and pastoralist land use objectives with wildlife conservation, particularly given the historic co-existence of wildlife with pastoralist land use systems. It would be economically rational, from the perspective of the state's interests in the larger wildlife systems that these WMAs form a part of, for the state to give communities 100% of revenues from WMAse and for the state to facilitate greater opportunities from tourism and tourist hunting to generate more revenue and ensure WMAs are competitive forms of land use. This would enhance the likelihood that pastoralist communities embrace the WMA option and that WMAs create effective incentives to maintain integrated wildlife and livestock land uses.
The ability of transhumant pastoralist livestock production to co-exist alongside a high level of diversity and abundance of wild ungulates and other large mammals in northern Tanzania is not only a key to wildlife conservation in the region but also to the area's role as the driver of Tanzania's tourism industry, which now comprises around 11% of the country's total economic production. Pastoralists in northern Tanzania, through their land use choices and specific management practices such as the maintenance of dry season grazing reserves and protection of forests and woodlands, provide what is in reality an increasingly commercially valued ecosystem service.
Despite the value pastoralist land uses provide to the growing wildlife tourism industry, Tanzanian policies, particularly wildlife policy and legislation, continue to place constraints on pastoralist land uses, particularly in terms of the maintenance of communal land uses and ability of communities to capture revenues from tourism. These policy choices serve to discourage continued collective pastoralist land uses and play a role in the expansion of agricultural cultivation and fragmentation of communal rangelands. Tanzanian policy is inefficient in the sense that it discourages local land use choices that help to support a critical segment of the national economy. A more rational and productive set of policy choices would not only remove disincentives to pastoralist land uses, but also develop mechanisms for actively rewarding them, for example, through payments for ecosystem services that better link revenues from tourism with local communities whose land uses support wildlife and tourism. Tanzanian policymakers, pastoralist communities, wildlife conservation interests, and the tourism industry share a common economic interest in the design and deployment of such mechanisms so that pastoralist land uses will continue to produce the ecosystem services that they presently provide.
Author's information
FN is the Executive Director of Maliasili Initiatives, a US-based non-profit organization that works with local partner organizations in East Africa to advance sustainable natural resource management through local rights and incentives. He lived and worked in northern Tanzania for 11 years, working on issues at the intersection of rural development, political economy, natural resource conservation, and social justice. He recently edited the volume Community Rights, Conservation and Contested Land: The Politics of Natural Resource Governance in Africa (Copyright Earthscan, 2010).
aThis figure is taken from Mitchell et al. (2009) and represents the total revenue expenditure by the approximately 300,000 foreign visitors to the northern circuit.
bNCA includes both a large portion of the Serengeti plains, which are a part of the greater Serengeti ecosystem, and the relatively enclosed Ngorongoro Crater, the primary tourism site within NCA, where wildlife is generally resident and does follow the migratory patterns of wildlife elsewhere in the Serengeti system. If we only include 25% of the total revenue from NCA, then we obtain a perhaps more realistic figure for the Serengeti ecosystem that excludes Ngorongoro Crater of about $224 million.
cAlthough non-pastoralist community lands to the west of SNP, in the Ikoma area, and to the north of the Maasai Mara National Reserve in Kenya are more important to wildebeest and other migratory wildlife, these areas are not included in the scope of this study, which is concerned only with pastoralist lands in Tanzania.
dThis figure is also conservative because it does not in any way factor in the role pastoralists have played for hundreds of years in maintaining the landscape of the NCA, which, unlike the national parks is a multiple land use area with over 50,000 resident Maasai pastoralist residents (Homewood and Rodgers 1991). However, since pastoralists in this area, unlike in Loliondo, do not have clear rights over land management decisions and are not able to make and enforce their own land use plans due to regulatory powers exercised by the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority (Shivji et al. 1998), it is difficult to credit pastoralists in NCA with responsibility for land management decisions that contribute to conservation in the way that one may in other pastoralist areas.
eFor example, in the notionally similar communal conservancies of Namibia, communities are legally entitled to 100% of all revenue generated in the conservancies.
This research was originally carried out with the support from the International Institute for Environment and Development. In particular, Ced Hesse and James MacGregor provided valuable advice and support in the initial design of the study and commented on earlier versions of this article. Two anonymous reviewers also provided helpful comments and suggestions.
Supplementary material
Copyright information
This article is published under license to BioMed Central Ltd. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.


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Best Fishing Times: 3:02AM to 5:02AM, and 9:20PM to 11:20PM
Alternate Fishing Times: 8:50AM to 10:50AM
Fishing Brushy Creek Lake Dam, AL on 7/22/2017 will be best from 3:02AM through 5:02AM, and from 9:20PM to 11:20PM. If those times won't work for you, 8:50AM to 10:50AM looks promising. Remember to adjust these times based on barometric pressure, and weather changes.

subset: commoncrawl


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Subscribe to Filmibeat
Kareena Kapoor, who keeps saying that she loves Aamir Khan a lot, ditched him for Salman Khan. Kareena missed Aamir's Talaash premiere to attend Salman's TV show Bigg Boss. Not only this, the actress also missed the success party of Talaash thrown by Aamir Khan.
A source told a leading daily that Kareena was scheduled to come for the success party of Talaash but she did not turn up. Also, Kareena didn't attend Talaash premiere as she was unwell and had prior commitment with Salman Khan to launch her item song 'Fevicol Se' from Dabangg 2 on Bigg Boss season 6.
The source added, "She had gone to Delhi for the promotions of Talaash and after two hectic days, she returned with the cast on Thursday morning. She had high fever and a throat infection even then, so she rested for a few hours and later appeared for Bigg Boss."
Well, it seems that even Kareena Kapoor can not dare to ditch Salman Khan!
Read more about: kareena kapoor, salman khan, aamir khan, talaash


text:
Welcome to the Wye Valley Canine Hydrotherapy Clinic website
- It is the goal of our veterinary team to provide hydrotherapy rehabilitation for surgical and injured patients.
- To monitor progress and achieve the best possible outcomes using our outstanding facilities.
- Physical rehabilitation has a significant role in the recovery regime for our patients and for certain conditions can be of benefit without the need for surgery.
- As dog owners we know that you look for the best recovery in the shortest possible time. With hydrotherapy this can be achieved. Not only that, you and your dog will thoroughly enjoy it.


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A locksmith installs, maintains, fixes and opens locks. They cut keys and change lock combinations and can also work in an advisory capacity with regards to security measures for residential, commercial and industrial properties.
Job Responsibilities
A locksmith creates, installs, adjusts and services mechanical and electronic locks systems both using hand tools and special equipment. He can disassemble locks and open locked doors using a lock pick. Additionally, he can change the combination of locks by inserting new tumblers into them. A locksmith cuts keys for clients using a key cutting machine and maintains confidential client records, including duplicate keys and security codes.
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In addition to independent locksmith shops, locksmiths may find employment working on staff at hotels, casinos, schools, hospitals, government facilities, and residential and commercial property management firms.
The successful candidate must possess strong basic math skills, including the ability to calculate using ratios, fractions and percentages. They must also possess the ability to understand complex manuals. Additionally, strong communication skills are important, as a locksmith is sometimes required to provide customers with multipart oral instructions.
Employers typically require successful candidates to possess a high-school diploma or equivalent and have participated in an approved locksmith apprenticeship. They must also pass a criminal background screening and provide evidence of insurability.
Average Compensation
According to Salary.com, the average locksmith working in the United States earns an annual base salary of $42,245.
Related Searches
- Photo Credit stock.xchng http://www.sxc.hu
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NEW YORK (AP) The National Hockey League is threatening to kick out Madison Square Garden, the owners of the New York Rangers, as punishment for accusing the league of violating antitrust laws.
The NHL filed court papers Wednesday that included a draft letter from commissioner Gary Bettman. In its court filing, the NHL asked a judge to agree MSG has breached its contract by challenging league rules and that it can force out MSG.
Madison Square Garden sued the NHL in September, saying it violated antitrust laws by monopolizing control of team promotions. And a judge said in November the league seemed within its rights to take control of the team's website.
Messages left with MSG were not immediately returned.
Copyright 2008 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
Guidelines: You share in the USA TODAY community, so please keep your comments smart and civil. Don't attack other readers personally, and keep your language decent. Use the "Report Abuse" button to make a difference. Read more.


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Best Of :: Shopping & Services
A major dilemma: Your hot, single co-worker never seems to notice you no matter how many times you bring by a cup of coffee or "accidentally" drop a stack of papers nearby. Sure, you could just directly ask for a date. But why not sweeten your chances first with a love potion from your local botanica? Flossie's has you covered. Here, you'll find a trove of spiritual oils, perfumes, crystals, books, candles, and incense. Since 1976, the store's namesake has been helping South Floridians find the solution to their problems and perhaps a bit of luck. Looking to dive into Afro-Caribbean spiritualism? Flossie's carries books about Shango, Oshun, Oya, and other topics. Need essential oils to awaken the senses? Flossie's will help you create the perfect mix for your needs. Whether you take it seriously by practicing Yoruba, Vodou, or Wicca to quickly free yourself from el mal de ojo or are just looking for a fun way to pass the time or an interesting keepsake, it's worth spending a few minutes with Flossie. Just remember — you still have to work up the courage to ask for that first date, even after your co-worker chugs that love potion.
Do you need a T-shirt with an image of Tom Ford wearing Mickey Mouse ears? Probably not, but it's incredibly soft and a total conversation starter. At Expat, a small boutique tucked inside South Beach's recently revamped Nautilus Hotel in the heart of Collins Avenue's art deco district, that gloriously ridiculous top is available for $75 and is designed by Spanish-Italian fashion brand South Parade. The matching gray sweatshirt costs $140, in case you're really into Ford's Disney look. Spend a few more minutes poking around Expat and you'll stumble upon countless other absurd but delightful treasures in this pintsize shop, including $700 limited-edition titanium and acetate Dita sunglasses made in Japan; clothing and accessories for men, women, and kids; as well as candles, coffee table books, perfumes, and scores of other items you buy only when you're feeling extra-indulgent. But you're in South Beach, dammit. Pull on that Tom Ford shirt, fork over the 75 bucks, and enjoy the ride.
Miami is to high-end shopping what Punxsutawney is to groundhogs. Between Bal Harbour Shops and the Design District, the Magic City houses more luxury brands on display than the average Richard Branson TV appearance. So it's a real feat that En Avance stocks high-end clothing and accessories that are pretty much impossible to find anywhere else in Miami. The store concentrates on discovering up-and-coming talent like Ellery, Urban Zen, Paskal, Vilshenko, and Marques Almeida, along with more recognizable labels such as Tibi, Kiki de Montparnasse, Fornasetti, and MSGM. The least expensive item in the store is a pair of Hanky Panky underwear for a reasonable $20, but many of the dresses will hit your wallet in the $1,400 range. You can purchase a stylin' hat for $56 or a pair of Tkee flip-flops for $50, but it's probably best to check your credit card limit before wandering too far into En Avance. That doesn't mean everyone shouldn't check it out, though: Much of the clothing here resembles works of art, and there's no reason not to browse like you would a museum. This is fashion as art, and some clothes are meant to be viewed as much as worn.
Every day, Lincoln Road grows more and more like your average American mall, with international brands such as Zara, Forever 21, Lululemon, and H&M moving in to replace quirky longtime establishments. However, a local beacon of South Beach style remains amid this chain-driven commercialism. Since 1989, Base has been the go-to place for Miami men looking to stay fashion-forward. Founded by Steven Giles, the store isn't just a spot to buy clothing; it's a lifestyle emporium offering vinyl, magazines, and collectibles. But at the core is still threads that buck the yuppie trend permeating the rest of Lincoln Road. Base stocks up on brands such as Stampd, Knomadik, Nanamica, and Heathen — collections that add an avant-garde twist to street wear. No, they aren't cheap, but they aren't out of reach either. Average prices are $100 to $200, but the pieces make a statement, and a good wardrobe is an investment. (A fashionable man also knows how to mix and match expensive pieces with perhaps cheaper finds.) Base has consistently remained Miami's bellwether of men's fashion, and for good reason — it challenges men to look beyond clothing as a necessity and instead as a way of self-expression.
"I make just about everything I can think of," says Aja Butler-Burns, the mastermind behind ABA Jewels. It may sound like bragging, but she's just being honest. An Art Institute grad who found Miami's bauble selections dismal, Butler-Burns opened ABA Jewels to fill a need to create something for herself. Drawing on inspiration from every corner of the Earth and various iconic periods in history — from ancient Egypt to 1940s Americana to '90s S&M — ABA Jewels is a secret to most locals, but the fashion set has long coveted her minimalist, galactic designs. Selling mostly on Etsy and at pop-up shops around the Magic City, ABA Jewels frequently collaborates with Miami artists, such as when Butler-Burns designed bondage-style chokers and thigh jewelry for ALMA Dance Theater's production of Cask. And at ultra-affordable prices — like $32 for a racy '90s choker necklace in gold and $22 for a brass-and-amethyst bindi — ABA Jewels' designs are totally worth coveting.
You know how magazines are always telling you to make the most of your small apartment by maximizing the vertical space? That's sort of how Beatnix operates. Located inside a narrow storefront on the corner of Washington and 12th Street, this Miami Beach costume shop is packed floor-to-ceiling with a myriad of wacky accessories, from top hats to tutus. Most packaged costumes run $50 to $60, while smaller accessories are sold à la carte. Feel like letting it all hang out with some nipple tassels ($16) and gold booty shorts ($30)? Beatnix has 'em. Prefer to cover your face with a rubber gas mask? That's here too, for just 15 bucks. The staff is friendly without hovering, and Thursday through Sunday, the store is open until midnight, meaning you can grab something last-minute for that festival or costume party and still look like the baddest one there.


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The perfect solution to a snoring situation
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First Snowfall*
When first snow falls
where wild flowers once were
soft like love lace
that quiets the left leaves,
and cold like a folding glove
caresses the stillness tight,
words walk away somewhere.
And yet there is a breathing
beneath the skin of earth
with footfalls firm and fresh -
the day face washed and waiting,
the arching squirrel tail,
the daring dip of bird wings
through avenues of space -
these soundings of a silence
pry loose the palms of hope
that stain the air indelibly
before the eye of dawn awakes.
*Accepted The Aurorean (12/99).


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The usual sources. I bought from RacingPartsDepot.com.
OBX vs Quaife (with pixors)
Posted 16 February 2014 - 08:08 AM
Posted 16 May 2014 - 06:53 AM
Posted 17 May 2014 - 04:09 PM
I'm curious about the offering from racingpartdepot in that they have 4 different links for the same application.
Any ideas if they are all the same part?
Posted 19 May 2014 - 01:00 PM
I ordered this one:
Looks like the same supplier as racingpartdepot:
So you can use the link I provided and know you will at least receive what I have...who knows if it is right .
Posted 06 September 2014 - 02:30 PM
where are you guys getting these from, does someone have a part # thanks
Posted 31 December 2014 - 05:26 PM
I apologize if this isn't the right thread.
Posted 31 December 2014 - 06:31 PM
Search Phantom Grip. Looks like a knock-off or rebranding of the same parts.
Posted 02 January 2015 - 03:11 PM
Next to the description tab is a "technical specs". Clicking it gives you no technical specs, but instead is just them quoting a review. The opening of that review? "I just wanted to drop in and give my impressions on the Phantom Grip I recently installed..."
So take of that what you will. I think what annoys me the most is theyre calling it a 2way lsd.
Posted 28 May 2015 - 03:36 PM
has anyone ran a 450hp or so v8 with this OBX rebuilt like you guys are doing ? ... it would be nice to make this work with my roller 350....for the $$
Posted 10 July 2015 - 02:54 PM
Just got my OBX from racingparstdepot for $405. Nice and clean in that factory.
The gears were reversed so flipped them, only 9 of the 11 bolts had loctite on them.
Installed Rich Bryant's fix kit.
Attached Files
Posted 10 July 2015 - 10:08 PM
For those who put in the OBX unit, did you measure the runout of the ring gear surface when installed? If so, what was your tolerance?
I picked up an old stock japan made Helical from a company called Xebec. I had about .0023" runout of the ring gear face, and about .0018" radial runout.
I noticed as well I only have 8 gears in mine instead of the 12 in the OBX. I also don't have any preload washers on my unit.
Just wondering if my time trying to get a machine shop to true it is worth the effort and if I should just grab an OBX instead and be done with it.
Posted 16 November 2015 - 09:07 AM
Most of the recent orders for my kit have been the newer version of the LSD over the past couple of months.
The new one with the Taper/cone/curvy shape should be superior to the old version.
My customers have reported 50mm long bolts (shank length without the head) and the ones pictured in this thread also look like 50mm to me based on the threaded length. The 40mm is probably a typo.
This unit should be superior and should solve the center retainer issues that required the larger center washers to hold everything together in my kit.
I still highly recommend replacing the bolts and washers but this is good progress from OBX.
Posted 16 November 2015 - 04:57 PM
Is there an updated link or location on where to buy the correct obx unit? All the links seem to be broken.
Posted 22 January 2016 - 10:18 AM
Hi Guys,
I have installed the early style OBX LSD in a 3.90 r200 long nose with Rich Bryant's bolts and washers.
I am using early style u joint shafts and can not figure out how to get the flanges to "clip" in.
The flanges do not have clips and when I tried adding clips they were to big.
Do I need to removed the internal clips from the old carrier?
Posted 22 January 2016 - 11:22 AM
Some people buy new clips, some re-use the old ones. They install inside the diff, not on the axles. Better read this thread from the beginning, there are some important posts about getting the parts right so that the clip grooves are the right distance in from the seals. So the axles ride in the correct place. Can't remember where, back in the #80-140 range of posts, maybe.
Posted 27 January 2016 - 08:07 PM
Where are you guys buying your OBX LSD's at now a days?
1976 280Z - N42/N42, flap top pistons, Weber 45 DCOE, 280zx 5-speed, ZG flares, Z432 Spoiler, build in progress, rest to be determined.
Posted 12 May 2016 - 08:48 AM
Same as above ^^^ I am looking for an OBX unit but can't seem to find one anywhere.
1 user(s) are reading this topic
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According to Aare Afe Babalola (SAN), Ekiti state, his state of origin, has been destroyed by politics which has eroded its values.
Babalola also blamed the misfortune of his state on the discovery of oil in 1956 at Oloibiri, Bayelsa State, which, he said, diverted his people's attention from agriculture, which, according to him, was their economic forte.
He also condemned successive governments of the state of neglecting their predecessor's projects.
He spoke on Thursday at the maiden edition of Ekitipanupo Colloquium on Development, which held at Agidingbi, Ikeja, Lagos.
Make Money Online in Nigeria... Click HERE To Start Now!


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I have a batch file I've created that contains a netsh firewall command. This batch file gets executed in a login script when a user logs into their windows account. Problem is when the netsh firewall command runs, I get an "Access is denied" message under the user's account. When I'm logged in as Admin is works fine, so it is obviously a permissions issue.
Anyone know of a way around this?
Jul 7, 2010 at 12:15 UTC
Trust me, admin privs are not required. I have a very restricted network where not even my own acct has admin rights and I still can push out reg settings and files to my restricted user by using startup scripts.
It will run as the user if you add it as a logon script. You must run it as a startup script in order for it to run under system credentials. That is the difference between logon and startup script. Additionally, since it takes effect upon boot, running gpupdate probably won't be sufficient. A restart is likely required for most startup scripts to run.
Worst case scenario, if you want it to run as a logon script you'll just have to use GP to open that specific registry key's ACL for the domain users to have write/modify permissions.
Hope this helps.
31 Replies
Jul 1, 2010 at 1:21 UTC
Could you add a "runas" command into the batch file to elevate privileges?
Jul 1, 2010 at 1:26 UTC
If it isn't for a specific user setting, then just assign it as a startup script instead.
Jul 1, 2010 at 1:29 UTC
It is not for a specific user. I have a vbs script that gets run as part of the users login.bat file.
How would assign the netsh command as a separate script or part of an existing script though?
Thank you.
Jul 1, 2010 at 1:42 UTC
I'm not 100% sure on the scripting side of things. My boss handles the greater majority of that for our systems. However, in case you haven't come across it in your search here is some possibly helpful documentation.
I know including the runas commandin a batch file to elevate privileges has worked for me in the past when changing different settings on systems.
Jul 1, 2010 at 1:45 UTC
If it isn't for a specific user setting, then just assign it as a startup script instead.
AFAIK, user startup script is run with priviledges of user that logs in, so it won't work. Besides having it use runas or psexec is kinda dangerous as it requires providing administrator password in user-accessible area (the script itself).
I would use a windows scheduler - there is an option to run something at logon (no matter which user logs in) with any credentials.
Jul 1, 2010 at 1:49 UTC
You mean Windows Task Scheduler?
Jul 1, 2010 at 1:49 UTC
If it isn't for a specific user setting, then just assign it as a startup script instead.
AFAIK, user startup script is run with priviledges of user that logs in, so it won't work. Besides having it use runas or psexec is kinda dangerous as it requires providing administrator password in user-accessible area (the script itself).
I would use a windows scheduler - there is an option to run something at logon (no matter which user logs in) with any credentials.
True... Having a batch file with administrator credentials available to an end user or anyone able to log onto a machine is probably not the most secure way of doing things...
Jul 1, 2010 at 1:52 UTC
I would imagine you just cut the netsh command from the bat file for the user login script, paste it to a new bat file saved with a new name and in group policy assign that new bat file as a computer startup script to whatever scope you choose. You can assign vbs files too.
@krizz - No...startup scripts do not run with user creds; they run with sys creds. You're thinking login script which is what he's doing already. And who said anything about psexec?
Jul 1, 2010 at 1:59 UTC
I did some research on how to add the "netsh firewall" command to a vbscript, but all the examples I've seen at not very clear. I'm not an expert of vbscript, so if some has an idea how I would add the command I would appreciate it.
Jul 1, 2010 at 2:00 UTC
Sure just open notepad and type the command. Example:
netsh firewall set service remoteadmin enable
Now save that as a .bat file and assign it in group policy as a computer startup script (not user logon script).
Also, you can all together bypass firewall configs by way of netsh in a script by just managing firewall settings directly in group policy...
Jul 1, 2010 at 2:15 UTC
I agree -group policy is the way to go. But I created a new GPO earlier this week with a simple setting, linked that GPO to an OU called "WSUS Test Computers" and "Laptops", logged onto one of the laptops in the "WSUS Test Computers" group, ran the "gpupdate /force" command several times even rebooting in between, and the GPO would not take effect...see attached image.
After spending a fair amount of time on it I gave up and applied the changes I needed to a script instead and that worked immediately.
Jul 1, 2010 at 2:21 UTC
Sounds like a problem with scope/security filtering and delegation read permissions. Are you sure those are set correctly? I trust you ran gpupdate on the server before running it on the clients as well, for good measure.
Jul 1, 2010 at 2:26 UTC
Yes, I had run gupdate /force on the server as well. Only thing I hadn't done was reboot the server. I've applied group policies before without a hitch, but this one, as simple as I thought it should be, was kicking me in the ...
Jul 1, 2010 at 2:43 UTC
And you triple checked the scope and delegation settings? Regardless, I'd say try creating a new one for this script / firewall task you've got.
Jul 1, 2010 at 3:16 UTC
1st Post
Did you try Group Policy Monitoring to simulate the GPO enforcement and to see where the problem is?
Jul 1, 2010 at 3:19 UTC
On the delegation page, click the advanced tab and show me a screen shot of that. Also, when you right click the policy, is enabled checked?
Jul 1, 2010 at 3:38 UTC
Here's the results of the Group Policy Modeling.
Thank you.
Jul 1, 2010 at 3:39 UTC
Here's a screen image showing the policy is enabled.
Thank you.
Jul 1, 2010 at 4:00 UTC
That's a details tab screenshot. Click the far right tab "delegation" and then click the advanced button on the bottom right. Post that screenshot.
Also make sure when you right click it that it's set to enabled as depicted in the attachment.
Jul 1, 2010 at 4:05 UTC
@spiceuser: yeah, I've got you wrong. Thought you mean login script. Sorry.
This discussion has been inactive for over a year.
You may get a better answer to your question by starting a new discussion.


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Posted by Sandra
My father died and his will was challenged. I was scared and my lawyer who just did probate said she could not defend the will. I was referred to Edward by a lawyer friend who does appeal law. Edward was kind to me and fought hard to defend my dad's will. He won for me everything. No settlement because I had the best. That is what Edward is: the best!
Posted by Joe
After my mom passed my sister was trustee of mom's trust. We had always been close, but my sister was doing things how she wanted not according to the trust. I was sad over my mom's death and I could hardly believe my sister was now not following mom's wishes. I went to see Ed because he does litigation. He made me feel sane! He listened to me. He understood my pain. He represented me and was able to get my sister to do the trust by the law. He even took the time (and did not charge me) to help my sister and I reconnect. Ed went the extra mile to protect my interests, both in the family trust my mom left and in my family. I am thankful I went with Ed. Not all lawyers are just like the jokes we all hear. Ed is a good man.
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Posted by Terrsa
My grandmother, who passed away 10 years, found Ed by referral. He did her trust. When she passed, my mother was sued by her sister who wanted grandma's property (farms). Ed defended the trust successfully, not only winning the case but making sure my mom was ok during the entire process. Ed then did my mother's trust, and when she passed on, Ed made sure her wishes were implemented. Now all my siblings and I (4 in all) rely on Ed as our family lawyer. He is really part of the family; his advice kept our ancestral farming business in tact for three generations, while many families lost their farms when they had to sell to pay taxes. Ed's work will make my children able to farm the land their greatgrandparents farmed. I speak for my family when I say this lawyer is someone we trust. He came to the funeral of both my grandmother and mother. He was introduced by father McDaniel as a cherished family friend; and that is what he has become. Grandma's prior lawyer was cold and impersonal; Ed is the opposite. Genuine and casual; easy to talk to. I know he is there for my family; even when we needed a divorce lawyer, Ed found us one and called my cousin even week or so just to see if she need to talk about the case or whatever. All at no charge. Thanks Ed for all you have done for our family.
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My husband and I are clients of Ed. We went to him to have a living trust done so that our kids would not have to go through probate. My husband is an attorney, but he does not do estate planning, thus we hired Ed. My husband was impressed with his knowledge of wills and trusts. I was happy that Ed was able to make me understand the process and took the time and cared enough to make sure my thoughts and concerns were addressed. My husband reviewed the documents and legal stuff and said it all looked great. That made him happy. I cared more about making sure the attorney understood me, my family and our needs, and Ed took the time and made sure the documents took care of our needs. I felt really comfortable with Ed; he is young (40, but does not look it), funny and genuine. I never thought I would laugh until me belly hurt at a lawyer's office! Ed really helped my plan for my kids when my husband and I are gone; something that really is important to me. And I trust him to be able to be there for my kids after we are gone to help them make our wishes come true. While the living trust was not cheap, it bought me peace of mind. I would recommend Ed to families and/or women especially, because I felt he really listened to me, cared about me and my feelings and always made me feel like my questions were important.
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In the Daylight is a boutique stationery range co-created by husband and wife team in Brisbane, Australia. Featuring the illustrations of Jess and the support of Rick and their two Samoyeds Riley and Ebony, the collection celebrates the beauty of common objects.
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