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Paying the Piper: The High Cost of Funerals in South Africa 1. Anne Case Princeton University
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1 Paying the Piper: The High Cost of Funerals in South Africa Anne Case Princeton University Anu Garrib Africa Centre for Health and Population Studies University of KwaZulu-Natal Alicia Menendez University of Chicago Analia Olgiati Harvard University Running Title: High Cost of Funerals in South Africa Corresponding Author: Anne Case, 367 Wallace Hall, Princeton University, Princeton NJ USA; Phone: + (609) 58-77; We gratefully acknowledge funding from the National Institute of Aging R0 AG075-0, and P0 AG We have benefited from the ACDIS field and data centre staff under the leadership of Kobus Herbst and Colin Newell, and Wellcome Trust Grants and We thank Esther Duflo, Karla Hoff, and seminar audiences at the University of Cape Town, the University of KwaZulu-Natal, The University of Michigan, and Princeton University for many helpful suggestions.
2 Abstract We analyze funeral arrangements following the deaths of 3,75 people who died between January 003 and December 005 in the Africa Centre Demographic Surveillance Area. We find that, on average, households spend the equivalent of a year s income for an adult s funeral, measured at median per capita African (Black) income. Approximately one-quarter of all individuals had some form of insurance, which helped surviving household members defray some fraction of funeral expenses. However, an equal fraction of households borrowed money to pay for the funeral. We develop a model, consistent with ethnographic work in this area, in which households respond to social pressure to bury their dead in a style consistent with the observed social status of the household and that of the deceased. Households that cannot afford a funeral commensurate with social expectations must borrow money to pay for the funeral. The model leads to empirical tests, and we find results consistent with our model of household decision-making. JEL Codes O, D
3 I. Introduction In many societies, funerals have evolved into an important institution that plays multiple roles. Funerals allow families and communities to honor the dead and console the grieving. In addition, they mark the social status of the deceased and his household; they knit social fabric for extended families and communities; and they redistribute some of the deceased s resources. In Southern Africa, social norms surrounding funerals were set at a time when people died largely in early childhood (when, as now, a simple funeral was held) or in old age (when burial-society or funeral-policy contributions could help reduce the financial strain on the household). The AIDS crisis has changed the mortality pattern observed in Southern Africa, with a dramatic increase in the mortality rate of prime-aged adults. In one site in South Africa that has been under demographic surveillance since the early 990s, life expectancy among females has fallen by years, and among males by 4 years (Kahn et al. 007). This increase in mortality in middle age can lead to economic hardship for households that experience a death, if those who die do not have burial policies and if norms of what constitutes an appropriate funeral do not change to reflect the change in mortality patterns. Institutions, such as funerals, that develop over a long period of time may take time to adjust to a change as profound as the shift in the age-mortality profile that occurred in Southern Africa over the past fifteen years. As a result, households that bury members who die in middle age may find themselves less able to maintain a stock of productive assets, to stake migrants in urban areas until they find work, to finance schooling, and more broadly to provide adequate nutrition and a healthy environment within which to raise children. 3
4 This paper documents funeral costs and financing for deaths that occurred between 003 and 005 in a demographic surveillance site in northern KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Specifically, we analyze funeral arrangements following the deaths of 3,75 people who died between January 003 and December 005 in the Africa Centre Demographic Surveillance Area. We find that, on average, households spend the equivalent of a year s income for an adult s funeral, measured at median per capita African (Black) income. Approximately one-quarter of all individuals (generally the elderly) had some form of insurance, which helped surviving household members defray some fraction of funeral expenses. However, an equal fraction of households borrowed money to pay for the funeral. We also examine how households determine appropriate spending for funerals. To do so, we set out a model, consistent with ethnographic work in this area, in which households respond to social pressure to bury their dead in a style consistent with the observed social status of the household and that of the deceased. Households that cannot afford a funeral commensurate with social expectations must borrow money to pay for the funeral. The model leads to empirical tests, and we find results consistent with our model of household decision-making. Our work is related to that on conspicuous consumption surrounding weddings in many developing countries. Bloch, Rao and Desai (004) argue for example that, in holding lavish weddings, poor Indian families increase their status in the community by signaling the status of the groom. In their data, there are significantly larger wedding celebrations when the groom has been drawn from outside the community (that is, when his status is not necessarily known to those in the bride s village). Bloch et al. argue that families clearly gain direct Utility from simply moving up the social ladder a movement that lavish weddings help to bring about. In 4
5 the South African context, households that do not offer funerals commensurate with expectations may move down the social ladder. Our work is also closely related to that documenting the costs of AIDS treatment and funeral expenses in other parts of Africa. (Stover and Bollinger, 999, review evidence on this from Tanzania, Ethiopia, Cote d Ivoire, and Uganda.) Ainsworth and Over (997) note that in Kagera, Tanzania, funerals are expensive and elaborate. An important distinction with our findings from South Africa is that, in Kagera, funeral costs were spread more widely, with 45% of expenses covered by gifts from other households. The next section introduces the data we use to quantify funeral behavior. Section II discusses funeral costs in more detail. Section III presents a model of household decisionmaking, and tests the model using our data. The concluding section offers some thoughts on the sustainability of the current burial practices, and the implications of current practices for the future wellbeing of household members. II. Data In 000, the Africa Centre for Health and Population Studies began demographic surveillance of approximately,000 households in the Umkhanyakude District in northern KwaZulu-Natal. The surveillance site includes both a township and a rural area administered by a tribal authority. At six month intervals, every household is visited and demographic and health information is collected on all household members. Individuals may be resident in the Demographic Surveillance Area (DSA), or may be non-resident members of households that claim them as members. Approximately two-thirds of all persons under demographic surveillance are resident 5
6 in the DSA at any one time. (See Tanser et al. 007 for details on the Africa Centre site and surveillance protocols.) Upon learning of the death of a household member, a verbal autopsy nurse is sent to interview the deceased s primary caregiver. Symptoms and health seeking behavior of the deceased are recorded, and sent to two clinicians, who independently assess the information and, where possible, assign a cause of death. For deaths between January 003 and December 005, information was also collected on the costs associated with the illness, and with the funeral. This information, from the Illness and Death (IAD) Survey, forms the basis of our analysis. We augment these data with information that was collected on household socioeconomic status in two rounds of data collection. Household Socio-Economic Survey (HSE) was conducted in 00, and Household Socio-Economic Survey (HSE), between January 003 and June 004. When possible, we assign household SES information from HSE, in order to quantify the economic and demographic characteristics of the household prior to the death. Column of Table presents information on individuals followed by the Africa Centre Demographic Information System (ACDIS) in 00, at the time of HSE. Just over half of all individuals followed by ACDIS are female. The population under surveillance is young, with a mean age of 3 years. Employment opportunities in the area under surveillance are quite limited, and many household members migrate to find work. This is reflected in reports that only 35 percent of prime-aged adults (ages 8 to 59) resident in the DSA worked for money in 00, in In order to respect households in mourning, the verbal autopsy visit occurs with a lag of at least 6 months. For details on the protocol, visit 6
7 contrast with 58 percent of non-resident prime-aged adults. Individuals in the DSA live in large households, with an average of 0 members, 7 of whom are resident in the DSA. 3 Column presents information on individuals followed by ACDIS who died between 003 and 005. Household characteristics of those who died are similar to those of all persons followed by ACDIS. Household sizes (0.08 vs members), number of working adult members (.96), and number of children (4.58 vs. 5.00) are all quite comparable. Employment for adults who died between 003 and 005 are similar to reports for resident members as a whole, with 40 percent of the deceased who were prime-aged reported to have been working before they fell ill. Age at death over this period was 38 years, on average. This reflects the large AIDS burden that this region is shouldering. Verbal autopsies diagnose that 48 percent of all deaths in the DSA from 003 to 005 were due to AIDS, which is associated both with high infant mortality and with death in middle age. Individuals old enough to have gone to school at HSE (ages 6 and older) who subsequently died had a half year less education than other individuals followed in ACDIS, on average. However, given changing educational attainment between cohorts and differences in the age profile of those who died and others followed in ACDIS, this difference is much reduced when we control for age and age squared at HSE (so that those who died, age adjusted, had attained 0.8 fewer years of education at HSE). 3 These numbers are presented at the level of individuals within the DSA, in order to compare their information with that from people who died. At the level of the household, average household size is 7.6, with 5.5 resident members. 7
8 III. Funerals in the DSA It would be difficult to exaggerate the importance of funerals in South African life. Funerals serve to honor the dead, who are entering a new life as ancestors. In addition, funerals mark the deceased s status (and that of his family) within the community. They also strengthen ties with neighbors and extended family, who may travel long distances to attend a funeral. More than any other single rite of passage births, graduations, marriages funerals provide a focal point for family and community life. (See Roth 999 for discussion.) For some or all of these reasons, funerals are elaborate, and expensive. In addition to expenses for a coffin, traditional burial blankets, and (often) a tent for the funeral, immediate family must pay to entertain mourners. After a death, extended household members may arrive for a lengthy visit. It is expected that the immediate family of the deceased will feed mourners who have come for the funeral, for as long as they choose to stay. In addition, animals are slaughtered to honor the dead. Precise customs vary from place to place, but in KwaZulu-Natal, when an adult male dies, general custom is to kill a cow, and to use its meat to feed all present. This is an expensive proposition: cattle during this period sold for approximately 000 Rand a head. 4 With median per capita income among Africans (Blacks) approximately 400 Rand a month, the cow represents more than a third of a year s income for half the African population. 4 Prices are those reported by survey respondents during the period of data collection. These are consistent with other reports for this period. King (004) reports sale prices for a cow fluctuated between R500 and R000 in the former bantustan of KaNgwane, between 000 and 00. McCord (004) reports that sale prices for cows varied from R700 to R3000 in Limpopo in mid-003. Since that time, prices for cattle have increased. The Weekend Argus (006) reports the market price for a cow in December 006 was R
9 When an adult female dies, a goat is slaughtered. While less expensive than a cow, this is still a considerable expense for the household. A. Burial societies and funeral policies One mechanism that has evolved in South Africa to help individuals save for funerals are savings clubs or accounts that pay out only upon death. These include membership in a burial society, or the purchase of a funeral policy with a funeral parlor or an insurance company. For approximately 0 to 30 Rand per month (more, if one is insuring additional household members), individuals are guaranteed that some expenses incurred for their funerals will be paid for by the insurer. Information on who participated in these policies, and what the policies paid at the time of the death, is presented in Table. Twenty-eight percent of the deceased had a policy of some variety, almost all of which paid something. Participation in burial societies and funeral policies is closely related to individuals receipt of the South African state old-age pension a generous pension that is provided monthly in cash to women over age 60 and men over age 65. (See Case and Deaton 998 for details. 5 ) Each month, after receiving their pensions, pensioners can pay into their burial accounts at the pension pay point. (Funeral parlors and insurance companies are the only private firms allowed to conduct business inside pension pay points, which are generally surrounded by a fence or barrier of some sort.) In the IAD data, 79 percent of pensioners participated in a burial fund, true of only 8 percent of individuals who were not pensioneligible. The probability of participating in a burial fund jumps by 35 percentage points as men 5 Since the time of our survey, the age of eligibility for pension receipt has been equalized between women and men. 9
10 and women move from being slightly too young to receive the pension, to being just old enough to be age-eligible for the pension. Why would younger adults not belong to a burial society? We can only speculate, but one possibility suggested to us is the same reason that Duflo et al. (008) find that farmers aren t keen on buying fertilizer when they need it (at the beginning of the season) but are very responsive to the option to buy fertilizer immediately after their harvest. It might be that people don t like to plan, but if they have money in hand, and a seller is strategically positioned when they receive cash, then they will buy what they know they will need later on. 6 Over half of these policies were held with funeral parlors; and 40 percent with other private insurers. Nearly all of the policies (9 percent) paid money to the household at the time of the funeral. The cash payments are large, averaging 4500 Rand. This money need not be spent by the household on the funeral but, as we shall see below, in general it represents only part of funeral spending for individuals who held policies. Policies were much less likely to provide goods in kind. Only 3 percent of policies provided a coffin; 3 percent provided food; 3 percent, a tent. Even when a policy provides a coffin or food, the deceased s household may incur additional expenses for these items. While it is rare in the IAD data to find that additional money was used to upgrade the coffin provided by the policy, it is not unknown (4 percent of cases). It is quite common for additional money to be spent on meat and groceries, if the provision of food was part of the policy. (9 percent of cases spent additional money on meat; 75 percent spent additional money on groceries.) 6 Karla Hoff, personal correspondence. A non-competing hypothesis is that planning for one s own death is painful, more so for the young than for the old. 0
11 B. Funeral costs Information on purchases for the funeral is presented in Table 3. Large expenditures include a coffin, 858 Rand on average; meat, 38 Rand on average; and groceries, 084 Rand on average. Other expenditures, for example on burial blankets, are close to universal, but are much less expensive. Overall, spending on funerals averages 4300 Rand per burial. It is significantly higher if the deceased had a funeral policy (5900 Rand), or if we restrict our attention to adult deaths (4700 Rand). Table 4 presents information on who paid for these funeral-related expenses. (Note that when a funeral policy paid money, and that money was used to purchase funeral-related items, this is included in the household members contributions toward funeral expenses.) The vast majority of expenses (90 percent) were paid by household members living with the deceased at the time of the death. This is true both for funerals where a funeral policy paid, and for funerals in which one did not. Other family, not in the household, contributed 6 percent of resources put toward the funeral, with community, church, and employers contributing smaller amounts. In the IAD questionnaire, expenses for funeral items were asked separately from reports on who contributed to the funeral, and at what level. The reports nonetheless balance: the primary caregiver on average can recall 473 Rand worth of funeral expenses, and 48 Rand of contributions made by family and others. The second panel of Table 4 reports on borrowing that the households undertook to finance funerals. Nearly a quarter of all deaths resulted in money being borrowed to pay for the funeral. Conditional on borrowing, households took loans from money lenders over 50 percent of
12 the time; neighbors, 5 percent; and other family, 4 percent of the time. The statistics on money lenders are troubling: in South Africa, money lenders charge exorbitant interest rates, 30 percent per month or more (Siyongwana 004). Poor households who borrow 300 Rand from a money lender for a funeral may find themselves paying back many multiples of that over several years. 7 In summary, funerals are expensive, and often leave households economically vulnerable. In the next section, we examine the determinants of funeral spending and borrowing. We develop a model of household decision-making on funeral spending, which provides tests for our data. IV. Household decision-making on funeral spending and borrowing The ethnographic literature and our own experience in training field workers to administer questionnaires on illness and death modules suggest that social norms are held strongly and play an important role in setting funeral spending. Denoting characteristics that mark an individual s status (sex and relationship to the head of household, for example) as X and community and extended family perception of household permanent income at the time of the death as ^ Y, we hypothesize that the community and extended family form an opinion about the appropriate size of the funeral death: * F according to the deceased s status and that of his household at the time of the ^ * F βx γy = +. 7 Consistent with findings of Roth (999), we rarely observe households selling assets to pay funeral expenses. Roth argues that this is largely because the time between the sale of the asset and the receipt of cash is too long for households who need immediate cash to pay for funeral-related items.
13 Here γ is the fraction of permanent income that is thought to be appropriate to use for the burial (0 < γ < ), net of the spending determined by the deceased s characteristics. 8 The funeral expenses we observe in our data are the desired spending plus an idiosyncratic error: ^ * F F u βx γy u = + = + +. () Community and extended family do not observe household permanent income. Instead, they observe a vector of household and individual characteristics that are correlated with household permanent income, which they use to form an expectation of it. Denoting these observable characteristics as X, we can express perceived household income Y ^ and true household permanent income Y as: 8 We follow Deaton (99) in defining permanent income as the annuity value of current financial and human wealth (page 8). We have no evidence that pressure about the size of funeral comes from the community or extended family, rather than from within the household itself. However, ethnographic work suggests that the community plays an important role in setting the size of the funeral. Our use of individual and household status is different from that proposed by Cole, Mailath and Postelwaite (99). These authors take an agent s status as a ranking device that determines how well he fares with respect to nonmarket decisions (page 096). That is, status brings with it benefits on which clubs a person is invited to join, or which families a person can marry into. In our work, status is determined by household and individual observable resources, which dictates a nonmarket decision here, what should be spent on funerals. Households that break social norms on appropriate funeral spending, given observable household resources, may be ostracized, and perhaps not welcome at future funerals in the community. 3
14 ^ Y = Y+ u = β X + u, () so that true household permanent income differs from that perceived by an unobservable component, u, drawn from a distribution with variance σ. That permanent income may influence funeral spending linearly can be seen in Figure, where we present means of total funeral expenses by the number of assets owned by the household, which we take as a marker of permanent income. More elaborate models may also be consistent with our data, but are not necessary here. We demonstrate below that our model, in which markers for individual status and household permanent income contribute additively to the desired funeral size, is adequate to explain the funeral spending and borrowing patterns we find in our data. Households with lower permanent income than that perceived ( u < 0 ) will be less able to meet social expectations with respect to the size of the funeral, without borrowing money. Specifically, the household will have inadequate resources to meet * F if * Y F βx γ βx < = + ( ). (3) The probability that the household will need to borrow ( B = ) to finance a funeral of size can be written, substituting () into (3): * F Pr[ B= ] = Pr[ u < β X + ( γ ) β X ]. (4) 4
15 This provides us with several checks, and a formal test, of our model. First, characteristics associated with lower individual status will have different predictions for spending and borrowing than do characteristics associated with lower household permanent income. Characteristics of the deceased associated with lower individual status (that is, with lower values of X ) should reduce both the size of the funeral, as in (), and the probability of borrowing, as in (4). In contrast, any information available to the community that causes them to revise downward their estimate of household permanent income, ^ Y, should reduce the size of the funeral, as in (), but increase the probability of borrowing for the funeral. We examine these in turn. A. Individual status, funeral spending and borrowing We provide estimates of the association between individual status, funeral spending and funeral borrowing in Table 5. The first set of columns presents results of OLS regressions for funeral spending, with and without controls for household characteristics, and the second set provides OLS results, using the same specifications, for borrowing money for the funeral. 9 9 In our regression analyses, we control for age using indicators for 0-year age categories. Results are not changed if, instead, we include age at death and that age squared in our regressions. In addition, regressions include indicators for the year of death and an indicator that age at death is missing (true for 5 cases). These variables are part of the set of variables we refer to as X. Age at death is a status variable, and year of death is a crude control for inflation. Robust standard errors are presented, allowing for correlation between unobservables for observations from the same homestead. 5
16 Characteristics that enter individual status ( X ) include sex and relationship to the household head, and here we examine whether these characteristics move funeral spending and borrowing in the same direction, as predicted by the model. Women have lower status in the DSA than do men, so we would expect both that less would be spent on women s funerals, and that the probability of borrowing for a woman s funeral would be lower. We find that this is the case: with or without controls for household demographics and SES, approximately 600 Rand less is spent on a woman s funeral, and borrowing for a woman s funeral is.5 to 3.5 percentage points less likely on average. 0 We also examine whether household members with a more distant relationship to the head are treated differently from other members. Relative to a parent, spouse or child of the head (or indeed the head himself), we find all other relationships to be associated with lower funeral spending, and a lower probability of borrowing for the funeral. Specifically, the funerals of other relatives or non-relatives of the head are approximately 800 to 000 Rand less expensive, and the probability of borrowing for their funerals is approximately 4 percentage points lower. B. Observable household characteristics, funeral spending and borrowing We can also examine whether observable characteristics that are associated with household permanent income have different effects on spending and borrowing, as is predicted by our 0 This largely reflects the difference in cost between slaughtering cows and goats. With the exception of burial clothing, for which a small (34 Rand) but statistically significant amount more was spent on men, meat was the only funeral-related expense for which we find a significant difference in spending between the sexes. Other relationships are siblings, grandparents, grandchildren, sons- or daughters-in-law, other family and individuals not related to the current head of household. 6
17 model. Table 6 presents OLS regression results for funeral spending (columns to 4) and borrowing for funerals (columns 5 to 8). We find that household assets are associated with significantly higher spending on funerals, with an increase in spending of almost 300 Rand for each asset, and with a significantly lower probability of borrowing, with each asset associated with a percentage point drop in the probability of borrowing, on average. Half of all individuals who died in the DSA between 003 and 005 died of AIDS. Death from AIDS is associated with significantly higher medical expenditures prior to death, which renders households significantly poorer (Naidu and Harris 006). When an individual dies of AIDS, almost 000 fewer Rand are spent on the funeral, on average, while the probability of borrowing to pay for the funeral is 7 percentage points higher. In ninety percent of cases in which the deceased held a funeral policy, that policy paid money to the household at the time of the death. Consistent with our model, it is the cash transfer, and not the ownership of a policy, that is associated with significantly higher spending on the funeral, and a significantly lower probability of borrowing to fund the funeral. C. Formal tests of household decision-making Our model also yields formal tests of the association between funeral expenditures and borrowing decisions, which we analyze here. We rewrite the equation for funeral spending as F = β X + γ( β X ) + u ( ) and the equation for the probability of borrowing for the funeral as 7
18 u β β Pr[ B= ] = Pr[ < X + ( γ ) X ] (4 ) σ σ σ where u has been standardized for convenience in what follows. Having done this, we can test several elements in our model. First, the ratio of each regression coefficient β, from vector X in (' ), relative to the β corresponding regression coefficient σ from ( 4'), should be equal for each element of X. That is, for each variable X, for i (, k), i β i β k... = = σ. (5) β / σ β / σ i k Such a test is of interest in its own right, in gauging whether the model fits the data. The ratio of the coefficients on X from (' ) and ( 4') also yields an estimate of the scaling parameter σ from (4 '). This is useful in what follows. In addition, the ratio of each regression coefficient γβ, from vector X in (' ), relative ( γ ) β to the corresponding regression coefficient σ from (4 '), should be equal for each element of X. That is, for each variable X, for i (, j), i 8
19 γβ γβ i j γσ... = = ( γ ) β / σ ( γ ) β / σ ( γ ) i j. (6) The equality of these ratios provides a second test of our model. We can also use them, together with our estimate of σ from equation (5), to estimate the fraction of household income, γ, that is expected will be spent on the funeral, net of spending expected based on the deceased s status. Results of these tests are provided in Table 7. In chi-square tests presented in the last column of the table, we fail to reject the equality of ratios for X variables (equation 5), or for X variables (equation 6). Moreover, these equations yield an estimate of γ equal to In the next section, we compare this estimate of γ, provided by reduced form estimation of (') and (4 '), with that yielded by the maximum likelihood estimation. 3 D. Maximum likelihood estimates We can use the coefficients estimated to calculate the relative amounts spent on household members who die. When a male head of household aged 50 dies of a non-aids related condition in 005, in a household with the mean number of assets observed in our sample for households in which a death occurred, we expect on average the household will spend R6383 on his funeral. Relative to that, we expect on average if his spouse died in otherwise identical circumstances, spending would be 9% percent of this amount; if his teenaged son died, 75%; and if his teenaged daughter died, 67%. If, instead, the 50 year old head had died of AIDS, we would expect R5635 would be spent on his funeral (88% of what would be spent if death were from another cause). If the head s wife died of AIDS, relative to the death of her husband from a non-aids related cause, 80% would be spent; for a teenaged son s death from AIDS, 64%; and for a teenaged daughter s death from AIDS, 55%. 3 The estimate of γ reported is the mean of that recovered from the three estimates we have from (6). 9
20 To gain more precision in our estimates, we turn to maximum likelihood estimation. We denote the latent variable driving the borrowing decision as * B F βx u =, where B = if * B > 0, and 0 otherwise. We assume that funeral expenses and the latent need to borrow are jointly normally distributed. The relevant joint density when borrowing occurs will be F βx (, = ) = ( β γβ, ) g F B f F X X u du, (7) and for cases where no borrowing occurs is β γβ F β. X g ( F, B = 0) = f ( F X X, u ) du We can express the likelihood function to be maximized as L( β, β, γ) [ gfb (, )] [ gfb (, 0)] B ( B) = = =. (8) To estimate (8), we re-write (7) as β F X (, ) (, ) g F B = = f u u du. Standardizing u, and defining u z =, yields σ 0
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|Message view
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|Ted Dunning <tdunn...@maprtech.com>
|Re: getting started building Mavenized hadoop common
|Wed, 03 Aug 2011 01:41:08 GMT
(the following discusses religious practices ... please don't break into flames) In the past, the simplest approach I have seen for dealing with this is to simply put the generated code under the normal source dir and check it in. This is particularly handy with Thrift since it is common for users of the code to not have a working version of the Thrift compiler. I then have an optional profile that does the code generation. In my cases, I made that profile conditional on a thrift compiler being found, but there are other reasonable strategies. I did the code generation by generating into a temp dir and then copying the code into the source tree so that if the generation failed, no code was changed. The nice side effect is that IDE's see the generated code as first class code. Many consider various aspects of this style to be bad practice. Some condemn checking in generated code as akin to checking in jars. I kind of agree, but lack of thrift or javacc is common enough that it really has to be dealt with by checking these in somewhere. Only if your code generator really is ubiquitous is it feasible not to check in generated code. Others consider the commingling of generated an "real" code in the same directory tree to be a mortal sin. I agree, but in a lesser form. I strongly condemn the use of a single directory for generated and non-generated code, but if all directories avoid such miscegenation, then I don't see this as much of a problem. Most people recognize that a package with a name "generated" will contain generated code. On Tue, Aug 2, 2011 at 5:44 PM, Tom White <email@example.com> wrote: > > I like to debug through the code :) It would be nice if there were an > > automated way to handle that folder, but in the meantime, it would > probably > > be useful to document that along with the eclipse instructions. > > I had to do this step too. I've added it to the instructions on > http://wiki.apache.org/hadoop/EclipseEnvironment, but I agree it would > be nice to automate this if anyone knows the relevant setting. >
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Dirk Gently's Holistic Detective Agency
Pocket Books, Jun 1, 1991 - Fiction - 320 pages
There is a long tradition of Great Detectives, and Dirk Gently does not belong to it. But his search for a missing cat uncovers a ghost, a time traveler, AND the devastating secret of humankind! Detective Gently's bill for saving the human race from extinction: NO CHARGE.
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What do an elderly college professor, his abacus, an Electric Monk, his horse, a computer programmer, and his boss all have to do with Samuel Taylor Coleridge and a couch stuck in a doorway? Nobody is ... Read full review
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Very typically Douglas Adams and pretty much alike the HHGTTG. However, I had forgotten how funny and etremely original Adams is. At first, I found this first Gently story hard to get involved into, but after a while it got greatly intriguing. Good characters and v�ry funny. Read full review
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UPDATE: The tow-ban has been lifted.
EARLIER REPORT: The Iowa State Patrol reports that a tow ban is in affect in Cedar, Scott, Muscatine, Jackson, Clinton and Jones counties until further notice. This means no tow trucks can be called in by the public, towing can only be called in by police when necessary.
All other vehicles will be left until the road and weather conditions improve for the safety of everyone.


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Chrysler introduces wireless charging to its 2013 Dodge Dart
Chrysler's Mopar division is bringing innovation on the market by announcing that the Dodge Dart, which is set to go on sale in June, will be equipped with a new wireless charging system on board.
A power supply measuring 8.27 x 9.5 x 3.25 inches will be placed just below the centre stack and in front of the centre console.
The mobile device will be put in a specially designed phone case and placed on the charging grid. Once the car is started, charging begins.
"At Mopar, we look for every single opportunity to make our customers' lives easier," said Pietro Gorlier, president and CEO of Mopar, responsible for the company's service, parts and customer-care offerings.
"Our industry-first in-vehicle wireless charging system is the perfect solution for those connected customers who are always on the go."
This option on the Dodge Dart's system costs an additional $199 or more, not counting the price of installation.
Chrysler's Dart range will be the first to be equipped with this system starting with early 2013.


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A Building Energy Management System (BEMS) is a computer-based centralized system that helps manage, control and monitor particular engineering services within a building or group of buildings. It can limit energy costs and labour requirements and provide a more comfortable environment. BEMS have evolved form a simple supervisory control tool to an integrated computerized control and monitoring system. The purpose of this guide is to provide assistance to project sponsors, property managers, specifiers, designers, energy managers and operators, in the procurement, use and maintenance BEMS.
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The chaotic consequences of the gradual disintegration of Pax Americana are becoming increasingly clear. For seven decades, the United States safeguarded a global framework, which – however imperfect, and regardless of how many mistakes the superpower made – generally guaranteed a minimum level of stability. At the very least, Pax Americana was an essential component of Western security. But the US is no longer willing or able to be the world's policeman.
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Someone taking a sip of Sunrise Sauvignon Blanc on a warm summer day is helping to raise awareness of autism.
It's the same situation with the couple who order a bottle of Sassy Syrah while eating at Sorrel Bistro , a restaurant on Margarita Road.
Both of those wines are made by Speranza Winery , a boutique label that sets aside 25 percent of the proceeds from every bottle it sells to fund autism programs.
The winery, named for the Italian word for "hope," was started late last year by Mark and Kathy Anselmo, founders of the Our Nicholas Foundation , and their friends, Shawn and Tiffany Halverson.
Since its uncorking, Speranza has bottled more than 220 cases of wine ---- produced locally by area vintners ---- and has sold close to one-third of that inventory, Anselmo said. The price range is $25 to $32 per bottle.
The foundation is named for the Anselmos' son Nicholas, an 11-year-old who is on the autism spectrum.
Autism is generally described as a developmental disorder that affects children in different ways.
For years, the Anselmos have raised money for the foundation to help increase awareness; provide resources to families of children with autism and special-needs teachers; and start programs such as Kick with Nick, a popular soccer group that allows children on the autism spectrum to play alongside teenage volunteers.
When they teamed up with the Halversons on a wine label, the partners decided early on to use the winery as another fundraising tool.
"Our motto is 'Pouring hope, one glass at a time,'" Mark Anselmo said during an interview last week at Temecula Valley Winery Management with the other partners.
Without land in Wine Country to call their own, the partners worked with existing wineries to put together the roster of wines that feature the Speranza label.
In addition to the syrah and the sauvignon blanc, the winery also offers Chardonnyay!, a chardonnay with subtle hints of pear and kiwi, and Zippy Zin, a zinfandel with peppery notes.
"We decided to go with fun names," Kathy Anselmo said.
That decision has worked out well, she said, because many people who have bought one of their wines said they did so in part because they liked the sound of it.
After launching late last year, the partners have worked to get Speranza wines at Sorrel Bistro and The Mill restaurant in Murrieta , as well as The Collective in Old Town Temecula .
They also are considering partnerships with San Diego restaurants and other spots in Riverside and Orange counties.
Although that might be considered impressive growth for many small wineries, the partners said their goal is to use the winery as a vehicle for fundraising.
"The end result is not to be multibillionaires," Mark Anselmo said.
For example, in coming weeks, the winery will be rolling out partnerships with the breast cancer resource center Michelle's Place and Charity for Charity, a nonprofit that fulfills the wishes of local residents.
These partnerships will raise money for autism research and programs and their respective nonprofits: a split of 20 percent for the partner and 5 percent for autism programs.
In the future, there could be more partnerships that allow Speranza to provide "hope" to other causes, Mark Anselmo said.


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Collaborative approaches to decision making and conflict resolution for natural resource and land use issues1 edition - first published in 1996
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History Created April 1, 2008 · 2 revisions
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There are times when the outside world is too much with me. But instead of turning off the TV and refusing to read the news, I natter and voice my opinions of what I think has been overlooked, as piddling as they may be.
Let me start with the concern in Massachusetts over the plan in one school to give condoms to 12 year olds. Parents are upset and don't even want the subject of sex taught in the schools at such an early age. They are blaming everyone and everything else for the fact that their children are having sex earlier and earlier. Studies have shown that, in fact, their diets are probably just as responsible. Estrogen is stored in fat, and fat also produces estrogen. The more fat, the more estrogen, which will bring on the first menstrual cycle. Simply put, girls are reaching puberty and sexual awareness earlier — another side effect of our diet loaded with fat, sugar and salt so prevalent in fast foods. Boys are happy to accommodate them.
Certain unsophisticated tribes in Africa seemed to know about fat and hormones without having to do the research. When girls reached marriageable age, they were put in a special compound where they were given more food to fatten them up, to prepare them for marriage and child bearing.
Then there is Charles Murray, the conservative scholar who has written a much-publicized book, "Coming Apart". His thesis is that since the 1960s the once silent, hard-working, white lower classes are not behaving the way they used to, which was doing their best to imitate the upper classes.
He does not seem to have regressed simply to the 1950s, but to the 1850s when the rich had plenty of servants to observe their behavior and share it with their factory worker friends. Today, he says, the elite upper classes are the well-educated intellectuals who stay married, have children within wedlock and go to church regularly. And also are very rich. But they live in a bubble and are not aware of the lower classes, so they don't even try to teach or demonstrate how to live. He never mentions wage and job stagnation for the masses, or the advantage that these bubble people have taken of the working poor who strived to emulate them with buying larger homes and bigger cars.
There is another class, which my husband and I called ourselves members of: The Educated Poor. That was years ago, but since then our numbers have increased.
Professor Murray never mentions the cultural upheavals of the 60s. Nor does he take into account that poor working men can't afford mistresses or an occasional call girl to keep their marriages alive and that their wives are too busy to take a lover.
However, if he is looking for someone in his elite class who can teach the lower classes how to behave, and get rich, there is someone who has even become a member of the idle rich and knows well the ropes of being a part of the elite and very, very rich. I suggest he consider Bernie Madoff as a role model and teacher.
In the middle of my tut-tutting, I must, in full disclosure, admit that this very week I went with two friends to McDonald's. I am talking about the new and modern
McDonald's right across from the new stadium. I had mentioned that the one thing I remembered about McDonald's was that I had had a McMuffin and found it very tasty. That was about 10 years ago, but I could try it again. James volunteered to drive me there, and Doug volunteered to keep us company.
At 8:30 in the morning, the parking lot was full, and there was a long line waiting in front of the order clerk. We found a table in the sunlight and waited a while until all of the well-fed people went off to work.
The egg in my McMuffin was fried hard and instead of the advertised sausage, there was ham. No condiments, not even salt and pepper on the untoasted English (alias Mc) muffin. There is a rumor, which I think I may have started, that McDonald's puts a secret ingredient into their fast food that makes it addictive. I withdraw that accusation. It is okay with me if another 10 years pass before I try another breakfast there. We all agreed the best part was sitting in the sun coming through the window.


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London, July 21 (ANI): European Union ministers have failed to reach a target they agreed upon for the redistribution of 40,000 migrants who reached Italy and Greece.
According to BBC, they agreed to start the relocation of 32,000 migrants at a meeting in Brussels.
Officials said that the allocation of the remainder will be decided by the end of the year.
Around 1,50,000 migrants are believed to have reached Europe after escaping war and poverty zones. (ANI)


text: Project Overview How do you stay in touch with your kids when you're travelling? A phone call is nice to catch up, but you're usually asking grown-up questions of a growing mind, so it goes a bit like this: "Hey poppet, how are you?" "Good" "What did you do today?" "Can't remember" "ummm, how was school?" "good" "...ok - is mummy there?" Then phone is thrown back to Mum or Dad. But what if you want to prolong the fun? Quality Time was built to ensure that families that are apart get to participate in the closeness that comes from one-on-one time reading beautiful story books together wherever they are in the world. A bedtime story is Quality Time spent with your family, so don't let distance get in your way. Our Challenges At the core of Quality Time is an awesome library. We worked to collate a library that both kids and adults will enjoy reading together. Make it very easy to get started and get reading. Kids can be a bit edgy around bed time, so we removed all the stuff they didn't need to distract them. Create a unified experience that is immediately reflected on the other device with aspects such as no delay in page turns and voice and visual cues for what is next. Execute all of this in a low-bandwidth environment - we know some of our users will be on remote locations with poor connections. Streaming books in real-time just isn't an option if you want your kids to sleep before midnight. The Solution Enter the Quality Time App for iPad (coming soon to iPhone and Android). Quality Time allows you to purchase some of Australia's best known picture books that can be read from afar using screen sharing and an audio platform all built into one very smart app. App Features: Real-time reading Using screen sharing and an audio platform we allow users to read stories real-time between multiple devices from anywhere in the world. Online book store Choose from some of Australia's best known picture books in a library that is expanding regularly. Secure family account Control who is set up in your family account through the settings to ensure everyone is safe online. Read with many Using our audio solution allows you to read to multiple logged in users at any one time... so you can have children in multiple locations enjoying the story in real-time. Is Grandma in the USA and the grandkids in Holland, Japan and Australia? They can all come together for Quality time. Services Demonstrated App Development and Design


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Apple have just pulled off a marketing move that no other company in the world would dare to even attempt.
For months the iPhone has been selling very well at a price tag of $599 and Apple has today announced a price drop of $200. Early adopters are upset and some consider the $200 to be "wasted". Most just accept that the price drop was inevitable.
Apple started off with a high price to cover marketing and development costs as well as to create the perception of the iPhone being worth $599. Now the iPhone is $399 it suddenly became a great deal and will sell in even larger quantities.
Giving your customers the feeling they are getting a great deal is the holy grail of marketing, get that right and nothing will stop you.


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This section contains 810 words
(approx. 3 pages at 400 words per page)
Identity Within a Group or What Kind of Jew Are You?
Throughout the novel at least two of the main characters, Nathan and Henry Zuckerman, struggle with their place within their own ethnic or religious group. Often they find themselves uncomfortable and unsure when the question is posed, and just as often they find themselves on the defensive when the issue is raised as an accusation. In one alternate version of the story, Part 2 "Judea," Henry has a sudden awakening and seeks to embrace his Jewish heritage. With only one exception, Nathan remains aloof and finds the question worthy only of generating humor in his fiction writing.
The exception to Nathan's experience comes in the final part of the novel titled "Christendom." Confronted with blatant anti-Semitism in England, Nathan is surprised how angry he becomes. Always before he had remained above what he saw as petty, or perhaps even silly, issues of religious affiliation. First his sister-in-law, then a rude and belligerent woman, and then even his own wife spout ideas of prejudice that Nathan finds shocking. He concludes that despite considering himself a Jew only by accident of birth, he is still the same type of Jew to those that harbor prejudice.
Some of the most intriguing ideas on the issue come from within the Jewish community itself. In Israel, Henry and Nathan encounter Jews that consider them Americanized and out of touch with what is truly important in the struggle of their people. They are far more familiar with the people back home in New Jersey who are Jewish in name only. Henry's wife says it best when she says she has no idea when Passover occurs.
The Counterlife as an Expression of the Desire to Correct Mi
Part of the human experience is to live a life with a course governed by decisions. Decisions often result in mistakes, and mistakes, just as definitely correct decisions, alter the course of one's life. All people in evaluating the crossroads they pass ask the question, "What if?" The characters in this novel are no exception, but unlike characters in reality. these characters can experience the consequences of alternate versions of reality.
The first and clearest example occurs in the transition from Part 1 to Part 2. In Part 1, Henry dies as a result of his surgery. In Part 2, Henry not only lives but he goes on a quest in search of understanding his Jewish heritage. In other alternate versions of the same story, Henry and Nathan switch roles. In Part 4, it is Nathan who dies as a result of surgery and Henry is left behind to try to understand the puzzles of his estranged brother's last days. Part 3 involves a somewhat bizarre tale of what could have happened to Nathan if there had been a hijack attempt on his flight to London, and in Part 5 the flight to London is quiet and peaceful.
Not only do the two main characters experience alternate versions of the same story. In Part 4, Maria experiences one ending to the story, the death of her lover and the discovery of her writing voice. In Part 5, Maria experiences what would have happened had Nathan lived, and with that final part to the novel she, and the readers, experience multiple versions of that ending.
The Counterlife: A Struggle Between Fiction and Reality
In the novel The Counterlife, all of the traditional boundaries between fiction and reality are blurred. As readers we are often shocked by abrupt reversals or completely new scenarios involving the same characters. We cannot tell if these alternate versions are the result of different narrators or are if they are entirely separate stories involving characters who happen to have the same names and associates. Even within the various alternate versions, it is difficult to tell what is part of the action and what is part of the internal imaginings of one of the narrators. Much of what some readers think is traditional action turns out to be the contents of an unpublished manuscript that three principle characters read and refer to.
Related to this seemingly unknowable distinction between reality and fiction is the idea of one of the main characters, Nathan Zuckerman, that there is no such thing as "self." He says that it is impossible for him to write about a particular person because no matter how hard he tries, the best he can do is end up with a character that is similar to the person. Nathan goes further and states that no one has a self. Everyone's self is a version of someone else that they adopt to suit various situations.
If there is any conclusion to the question of what distinguishes fiction from reality, it seems to be that all stories are merely versions, which means that all are both fiction and reality, and which means that all are equally valid.
This section contains 810 words
(approx. 3 pages at 400 words per page)


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Captain America
Decorating By sweettreat101 Updated 5 Jun 2016 , 8:46am by sweettreat101
What color blue would you use for Captain America?
If you were going to go the route of using wilton icing gel colors, I would use royal blue for Captain America. That's my personal opinion but I think it's the best for Cap and the color blue for his uniform exactly. Maybe even mix it with a drop of black to just darken it a little?
Thank you
Quote by @%username% on %date%


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Oh, have some fun! Especially if you don't like a metal around your neck, here is some cool necklace. The fringe is made of cut-up tee shirts in beautiful burgundy red. You can wear them long and twirl or twist them around twice for extra warmth.
recycled cotton
Made in U.S.A.
- Reviews


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CVYSL Discount Flyer
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Days: Sundays mornings during May through JulyCost: $75 for all sessions (Training Jersey Included)
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The forms will be needed for Spring Season players!
Cal North and Cal North Leagues are now required to provide parents and players with information from the Center for Disease Control in regards to concussions. You can find that information on the Cal North website by following the links below:For parents: Parents-ConcussionFor players: Athletes-ConcussionAll parents and players currently participating in soccer related activities, a Cal North sanctioned team, club, league, or state team using your 2016/2017 Cal North player pass, must review the information above, sign the document, and return the signed form to the league or club.
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text:
Citation Edit
OECD, Privacy Protection in a Global Networked Society: An OECD International Workshop with the Support of the Business and Industry Advisory Committee (DSTI/ICCP/REG(98)5/FINAL) (Paris, 16-17 Feb. 1998) (full-text).
Overview Edit
This report summarized the presentations at the Workshop. The workshop was intended to offer participants a balanced presentation of the issues linked to the protection of privacy and transborder flows of personal data in the developing global networked society. It brought together representatives of governments, the private sector, the user and consumer communities, and data protection authorities to examine how the OECD Privacy Guidelines might be implemented in the context of global networks.
The OECD sought to build on the various approaches adopted by its Member countries and to help identify mechanisms and technological tools that could provide an effective bridge between the type of policies for protection of personal data offered by the legislators in the European Union and the different policies of other Member countries. Furthermore an important focus was put on encouraging the private sector to provide meaningful protection for personal data on global networks by effective self-regulation.


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Please check box to confirm your age.
Please check box to confirm.
Decuple coils, something you've never vaped on before. Capable of handling up to 300 watts of vaping power. This is the king midas of the vape coils, designed for the high wattage vaper who loves flavor and cloud.


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Seems like a lot of chatter about PC Gaming, but nothing about supporting the game makers. Is there another group for that?
3 Replies
Aug 20, 2008 at 4:14 UTC
Hi John,
The group was intended for users of the gaming industry which of course includes support. Since there weren't any topics about the gaming industry from a support perspective the group took on a bit of different flavor which is also good, especially with so many gamers in our midst. Feel free to post anything you want about support of the gaming industry, I'm sure there must be other out there that give support to the industry.
Aug 20, 2008 at 4:21 UTC
Hi Myshell,
Thanks for your reply.
Jan 24, 2009 at 4:12 UTC
I am.
Just joined the spiceworks community. Had tested spiceworks quite some while ago and wasn't terribly impressed over what we were currently using, but 3.5 is VERY improved and we're testing it extensively right now.
This discussion has been inactive for over a year.
You may get a better answer to your question by starting a new discussion.


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truefit is disrupting and unlocking the nearly $2 trillion footwear and apparel industry, the largest consumer category and the last frontier of the consumer web, which remains fundamentally constrained at only 12% digital penetration of which 40% is returned.
truefit developed the first-ever Footwear & Apparel Genome through a unique industry collaboration uniting large volumes of rich data from the world's leading retailers, over 10,000 brands, and millions of registered consumers. True Fit organized, normalized and mapped this into the world's largest machine learning platform of technical fit data, style data, and consumer preference data, connecting 175MM+ consumer profiles with millions of styles from 10,000+ brands, at the deep attribute level. The result is a massive, rich fashion graph from which several machine learning-based SaaS products emerged to help retailers and brands unlock digital growth in the otherwise constrained $2Trillion footwear & apparel market.
truefit's core product, the award-winning Confidence EngineTM, solved a holy-grail retail problem: helping consumers successfully buy shoes and clothing online with confidence, overcoming the 'will it fit and flatter me' barrier? The world's leading retailers leverage True Fit's platform, engaging tens of millions of consumers, who actively shop over 10,000 of the world's greatest footwear & apparel brands with confidence. Removing "will it fit?" barrier restores consumer confidence, allowing retailers and brands to grow their digital business. On average Truefit generates a 5% incremental lift to retailer's net revenue from increased conversion + decreased returns. This standout performance and innovation has earned multiple awards and prominent press coverage including regular inclusion in Wall Street Journal, Forbes, USA Today, Time Magazine, Real Simple, Good Morning America, Internet Retailer, Wired, etc.
The core Confidence Engine SaaS product is a springboard to the rest of Genome's data services - powered by the True Fit's Discovery EngineTM. The Discovery Engine goes beyond fit, incorporating styles and affinity attributes, allowing retailers to curate highly personalized collections of styles to each consumer. This ability to curate the perfect assortment to each unique shopper in real time unlocks enormous value creation from digital marketing and acquisition, to curated search and sort, to omni-channel personalization. It also allows retailers using True Fit's BI dashboards to provide an intelligent machine learning loop to inform better personalization for the consumer as well as better product creation for the manufacturer.
True Fit is the market leader, trusted by most major retailer and brands. The Company is led by industry veterans, whose experience spans success across retail, fashion and data science, and is backed leading venture capitalists, who recently invested $25M Series B to harness the Company's steep growth curve, driven by demand from the world's best retailers.
Position Description: Sr. Director, Talent & Culture
Reporting jointly to the CEO and CFO, this special leader will create one of the best places to work in the world. Driving all of the people functions of our organization, from recruiting and retaining the very best talent, to human resource functions and employee relation needs, to building the best culture, this is a exceptional role at an extraordinary company.
Preferred Qualifications: