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The Way Forward in 2002
Looking Back to 1934
By Nat Weinstein
The International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) is in a battle that can only end in either victory or another setback for West Coast dockworkers. Because there is no middle ground, the impact of the current conflict will tend to alter the relation of forces between labor and capital elsewhere in the country.
This is not a conflict precipitated by union demands for improved wages, hours, benefits or working conditions. On the contrary, like all but one major struggle by unions in this country since at least the end of the 1970s,1 this assault on the ILWU is another case of employers demanding direct and indirect reductions in living and working conditions. And the way things work, when a series of victories accumulate, by one side or the other in the never-ending struggle between labor and capital, a momentum builds up for the winning side that grows like a train with an open throttle barreling along a straight and level track.
The most recent comparable dynamicbut one favoring working peoplewas set in motion starting in 1934 when workers won major strike victories citywide in three American cities, Toledo, Minneapolis and San Francisco. Those historic labor victories overcame the negative momentum of more than a decade of defeats, and switched the trade union locomotive onto a track of mounting victories that transformed the American labor movement into one of the worlds largest and most powerful.
The San Francisco maritime strike
Though it was long ago, the road followed in 1934 points the way to victory for the ILWU today, despite the seemingly overwhelming forces arrayed against dockworkers and their union. The following selection from ILWU history is an excerpt from Labors Giant Step: Twenty Years of the CIO, by Art Preis:2 It provides an indispensable guide to action for dockworkers and their friends and allies in the current critical phase of the ILWUs defensive struggle against the union-busting attack by maritime bosses and their government:
The following is extracted from the San Francisco News coverage of the first day of the physical conflict between maritime workers and strikebreakers, appearing July 3, 1934:
Police Battle Stevedore Mob, Arrest Many
These excerpts show what the San Francisco General Strike of 1934 looked like. The tactic of thousands of strikers mobilized in mass picket lines in defense of their class interests against the bosses, their government, the cops, and other repressive state institutions set an example for the entire American working class that blazed the path toward the greatest labor upsurge in American history. These strikes and the ones that followed across the country accurately reflected the real relation between labor and capital.
The Toledo autoworkers strike
Art Preis describes the role played by that paragon friend of labor, President Franklin D. Roosevelt and his Democratic Party in 1933, the year before the Toledo Auto-Lite strike erupted. Labor history shows that capitalist friends of labor say nice things about workers so long as they abide by the one-sided rules of war laid down by capitalist legislators. But once workers begin fighting back and after the battle begins and tear gas and bullets begin flying in one direction and clubs and bricks in the other, these capitalist friends invariably show their true colors.
Labor bureaucrats and other class collaborationists, to this day, credit the Roosevelt administrations NRA with having given workers the right to organize unions and the right to strike. The author of Labors Giant Step provides the facts dispelling this myth:
Worst of all, the wave of strikes following the enactment of NRA was ending in a series of defeats. Where the union leaders themselves did not rush the workers back on the job without gainsor even union recognitionthe strikes were smashed by court injunctions and armed violence. Behind the legal restraining orders and the shotguns, rifles and machine guns of police, deputies and National Guardsmen, the scabs and strikebreakers were being herded into struck plants almost at will.
It was at this stage, when strike after strike was being crushed, that the Toledo Electric Auto-Lite Company struggle blazed forth to illuminate the whole horizon of the American class struggle. The American workers were to be given an unforgettable lesson in how to confront all the agencies of the capitalist governmentcourts, labor boards and armed troopsand win. Art Preis describes the creative tactics employed by Toledo Auto-Lite strikers:
Preis goes on to paint a picture of what the Minneapolis Teamsters strike looked like:
The successful class struggle strategy and tactics followed by workers in 1934 proved to be the opening barrage leading to the great labor victories that followed and continued through World War II. The labor upsurge reached a peak in the greatest strike wave in American history that began when the war ended in the fall of 1945 and rose to new heights in 1946.
The victorious dynamic set in motion by the three strikes in 1934 proved to all American workers that a fighting working class can mobilize mass support by unemployed and other workers on the field of battle. And spearheaded by a fighting leadership striking workers could mobilize mass picket lines, marches and rallies in the streets. From that year on those three citywide strikes became solid union towns and models for successful strike action.
Industrial unionism and the CIO
Most importantly, the leaders of these strikes demonstrated how the strategy of class struggle enables workers to fight and win, giving heart and hope to labor everywhere for the climactic struggle that was to build the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), a powerful labor federation based on the organizational principle of industrial unionism. This form of unionism, as distinguished from outmoded craft unionism in the era of giant mass production industries, includes all workers, skilled and unskilled.
Craft unionism, on the other hand, was effective enough in the period before modern steam and electric powered mass production. Most unions in that period focused on organizing the small workforces prevalent at the time composed of carpenters, millwrights, machinists, plumbers, electricians, etc., who tend to be masters of the variety of skills and hand tools used by workers in these crafts. But by excluding the so-called unskilled workers who constitute the great majority of workers on the vast assembly lines in the industrial heartland of America, the craft unions, restricted to a minor sector of the workforce in the countrys giant industries, reduced their own bargaining position and wages.
Craft unions that dared to also organize unskilled workers, moreover, tended to be smashed by the far more powerful giants of 20th century American industry. However, the combination of the explosion of giant mass production industries and the drastic reduction in average wages caused by the mass unemployment of the Great Depression created favorable objective conditions for a breakthrough for industrial unionism.
It took the new generation of super-exploited workers in these industries to spark an organizing campaign that the existing minority of industrial unions embraced and helped lead. AFL industrial unions like the miners, textile and garment workers, aided and abetted the spontaneous eruption of mass union consciousness. The industrial unions, old and new, triggered by the strikes in 1934 eventually coalesced in the formation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO).
When the CIO mobilized the masses of unskilled workers many skilled workers were swept along by the force of the struggle. It resulted in the victory of industrial unionism over the worlds most powerful industrial corporations and higher wages for both highly skilled and less skilled workers in the mighty new federation of industrial unionism, the CIO.
Workers, bosses, bureaucrats and the Taft-Hartley Act
The use of the Taft-Hartley Act to crush all resistance by the ILWU and its membership to a ruling class attempt to strip this union of the remaining gains it won in its heroic 1934 struggle, compels this writer to describe how it came to pass.
The trail of industrial unionism blazed by autoworkers in Toledo, truck drivers in Minneapolis and maritime workers in San Francisco gathered momentum until 1947 when a bipartisan U.S. Congress enacted the infamous Taft-Hartley Act. Experienced trade unionists at the time pointed out that if fully enforced, this anti-labor legislation would totally destroy genuine trade unionism in the United States. Even the top officialdom of the AFL and CIO, accurately dubbed Taft-Hartley the slave labor lawbut failed to mobilize their membership for the kind of fight needed to defeat it.
Thus, in the intervening years since its enactment, unions have been made increasingly powerless because the labor bureaucracy has obeyed the bosses rules of class war.
The top officials of the AFL and CIO refused to mobilize their rank and file in mass protest demonstrations at factory gates and streets of America. (The membership in the two labor federations, at the time, included some 32 million members.)
The two labor federations, instead, put all their hopes in their Democratic Party friends blocking the slave labor law, and relying on them to repeal it after its enactment. In fact, without the indispensable assistance of the cowardly and disloyal top labor officialdom, this legislation had little chance for passage in the very first instance.
And no less importantly, had they mobilized the ranks for an effective fight, a momentum could have been mounted that could have handily blocked implementation of the new union-busting laws. After all, the union ranks had just completed the most powerful wave of strike victories in American history in violation of many still existing labor laws as well as executive actions by governors and presidents intending to crush strikes with the help of the entire judicial branch of government. Thus, the organized workers were supremely self-confident.
But, as we shall see, with a few honorable exceptionsUMW President John L. Lewis and several othersthe top labor officials were instrumental in helping to enforce two key sections of this law. Their treasonous role cut the ground from under effective resistance to the implementation of the provisions of Taft-Hartley.
One of these sections compelled all union officers to swear that they were not now, nor were they ever members of a Communist organization. This section provided for the removal of those refusing to sign such an oath from their elected union posts. And as the history of the witch hunt proves, all that was required for someone to be labeled a Communistand penalized in one way or anotherwas little more than a mere accusation by a false witness. And many of the false witnesses were those in the labor bureaucracy and those aspiring for such posts who stood to gain from the resulting elimination or silencing of many union militantsofficials and rank and filers alike.
In fact, the witch hunt inside the unions led to a virtual bureaucratic dictatorship that has grown stronger as the unions grew weaker.
The same labor statesmen, as they once liked to be known, also facilitated the enforcement of the iniquitous section of Taft-Hartley barring secondary boycotts. Thats the section making it illegal for unions to respect the picket lines of sister unions on strike. The effect was to make elementary union solidarity a crime!
Capitalist America, however, proceeded cautiously, fearing that moving too far too fast could provoke a massive reaction by workers that might well have made the new anti-labor laws a dead letter.
Instead, they followed the insidious policy of convincing the self-serving labor bureaucracy, interested only in furthering and maintaining their privileges,6 that Taft-Hartley would never be used to destroy their unions and thus gained the evermore compliant collaboration of the labor bureaucracy. Nevertheless, what followed for some thirty years was a turbulent period of strikes provoked by the countrys most powerful industrial corporations. The reinstitution of rule by injunctions limiting striking pickets to ineffectual groups of a half-dozen or so at each workplace entrance. That heavily weighted the balance of power over to corporate America.
In those first three post-Taft-Hartley decades the labor bureaucracy introduced a policy of trading away bit by bit such things as union control over hiring and firing, in exchange for wage increases that at best merely kept wages abreast of inflation. Starting in the late 1960slargely as a result of the enormous budget deficits resulting from the cost of the Vietnam Warthe rate of inflation soared, and the share of taxation borne by workers and the lower middle class also soared as taxes on corporate America were reduced.
Then while the AFL-CIO leadership could no longer keep wages and benefits abreast of the cost of living, they continued to give up gains made in the great labor upsurge.
Meanwhile, the continuing setbacks suffered by more and more workers at the hands of government enforcers of Taft-Hartley served to steadily undermine worker confidence in their capacity to win strikes and led to a steady process of worker demoralization and alienation from the bureaucracy and, in many cases, from trade unionism itself.
The author of Labors Giant Step aptly characterized the giveback policy of the labor officialdom at the time as the hock-shop method of bargaining.
Democrats, labor bureaucrats and Taft-Hartley
Before we go into the role played by the labor bureaucracy in the period preceding passage of Taft-Hartley, we must first describe the role of the Democratic Party, without whose support this slave labor law could not have been made into law. A mythological history of this turning point in the relation of class forces in the United States has been widely disseminated by the labor bureaucracy and the mass media. The myththat the Republicans were for, and the Democrats against, the adoption of Taft-Hartleyrevolves around Democratic Party President Harry Trumans veto of Taft-Hartley after large majorities in both houses of Congress approved it.
But labor bureaucrats and other reformists never mention the fact that Democrats had a substantial minority of 46.9 percent in the senate in 1947, enough to block a vote to override Trumans veto which required a 66 2/3 percent majority. It could not have become law without the help of close to half the Democrats in the senate alone (assuming all Republicans voted to override Trumans veto). In fact, both the initial vote on Taft-Hartley and the vote to override Trumans veto were both well over a two-thirds majority in the senate which included 20 of the 42 Democratic Party senators voting to override the veto
To make the real position of the Democratic Party clearer still, President Truman had earlier proposed an anti-labor law of his own, as we shall see below, that was even more harshly anti-labor than Taft-Hartley. Some more of the background to understanding how Taft-Hartley became the law of the land, however, is necessary.
Background to passage of Taft-Hartley
One of the most important reasons for the ruling classs decision to put a yoke around the necks of the working class was the massive wave of strikes that began immediately after the end of World War II.
This strike wave began in 1945 and continued throughout the following year. It was the largest in American history. In 1946 alone, there were more strikes (4,985), more working days on strike (116 million), and more strikers (4,600,000) than ever before or since. Workers made gains that made up in great part for what was lost due to a combination of repeated strikebreaking and other anti-worker emergency rules and regulations initiated and enforced by so-called pro-labor president Franklin D. Roosevelt during World War IIcontinuing under Harry Truman who was sworn in as president when Roosevelt died in 1945.
The explosive power of the postwar labor upsurge set off major challenges to the capitalist status quo. In early 1946, a 26-day strike by 800,000 CIO steelworkers won a major victory against the giant U.S. Steel Corporation. 225,000 CIO autoworkers struck against General Motors at the end of 1945 and 113 days later, on March 5, 1946, GM capitulated.
One of these challenges leads us to President Trumans notoriously anti-labor role that year. (Typically, it has obviously been blanked out of the memory of the labor officialdom and other reformists who support Democrats and other alleged pro-labor capitalist politicians.) Trumans rabidly anti-labor role during the war and afterward set the stage for his duplicitous cover-up of his own and his partys complicity in the passage of the Taft-Hartley Act by a veto he knew was guaranteed to be overridden with the indispensable help of his party.
On May 23, 1946 when locomotive engineers and railway trainmen went on a national strike that halted the entire railway system. Two days later, Truman, in a radio speech gave them a 24-hour ultimatum to end the strike or he would use troops to run the railroads. The author of Labors Giant Step explains further.
The capitalist shell game: hard-cop, soft-cop
That was the background to Trumans veto and the myth that the Democrats were opposed to the Taft-Hartley Act. If further proof is necessary, we need only note that the Democrats claimed to be in favor of repeal of parts of the slave labor Act until the time of the administration of President Jimmy Carter. Democrats, having a majority in both Houses of Congress under President Richard Nixon had little excuse for not repealing at least a key section of the slave labor law. With Nixon in the White House the Democrats, knowing that hard-cop President Nixon would veto their bill, actually passed it. He did and, of course, the Democrats not having the necessary two-thirds majority evaded responsibility for not overriding Nixons veto.
It can be stated as an indisputable fact that the hard-cop soft-cop shell game played by Republicans and Democrats allows enough of the latter to vote against anti-labor and other reactionary legislation, like war and taxes, to maintain their partys pro-labor image, but always fail to mobilize enough votes to defeat truly pro-working class laws.
Now we come to the clincher: The AFL-CIO campaigned for the Democratic Partys presidential candidate, Jimmy Carter and its candidates for Congress around the slogan, Elect a Veto-Proof Congress! The Democrats, true to their policy of making empty promises, fully endorsed this slogan. As we know, it served to elect Jimmy Carter to the nations top office.
Also elected to the delight of the labor bureaucracy was its goal of gaining more than a two-thirds majority for Congressional Democrats. But, lo and behold, though they had more than enough Democrats in Congress than needed for a two-thirds majority, they could not muster a simple majority for repeal of a key section of the hated slave labor law, making a mockery of their slogan, Elect a veto-proof Congress!
How the labor bureaucracy helped make union solidarity illegal
One of the most destructive provisions in Taft-Hartley is the one outlawing secondary boycotts. Thats the rule that makes it illegal for one union to honor the picket lines of another. Court-ordered injunctions had been the main legal instrument for suppressing strikes and so-called secondary boycotts. Injunctions made lawful again by Taft-Hartley were still difficult, however, to enforce against union women and men who still honored union picket lines.
(Incidentally, the term secondary boycott is a no-brainer since all boycotts affect both the struck company and secondary targetsits suppliers, distributors and customers.)
In any case, the labor bureaucracy found it extremely difficult to order their workers to cross picket lines since the worst crime in the eyes of union-conscious workers is crossing a picket line. Consequently, though most union officials attempted to find a middle ground by simply telling their members that good trade unionists dont cross picket lines, experienced trade unionists knew that this ploy would prove to be inadequate. After all, when workers are left on their own to resist intense pressure applied by their employer to make deliveries or cross picket lines outside their workplace, many tend to buckle under the bosss threats. Why? Because, they soon found out that most of the bureaucrats telling them what good union men and women should do did not back them up when they refused to cross picket lines and they ended up penalized or fired.
However, even the local union officials who used this half measure to resist employer pressure to cross picket lines are not entirely to blame. It was those at the top of the labor hierarchy who deserve the lions share of the blame, having repeatedly failed to resist any aspect of the slave labor laws, and worse having openly and surreptitiously helped the bosses enforce it.
In any case, even with injunction law in effect, it was still difficult to enforce the law against union solidarity. Many union conscious workers, supported by the more sensible union officials who understood the importance of union solidarity, or fearing a militant union membership, refused to cross union picket lines. They turned the bosses argument that pickets are violent against their adversaries. They refused to cross picket lines by claiming it was a risk to their health and safety.
But half-measures of that sort can be easily thwarted by the ruling class. Besides, when trade unionists use the bosses argument about violence on picket lines, it can be easily turned back on the unions by the capitalist adversarywho persistently preach against violence but are its prime practitioners, domestically and globally.
In any case, the bosses negated the risk to their safety argument with the help, once again, of the labor bureaucracy. The latter deepened the betrayal of their members and the unions they headed by collaborating closely with employers to insert clauses barring secondary boycotts into their contracts. In other words, the union bureaucracy could then tell workers they must cross secondary picket lines because its not only unlawful, its a violation of our contractual agreement with the employers.
Down the slippery slope
This step-by-step erosion of rank-and-file morale, and the steady process of dilution by the labor officialdom of the fundamental principles of class solidarity upon which trade unionism rests, has a logic of its own. It puts the complicit labor officialdom on a slippery slope from which it becomes next to impossible for them to retreat. Unfortunately, once the top labor hierarchy marches down that path, they take most of the local officialdom down the slope with them.
Thus, on August 3, 1981, when nearly 13,000 of the 17,500 members of the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO) went on strike, the top officials of the AFL-CIO backed substantially further down that slippery slope. This strike was more than a run-of-the-mill confrontation between a single union and the bosses and their government.
The airline controllers were not just trying to hold on to what they had. They demanded higher wages, a shorter workweek, and better retirement benefits. But newly elected President Ronald Reagan was riding a middle class wave powered by their growing opposition to the steady shifting of the tax burden from the capitalist class to the backs of the working and middle classes. Reagan and his bipartisan gang argued that prices were rising because of wage increases won by striking unions. They argued too, that taxes were rising because of the rising cost of social welfare programs. The mass media also played the race card to the hilt by splashing headlined stories featuring photos of welfare queens riding in Cadillacs to pick up their welfare checks who just happened to be Black.
This capitalist-orchestrated racially-colored middle-class tax revolt swept up the backward, and better-off layers of the working class into the anti-tax revolt that did not spare the poorest and most impoverished layers of their class from bearing the increasing tax burden. In addition to income taxes borne by workers close to or below the poverty line, a much larger portion of the meager wages of the poorest workers was gobbled up by the absurdly regressive social security and sales taxes. To this day, the policy of the ruling class is to take an ever-smaller portion of the incomes of the rich, and an ever-larger chunk from the poor.
At a press conference in the White House Rose Garden the day the PATCO strike began, President Reaganlike Roosevelt and Truman before himresponded with a stern ultimatum: The strikers were to return to work within 48 hours or face termination.
Reagans union-busting assault, however, could have been easily defeated if the leaders of the American labor movement had simply abided by the principle of class solidarity among millions of union-conscious workers. However, the leaders representing workers at airline terminals, organized in some of the nations largest and most powerful industrial unions, cynically ordered their members to cross the picket lines of striking airline controllers while hypocritically issuing pledges of solidarity. AFL-CIO President George Meany, of course, led the pack of top-union officers who made vigorous but empty protests directed exclusively against Reagan and the Republicanscovering up for the Democrats, who supported Reagans union busting to the hilt.
The strike was broken, the union smashed and a steadily intensifying decades-long anti-labor offensive headed by big business and the bipartisan capitalist government of the United States was launched. In fact, the latest Taft-Hartley-spiked assault on the ILWU by bosses and their government raises the anti-labor offensive to a new levelto strip the longshore workers and their union of any way to defend themselves against reinstitution of the conditions that prevailed before their 68 year old strike victory.
The contradictory character of union bureaucrats
The reader will have noticed by now that the line of argument in these pages is directed at both bosses and bureaucrats. Each in their own way follows a parallel trajectory but their motives are quite different. The employers are motivated by an unquenchable thirst for ever-higher profits. The bureaucrats, however, are a different kind of problem for working people and are a classic example of a living, walking, talking contradiction.
In the first place, all union officials are not bureaucrats. It is a sign of the times to say that most officials take such jobs primarily because it pays good and, as they see it and do it, the work is easy. Union officials who take such jobs because they aspire to lead their sister and brother unionists in a more effective struggle to defend and advance their common living and working conditions are not bureaucrats; they are truly union leaders.
In the second place all bureaucrats are not equal. Some are better than others. And all are capable of reflecting in their actions their contradictory interests as a privileged social caste fastened on the class from which they arose. An intelligent approach to bosses and bureaucrats is to understand the fundamental difference between the two. The class interests of all capitalists are diametrically opposed to the class interests of all workers.
But thats not the case with bureaucrats. Their caste interests are in conflict with their members class interests but, on the other hand, they must defend the union to maintain their privileged position from the boss.
Unions, even those highly bureaucratized, are inherently instruments ultimately under the control of its worker constituency. Bureaucrats certainly abuse and violate democracy at those times when their members move to replace them, but in the last analysis workers have the power to remove officials who perform badly and harmfully. Historically, when union elections have been stolen, and workers sufficiently motivated by objective conditions as in the 1930s and 40s, simply take over the union hall and toss the crooks out on their ears.
In other words, trade unions are a fighting institution of the working class. Its enemy is the boss, while the bureaucrats, under certain conditions, serve the bosss interest and at other times can rise above their caste interests and play a positive role on the side of the workers in the class struggle.
Building a new leadership is on the order of the day
It should be apparent by now that a new leadership, based on the lessons learned from the last 68 years of class struggle, is on the order of the day. There are many militant trade unionists scattered today throughout the union movement. Some have established themselves as influential leaders in their local unions. Many more are groping for a way to organize such a nucleus oriented toward overcoming the leaden weight of the bureaucracy blocking the way forward.
The AFL-CIO hierarchy conceives its role as one of partnership with corporate America for the perpetuation of peaceful collaborative relations between the leaders of labor and capital. Thus, they are incapable of resisting, much less, opposing the relentless assault on working peoples defensive institutions and their living and working conditions. The best they are able to do is to plead with their partners-in-legalized-crime to stop the one-sided class war being waged against them.
The most conscious trade unioniststhat is, those who have thought through what unionism means and have taken the trouble to read labor historyknow that a trade union is a united front of working people.
The united front is a tactic that all sections of society use from time to time; usually as ad hoc formations around questions ranging from a demand for the extension of social security benefits, defense of civil rights and civil liberties, or opposition to unjust wars. The AFL-CIO is such a united front formation that has become firmly entrenchedbut not so firm as to be indestructible.
Unlike political parties, such united front formations tend to organize around one, two or several goals. When such a united front becomes institutionalized, encompassing millions of members, as do the American unions, divisions over policy inevitably arise. Caucuses tend to formthat is, groups of workers advocating policies that are in dispute inside the unions. Many unions today have such caucuses, some advocating a change in policy and others in support of existing policy. What is needed is such a caucus, or, more precisely, a united front organized by those members in every union who want to fight for a shift of policy from the existing strategy of class collaboration, to one of class struggle. In other words, its a united front within a united frontin this case, the unionsoriented to change the policy of the unions and either replace or win over sections of the existing official leadership.
Revolutionary Marxists have long advocated the formation of such a united front inside the unions and loyal to the unions and their membership; that is, a class struggle left wing inside the labor movement of the United States.
Two such formations that made significant headway have in the past been formed in this country. The first, formed in 1920, was called the Trade Union Educational League (TUEL). The second was called the Committee for Industrial Organization, most of which later split off from the AFL and formed the CIO (Congress of Industrial Organizations). The Committee was formed in late 1935 in a meeting of top officials of AFL international unions, and after many of its international unions were expelled from the AFL in 1936, the Congress was born as an independent labor federation at a founding convention in 1938.
Both the TUEL and the CIO focused on the need for the industrial form of trade unionism organizing all workers in an industry into one big union. The TUEL, however, also advocated a rounded class-struggle program for the American workers as a class. The CIO included advocates of a class struggle policy and others who may have tolerated class struggle tactics, but the CIO as a whole was not committed to a class struggle policy. Of course, the CIO abandoned all class struggle tactics long before it merged with the AFL in 1955.
Most of the existing unions at those times were organized according to craft. That reflected the period before the rise of large mass production industries with electric-powered belts moving autos and other heavy machines past workers who each performed a special operation with powered hand tools. But craft unions, focused on organizing only those skilled workers in their unions jurisdiction (allotted by the AFL), leaving unorganized the great majority who worked as so-called unskilled laborers on the assembly lines. Thus craft unionism had in most cases outlived its usefulness and industrial unionism became indispensable to the organization of the auto, steel, electrical and other giants of American industry.
I will conclude with the thought that the formation of a class struggle left wing in the unions on a massive scale is inevitable because it is vitally necessary for the future of working people. But there are always two ends to what is inevitablethe unions will be reorganized under a class struggle leadership or they will die as institutions capable of defending the interests of the working people of America.
The task of such a left-wing union movement will be like that conceived by the TUEL. That means organizing not merely to advance the interests of workers in the unions, but organizing to lead the workers as a whole in the never-ending struggle to defend and advance their interests as a class. Moreover, the revolutionary wing of the working class must be the champion of all the victims of capitalist social, economic and political injustice. That, of course, requires a rounded program based on the lessons deriving from the history of class struggle.
Unemployment is not only intrinsic to the capitalist mode of production, it is indispensable to capitalisms need to keep labor costs as low as they can, the intensity of labor as high as they can, and replace as many workers by machines as they can. All, in order to defeat their competitors in the domestic and global marketplace.
In other words, a rounded program is needed that will include such solutions for the scourge of unemployment that now threatens to increase to levels at least as high as was reached in the decade now known as the Great Depression. And, indeed, there is a solution to this problem that was discovered by the workers movement soon after the end of the eighteenth century when workers began their struggle to lower the 12-hour day to 10 hours.
But along with the industrial revolution and its consequent acceleration of the productivity of human labor by evermore sophisticated steam, then electric powered machines, workers discovered that the only way to reduce ever-increasing joblessness was by fighting to reduce the workday and workweek without a reduction in weekly pay.
Unemployment was, in fact, ameliorated by the successful struggle for the 10-hour day, 6-day week. Later the struggle began for the 8-hour day and later still, for the 40-hour week. And after that was achieved, the vanguard of the working class began a struggle for the 6-hour day, 30 hour week. A few unions in the late 1930s and early 40s won the 30-hour week, and a significant number won the 35-hour week. Among those were many building trades unions and a few othersall without a reduction in daily and weekly pay!
The next stage of the struggle against the endemic threat of capitalist unemployment will be the struggle for an ever-shorter workweek. And in the age of permanent inflation, a parallel struggle will inevitably mount providing for wages to be adjusted automatically to the rising cost of livingas it did in the late 1960s and 70s.
In other words, the vanguard of the workers movementincluding the class struggle wing of the trade unionswill become the champions of the demand for a rational solution to the threat of rising unemployment based on the principle of dividing the number of hours of labor required each week for the production of the goods society needs, so that everyone has a job and an income. That is a steadily declining work day and week without a decrease in pay. This is entirely feasible since it is based on the fact of a steady increase in productivity due to the conquests of science and technology. All workers, then, would contribute to the process of production, and would tend to demand the right to enjoy the increasing fruits of their labor.
To be sure, while this ideal solution can never be reached within the framework of the capitalist mode of production, as labor history proves, it nevertheless provides a practical way to fight against joblessness and defend and advance their living and working conditions.
But that, of course will only a beginning. All the problems of human societyeverything from the abolition of unemployment racism, sexism, war and environmental destruction, as well as the elimination of all other anti-social evils that grow in the fertile soil of capitalismwill tend to be included in the program of the class struggle left wing.
However, the formation of a class struggle left-wing in the unions would not in itself be a solution. But it certainly will be a giant step toward the formation of the kind of rounded working class political leadership that can take humanity toward the revolutionary reconstitution of the system based on production for profit to a system based on production for the satisfaction of human needs and wants.
That society is called socialism; that is, a world without borders and without the social, economic and political injustices endemic to capitalism.
1 The single exception was the International Brotherhood of Teamsters strike victory over the United Parcel Service in 1997.
62 Labors Giant Step: Twenty years of the CIO, by Art Preis, Pioneer Publishers, New York, 1964.
3 Frederick J. Lang, was the pen name of Frank Lovell who was a seaman and long-time member of the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party.
4 John L. Lewis, the United Mine Workers president, and later first president of the CIO, used Section 7 (a) of the NRA in a way Roosevelt never intended. He sent an army of union organizers into the coalfields, shouting The President wants you to join the union. (That, of course, was a fanciful interpretation of this Section that legalized unions but provided no means for its enforcement.)
Lewis was one of historys occasional examples of a union bureaucrat who rose above his peers in his determination to use effective methods far more often than most of his kind to advance the interests of his dues-paying members and give them at least some of their moneys worth. Lewis was a class collaborationist, like the others, but he tended to break out of that mold when it conflicted with his need to maintain the loyalty of his members. Coal miners had a militant class struggle history going back to 1862. Lewis had to put up something of a real fight to keep his job. The fighting tradition of coalminers was legendary and so were the lies and vilification of miners by the news media. Among other things, militant miners were slandered as Molly Maguires, a fictitious secret society of terrorists invented by the commercial press whose purpose it was to help the coal operators crush all [union] organization in the mining industry. (History of the Labor Movement in the United States, by Philip S. Foner, International Publishers, New York.)
5 Labors Giant Step
6The capitalist government facilitated the corruption of the labor officialdom by rarely penalizing outright theft by bureaucrats from the treasuries of union, pension and healthcare funds. Meanwhile the bureaucrats began steadily raising their salaries, expense accounts and other extravagant benefits, getting two, three or more salaries for nominally serving in as many union posts. Even one such paid position and ample expense accounts has come to average a multiple of the wage paid the average worker.
6 Labors Giant Step, page 290.
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SmugMug Films: The journey from food to photography
SmugMug Films has just released its newest production, a documentary by filmmaker Anton Lorimer about acclaimed food photographer Eric Wolfinger.
Eric Wolfinger: Beyond the Plate follows Wolfinger's passion for food and travel, and how it drove him, a bit indirectly, to become one of the world's best food photographers. It's quite a ride, and along the way we learn about surfing, travel to Tanzania, and go into the kitchen as Eric makes chocolate from raw ingredients.
Eric spent several years cooking and baking professionally before stepping behind the lens. Over a dozen books and a James Beard nomination later, he continues to find passion in his work. He was kind enough to spend a few minutes with DPReview to talk about his journey, how he approaches photography, and what it felt like to be in front of the camera instead of behind it.
If you'd like to hear more from Eric, you can watch his presentation from our re:FRAME series of talks. It's a great lesson in humility, passion, and the importance of following your dreams.
How did you become a food photographer?
I always say that I came to photography through the kitchen door. While I was a traveler at heart, my first professional pursuit was in the kitchen, because I love cooking and I wanted to be in that world in some capacity.
About ten years ago I took a trip to South America and gave myself my dream job, which at that point in my life was to be a traveling food journalist. I took off for a year and wrote dispatches on a blog about interesting things I encountered, people I met, and experiences that were inevitably shaped by food.
I had a camera with me because I knew that to tell a good story, I had to accompany it with photos. I never thought anything would come from the photos because I really wanted to be a writer. I was hoping that Gourmet Magazine would pick me up as a staff journalist, but Gourmet never called.
|Photo by Eric Wolfinger
When I returned from South America, Chad Robertson, my mentor at Tartine Bakery where I had apprenticed, invited me to come back to San Francisco to bake with him and help him create his book about bread. He had seen my work and realized that maybe his buddy, who knew bread at a granular level and could help him articulate his methods, would be a great collaborator.
As we were crafting the proposal, he had the idea that I should shoot the book as well. He felt that I could bring a visual perspective to the book that no other photographer could, because I knew bread better than any photographer. It was an opportunity I never asked for and never expected, but he saw something in my work that gave him confidence in me. The result was the book Tartine Bread.
We often think of food photography as being about the food, but your work frequently extends to tell the story behind the food. How do you uncover the human element when you shoot a project?
My interest in food goes beyond the recipe. It's rooted in my desire to travel and connect with the world as I encounter it. The best way I've always known to connect with people is through food, whether I'm cooking for them or sharing a meal at a table or a street stall. For me, food has always been the best way to start to get to know a person or place.
Of course, as a photographer I'm going to get into the nuances and every little aspect of what makes a dish special, but the food itself is only part of the story. There's a person who made that food, a place where they come from, and there's a story to all of that. My interest is in teasing out that story and connecting with it through photography.
|Photo by Eric Wolfinger
When taking on a project, what type of preparation do you do?
I'm afraid to say that I don't do a lot of preparation. Every time I arrive on a job or to a new place, I often have this moment where I'm like 'Uh oh, I should have prepared more.' But at the same time, I always want to have a healthy sense of improvisation going in to every new project. Once I'm thrown into the mix I'm very inquisitive and I'm comfortable thinking on my feet and figuring things out. I think that allows me to bring a real freshness to each project that I do.
People are different all over the world, but one thing we have in common is that we all have to eat. How does food help us find commonalities and bring people together?
I think food is the universal language that every human speaks. Even a smile can be misinterpreted, but the sharing of a meal and the enjoyment of that meal is universal. One of the things I love about food, and my chosen path, is that even though I don't necessarily speak Vietnamese, or Thai, or Lao, or even French very well, I can still immerse myself in those places and connect with people through food. Sharing a meal with somebody is the first step you can take to build empathy with a person .
If I could communicate one message to people all over the world it might be 'stay calm and have a meal with your neighbor.' I know that sounds a little bit naive given all the craziness that's going on in the world today. But what do two world leaders do the first time they meet? They often have a meal together. There's this bond that we create when we share a meal, and that's the first step towards friendship.
|Photo by Eric Wolfinger
You're used to being behind the camera. What was it like to turn the tables and be the subject of a film?
When SmugMug asked to do a film about me I was skeptical. As someone who's dabbled in filmmaking, I know how hard it is to tell a really good story. But when I saw Anton's [filmmaker Anton Lorimer] previous work I was blown away. The production quality was amazing. I thought he had an army of people working on these films, and I came to discover that it was an army of one. Literally, the credit sequence of this film will be one name: Anton Lorimer.
Getting to know Anton I immediately felt like I was in good hands. I can only liken it to what a doctor must feel like the first time they go into a hospital as a real patient, and they say to themselves 'Oh my gosh, I hope these people try as hard to do a good job on me as I do for others.' I had a sense very early in the production that I was in good hands.
It was a huge learning experience for me. I was in front of the camera, but I was watching the techniques Anton would use to draw the story out from me. It reinforced the importance of the connection you form with your subject. You have to reach a level of trust where you can share revealing or sensitive material and trust each other to use it right. The quality of the film is not only a testament to his skills as a filmmaker, but also to the trust I developed in him. Moving forward, that's something I aspire to.
|Photo by Eric Wolfinger
What are you working on now? Do you have any upcoming projects to share?
My collaboration with Anton really inspired me to go back to the basics and take my own filmmaking to a new place. I've done a lot of commercial work with large crews, but I never imagined I could get great production quality without a huge crew. Anton proved to me that not only can you do that with an army of one, but that you can tell a more honest story because your production is not intrusive. What he taught me was that I could actually make a film the way I like to take photos: one guy with a camera.
This experience making a film with SmugMug has really pushed me creatively to try new things, and I've recently started work on two documentary projects: Yo Soy Mezcal is a project I'm working on in Mexico, and I have another one in Japan called Dashi Journey.
To see more of Eric's work, visit his website and follow him on Instagram.
Nov 21, 2017
Nov 20, 2017
Nov 18, 2017
Nov 16, 2017
One of the true things that shines through is not only is Eric an excellent photographer but he has a true passion and deep understanding and inquisitiveness about what he is photographing. He reminds me of one of my favorite quotes by Jay Maisel. ... "If you want to make more interesting pictures, become a more interesting person." and Eric truly echoes this quote.
I can only echo what others have said here, great story and great editing!! In another life I was a State Health Inspector and did a lot of photos and short videos for training of both regulators and industry but I always secretly wished I could take pics for advertising rather than a lot of the deliberately posed violative condition stuff that was my stock and trade.
touching the root......so inspiring....
What is that under the fish they're eating?
I don't think it is.
just wow on so many levels
Great video
wow.........a message for everyone, regardless of your passion.
thanks for sharing this, made the "other" confusing "stuff" in the world go away for a while.
Video editing is nice
What an inspiring story! I didn't know you can have a one man crew yet still be able to shoot great movies.
|Madrid subway by MAGMATCICO62
from Your City - Public Transport
|Incandescent Bulb by Kukla
from Illuminate- Macro only
|Curiousity by PERCY2
from Macro - Your Best Macro Ever
|Hoar Frosted Trees by sabishiT3T
from Cold
There's never been a better time to shop for a new camera, but the number of options available can be overwhelming. In this series of buying guides we've provided customized recommendations for several use cases, from shooting landscapes to buying a first camera for a student photographer.
Shopping for a camera with a set budget? No problem! We've rounded up our favorite cameras, broken them into price brackets and picked the best of the bunch.
Looking for a lightweight compact camera that's easy to bring with you anywhere? Or maybe you're smartphone-shopping and want the one that takes the best picture. And what if you want to shoot from above? In these buyers guides we have recommendations for the best compact cameras, smartphones and drones.
Despite reports to the contrary, analysis of DPReview images by our friend Jim Kasson confirms a disappointing fact: Sony a7R III is still a Star Eater. But there may be some improvements.
As the saying goes: A photo is worth a thousand words. And if you're sending that photo through Facebook Messenger, your thousand words now look twice as nice after today's update to 4K resolution.
Get to know the new Leica CL in short order by giving our 90 second 'First look' video a watch.
Leica has just released the CL, the forth in its series of APS-C L-mount cameras. Despite sharing a name with a camera released in the mid-70s, the new CL is a thoroughly modern ILC, with a 24MP sensor and built-in electronic viewfinder.
The Leica CL is a 24MP rangefinder-style mirrorless camera, which sits alongside the TL2 in the company's APS-C lineup. We've been using one for a few days – check out our gallery of images.
While it shares a name with one of Leica's most popular and affordable cameras of the 1970s, the new CL is separated from its namesake by more than just years. We've been using one for a few days - click through for a detailed first-impressions report.
We're counting down our top 10 most popular sample galleries of 2017, and the #4 ranking goes to the Leica M10.
Sigma is discounting 13 different high-performance 'Art' series lenses from today until November 30th. The company is calling it an 'unprecedented' sale.
See DJI's 'AeroScope' drone-tracking technology in action. This is the system that DJI says can help law enforcement and airport (among others) track and identify rogue drones.
iPhone X owners can already accessorize their new phone with high-quality smartphone photography lenses courtesy of Moment's new lineup.
Considering buying Sigma's exciting new 16mm F1.4 DC DN Contemporary lens for crop-sensor E-Mount and M43? Check out these official full-res samples first!
Vimeo has just added support for 8K HDR 10-bit content, making it possible to show up to 75% of the colors the human eye can perceive vs the usual 35%. Take THAT YouTube.
The holidays are coming, but your gear isn't cutting it? It's time to treat yourself!
We're counting down our top 10 most popular sample galleries of 2017, and sitting pretty at #5 is the Fujifilm X-T20.
See some of the most iconic black-and-white photographs throughout history brought to life by a community of colorization enthusiasts and professional retouchers in the new book Retrographic.
Shopping for a photographer? Whether you are one yourself or not, chances are you could use some ideas. From stocking stuffers on up, we've got some photography gift suggestions for every budget.
We're counting down our top 10 most popular sample galleries of 2017. Drum roll please... the #6 spot belongs to none other than the Sigma 85mm F1.4 DH HSM Art.
Read the story behind this gorgeous wedding photo captured at Trolltunga in Norway by husband and wife duo Priscila Valentina Photography. The 14 hour hike in the rain that preceded this shot was TOTALLY worth it.
Go behind the scenes with filmmaker Nick Arcivos, who recently created a beautiful cinematic short film in Paris using only the iPhone X, a couple of gimbals, and a few lights. The results are very impressive.
A Bay Area startup offering a pay-by-the-photo camera service cleverly addresses the pain points photographers experience when they pick up their first DSLR. But can it survive the smartphone?
It's been a big year for software innovations, dual cameras and huge displays. Take a look at our picks for the top smartphone cameras and why we think they stand out.
We're counting down our top 10 most popular sample galleries of 2017. At the #7 spot is the ready-for-any-weather Olympus Tough TG-5.
By combining his skills as a time-lapse filmmaker and an engineer, Julian Tryba created this out-of-this-world creative 'layer-lapse' of New York City that alternates between night and day in time with the music.
Canon Japan's new lineup of novelty camera-themed gifts was just revealed online, including a lens mug and lens thermos, two retro camera-themed USB drives, and a picnic mat.
The Profoto A1 most certainly isn't for everyone [...] But for those who are used to using the Profoto systems, and want something that pairs seamlessly with the strobes you already have, there is no better companion.
Fujifilm has asked a US district court to clear it of any wrongdoing, after allegedly being threatened with trademark litigation by Polaroid.
While a couple of our reviewers are out testing the Sony a7R III in Arizona, back in Seattle we slapped the camera in front of our studio scene to get a close look at its image quality. See how it stacks up against the competition.


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I have more than 4 years but some time only fissure in anal, always I feel pain and some time only bleedings come, I had take lot and lot of medicines and syrup nothing will solve, always I feel uneasy , when I go to hospital doctor says your problem is small not a major, they give the medicine when I take few month only no problem then again come, so tell me a proper way of medicines.
My face gets red I just use fair and lovely men's facewash now it heals but Now onwards I m using melas soap is it good for my face skin or it would harm.
I have oily skin and my age is 31 I want to become fair and the neck part is very black and small warts behind the neck.
Hi..I have issue of what medicine takes me. My problem is dark skin so melanin is perfect medicine for this problem.
Hello sir I have freckles on my face and dark circles on my overall eyes kindly suggest me what I do.
I have seborrheic dermatitis on my scalp from last 3 years. Still yet it is not cured I have consulted many dermatologist, till the medicine course is there every thing is fine but again it starts I am also suffering from hair fall and itching due to this. Please suggest me some remedy to this because I have used many shampoos and lotions every thing has only prevented dermatitis but not cured.
I had suffered by chickenpox 2 years ago. My face has small holes at some places. And black spots on my face .how to get rid of them?
Hellp Doctor I m having excessive dandruff problem due to which I am having pimples on my forehead n near my eyebrows, I am even getting a dry face and now my face started to look very dull. There is a problem of excessive hairfall as well due to dandruff. I tried a natural way, I applied Coconut oil with lemon juice into my scalp, it worked a little. I am very upset due to this problem. There are big flakes. Recommend me what to do.
One of the skin's main functions is protection, and one of the ways it does that is by producing sebum. During teenage and early adolescent years, there is a release of excessive sexual hormones, which also leads to excessive sebum production. This clogs the pores, leading to accumulation of sebum within the skin layers. There are also bacteria trapped within this, leading to infections. Symptoms could include blister formation with pustules, redness, and severe pain. In people with naturally oily skin, this can be a major problem, with large acne which may leave marks when healed.
Excessive hormones (androgens).
In girls, correlation with menstrual cycles, pregnancy, and polycystic ovaries, indicating an association with increased hormone levels.
Management: As it is easy to identify if you are prone to developing acne, steps should be taken to avoid developing acne or reducing its severity once they appear.
- Touching acne is a strict no-no. There is a great tendency to keep picking at it, but this should be avoided as the infection can spread to other unaffected areas.
- Using a cold towel or soft cotton cloth can help in soothing the area
- Ice cubes can also be used on the acne. This will also reduce blood supply and curtail increase in severity
- Acne is proven to be an indication of stress, and so stress management is very essential.
- Keep calm by various methods – meditation, music, yoga, exercise
- A regular exercise routine also is very helpful. The sweating during the exercise helps in clearing up the pores and keeping the skin clean. Sebum is more often cleared out this way, leading to reduced acne
- Lifestyle (sleep and diet): A healthy eating pattern with reduced oily foods and sugars and more amounts of fresh foods is highly helpful. A good amount of sleep is also beneficial for overall skin health.
- Garments which come in touch with facial skin like pillow covers should be washed with gentle soap
- Regular skin care routine should be maintained including frequent washing, regular moisturising, and periodic exfoliating.
- Avoid too many chemicals and adhere to a regimen using as many natural substances as possible.
- Mild gels or lotions like tretinoin, tazarotene, and adapalene are useful in controlling acne
- Topical antibiotics like clindamycin or erythromycin combined with benzoyl peroxide may also be used if more severe
- Birth control pills are also used to regulate hormonal levels in some women.
- Scars can be treated with laser light therapy, dermabrasion, chemical peels, or steroid injections
- Remember that acne is a part of growing up, and will naturally reduce after the growing years.
In case you have a concern or query you can always consult an expert & get answers to your questions!
What is evion 400 capsules. Can I take it for healthy skin. One of my relatives advice me to take this capsule.
I have little (area of about half of a one rupee coin) lighter tone skin on either side of mouth/lips. What do I do to get rid of it? Thank you.
Hi I'm medium in colour please suggest some home remedies to lighten my complexion. And I have oily skin.
Colored marks, which are present on the skin since birth or develop soon after birth are called birthmarks. They can be of many sizes, colors and shapes. Some of them are present on the surface, while a few of them are raised over the skin surface.
Here are some common types of birthmarks:
- Salmon patches: These birthmarks are most commonly found. They are flat and thin and are mostly present on the back of the neck, the upper lips, eyelids and in some cases, between the eyebrows. They are usually pale pink or reddish in colour and fade within a year. However, those which are on the nape of the neck might stay and become permanent marks.
- Congenital moles: Congenital moles appear at birth. They are usually brown in colour and can be of different sizes. While some moles appear as a single mark, others can appear clustered in groups. The moles which become larger, however, need close observation because there remains a possibility of them becoming cancerous later on in life.
- Cafe-au-lait spots: They are smoother than other types of patches. They are present from birth and may develop more during childhood. Usually, these spots are not found in the neck or shoulders, but rather at the legs or torso. It is generally not a health scare. However, if these spots appear in clusters and occur in the armpits accompanied with freckles, they might be suggestive of neurofibromatosis later in life.
- Mongolian Spots: They are usually present in babies who are born with darker skins. Mongolian spots usually fade by the time the baby has reached school-going age.
- Venous Malformations: These are very rare birthmarks which are formed because of the abnormalities in the veins. These are usually bigger than other birthmarks and need to be treated by a process which is known as 'embolization'. This involves treating the malformation with a solution, thus putting a clog in the blood vessels and shrinking the mark.


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***ACCEPTED OFFER AWAITING SIGNATURES*** Must See ! Remodel in move in condition ! Home has New Paint, Carpet, Roof, Furnace and stainless steel appliances ! Also includes new counter tops with open floor plan with large family room and great lot for entertaining. Home has 4 bedrooms and 1.5 bath located close to all amenities including schools, shopping and freeway. Fully fenced with Central Air ! Square Footage figures are provided as a courtesy based on Tax records. Buyer to verify all. Sold AS IS. See agent remarks for details & showing & offer instructions.
Listing courtesy of Equity Real Estate (South Valley).
Information deemed reliable but not guaranteed accurate. Buyer to verify all information. Terms of UseThe multiple listing information is provided by Wasatch Front Regional Multiple Listing Service, Inc. from a copyrighted compilation of listings. The compilation of listings and each individual listing are © 2017 Wasatch Front Regional Multiple Listing Service, Inc., All Rights Reserved.The information provided is for consumers' personal, non-commercial use and may not be used for any purpose other than to identify prospective properties consumers may be interested in purchasing.


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The Rocky Horror Picture Show
BuyMePosters.com has a huge inventory of posters and print at rock bottom prices which includes popular posters such as The Rocky Horror Picture Show, Led Zeppelin - Stairway to Heaven and Saturday Night Fever. We often have free shipping sales along with coupon codes to reduce the cost of your order.
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Playing Help: To play Movie Click on Play icon on Player 2-3 times until Movie Starts, During this Some Useless windows opened just close them they are ADS.
If the Movie keeps buffering, Just pause it for 5-10 minutes then continue playing!.
The Real Shatru Movie dubbed version in hindi, An encounter specialist learns the hard truth that all his encounters have been to protect the interest of corrupt politicians and businessmen. However, before he can control the damage, four innocent people get entangled in his operation.


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Clarins Moisturizers Singapore
From S$ 8.00 to S$ 85.00, you can get yourself a decent Clarins Moisturizers online. There are two main types ofClarins Moisturizers, namely a Face Toners, Day Creams and Face Cleansers. When it comes to color, Clarins Moisturizers today are most popular in White, Multicolour and Beige. You can get spectacular discounts with up to 55% for Clarins Moisturizers from iprice! White Plus Pure Translucency Brightening Emulsion, Shaping Facial Lift and After Sun Moisturizer Ultra Hydrating 200ml/7oz. are the most popular collection of Clarins Moisturizers. There are more brands you can check out online such as innisfree, Clinique and LANEIGE if you want more options apart from Clarins Moisturizers.


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Antas Deluxe Apart 4*
Antas Deluxe Apart is a 4-star hotel located in the center of Oludeniz.
This hotel is about 6.7 km away from Fethiye Marina, Butterfly Valley and Ece Saray Marina. The city center lies within 1 km from the venue.
This hotel comprises 30 guestrooms with climate control and a minibar.
Shades Restaurant Cafe and Bar and Barracuda serve a selection of meals within 200 meters from the venue.
Guests can reach Antas Deluxe Apart Hotel by car from Dalaman airport in 40 minutes.
Important notice
Check-in:from 13:00 hours
Check-out:until 11:00 hours
- Children and extra beds
- All children under the age of 6 may stay free of charge when using existing bedding.
- One child under the age of 2 may stay for free in a crib.
- There are no extra beds provided in a room.
In the hotel
In the room
- Free Wi-Fi in rooms


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What is a serum
bareMinerals Active Cell Renewal Night Serum
Best Vitamin C Face SerumYour doctor may order a serum phosphorus test if they suspect that your phosphorus level is too low or too high.A qualitative HCG blood test checks to see if there is a hormone called human chorionic gonadotropin in your blood.
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Human serum albumin is the version of serum albumin found in human blood.
Vitamin C Serum
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Serum Protein Electrophoresis Blood TestMedical Dictionary: Definition of blood serum Britannica.com: Encyclopedia article about blood serum.
Bid goodbye to all your skin problems — face serums are the go-to beauty products for a spotless complexion this season.Serum is a clear, yellowish coloured fluid which is part of the blood.The immune system reacts to medications that contain proteins used to treat immune conditions.Read about products that rejuvenate skin, target dark circles, wrinkles, and lines.This advanced anti-aging serum contains firming, smoothing, and oil control ingredients.
Hair Serum Products
Blood serum from the tissues of immunized animals, containing antibodies and used to transfer immunity to another individual, called antiserum.See what top beauty editors and celebs are saying about iS CLINICAL in the press, online, on the air,.It can separated by artificially spinning or centrifuging the.Well, there is no denying that things can get a bit complicated when caring for your skin- which product to use after what.A face serum comes in different types for different skin type.Both very high and very low serum K levels can lead to dangerous health.
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Catching up with the first energy grantees of the Mobile for Development Innovation Fund
May 15, 2017 | Mobile for Development Utilities | Sub-Saharan Africa | Cambodia | Kenya | Nigeria | Arianna Freschi
Over the course of the past decade, the off-grid solar sector has seen impressive growth in emerging markets, offering affordable and clean energy solutions to people living without access to the grid. By-mid 2015, Bloomberg New Energy Finance estimated that the off-grid solar market had lifted 21 million individuals to the first rung of the energy ladder (BNEF, 2016, Off-Grid Solar Market Trends report 2016).
In 2013, when the Mobile for Development Utilities Innovation Fund was launched, interaction between the off-grid energy sector and the mobile industry was still nascent. With the reach of mobile technology stretched far beyond the energy grid, the GSMA recognised the potential for mobile to become a key enabler for energy access. In fact, 770 million of the 1.2 billion people living without access to energy are covered by mobile networks.
Today the Mobile for Development Utilities programme has funded 22 projects that leverage mobile technology to extend the reach of affordable, clean energy, and their success has demonstrated the proof of concept for these models. This is particularly clear in rapid growth of the pay-as-you-go solar model, which leverages mobile payments, machine-to-machine connectivity and other mobile assets. Up to 40,000 new solar home systems were being installed each month (GSMA, 2017, Lessons from the use of mobile in utility pay-as-you-go models).
Our very first energy grantees pioneered the use of mobile channels to trial pay-as-you-go energy solutions, and today are amongst the largest players in the sector. We caught up with them to learn more about their progress, how they achieved scale and what additional products or services they are offering. Across the portfolio, we identified the following trends:
Our early energy grantees are reaching impressive scale and expanding to new geographic locations
Fenix International, received a grant to scale their ReadyPay power system, which reached 13,000 units installed in 2014. Today, ReadyPay has reached over 115,000 households with clean energy, payable through small instalments via mobile money. Fenix estimates that about 700,000 Ugandans are benefiting from bright lights and clean power. Fenix has launched into new markets in West Africa, piloting their products through Orange in Cote d'Ivoire and Senegal.
Mobisol has expanded vastly since being awarded with the GSMA grant in late 2013. Today the company has installed 75,000 large solar home and business systems in Rwanda and Tanzania and has expanded to Kenya, reaching 375,000 beneficiaries. Mobisol focuses on large solar home systems that are able to deliver 100 per cent of the electricity needs of customers, illuminating entire households, and powering large household devices. In addition, approximately one third of customers make use of Mobisol's solar power commercially, running charging businesses, barber salons or operating village cinemas. Approximately 25,000 businesses in East Africa generate additional household income, and Mobisol power has created over 1,000 permanent jobs.
Easypaisa was awarded a grant to trial a mobile operator-led solar service. The grant was designed to trial the sale of 125 solar home systems and by December 2016 Easypaisa's two vendors Roshan and Brighterlite each exceeded sales of 2,000 SHSs. Easypaisa is now planning a nationwide roll-out of its lease-to-own solar home system model. The grant demonstrated clear value for mobile operators in partnering with PAYG companies, seeing growth in adoption and use of their mobile money services, and extending the credit scoring algorithm developed for the PAYG solar systems to other uses.
Kamworks was awarded a seed grant to roll out PAYG technology in Cambodia, and today continues to work to prove the model's viability and refine its preventive maintenance capability. Kamworks now wants to roll out its PAYG technology internationally, and is currently looking for an equity investor.
The commercial promise of mobile-enabled energy models has been recognised by private sector investors
Today, the proof of concept for mobile-enabled energy has been demonstrated, as past and current energy grantees have raised over $174 million in follow on commercial investment.
In 2015 Lumos announced it raised $90 million from private equity investors and development banks to deploy pay-as-you-go solar power systems in Nigeria. This marked the biggest fundraising round to date for the off-grid market according to Bloomberg. Lumos received a GSMA grant to trial the use of airtime as payment for PAYG solar energy, and of GSM-based machine-to-machine (M2M) connectivity to remotely monitor usage, billing and performance. Having proven the viability of this model, Lumos has announced the nationwide roll-out mobile electricity across Nigeria.
Since completing its seed grant testing PAYG solar products, EcoEnergy has shifted its focus to the sale and service of PAYG solar systems. Having raised a $500,000 seed round and securing a consumer financing partnership with a microfinance bank, the team aims to reach 2,400 new customers in 2017.
Positive repayment rates allow energy providers to offer customers additional products, and provide them with positive credit scores.
Through the Mobile for Development Utilities grant, M-KOPA was able to roll out a solar TV system, enabling customers who successfully repaid their solar home system to move up the energy ladder and upgrade to a larger product. Today, as 500,000 households are connected to solar energy across Africa, 50,000 of them own solar TV systems sold. 150,000 customers upgraded for further products and services including water tanks and energy-efficient cook stoves. CEO Jesse Moore says, "Our customers don't just need a panel and a battery. They are looking to M-KOPA to provide products and services that help them be more connected, productive and financially secure".
Mobisol and MTN have partnered to offer customers the option to purchase smartphones through small instalment payments via mobile money. This initiative is aiming to drive digital inclusion in Rwanda, improving the affordability of more advanced mobile handsets. Mobisol also pilots a number additional products such as other loan, insurance, agricultural products and more.
Another important aspect of the PAYG model has been the opportunity to create positive credit scores for previously unbanked individuals. Several PAYG solar companies, including Fenix and M-KOPA are using data from the positive repayment of loans to provide their customers with credit scores. The credit score allows customers to access additional financial services, such as school fee loans and increased loans to purchase additional products energy and household products.
Additional services, such as health insurance, are being bundled-in with energy
PEG, was awarded a grant to license and replicate PAYG solar home systems and microgrid solations from Tanzania in Ghana, ultimately becoming a licensee of M-KOPA, Today they have launched in Cote d'Ivoire. To reward its solar customers, PEG has developed a programme delivering free health insurance. A primary reason why customers cease repaying their loans on their rent-to-own solar systems is the occurrence of health emergencies, which drain family savings. Partnering with BIMA and Prudential Lifeligible, PEG now offers free hospitalisation insurance cover to customers, to overcome this challenge and reward customer loyalty. The project has been piloted with over 2000 families and is being scaled across PEGs markets.
Finally, the impact of energy grantees has been impressive:
Access to a personal electricity source has an enormously positive socio-economic impact on lower-income households. The Mobile for Development Utilities fund counts over 2.5 million direct beneficiaries, who have received improved access to clean energy for both lighting and productive use. Environmental and health benefits of these grants have also been impressive, reducing the use of kerosene, which releases noxious fumes, and saving large amounts of CO2 emissions.
Learn more about the Mobile for Development Utilities Innovation Fund, and see our full catalogue of grantees.
This initiative is currently funded by the UK Department for International Development (DFID), and supported by the GSMA and its members.
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Sanergy: Exploring the use of mobile-enabled sensors to optimise sanitation waste collection in Kenya
In 2015 Sanergy was awarded an Mobile for Development (M4D) Utilities grant with SweetSense to install GSM ...Read more
Wonderkid: Digitising water utilities in Kenya
In 2015, Wonderkid was awarded a Mobile for Development (M4D) Utilities grant to develop and deploy a number ...Read more
Gham Power: Finding a replicable model for mobile-enabled micro-grids with NCell in Nepal
In May 2015, the GSMA Mobile for Development (M4D) Utilities programme awarded Gham Power a grant to expand ...Read more
Access to energy through mobile is changing lives
The mobile industry is playing a crucial role in achieving Sustainable Development Goal 7: Universal energy ...Read more
Easypaisa: A mobile operator-led solar PAYG model for Pakistan
In January 2014, Easypaisa was awarded a Seed grant to trial the sale of 125 solar home systems in Pakistan. ...Read more
World Toilet Day 2017: The growth in mobile services for sanitation
Sanitation remains ones of the most complex challenges facing emerging markets, and is compounded by ...Read more
New Grantee Announcement: Mobile for Development Utilities Innovation Fund
In February and July 2017, we re-opened calls for applications to the Mobile for Development Utilities ...Read more
Key findings from our 2017 application rounds of the Mobile for Development Utilities Innovation Fund
In February and July 2017, we welcomed applications for the third and final phase of our Mobile for ...Read more
Innovating through mobile to improve access to water and sanitation – our experiences at World Water Week
It's around 7.30 am on Tuesday, 29 August, in Stockholm, Sweden. I'm having my breakfast downstairs in ...Read more
Reducing water station operational costs through mobile monitoring
This blog was written by Caroline Sheldon, former Market Engagement Manager for Mobile for Development (M4D) ...Read more


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- Thibaut Larcher, Aude Lafoux, +17 authors Atsushi Asakura
- PloS one
- 2014
A few animal models of Duchenne muscular dystrophy (DMD) are available, large ones such as pigs or dogs being expensive and difficult to handle. Mdx (X-linked muscular dystrophy) mice only partially mimic the human disease, with limited chronic muscular lesions and muscle weakness. Their small size also imposes limitations on analyses. A rat model could… (More)
- H Gouëzec, V Bergoin, +14 authors Valérie Turmel
- Transfusion clinique et biologique : journal de…
- 2007
UNLABELLED This multi-centre study aimed to assess the knowledge in blood transfusion of medical staff in 14 state-run hospitals. MATERIALS AND METHODS A questionnaire was distributed to all potential prescribers of blood products. It contained 35 questions concerning various subjects: blood products, immuno-haematology, prescription of blood products,… (More)
- Jean-François Huchet, S Dallemagne, Corinne Huchet, Yvon Brossard, Merethe Larsen, Françoise Parnet-Mathieu
- Journal de gynécologie, obstétrique et biologie…
- 1987
1,969 non immunized rhesus negative primiparous women were followed up in 23 maternity units in the geographical region of Paris. 1,882 could be retained to study antepartum protection and 1,884 to study transplacental passage of fetal blood cells. Two groups were defined according to whether they were born in even or uneven years, so that: 955 were the… (More)
- H Gouëzec, Elyse Berger, +16 authors Valérie Turmel
- Transfusion clinique et biologique : journal de…
- 2010
The purpose of this retrospective observational multicenter study was to assess appropriateness of red blood cell (RBC) transfusion, according to the French national guidelines (Agence française de sécurité sanitaire des produits de santé) published in 2002. Six hundred and thirty-nine RBC transfusions from nine institutions have been randomly selected and… (More)
- F Poilleux, Cécile Houdard, Corinne Huchet
- Mémoires. Académie de chirurgie
- 1957
- Corinne Huchet
- La Presse médicale
- 1965
- Aude Lafoux, Charlotte Baudry, Cécile Bonhomme, Pascale le Ruyet, Corinne Huchet
- PloS one
- 2016
Aging is associated with a loss of muscle mass and functional capacity. Present study was designed to compare the impact of specific dairy proteins on muscular function with or without a low-intensity physical activity program on a treadmill in an aged rat model. We investigated the effects of nutritional supplementation, five days a week over a 2-month… (More)
- J Hordeaux, Laurence Dubreil, +15 authors M-A Colle
- Acta neuropathologica communications
- 2017
Pompe disease is a lysosomal storage disorder caused by acid-α-glucosidase (GAA) deficiency, leading to glycogen storage. The disease manifests as a fatal cardiomyopathy in infantile form. Enzyme replacement therapy (ERT) has recently prolonged the lifespan of these patients, revealing a new natural history. The neurologic phenotype and the persistence of… (More)
- J Debeyre, Corinne Huchet
- Revue de chirurgie orthopédique et réparatrice…
- 1959
- Jean-Pierre Ch Estebe, Yannick Mallédant, +4 authors J-Y Grall
- Revue française de gynécologie et d'obste…
- 1989
Recently described by Weinstein, the "HELLP syndrome" is an entity of the pre-toxemic syndrome; its precise physiopathological mechanism, related to a thrombotic micro-angiopathy, is still not clearly established. Therefore, the treatment remains symptomatic, associated with the treatment of the toxemia. Two cases occurring in twin pregnancies are reported.


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