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Manual for toshiba a135 s4656 laptop
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A Short History of Finland National identity, political history and socio-economic development from 1809 to our days
Modestino Carbone
To: Medea, Maia and Nora
Edited and published by
London 2017
Cover design: Essi Viitanen
Table of Contents Foreword
1. Finland and its National Identity: National identity and
economic development of Finland in the nineteenth century 2. The period of Oppression and the Formation of Political
Parties in Finland 3. Finland's independence between social crisis and political
instability 4. Finland between the two World Wars: From the Civil War
(1918) to the Winter War (1939) 5. Finland in danger
Finland's quest for security and the Winter War
(1939–1940) The Continuation War and the breakthrough in
Finnish-Soviet relations 6. Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim and Finland
7. The New Finland: From World War II to our days
Selected bibliography
Appendix: Letter from a reader
About the author Modestino Carbone is an Italian academic, who is fascinated by European languages and cultures. He is interested especially in the history of Finland and Estonia, and is a long-term member of Finn-Guild.
Foreword This collection of articles on Finland's history, originally published in Finn-Guild's
Horisontti and Links magazines, represents a Finn-Guild contribution to the celebrations for the centenary of Finland. The author is particularly grateful to Anja Eskelinen, Links' editor and managing director of Finn-Guild, who has endeavoured to realize this project of historical divulgation. The historical journey of this Short History of Finland spans from the annexation of Finland to the Russian Empire (1809) to our days. In these two hundred years of history, the crucial stages of the formation of the country's cultural identity are highlighted. Finland's political, economic and social development stands out against the backdrop of European and international history. The achievement of independence, the dramatic events of the Civil War, Finland's involvement in World War II are subjected to a particularly detailed analysis. A special place is dedicated to the controversial figure of Mannerheim, who dominates the political-military scene during and after the Civil War and throughout World War II. The author then focuses on the years of the Cold War when Finland plays a unique role between East and West. The country maintains very peculiar relations with its powerful eastern neighbour, builds close ties with the Scandinavian countries, and gets involved in the process of integration in Western Europe. Finland's membership of European Union, the rise and fall of Nokia, and a synthesis of the current state of affairs conclude the overview. Finally, this Short History of Finland offers the reader the opportunity to follow in a quick and systematic way the process that has transformed Finland from a poor, subjugated and isolated country into an affluent one well-integrated in the European and international arena.
Modestino Carbone
1. Finland and its National Identity National identity and economic development of Finland in the nineteenth century
he starting point in the formation of an autonomous Finnish state dates back to 1809. After almost 700 years of Swedish rule, Finland became an autonomous Grand Duchy in the Russian Empire. The tsar retained
Finland's constitution, the Lutheran religion and the use of the Swedish language as administrative language. At that time, Swedish was the language of the elite, while Finnish was the language of the peasants. The Grand Duchy had its own governing body, the Senate, directed by a governor-general. In 1812 the capital was moved from Turku to Helsinki. In 1828 the university was relocated to the new capital. Under the impetus of the Romantic Movement, Elias Lönrot (1802–1884) published in 1835 a compilation of folk poems, the Kalevala, which became the national epic poem. Finnish nationalism found an advocate in the philosopher Johan Vilhelm Snellman (1806–1881). He argued that language was the basis of national identity and that the Swedish-speaking population had to adopt the Finnish language. Many Swedish men of culture chose a Finnish surname. For instance, the writer Aleksis Stenvall (1834–1872), changed his surname in Kivi. His novel, The Seven Brothers (1870) is recognized as the first literary work in Finnish. The seven brothers have to struggle against adverse climatic conditions, the harshness of the soil and the arcane forces of the forest to create a model farm in the wilderness. They, like the peasant Paavo of Saarijärvi – a poetic creation of the Swedish-speaking poet
Aleksis Kivi drawn by A. Edelfelt in 1873.
Johan Ludvig Runeberg (1804–1877) – stand out for their unflinching determination. This quality (sisu in Finnish) depicts the national character with which the Finns identify themselves. One of the most important concessions that Alexander I made to Finland was undoubtedly the retention of the Estates-General, the legislative body made up of representatives of clergy, nobility, bourgeoisie and peasants. Yet, after the convocation in March 1809, the Estates were not convened until 1863. Subsequently, they were summoned every five years. In 1860 the Grand Duchy had its own currency, the Finnish mark. In 1878 Alexander II instituted the Finnish army. There was also a customs border between Finland and Russia and the Finns had their own passport, on which their nationality was certified. From the economic point of view, at the time
was a poor and backward country. Agriculture provided mainly cereals, the production of which – due to the nature of the soil, adverse weather conditions and primitive methods of cultivation – was still insufficient. Famines were frequent. In the poorest areas flour made from pine bark was often added to cereal flour to make bread. At the beginning of the century forests provided especially firewood, wood for construction and, Farming based on cutting and burning the forest was still being practised in Eastern Finland at the end of the nineteenth century. This photograph by I. K. Inha was taken in Eno in 1893.
in some areas, the raw material for the manufacture of tar, widely exported. The impact of liberalism and political changes triggered economic development in the second
half of the nineteenth century. In the 1860s restrictions on logging were abolished and, within a few years, Finland became a major exporter of wood and then also of paper. The beneficiaries of this new wealth were mainly the peasants who owned most of the forest.
The improvement of communication routes contributed to industrialization. In 1862 the first railway line was built, linking Helsinki to the hinterland. In the following years Helsinki was connected to St Petersburg. Some waterways were connected to the sea. The new capitals led to an improvement in living conditions and were used to modernize and diversify agricultural production. The cereal crisis of the 1870s and 1880s impelled farmers to develop animal husbandry and Finnish butter became known worldwide. This economic development caused social tensions, especially among rural communities. These tensions, changes in the tsarist policy towards Finland and the intensification of the struggles in the labour movement in Europe, had dramatic consequences on the fate of Finland.
Russian map of the Grand Duchy of Finland from the Brockhaus and Efron Encyclopedic Dictionary (1890–1907)
2. The period of Oppression and the Formation of Political Parties in Finland
towards the Grand Duchy of Finland in the nineteenth century
allowed the Finns to create their own national identity and start the modernisation of the country. At the end of the century, however, the imperial policy towards Finland took a dramatic turn. This change was due to three different yet interwoven factors: the threat to Russian hegemony in the Baltic Sea from the emerging German Empire; the desire to unify the institutions of the Russian Empire; and the pressure on the
The Attack by Edvard Isto 1899. Edvard Isto's painting 'The attack' (1899) (1899). The double-headed eagle of The double-headed eagle of Russia Russia is tearing away the book of is tearing away the book of laws laws from the Maiden of Finland. from the Maiden of Finland.
tsar from the Russian nationalists. As a consequence, in 1890 Tsar Alexander III put the Finnish postal service under the
control of the Russian government, and in 1899 Tsar Nicholas II, with the February Manifesto, placed all Finnish laws, except the local ones, under the control of the imperial legislation. The attack on Finnish institutions, which initiated the so-called period of oppression, provoked a nationwide reaction. Already in March 1899, a petition in defence of constitutional rights with more than 500,000 signatures was presented to the tsar. However, he ignored it and continued pursuing his subjugating policy. As part of these plans in 1900 he enacted the Language Manifesto, aimed to replace Swedish in favour of Russian as administrative language. In 1901, the Finnish army was placed under Russian command and the recruits could be called to serve anywhere in the empire. The young conscripts responded with mass desertion. The tsar in turn disbanded the Finnish army. This measure had long-lasting consequences as it brought about – when
independence was declared in 1917 – the birth of a weak Finnish state, lacking the power to impose its authority. Finnish political parties were divided over the tsarist policy. The Finnish Party (the Old Finns), made up of Finnish nationalists, favoured a policy of compromise with the tsar and they were thus called 'compliants'. By contrast, according to the 'constitutionalists' the legal rights of Finland had to be defended without compromise. They invited civil disobedience and in protest abandoned the Senate i.e. the government. The Young Finnish Party, the Swedish Party, and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) adhered to the constitutionalist movement. The first split from the Old Finns in 1894 due to divergent views on social and economic policy. The second consisted of Swedish nationalists. Finally, the SDP, founded in 1899 as the Finnish Labour Party, adopted a socialist programme and therefore changed its name in 1903. On 16 June 1904, a young 'activist' assassinated the governor-general Nikolai Bobrikov, who had been exercising his power dictatorially since 1898. This event, but especially the revolutionary ferment in Russia and a strike in Finland – following the Russian defeat against Japan in 1905 – contributed to soften the tsar's position. In his November Manifesto, he partially annulled the Manifesto of 1899 and promised the abolition of the EstatesGeneral, an antiquated legislative body. The reform, drafted by the Senate in 1906 under the leadership of the liberal reformer Leo Mechelin, gave the country a unicameral parliament of 200 members elected by universal suffrage with equal rights for men and women. Finland obtained thus a modern and efficient legislative system still valid give voting rights to women. However the tsar continued to have the power to dissolve parliament and repeal laws.
Leo Mechelin (1839–1914). Finnish statesman and reformer. Co-founder of Nokia in 1871. Photograph by unknown author. Leo Mechelin.
today, and became the first country in Europe to
In the elections of 1907 held under the new system, the SDP obtained 80 seats out of 200, becoming the first party. Social problems thus assumed an important
role in the democratic process in Finland.
proletariat – still small at that time – voters for the SDP included the poorest peasants, farmhands and tenants. The latter were hit by a serious systemic crisis right at the beginning of the century. The Agrarian League – democratic, The first session of the new Finnish Parliament in 1907. Picture by Signe Brander.
nationalist and constitutionalist – won only 9 seats, but it became
important after the country's independence. This party, founded in 1906, was initially rooted only in Ostrobothnia and Eastern Finland, where the predominant small and medium-sized farms corresponded precisely to the kind of family farm favoured by the agrarian ideology. After two years of enthusiasm and changes during which Finland had shown great vitality and political maturity, the tsarist oppression became fierce again. The laws of the Finnish parliament were constantly repealed and the parliament was dissolved several times. In 1912, the so-called Equality Law allowed all Russians living in Finland to obtain the same rights as Finnish citizens. The Finnish institutions fell more and more into Russian hands and many Russian officers entered the Senate. The state of subjection in Finland ended with the First World War, when European empires collapsed and nationalities triumphed.
3. Finland's independence between social crisis and political instability
fter the great famine of the 1860s, Finland's economy showed signs of a strong
recovery. The leading sector that gave the start to the industrialisation of the country was the forest industry. Finnish wood was widely exported to the industrialised countries of Western Europe and constituted the raw material for the nascent pulp and paper
Floating timber in Ämmäkoski rapids, Kajaani. Picture by Alexander Thiodolf Federley 1908.
industry. The largest landowners (not many in Finland) and the owners of medium and large farms (about 35% of the total) benefited most from the thriving forest industry. The increase in timber prices contributed to the rise of land value. The boom of the forest industry also produced an improvement in the living condition of leaseholders (about 20% of the rural population) and farmhands (over 40%). Felling trees in winter and floating logs to sawmills in spring brought additional income for both tenant farmers and farm labourers. As in all other Eastern European countries, also in Finland the number of farmhands was exceedingly high compared to the needs of agriculture. This category of labourers concealed most of the demographic surplus that neither emigration nor the country's weak industrialisation could absorb. This surplus together with the problem of tenant farmers constituted the core of the Finnish agrarian question.
Patalankoski papermill and mechanical pulp mill in Jämsänkoski in early 20th century. Photograph by unknown author.
Tenant farms were plots of various sizes whose rent was paid mostly as working days on the landowner's farm. This kind of exchange was particularly important for both larger estates and medium-sized farms. However, the economic expansion fuelled by the wood industry destabilised this farming system. The increase in land value drove the landlords to stop the creation of new tenant farms. Meanwhile, at a time of major structural changes in agriculture, the existing tenants were required additional working days for their rent. The landlords also tried to limit the tenants' rights to use the forest for grazing and gathering wood. As lease agreements were mostly oral, tenants were forced to accept new charges to avoid eviction. The laws enacted since 1892 to strengthen their legal position were ineffective. In 1909 it was necessary to enact a special law that prohibited evictions for seven years. The tenancy issue was endorsed by the Social Democratic Party and became highly politicised. It created a deep rift in the country and caused growing social unrest. During World War I, Finland was not directly involved in the hostilities. However, the closure of western markets had a heavy impact on the timber industry. In the meantime, Russia continued to absorb much of the pulp and paper industry as
well as metallurgical, chemical, textile and husbandry products. Finland, in its turn, depended heavily on Russia for cereal supply. In 1916, the construction of Russian fortifications along the Finnish coast gave work to thousands of unemployed and this helped to relieve social tensions. After March 1917, when a liberal Provisional Government took power in Russia, the economic situation in Finland became dramatic. Exports and imports with Russia ceased and the country remained suspended on the brink of unemployment and hunger. During the war, there were no major political initiatives in Finland. In the elections of July 1916, however, the SDP won 103 seats out of 200, thus becoming the first social democratic party to have ever achieved an absolute majority. When in March 1917 the Provisional Government convened the Finnish Parliament (Eduskunta), this majority appointed a coalition government of six socialists and six non-socialists led by the socialist Oskari Tokoi. On 18 July, with an "Enabling Act" the Eduskunta assumed unilaterally all powers, excluding defence and foreign affairs. The Provisional Government then dissolved the Eduskunta. In the elections of early October the SDP remained the largest party with 92 seats, but lost the absolute majority. The defeat strengthened the radical wing of the party that advocated violent revolution to achieve a political and social breakthrough. The seizure of power by the Bolsheviks in Russia on 7 November 1917 triggered an escalation of political events in Finland. The non-socialist parties wanted to break relations with revolutionary Russia as soon as possible, while the SDP supported negotiations for the country's independence. A Revolutionary Council, made up of representatives of the SDP and the Trade Union Federation, proclaimed a general strike on 14 November. During the strike, the Red Guards, the workers' militia, clashed, in some places, with the White Guards, the right-wing paramilitary organisation. The strike was called off on 20 November after legislative reforms of local government and the introduction of an 8-hour working day. However, the tension in the country remained very high. In late November, the Eduskunta voted confidence in a government led by the conservative Pehr Evind Svinhufvud and, on 6 December, passed a declaration
of independence made by the government on 4 December. The Russian Bolshevist government recognised Finland's independence on 31 December.
Suomen Kansalle (To the people of Finland): text of Finland's declaration of independence (6 December 1917).
4. Finland between the two World Wars From the Civil War (1918) to the Winter War (1939)
ndependence did not bring peace in Finland. Two opposing sides were fighting for power. On the one hand, the Whites – the landowners and the bourgeois Government – wanted to consolidate their power. On the other
hand, the Reds – the landless and the urban proletariat – believed that the election of October 1917, in which the Socialist Democratic Party had lost the absolute majority, had been a move by the Russian Provisional Government to strip them of their power. The Reds were also encouraged to fight by the revolutionary developments in Russia. In January 1918 the Red Guards intensified the collection of weapons from Russian arsenals. The Government for its part appointed General Carl Gustav Emil Mannerheim, a former general of Imperial Russia, commander of the White Guards and renamed them Finnish White Army. The Civil War began on 27 January with the seizure of power in Helsinki by the Red Guards and the simultaneous start of the disarmament of the Russian Army by the White Army in Vaasa. Finland was divided in two: the Reds controlled the south, the Whites the north and the centre. On each side the forces amounted to approximately 80,000 men. However the Reds did not have an efficient military leadership. They received ammunitions but little aid in military operations from the Russian Army (still present in Finland with about 40,000 men). On the contrary, the Whites could rely on the skilled strategist Mannerheim, some
Map of the Civil War at the beginning of February 1918. The Whites controlled the blue area, the Reds the red one. Author: Ville Virrankoski (2007).
tsarist-trained Finnish officers and a body of about 2,000 officers, trained in Germany and therefore called Jägers (light infantrymen). The decisive victory of the Whites in the battle of Tampere was followed by the defeat of the Reds in Helsinki by a German expeditionary force of about 14,000 men, negotiated with Germany by the Finnish Government reconstituted in Vaasa. The war, which ended on 15 May, was extremely bloody. Out of a population of about 3 million inhabitants more than 30,000 people died during the Red and White Terror, on the battlefield and, after the war, in prison camps from malnutrition and disease. The Civil War deepened the division in Finnish society and caused a split in the labour movement. The radical socialist leaders fled to Russia, where they founded the Finnish Communist Party, banned in Finland. The moderate wing renounced communism and continued to operate in the ranks of the Socialist Democratic Party. After a failed attempt to establish a monarchy in Finland, the Republican Constitution was enacted on 17 July 1919. It granted extensive powers to the President, who could, inter alia, determine foreign policy and exercise the legislative power jointly with the Parliament. Finnish Parliament House in Helsinki (March 1931). Architect: Johan Sigfred Sirén (1889– 1961). Picture by Alvesgaspar (2013).
The Treaty of Tartu of 14 October 1920 confirmed the eastern borders
of Finland along the dividing line between the Grand Duchy of Finland and Imperial Russia. Finland also received an outlet on the Arctic Ocean through the corridor of Petsamo. In 1921, the ÅIand Islands, disputed by Sweden, were attributed to Finland by the League of Nations, on condition of their broad autonomy and demilitarisation. After the war, to eliminate a major source of social conflict, the Finnish Government launched a drastic land reform. In 1918, according to the Crofters' Law the tenants could redeem their farms on favourable terms. In 1922, the so-
called Lex Kallio (named after its promoter) allowed the landless to buy small holdings with the Government support. Between the World Wars the Finnish economy grew at a rate among the highest in Europe. The main export goods towards the Western industrialised countries were still wood, paper and cellulose. The export of these products helped the Finnish economy to recover faster than other countries from the Great Depression of the early '30s. The improved economic conditions allowed the Government to launch a vast programme of social reforms in the education and labour legislation. In 1937, a pension system was introduced. The maternity package, set up in 1938, is still today a unique feature of the Finnish identity. The social safety net and the general improvement in living standards helped to mitigate the climate of mistrust generated by the Civil War. Even on the issue of language, Finnish society gradually accepted the principle of 'one nation, two languages'. Up to World War II, Finnish culture was granted Frans Eemil Sillanpää (1888–1964), winner of the Nobel Prize in 1939. Picture: Finland's National Board of Antiquities
important international recognitions.
In addition to
those to music (Jean Sibelius, 1865–1957), art (Akseli Gallen-Kallela, 1865–1931), architecture (Alvar Aalto, 1898–1976), sport (Paavo Nurmi, 1897–1973), the one to literature stands out. In 1939, Frans Eemil Sillanpää
(1888–1964) was awarded the Nobel Prize for the mastery and reality with which he had portrayed his country's peasantry. After the ban of the so-called Lapua Movement in 1932, a far-right movement with fascist connotations, Finland could be considered a mature democracy. In 1937 the centre-left coalition between the Agrarian League and the SDP, with its two-thirds majority in Parliament, strengthened political stability and unity in society. Of this unity the country was in extreme need at a time when Finland became a pawn in the ruthless power politics of Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union and the Finnish diplomacy had failed to find a satisfactory system of security in Europe.
5. Finland in danger
Finland's quest for security and the Winter War (1939–1940)
he Peace Treaty of Tartu in 1920 did not mark the start of good
neighbour relations between the new Republic of Finland and the Soviet Union. The Finns still strongly remembered the period of
interwar period White Finland remained prepared to face the
Reindeer Patrol in Jäniskoski in the Winter War. Author: SA-Kuva (1940).
Bolshevik danger. Finnish activists, moreover, dreamed of the so-called Greater Finland, extended to Eastern Karelia and the Kola peninsula, in order to unify all the Finno-Ugric people of this vast area. This ambition was fuelled by the nationalist right and kept alive among young people by the Academic Karelia Society, founded in 1922. The neutralisation of the danger from the East dominated the security policy of Finland between the two World Wars. After a brief period of pro-German and subsequently pro-Western orientation, Finland sought an agreement with the other countries of the Baltic area that had gained independence from Russia after World War I. As this attempt failed too, Finland relied on the collective security promised by the League of Nations. The rearmament of Germany and the growing tensions in Europe pushed the country to seek closer cooperation with the neutral Scandinavian block. This cooperation was frustrated by the inability to find a common plan in the event of crisis. Not even the 1932 non-aggression pact between Finland and the Soviet Union managed to create a relationship of trust between the two states. In April 1938 the Soviet Union began secret negotiations with Finland for territorial concessions to ensure the security of Leningrad. Finland held firm in defence of its territorial integrity.
The non-aggression pact between the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany on 23 August 1939 marked a dramatic turning point for the fate of Finland. According to a secret protocol, Germany obtained a free hand to the invasion of western Poland, while the eastern part of Poland, Finland and the Baltic countries were assigned to the Soviet sphere of influence. In autumn 1939 – when Germany had already attacked Poland – the Soviets, having obtained military bases in the Baltic States with no resistance, asked Finland to grant them the installation of military bases on the Hanko Peninsula. Finland did not yield and the Soviet Union, staging a border incident, started the so-called Winter War on 30 November. While the first air raid on Helsinki caused 65 casualties, the Red Army crossed the Finnish border on the Karelian Isthmus and in other northernmost points. Subsequently the Soviet Government announced that armed intervention in Finland had been urged by the Terijoki Government, a puppet government headed by Otto Ville Kuusinen, a Red Finland leader, who had escaped to Russia after the Civil War. The Soviet Government acknowledged the Terijoki Government as the sole representative of all Finnish affairs. The beginning of the war ended the Finnish government coalition between the Social Democrats and the Agrarian League. A broad coalition government was appointed under the leadership of Risto Ryti, former director of the Bank of Finland. The supreme military responsibility fell on C.G.E. Mannerheim, who – already in charge of Finland's Defence Council from 1931 – was appointed, after the Soviet attack, Commander-in-Chief of the Finnish armed forces. During the first month of fighting, despite the huge disparity of resources in terms of both men and equipment, Finland managed to contain and repel the Marshal Mannerheim in 1940. Author: WSOY/Vesteri (1943).
superiority, the soldiers' self-sacrifice in the desperate defence of their homeland and the unity of the whole nation, which swept away decades of linguistic and
social divisions, awoke the admiration of the whole world and made the Winter War a myth of the Finnish national identity. One of the most memorable episodes of the Winter War was the Battle of Suomussalmi: two Soviet divisions were divided, encircled and destroyed by two Finnish brigades equipped with skis and white camouflage. With this victory, the Finns foiled the Soviet attempt to break Finland in two and cut off communications with Sweden. In early February 1940, after a period of military reorganisation, the Soviets launched a powerful offensive on the Karelian Isthmus. The so-called Mannerheim defence line was broken in several places and when the Red Army reached the outskirts of Viipuri – without the prospect of immediate reinforcements from abroad – Finland was forced to accept the Moscow's peace terms. The Soviet Union had in fact abandoned the historical fiction of the Terijoki Government and engaged in negotiations with the legitimate government of Finland through the Soviet ambassador to Stockholm. With the Peace of Moscow, signed on 13 March 1940, Finland ceded to the Soviet Union almost all the Finnish Karelia, some islands in the Gulf of Finland, a part of the Salla region and the Finnish part of Rybachy Peninsula on the Arctic. On the Hanko Peninsula, leased for 30 years, a Soviet naval base was to be established. Finland lost about a tenth of its territory and about 12% of its production capacity. Approximately 420,000 inhabitants abandoned the ceded areas and had to be relocated within the new border.
Map of Finland's areas ceded to the Soviet Union after the Winter War (1940). Author: Jniemenmaa (2005).
During the Winter War some 25,000 Finnish soldiers died and about 45,000 were injured. Finland however remained free and Finnish society had found a new unity. The Soviet Union had lost about 150,000 men, and because of the attack on Finland was expelled from the League of Nations.
The Continuation War and the breakthrough in Finnish-Soviet relations
fter the Peace of Moscow, the Finns ardently aspired to regain their lost territories. The country was more isolated than ever, in a time when the Baltic area had become one of the major centres of tension in
World War II. Soon, however, Finland had the opportunity to come out of isolation. In his project for supremacy in Europe, in the summer of 1940 Hitler designed the so-called Operation Barbarossa. This plan aimed at the total annihilation of the Soviet Union. It included the destruction of Leningrad and assigned to Finland the coverage of the northern flank. German overtures for a trade agreement were immediately welcomed by the Finns. A controversial transit agreement of German troops through Finland to northern Norway followed in September 1940. In fact, the presence of German military forces in northern Finland soon became uncontrollable. When the Finnish military involvement in the war became certain, Finland received an increasing amount of military supplies from Germany. On 22 June 1941 the Germans attacked the Soviet Union in Lapland. Soviet air raids on Finnish positions followed on June 25, and on this very day Finland declared war on the Soviet Union. This war was called the Continuation War to emphasize the continuity with the Winter War. Officially, the Finnish Government claimed that this new war was also defensive and that the country was not allied with Germany but only a co-belligerent. The Finns fought south of the River Oulu, the Germans north of it. In 1941, Finland boasted an army of 475,000 men and, thanks to German aid, was much better equipped with arms and ammunition compared to 1939.
The Finns quickly regained the territories lost after the Winter War, and in September advanced into Eastern Karelia, conquering it in large part by the end of the year. For the next three years the Finns kept the positions won in 1941 but refused to intervene in the siege of Leningrad and to cut off the Murmansk railway line. The occupation of Eastern Karelia aroused negative reactions in the western countries. They objected that the thesis of defensive war was no longer tenable and on December 6, 1941, Britain declared war on Finland.
Administrative divisions of Finland in 1942–1944 (including East Karelia). Date: 19 February 2015. Author: Andrein.
After the German defeat at Stalingrad and the breaking of the siege of Leningrad, in June 1944 the Red Army forced the Finns to retreat both on the Karelian Isthmus and in Eastern Karelia. The Finns tried to open negotiations with the Soviets, and in retaliation Hitler cut off supplies of food and weapons. To avoid the collapse of the country, Risto Ryti, President of the Republic, pledged in a written statement not to sign a separate peace with the Soviet Union during his presidency. The new German aid allowed the Finns to stop the Soviet
offensive on the Karelian Isthmus. On August 4, Ryti resigned and Mannerheim, who succeeded him, called off Ryti's commitment with Germany. The new government immediately entered into peace negotiations with Moscow. The terms of the armistice, reached on September 9, were later confirmed at the Paris Peace Treaty of 1947. Finland returned to the borders of the Peace of Moscow and in addition lost the Petsamo region in the Arctic. In exchange for Hanko the Soviets opted for a naval base in Porkkala, leased for 50 years. Finland also undertook to pay war reparations to the Soviet Union of $300 million over six years, to reduce the army to a maximum of 37,000 men, to legalize the Communist Party, to dissolve all far-right organizations, to prosecute all war criminals and finally to expel all German troops (about 200,000 men) from Lapland. An Allied Control Commission, based in Helsinki, was Finnish areas ceded to Soviet Union in 1944. Date: 10 September 2005. Author: Jniemenmaa.
to check the implementation of the armistice.
The retreat of the Germans to Norway, initially well-ordered, turned into the Lapland War with fierce battles between German and Finnish troops between September 1944 and April 1945. In this war and in the Continuation War Finland lost more than 60,000 men. The future of Finland seemed difficult again. The country, however, had retained its independence and its democratic institutions. Juho Kusti Paasikivi, who succeeded Mannerheim as President of the Republic in 1946, offered a new perspective on the country's fate. Negotiator with the Soviet Union in the most critical moments, Paasikivi claimed the need to establish peaceful relations with the powerful neighbour. He tried to convince the Soviets that Finland was no longer a threat to the security of the Soviet Union.
At the same time Paasikivi did not accept compromise on the independence of Finland. The so-called Paasikivi line attained considerable success and was the foundation of Finnish foreign policy for many years. In the Cold War scenario in Europe, it constituted a unique model of political experimentation.
Juho Kusti Paasikivi (1870– 1956). President of Finland 1946–1956. Library of Congress Country Studies (2012). Author: Unknown
6. Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim and Finland
fter 30 years of service in the Imperial Russian Army, LieutenantGeneral Baron C. G. E. Mannerheim returned to Finland in December 1917. At this time, he was still unknown to the Finnish public. Born on
4 June 1867 in a noble Swedish-speaking family in the southwest of Finland, in 1887 the ambitious young Mannerheim left his country to enlist at the Nicholas Cavalry School in St Petersburg. Suited to military life, energetic and determined, Mannerheim became the most successful of the many young Finnish aristocrats who sought a military career in the Russian Empire. In 1891, he was assigned to the prestigious regiment of the Chevalier Guards in St Petersburg and in 1896 took part as a guard of honour at the coronation of Tsar Nicholas II. Promoted to colonel for his courage in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905, Mannerheim took part in 1906–1908 in an expedition of military intelligence in Central Asia, on which he related directly to the Emperor. Mannerheim was promoted to lieutenant-general in 1917 while in command of the Sixth Cavalry Corps in Transylvania. The revolution in Russia and the disintegration of the imperial army were a blow to Mannerheim, who felt a deep sense of loyalty and gratitude to the imperial government. Back in Finland, he immediately made contact with the Military Committee, engaged in the creation of a Finnish army with the help of Germany. Commissioned by the government to organize the army, on 18 January 1918 Mannerheim went to Vaasa, where he established his headquarters.
formed the nucleus of the new army and
Mannerheim on horseback, 1944. Source: A. Voipio, Suomen Marsalkka 1943 (Marshal of Finland 1943)
The spectacular parade in Helsinki on 16 May 1918 marked both the victory of White Finland and Mannerheim's triumph after the defeat of the Red rebels and the disarmament of the Russian soldiers. But the idyll between Mannerheim and the Finnish Government did not last long. Mannerheim did not approve of the proGerman orientation of the government and even less of the organization of the Finnish army according to German guidelines. The Finnish Government, on the other hand, did not support Mannerheim's ambitions to rid Petrograd of the Bolsheviks in alliance with the White Russian generals. Because of these dissents, Mannerheim resigned as commander-in-chief. In November 1918, however, Mannerheim accomplished an unofficial diplomatic mission to London and Paris to get aid in foodstuffs and to urge the British and French recognition of the Finnish state. Appointed Regent of Finland, Mannerheim made the White Guards – also known as Civil Guard or Defence Corps [Suojeluskunta] – into a defence organ parallel to the regular army. In foreign policy, he continued to pursue the intervention in Russia. He believed that by helping White Russia to capture Petrograd, Finland would have guaranteed its own security. These plans were encouraged in the West especially by Winston Churchill, who favoured an international anti-Bolshevik coalition. Nevertheless, this coalition was slow to materialize and the White Russians were indeed not willing to grant independence to Finland. After the defeat in the presidential elections of 25 July 1919, Mannerheim retired from active political life. As a civilian, he devoted himself to some humanitarian activities. In 1920 he founded the General Mannerheim Children's Welfare Association and in 1922 became honorary chairman of the Finnish Red Cross. In 1930, Mannerheim, opposed to the party system, backed the anti-communist and anti-democratic Lapua Movement while remaining in the background. Appointed in 1931 chairman of the National Defence Council, in 1933 Mannerheim was promoted to Field Marshal. Until 1939 he considerably improved the defensive structures of the country despite budget restrictions. In particular, he strengthened the fortification line across the Karelian Isthmus, named by the media Mannerheim Line during the Winter War. In foreign policy,
efforts of the Finnish Government for an alignment with the Scandinavian block. In 1939, during the RussoFinnish negotiations, Mannerheim was in favour of minor territorial concessions to the Soviet Union. At the outbreak of hostilities, he was appointed commander-in-chief. The
Map of the Mannerheim Line across the Karelian Isthmus in the Winter War. Source: en.wikipedia. Author: Jniemenmaa.
stubborn Finnish resistance to the Red Army during the
Winter War sanctioned the international reputation of Mannerheim, while at home he was hailed as a national hero. Mannerheim's decision to occupy Eastern Karelia during the Continuation War was however controversial. He was granted the title of Marshal of Finland on 4 June 1942, on his 75th birthday. On this occasion, he also received an unexpected visit from Hitler. As President of the Republic from August 1944 to March 1946, Mannerheim led Finland out of the war and started the peace process with the Soviet Union. After his resignation for health reasons, he lived above all in Switzerland, where he devoted himself to writing his memoirs. He died in Lausanne on 28 January 1951. He received a state funeral in Helsinki and was buried in the military cemetery of Hietaniemi. Mannerheim occupies an important place in Finland's history and identity. His figure has become part of the collective imagery of the nation. A glimpse of the Mannerheim Line, winter 1940. Source: C.-F. Geust, A. Uitto, Mannerheim-linja: Talvisodan legenda (Mannerheim Line: Legend of Winter War), p. 170.
7. The New Finland From World War II to our days
fter World War II Finno-Soviet relations were governed by the so-called
Assistance of 1948. Thanks to Paasikivi's diplomatic abilities, this treaty differed considerably from similar treaties already imposed by the USSR to Hungary and Romania. In the event of an attack on Finland or the USSR through Finland, Soviet military intervention was not automatic but had to be mutually agreed. On the other hand, the Finnish military
A Karelian family clearing a plot in the forest to build a homestead, Askola, Southern Finland, ca 1945. Author: Unknown.
forces were not required to leave the national borders to defend the Soviet Union.
The firmness of the so-called Paasikivi line allowed the country to maintain its democratic institutions, to remain anchored to the market economy and to start the process of integration with the Nordic countries and Western Europe. Furthermore, the Soviet appreciation for the new Finnish foreign policy led to important bilateral trade agreements. In 1955, the Porkkala Naval Base was returned to Finland earlier than expected. This event marked for Finland the end of the war phase and for Paasikivi, at the end of his second presidential term, an acknowledgment of his policy of dĂŠtente. In the 1945 elections, the communist People's Democratic League, legalized in 1944, obtained 49 seats and joined the government with the Social Democratic Party (50 seats) and the Agrarian League (49 seats). In the 1948 elections, however, the PDL won only 38 seats and was excluded from the government.
Immediately after the war, the Finnish government endorsed a colossal land redistribution plan to accommodate the nearly 420,000 refugees from Karelia and other territories ceded to the USSR. The fragmentation and the deforestation led to the creation, by the end of the 50s, of some 150,000 new farms. War reparations, paid by 1952, constituted a serious burden for Finland. However, the obligation to provide the USSR with large quantities of metallurgical products actually created diversification in the country's industrial development. After 1952 Finnish-Soviet trade relations – based on the mutual status of the most favoured nation – remained intense. From 1956 to 1981, the political scene of Finland was dominated by Urho Kekkonen (1900–1986). Coming from the Agrarian League, in 1956 Kekkonen – already five times prime minister – became President of the Republic with only two more votes (151– 149) against his opponent. In the 1978 presidential election, Kekkonen obtained 259 votes out of 300. The reasons for this exceptional consensus are still debated. Urho Kekkonen (1900–1986). President of Finland from 1956 to 1982. Date: 1955. Author: Unknown.
In foreign policy, Kekkonen continued the good relations with the USSR. In fact, he made
dependent on its foreign policy. The political forces conformed to the so-called Paasikivi-Kekkonen line because they eventually considered it the most appropriate for the country. In the West, this process was dubbed 'finlandization', a term that has become synonymous with the subservience of a small country to a great power. Nevertheless, Kekkonen rejected all Soviet attempts of closer political and military relations and pursued the process of Finland's integration with Western Europe by joining EFTA and the EC. Moreover, trade with the East – which accounted for about 20% of Finnish foreign trade – and the West was behind the country's boom in the '60s and '70s. Traditional wood and paper products were directed to the West, while Finnish manufactured goods went to the USSR. In return, Finland imported from the Soviet Union especially energy products and
this spared the country from the energy crisis that gripped Western countries in the '70s. In the 60's, agriculture lost its fundamental role in the country's economy. Not all the manpower of the massive rural exodus could be absorbed by the secondary and tertiary sectors and about 300,000 Finns migrated to Sweden. The new demographic and socioeconomic conditions urged the Agrarian League to review its program and rename itself Centre Party. A generous welfare state – made possible by the remarkable economic development – and a sustainable income policy, agreed between entrepreneurs, trade unions and government, dispelled the social tensions and caused the decline of the PDL. Mauno Koivisto (1923–2017), President of the Republic from 1982 to 1994, continued the Paasikivi-Kekkonen line in foreign policy but did not interfere in domestic politics. Under his presidency, the constitutional reform process that ended in 2000 was launched. In the new constitution, the president's powers were limited to the benefit of those of the parliament and the government. After a short but severe economic crisis in the early 90s – due to financial liberalization in the absence of regulatory measures and the loss of the Soviet market after the disintegration of the USSR – Finland's economy grew again at a spectacular rate. The country had entered the phase of the new economy. The electronic export industry became the engine of development, overcoming the traditional industrial sectors. The Nokia group – which accounted for 4% of the country's GDP – became a world leader in the production of mobile phones. This rapid structural change was possible thanks to an excellent education system and to significant investments in research and development. The collapse of the Soviet Union marked an important turning point for Finland. The country disposed of the Treaty of Friendship with the USRR of 1948 and in 1995 joined the European Union. In 1999 Finland was among the first eleven European countries to adopt the euro.
Headquarters of Nokia Corporation in Keilaniemi, Espoo. Date: 6 April 2005. Author: J-P Kärnä.
The global crisis of the last few years has hit Finland hard: Nokia's fortunes have waned, paper production has undergone a major contraction, and trade with Russia, again intense, has been affected by the EU sanctions against Russia due to the war in Ukraine. Following the eurozone trend, Finnish economy is growing. However, the biggest problems facing Finland today are the high costs of the welfare state, the rapid aging of the population and the high structural unemployment. Finland remains an open economy among the most competitive in the world. Corruption in the country is low and the Finns trust their institutions. The propulsive strength of the nation is evident in its extraordinary cultural vitality.
Selected bibliography M. L. Adorno, La Guerra d'Inverno: Finlandia e Unione Sovietica 1939-1940 (The Winter War: Finland and the Soviet Union 1939-1940). Milano 2010. M. L. Adorno, Storia della Finlandia contemporanea (History of contemporary Finland). Milano 2014. R. Alapuro, State and revolution in Finland. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London 1988. E. Andere M., Teacher's perspectives on Finnish school education: creating learning environments. New York 2014. D. F. G. Austin, Finland as a gateway to Russia: issues in European security. Aldershot, Brookfield, 1996. N. I. Baryshnikov, Mannerheim without the mask 1940-1944. Helsinki, St Petersburg 2005. M. Castells and P. Himanen, The information society and the welfare state: the Finnish model. Oxford, New York 2002. J. Clements, Mannerheim: president, soldier, spy. London 2009. H. Colin du Terrail, La Finlande et les Russes depuis les Croisades Suédoises. Paris, Strasbourg 1963. P. Flora (ed.), Growth to limits: the Western European welfare state since World War II: offprint Finland. Berlin 1986. L. Granberg and J. Nikula (eds.), The Peasant State. The state and rural questions in 20th century in Finland. Rovaniemi 1995. K. Immonen and J. Kalela (eds.), Mauno Koivisto. Helsinki 1985. I. Hakalehto (editor), J. K. Paasikivi Suomen politiikassa (J. K. Paasikivi in Finland's politics). Helsinki 1970. Y. Hakanen, Kuusi kuvaa Kekkosesta (Six pictures of Kekkonen). Helsinki 1985. E. Heinrichs, Mannerheim Suomen kohtaloissa (Mannerheim in the destinies of Finland), I,II. Helsinki 1957 and 1959. R. Hjerppe, The Finnish economy 1860-1985. Helsinki 1989. J. H. Hodgson, Communism in Finland. Princeton, New Jersey 1967. S. Honkapohja, E. A. Koskela, W. Leibfritz and R. Uusitalo, Economic prosperity recaptured: the Finnish path from crisis to rapid growth. Cambridge (USA), London 2009. M. Häikö, A brief history of modern Finland. Helsinki 1992. M. Jakobson, The diplomacy of the Winter War. Cambridge, Massachusetts 1961. M. Jakobson, Finland: myth and reality. Helsinki 1987. M. Jakobson, Finland: a lone wolf. Helsinki 2006. L. Jonung et al. (eds.), The great financial crisis in Finland and Sweden. Cheltenham, Northampton 2009. O. Jussila, S. Hentilä, J. Nevakivi, From Grand Duchy to a modern State. London 1999. E. Jutikkala, K. Pirinen, A history of Finland. Porvoo, Helsinki, Juva 1996. E. Jutikkala (ed.), Suomen talous- ja sosiaalihistorian kehityslinjoja (The development lines of Finland's economic and social history). Porvoo, Helsinki 1968. S. Jutila, Finlandization for Finland and the world. Bloomington 1983. S. Jägerskiöld, Mannerheim: Marshal of Finland. Minneapolis 1986. Kalu N. Kalu, Technology, culture, and public policy: critical lesson for Finland. New York, London 2017. U. Kekkonen, A President's view. London 1982.
A. Korhonen, Barbarossa suunnitelma ja Suomi (Barbarossa plan and Finland). Porvoo, Helsinki 1961. P. Kuusi, Social policy for the sixties: a plan for Finland. Kuopio 1964. D. G. Kirby, A concise history of Finland. Cambridge 2006. D. G. Kirby, Finland and Russia 1808-1920. London 1975. D. G. Kirby, Finland in the twentieth century. London 1979. M. Klinge, A brief history of Finland. Helsinki 1994. M. Klinge, Finland in Europe. Helsinki 2003. M. Klinge, The Baltic world. Helsinki 1997. K. Korhonen (ed.), U. Kekkonen: a statesman for peace. London 1975. J. Lavery, The history of Finland. London 2006. H. O. Lunde, Finland's war of choice: The troubled German-Finnish coalition in World War II. Havertown, Newbury 2011. C. L. Lundin, Finland in the Second World War. Bloomington 1957. Chr. Mann and Chr. Jörgensen, Hitler's arctic war: the German campaigns in Norway, Finland and the USSR 1940-1945. London 2002. C. G. E. Mannerheim, The memoirs of Marshal Mannerheim. London 1953. G. Maude, Aspects of the governing of the Finns. New York 2010. A. G. Mazour, Finland between East and West. Westport, Connecticut 1975. H. Meinander, A history of Finland. London 2011. V. R. Mead, An economic geography of the Scandinavian States and Finland. London 1958. W. R. Mead, Farming in Finland. London 1953. V. Meri, Suomen Marsalkka C. G. Mannerheim (The Marshall of Finland C. G. Mannerheim). Porvoo, Helsinki, Juva 1988). R. Mickelsson, Suomen puolueet (Finnish Parties). Tampere 2007. I. Montanelli, Dentro la Storia: Finlandia 1939-40, Ungheria 1956 (Inside History: Finland 193940, Hungary 1956). Milano 1992. J. Mylly and R. M. Berry (eds.), Political parties in Finland. Turku 1984. K. Möttölä (ed.et al.), Finnish-Soviet economic relations. London 1983. J. Nousiainen, The Finnish political system. Cambridge (USA) 1971. J. Paasivirta, Finland and Europe. London 1981. J. Paavolainen, Poliittiset väkivaltaisuudet Suomessa 1918: Punainen terrori (Political violence in Finland 1918: Red terror). Helsinki 1966. J. Paavolainen, Poliittiset väkivaltaisuudet Suomessa 1918: Valkoinen terrori (Political violence in Finland 1918: White terror). Helsinki 1967. J. Paavolainen, Vankileirit Suomessa 1918 (Prison camps in Finland 1918). Helsinki 1971. M. Peltonen, Talolliset ja torpparit: vuosisadan vaihteen maatalouskysymys Suomessa (Freeholders and tenant farmers: the agricultural issue in Finland at the turn of the century). Helsinki 1992. R. E. I. Penttila, Finland's search for security through defence, 1944-89. Basingstoke 1991. P. Pesonen and O. Rihinen, Dynamic Finland: the political system and the welfare state. Helsinki 2002. T. Polvinen, Venäjän vallankumous ja Suomi. 1, Helmikuu 1917 – Toukokuu 1918 (The Russian Revolution and Finland. 1, February 1917 – May 1918). Porvoo, Helsinki 1967. T. Polvinen, Venäjän vallankumous ja Suomi. 2, Toukokuu 1918 – Joulukuu 1920 (The Russian Revolution and Finland. 2, May 1918 - December 1920). Porvoo, Helsinki 1971. L. A. Puntila, The political history of Finland 1809-1966. Helsinki 1974.
M. Rahikainen (ed.), Austerity and prosperity. Helsinki 1993. T. Raunio and T. Tiilikainen, Finland in the European Union. London, Portland, Oregon 2003. M. Rintala, Three generations: The extreme right wing in Finnish politics. Indiana University 1962. M. Ruotsila, Churchill and Finland. London, New York 2005. T. Saarela, Suomalainen Kommunismi ja vallankumous 1923-1930 (Finnish Communism and Revolution 1923-1930). Helsinki 2008. J. Saarinen and N. Rilla (eds.), Changes in innovation: towards an improved understanding of economic renewal. Basingstoke 2009. G. Schienstock (ed.), Embracing the knowledge economy: a dynamic transformation of the Finnish innovation system. Cheltenham, Northampton (USA) 2004. J. E. O. Screen, Mannerheim: the Finnish years. London 2000. K. Selén, C. G. E. Mannerheim ja hänen puolustus-neuvostonsa 1931-1939 (C. G. E. Mannerheim and his Defense Council 1931-1939). Helsinki 1980. J. Selovuori, Power and bureaucracy in Finland 1809-1998. Helsinki 1999. K. J. Sillanpää, Tasavallan päämiehet (Heads of the Republic). Helsinki 1977. J. Siltala, Lapuan liike ja kyyditykset 1930 (Lapua Movement and deportations 1930). Helsinki 1985. F. Singleton, A short history of Finland. Cambridge 1998. F. Singleton, The economy of Finland in the twentieth century. Bradford 1987. B. Suviranta, Finland and the world depression. Helsinki 1931. T. Tiilikainen, Europe and Finland: defining the political identity of Finland in Western Europe . Aldershot, Brookfield 1998. H. M. Tillotson, Finland at peace and war. Norwich 1996. P. Tommila et al. Mannerheim: sotilas ja ihminen (Mannerheim: soldier and man). Helsinki 1992. U. Tuominen, J.K.Paasikivi: a pictorial biography. Helsinkiu 1970. R. Uimonen, Riisuttu Presidentti (The President stripped of power). Helsinki 2001. A. F. Upton, The Finnish revolution 1917-1918. Minneapolis 1980. A. F. Upton, Finland in crisis, 1940-1941. London 1964. O. Vehviläinen, Finland in the Second World War: Between Germany and Russia. Basingstoke 2002. T. Vihavainen (ed.), Mannerheim: an officer of the Imperial Russian Army, Marshal of independent Finland. Helsinki 2005. P. Virrankoski, Suomen talous historia kaskikaudesta atomiaikaan (Finnish economic history from the slash-and-burn period to the atomic era). Helsinki 1975. J. P. Vloyantes, Silk glove hegemony: Finnish-Soviet relations, 1944-1974. Kent, Ohio 1975. O. Warner, Marshal Mannerheim and the Finns. London 1967. N. Westermarck, Finnish agriculture. Helsinki 1964. J. H. Wuorinen (ed.), Finland and World War II 1939-1944. New York 1948. J. H. Wuorinen, A history of Finland. New York, London 1965. H. Ylikangas, Käännekohdat Suomen historiassa (The turning points in Finnish history). Porvoo, Helsinki, Juva 1986. S. Zetterberg (ed.), Finland after 1917. Helsinki 1991.
Appendix Mr Colin Davies' testimony After the publication of the article "Finland between the Two World Wars: From the Civil War (1918) to the Winter War (1939)" in Links, Autumn 2016, we received from Mr Colin Davies a letter, from which we quote some excerpts. "In the summer 1954, I spent three months in Finland ... in Mainiemi near Padasjoki . [One day I went] to a local "council office" in Padasjoki ..., a 2 storey building that appeared to be some kind of local administration centre... Upstairs, in a big dusty attic with very little furniture, there were a few large open cardboard boxes full of handwritten papers. In fact they were overfull... They were almost all letters written around 1918 by worried family members asking for help in tracing their missing relations. ...There was one very interesting sheet of papers that was not handwritten, but typed... The todistus [certificate] said that some White Official (apparently based in Lahti) had been informed that a certain White soldier had gone missing, and now he had learned that the missing man had joined the Reds in the south. The todistus had been written to emphasise that in fact the man had been kidnapped by the Reds. ...I wish now I had kept a few of those bits of paper. That attic could have been a historian's treasure trove. Colin Davies"
Thank you for your letter, Mr Davies. It is extraordinary. It presents in a vivid manner certain aspects of the dramatic events of the Finnish Civil War, today critically overcome in the conscience of the Finnish people. It does not matter that you did not take some of those pieces of paper (after all, how could you?). Your testimony is the historical memory! Modestino


text:
"Nutritious mixed soup you can have as dinner by its own, prepared in minutes"
Many of my friends told me that they like to have soup as quick dinner especially over weekdays. To save time, and loose weight (eye-rolling), some of them cooked instant mushroom soup. How about having Chinese-style mushrooms soup this time? I boiled this soup for dinner especially when I need something light and filling. This helps to clear my body system, in a way.
4 leafs of Chinese cabbage, cut into 1″ to 2″ thick
½ cup of minced pork meat (about 150 gram)
2 fish cakes, thick sliced
3 dried chinese shitake mushroom, soaked and diced (to mix with minced meat)
½ cup of whole button mushroom
1 packet of fresh enoki mushroom aka golden needle mushroom (chinese translation: 金针菇) (about 100 gram), cut off the root part.
1 clove of garlic, chopped
1 thin slice of ginger
1 teaspoon of Hua Diao Wine (花雕酒)
Pinch of ground white pepper (or use liberally, if desired)
1 teaspoon of sesame oil
1 pot of water(about 5 cups of water or 1000ml)


text:
Severe weather warnings for Sint-Stevens-Woluwe
Sint-Stevens-Woluwe (1932)
Weather watch due to severe gale/storm,
alert level orange possible
alert level orange possible
valid from: Thu Nov 23, 2017 01:00 am
valid to: Thu Nov 23, 2017 01:00 pm
valid for: all elevations
valid to: Thu Nov 23, 2017 01:00 pm
valid for: all elevations
Severe weather warning (orange level) because of severe gale with more than 75 km/h, valid from Thursday, 23.11. 01:00 till Thursday, 23.11. 13:00.
This weather watch was last updated on Tue Nov 21, 2017 11:51 am.
Sint-Stevens-Woluwe has a minimum elevation of 32 m and a maximum elevation of 78 m.
Time designations are given in local time, timezone: Europe/Brussels
Alert level details for Sint-Stevens-Woluwe
- level green (no warnings)
- level dark green (weather notice)
- level yellow (severe weather watch)
- Alert level Orange
- Alert level red
- Alert level violet
severe weather watch
We issue a severe weather watch when severe weather is expected during the next 48 hours, but there are uncertainties about the intensity, moving direction and/or timing of the event.


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Question about 2004 Volkswagen New Beetle Convertible
The trunk does not open anymore. It's a new beetle cabrio 2004 and does not have a manual override button or keyhole on the trunk.
From the inside it's very hard to get to the lock, I only have the ski opening.
Does anyone know what to do?
I checked all fuses but they seem to be ok.
Posted by stijn_hey726 on
The trunk does not open using the button on the key nor the buttom in the driver's door.
It doesn't have a keyhole nor button on the trunk.
I can't find an emergency release ...
I can`t get the button on the door or the fob to work put a new actuator in and still wont work is there a fuse somewhere
I was looking for a solution but found none. Here is what happened. I opened my trunk and wound up pulling on a little red plug that will open the trunk. The red plug pulled loose in my hand. The cord on the red plug snapped in half. What I did not know was that there was a small plastic clip that had pulled loose. The clip connected the various releases (remote, door switch, and inside the trunk handle) to the actual latch.
Here is what I did. First I removed the back seat and the frame to the hole that goes back to the trunk (this is a convertible). The bottom of the seat pulled up and had a rod connected to the car. I pulled the rod out of the hole and slipped the other side off. Next I removed the head rests off (they popped up and off). I used an hex wrench (I think 8mm). There were three bolts on the bottom of the seat back. The seat back then comes out. The frame has 4 or 5 more hex bolts. Now the hard part. I was able to reach in and remove a screw under the handle release. Then I pulled out the plastic inside cover to the trunk, enough to reach a small rod that extended up from the trunk latch. This released the trunk, allowing me to repair everything. I replaced the plastic plug cord with a metal cable (this time wrapped around the metal arm of the trunk release). I put the little plastic connector back on (it did not break, just popped loose). Now everything works great again.
Good luck!
Posted on Jul 24, 2010
SOURCE: I have freestanding Series 8 dishwasher. Lately during the filling cycle water hammer is occurring. How can this be resolved
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At Ivy Link, we want to inspire each student to achieve their personal and academic best throughout their years of schooling, as well as help fortify valuable skills that will extend beyond the classroom. We therefore offer a range of services that supplement our general programs of admissions counseling, tutoring and application assistance to include a myriad of targeted specialty services aimed towards applicants who have specific needs or requirements. Our expert Ivy Link mentors are here to assist with virtually any niche request.
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Read the opening extract of the brand new A. J. Finn book before its publication on 22/01/2018
Slayings in Sleaufort
ethel kouba
Slayings in Sleaufort by ethel kouba
About the Author
Book Info
Publication date16th October 2009
Authorethel kouba
More books by ethel kouba
Author 'Like for Like'
PublisherBooklocker Inc.,US
158 pages
CategoriesModern & contemporary fiction (post c 1945)
Crime & mystery
Thriller / suspense
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This product is not available online. We will gladly help you in one of our stores.
The Men's Ruction Jacket 2.0 is a longer-length waterproof jacket that combines outdoor style and performance with a stylish look and feel; ideal for everyday use. You will stay confidently dry and protected in this Hydroshell waterproof jacket, which also offers great breathability and durable fabric for a long-lasting jacket.
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Charlie Sheen is at it again: the actor posted a late-night racist tweet about Barack Obama on Thursday, referring to the president as "Barry Satera Kenya" – just the latest rant in the actor's downward spiral.
Sheen, who suffered an infamous meltdown in 2011 that led to his firing from Two and a Half Men, was apparently upset that the president filled out a bracket for the NCAA basketball tournament, which Obama does – rather publicly – every year. "Barry Satera Kenya u won't attend a soldier's funeral uhkros da street that u kild yet u hav time 4 brackets? s a d," Sheen wrote in a rambling message on Twitter.
Barry Satera Kenya u won't attend a soldier's funeral uhkros da street that u kild yet u hav time 4 brackets? s a d c http://t.co/KM1in5MPio
— Charlie Sheen (@charliesheen) March 19, 2015
Obama has an annual tradition of participating in March Madness, an issue that has irked conservatives who also routinely criticize the president for playing golf – also rather publicly.
Read more: theguardian.com
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DINING ROOM // brass lighting - I can't decide if I love it or hate it, but I thought about it enough that I decided to pin it!
Delightfull is all about mid-century modern lighting creations. A unique design for a vintage or contemporary home interior. Handmade floor, suspension, table and wall lamps.
Middle Park House by KPDO + CJA Middle Park House – HomeDSGN, a daily source for inspiration and fresh ideas on interior design and home decoration.


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No Mirrors/No Makeup: alternative dance classes
Part of the Kinderling Conversation for parents. Weekdays 12pm-1pm.
Fri 10 July 2015
9 mins
If you're interested in sending your child to dance classes that don't involve mirrors, makeup or raunchy moves, The Yellow Dance Spot has you covered.
Founder, Inbar Niv, has shared her top 3 dancing songs. Check them out below:
- Lykke Li - I Follow Rivers
Astrud Gilberto & Antonio Carlos Jabim - Corcovad: Quiet Nights Of Quiet Stars
GUEST: Inbar Niv, Founder, The Yellow Dance Spot
WEBSITE: The Yellow Dance Spot
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When you're sleep deprived and on the steep learning curve of early parenthood it can be hard to tell if you're not coping Terri Smith, CEO of Perinatal Anxiety…
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Holly Zwalf is a single mum and part of the queer community. As we wait for the final results of the survey, she explains its impact on her and her…
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Parenting, like many things in life, goes through it's own trends before we come to some sense. Like gin on the gums of a teething baby, or swaddling a newborn…
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Bringing together the precious essence of creativity and the ease of incomparable craftsmanship, GEORGES HOBEIKA infuses into his Fall-Winter
Lebanese fashion designer Elie Saab presented his new Haute Couture fall/winter 2015 collection today in Paris. He focused on lots of romantic shapes, intricate
Yulia Yanina – 61 photos - la collection complète
See the complete Zuhair Murad Fall 2017 Couture collection.
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See the complete Ralph & Russo Spring 2017 Couture collection.
Marchesa Fall 2017 Ready-to-Wear Collection Photos - Vogue (V-Neck Tiered Roses Gown)


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I Quit Sugar - Spiced Coco-Nutty Breakfast Muffins
I Quit Sugar: Healthy Chocolate Pancakes
Savoury Spinach Pancakes - I Quit Sugar
Are there still people in your life who think quitting sugar means quitting all things delicious and decadent? A batch of these fudgy chocolatey (and totally sugar-free*) cupcakes is sure to change their mind. – I Quit Sugar
I Quit Sugar: Chicken Caesar Salad Bowl
I Quit Sugar: Banana Bread Pancakes


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The Church of England should no longer be satisfied to represent only the Conservative Party at prayer.
Maude Royden QuotesShowing all quotes
Maude Royden (1)
|23rd November, 1876
|30th July, 1956
|Preacher, Suffragist
Always known as Maude Royden, she was born at Mossley Hill, Liverpool, the daughter of Sir Thomas Bland Royden, 1st Baronet, of Frankby Hall, Birkenhead. She was educated at Cheltenham Ladies' College and Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford, and afterwards for some years did settlement work in Liverpool.
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Xbox 360 Games
This page contains SoulCalibur 4 Unlockables for Xbox 360 called "Create-a-Soul items" and has been posted or updated on Jan 27, 2009 by Fallinon.
Boxshot & Details
- Developer: Namco
- Publisher: Namco Bandai Games
- Genre: Action Fighting
- Release: Jul 29, 2008
- ESRB: Teen
Create-a-Soul items
Earn the indicated number of achievements to unlock the corresponding items in Create-a-Soul mode.
|How to Unlock:
|Advanced equipment
|20 achievements or honors
|Animal head equipment
|25 achievements or honors
|Basic equipment
|5 achievements or honors
|Intermediate equipment
|15 achievements or honors
|Leviathan and Voodoo equipment
|30 achievements or honors
|More equipment
|10 achievements or honors
Report Problem
Please Submit a Problem for any incomplete, non-working or fake cheat listed above.
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I need to beat Ellie
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Don't be Conned into a Constitutional Convention
You may have heard about the movement supporting an Article V constitutional convention to add amendments like a balanced budget amendment or a "marriage" amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Also known as a "con-con," this is a very dangerous movement that threatens our entire constitution. This movement was developed by an organization called ALEC, which works to pass legislation to benefit far-right and corporate …Continue reading


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This week's Wise Giving Wednesday article focuses on a supermarket or other store offering the opportunity to donate your 'change' to charity. It works like this - If your purchase amount at a participating store comes to $25.40 and you agree to this type of donation, your purchase becomes $26.00 and $.60 is donated to a charity. According to the article, this donation option is becoming more and more popular. Round-It-Up-America, whose mission is to provide the platform for each and every one of us to donate change and collectively raise millions of dollars for the many charitable organizations and programs that support our communities across America, is on board to include the restaurant industry.
For the full article, please click here.
The BBB Wise Giving Alliance helps donors make informed giving decisions and promotes high standards of conduct among organizations that solicit contributions from the public. It produces reports about national charities, evaluating them against comprehensive Standards for Charity Accountability, and publishes a magazine, theWise Giving Guide, three times a year.


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I have recently had a baby and I would really like to get back into shape. Does anyone have any good weight loss tricks that a nursing mother can use? Of course paired with working out.
sort by best latest
There are no tricks when it comes to weight loss. There is only work.
Eat healthy. Focus on nutrition instead of just counting calories.
Do the right amounts of cardio and strength training.
Make sure you are drinking plenty of water. The rule of thumb is half your weight in ounces. So if you weigh 150 lbs then you should be drinking 75 oz of water per day.
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So, here's the thing. I'm going to spend more time answering reader mail this year, because I get great feedback and I haven't done a good job of responding to it.
But I'm also going to turn the spotlight on that feedback a bit more often, because there are a lot of good ideas that come in that deserve a wider audience. (There's also the too-frequent reminder that I make mistakes, but I digress.)
In your chat session, you wrote, "…Bronson Arroyo (who I think is a huge sleeper for '04) …"
What flavor of Kool-Aid are you drinking? Or do you have insider information that he's going to stay healthy, add 3 MPH to his fastball, and develop a killer split-finger?
I'm just going off Arroyo's tremendous '03 at Pawtucket and a couple of his appearances that I saw towards the end of the year. He showed some great movement and the ability to throw strikes down in the zone. I really think he's going to be throwing high-leverage innings in front of Keith Foulke by midsummer.
One-hundred fifty-five strikeouts and 23 walks (his Pawtucket line) is tremendous. Fourteen whiffs and four walks in 17 MLB innings is also good, and he allowed just nine homers all season.
I'd rather have Arroyo than every Yankee reliever who isn't headed for the Hall of Fame. He's one of a handful of guys I know I'm going to end up with on every fantasy team I have this year.
I should probably do a column on those guys next week, actually.
I realize Dan Quisenberry missed your 1980 cutoff by one year (perhaps intentionally), but it would be interesting to compare his career arc with the players you evaluated. Age 26-30, he has the second-highest cumulative WARP1 — second to Mariano Rivera. Then, ages 31-34, he averaged just under 6 WARP1 per season. THEN he fell off a cliff. Quiz sustained his excellence for a longer period of time than just about any of the others. Usage? Freaky submarinerism? Or maybe an exception that proves the rule, as they say?
It wasn't intentional, but because Quisenberry falls into the "ace reliever" usage pattern, with Rich Gossage and Bruce Sutter, I'm comfotable with his absence. I don't think they're good data points for drawing conclusions about what Keith Foulke might do.
As to why he was so good for so long, I think you can look at his command and his GB/FB ratios. On the other hand, you could also argue that his motion makes him a lousy comp for anyone.
Regardless, Quisenberry is definitely a forgotten great.
I agree with your age issue with the closers.
How does John Smoltz fit into this?
He was a starter for 11 years (not counting his rookie year), throwing up to 256 innings in one year. He turns 37 in May. Knowing he wants to return to the starting rotation, how many good years does he have left as the Braves' closer? Looking at your thought process, (and remembering his sore arm of last year) I would guess no more than two.
It has a lot to do with how he's used. Given the Braves' investment in him, they probably have to baby him in the same way the Cards baby Jason Isringhausen, and be happy to get 45-50 high-leverage innings from him.
That becomes a problem in the postseason; the Braves can't funnel extra innings to their best pitcher the way, say, the Yankees can.
I don't think he'll ever last as a starter. Maybe 15-20 starts–maybe–before the elbow goes.
Very interesting article on the Tigers. It's important to point out that when the Tigers overspend on free agents, it's different than if, say, the Pirates do it, or if the Brewers would have. As I understand it, the dearth of talent in the Detroit organization runs a few levels deep, and unlike in Cleveland, who started 2002 had some low-minors talent and significant veterans to trade for high-minors talent, a sound rebuilding project in Detroit will take at least four or five years and maybe more. So in Detroit, window-dressing with veterans at least should not much impede a real rebuilding. That said, all factors considered, it will be a miracle if Pudge is ever on a winning team there, don't you think?
Speaking of Cleveland, your PECOTA-projected starters'-VORP-based analysis of the AL Central suggests that the Indians could seriously stink up the division this season. I realize that you were explicitly stacking the deck in favor of the Tigers, since your column's theme was, "you COULD make the argument …" but is the situation for Cleveland this season really as bad as this column makes it look? Or is there an even more rosy, stacked-deck-but-not-total-nonsense argument to be made for Cleveland?
— Jay Levin
That's a crucial point about the Tigers' signings that makes it easier to justify them. There's just not much in the upper levels, as opposed to the players being blocked, or potentially being blocked, in the organizations you mention. It's a small thing, but it does make seemingly random moves not so random.
As far as the Indians go, I just don't see where the runs will come from, and I say that as someone who likes Travis Hafner. Given that, even a best-case pitching scenario has them losing a lot of 4-3 games, and I'm skeptical that there's anyone here, save Cliff Lee, who warrants best-case thinking.
You don't think there's a chance Francisco Cruceta will amount to anything? He's probably 11 to 15 in a pretty deep Tribe system.
It's not an unreasonable bet, but at the time of the Paul Shuey deal he was just an arm. Really, he still is now, although his year at Akron wasn't bad. He certainly wasn't a huge loss for the Dodgers.
Here's what Baseball Prospectus 2004–which should be arriving in
bookstores and mailboxes early next week–has to say about him:
Cruceta was part of the goody bag from the Dodgers brought over in exchange
for the occasionally healthy Paul Shuey. He came into Double-A with 90+ heat
and very little pro experience. While holding tremendous promise, his season
yielded mixed results. He continued to overpower hitters, rarely letting hits
get into the outfield. However, his walk rate jumped significantly. He was
working on ironing out inconsistent deliveries that tipped his breaking stuff;
until he regains that margin of control, he won't make it.
Cruceta probably projects as a reliever, and god knows there are opportunities
in Cleveland for anyone who can get it up there in a hurry and throw strikes.
I would quibble mightily with your assertion that Dan Evans has the best trading track record of any GM during his tenure. I think Walt Jocketty wins that prize hands down (Mark McGwire for dreck and dross; Scott Rolen for a lefty with a bad wing and the second coming of Jose Oquendo; Jim Edmonds for a journeyman pitcher and a decent prospect second baseman; Woody Williams for the pre-recycled Ray Lankford; Edgar Renteria for an older prospect and two relievers), even over the overrated Mr. Beane! It's hard to think of a bad trade that Jocketty has made.
Jocketty's contract negotiations and free agent signings, on the other hand, are a disaster. In fact, if Dan Evans is out of work this spring, I'd like to see him and Jocketty in a platoon role, with Evans handling the free agent market, and Jocketty making the trades. It would be the GM equivalent of Mullinorg (to go back to Blue Jays' days of yore).
You don't have to sell me on Jocketty, but I was specifically referring to during Evans' tenure.
I'm the guy who spent all summer '03 saying that the Cardinals would win the Central because Jocketty was the best in the game at the trade deadline, coming off the acquisitions of McGwire, Williams and Rolen. I must have used that riff on two dozen radio stations last year.
Thanks, Walt. Ya big choker.
Two-sport athletes should always choose baseball first, because the skills required to play the game–to hit, specifically–atrophy quickly if they go unused. You can fail at baseball and go on to a career in football or basketball much more easily than you can take a few years away from baseball and come back to it.
This doesn't seem like the kind of thing you'd say without any proof to back it up, but I also can't think of any real evidence that does back this up. Any help here? Thanks.
There's just not enough data to run evidence at you, Matt. I come by the opinion by considering that, in broad strokes, football and basketball players can rely on exceptional athleticism rather than finely-honed skills moreso than someone trying to hit. (I don't mean to dismiss the finely-honed skills involved in those sports.)
It's the same reason I think two-way players should always be developed as hitters. If you have the talent, you can go back to the mound at some point and you should be able to develop. If you don't hit for three years, though, I just don't think the skill can be revived.
I suppose the way in which pitchers hit is at least mild evidence for this. Granted, pitchers aren't selected for this ability, but if you look, good hitting pitchers in MLB tend to be guys who aren't that far removed from hitting in amateur ball. And I would speculate that pitchers who leave the NL, then return to it, would lose that ability in the interim.
Hmmm…I wonder if there's a correlation between pitchers' batting and age. I'll have to check on that.
Your piece on the Phillies is exceedingly odd. Not only do you fail to mention Eric Milton, and you state that the fifth spot in the rotation is "up for grabs" when it clearly isn't, but you look at the stats to see if there is anything to the "Bowa factor" (in one area, the effect of blown saves), you conclude that there is no effect, then you go on to say that there is a Bowa factor anyway, citing not a shred of evidence. Bizarre.
I completely blocked out Milton, and you were one of many people to remind me. I guess I could argue that the guy who threw 17 innings last year might not be the safest bet, but the truth is, I whiffed.
The Bowa thing is two separate points. Yes, I found that my idea that the Phillies suffered after Jose Mesa's blown saves was wrong. There was no carryover effect, and Bowa's temperament did not seem to work agains them in this fashion.
However, that's just one area, and I remain unconvinced that Bowa is the right person to manage a team through a pennant race.
I know that this is insanely nitpicky, but I can't help myself. You wrote, "If the Phillies start out 24-6 or something–and I'd say there's maybe a 25% chance they'll do that–then he might be fine." For that statement to be true, the Phillies would need to be a .727 (118-44 over a full season) team. Surely you don't think that they are THAT good, right?
If you assume that they are a .617 WP team (100-62), then there is only a 2.7% chance that they start out 24-6 (or better). I share your optimism about the Phillies, but it's hard to project them (or anyone for that matter) to win more than 100 games.
Of course, if they were a true 100-win team, then there is a 23% chance that they win at least 21 games of their first 30, which should give them a bit of a cushion.
Math noted. I could have said 22-8 or 21-9 and made essentially the same point.
However… here's the Phillies' first 30 games: three with Pittsburgh and Cincinnati, six each against the Marlins, Expos, Cards and Diamondbacks. Maybe 24-6 is more within reach than I thought. They have a fairly easy schedule, a good team, and could have the better starting pitcher on the mound in every one of their first 21 games.
This team could run away and hide.
This question has been bugging me: how come asking Derek Jeter to change positions in favor of Alex Rodriguez is sacrilege, yet nobody has a problem with Bernie Williams–who has been a Yankee longer and who is better than Jeter–being forced–let alone asked–to become a DH in favor of Kenny Lofton?
Williams' struggles with center field have become clear enough to everyone involved that a move made sense. It's a physical thing, too; his shoulders and knees have really become issues for him.
Now, I wouldn't have moved him for Kenny Lofton, but that's a separate issue.
Moving Jeter to center field makes so much sense that there's just no way it'll happen.