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When you inspect a JL Audio JX amplifier, you will see that nothing is spent on gimmicks, blue lights or chrome. Instead, we apply our no-nonsense, pure performance philosophy to specify oversized output transistors and rugged MOSFET power supplies that ensure ample current and thermal capacity. These beefy parts operate well under their limits to deliver stable performance and vastly better reliability than the wimpy devices commonly found in many competing products. It all adds up to solid bass definition and cleaner, louder high frequency output that gets the most out of your speaker system.
The JX1000/1D employs an advanced Class D switching design that allows it to produce 1 kilowatt of clean subwoofer power while drawing significantly less current from your electrical system and generating less heat than a conventional Class A/B or Class B design.
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nice amp
By joe
from romeoville,il
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Comments about JL Audio JX Series 1000 Watt Monoblock Subwoofer Car Amplifier:
real nice and loud clear bass .... jl makes great productsthe only bad thing is that this amp needs a lot of power your car electric system will work hard to feed the amp...... overall I DO recommend this amp
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Welcome to the Shakiramedia tourcenter!
Shakira will begin her Sale El Sol / The Sun Comes Out World Tour in September. At the tour center we will keep you up to date with all the tour dates. There is a tourcenter box on the right of the page, which contains the next 10 concert dates and locations.
"We want to redefine what is a concert. There will be many references to mythology. A journey through the cultures." - Shakira
Click here to go back to the overview.
Tour anfibio
Location | Anaheim, CA, USA |
Date | Thursday 20 April, 2000 |
Venue | Arrowhead Pond |
Attendance | 12208 people |
Capacity | 12208 people |
Prices | $70, $50, $35 |
Gross sales | 547090 |
Pictures | ShakiraGallery |
Special comments | |
Buy Tickets | http://www.ticketmaster.com/ |
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Discuss items here. Please be nice while posting :-)
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subset: commoncrawl


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About Court Report: Each week we will report briefly on recently filed biotech and pharma cases.
Janssen Pharmaceuticals Inc. et al. v. Alkem Laboratories Limited 1:13-cv-09227; filed December 26, 2013 in the Northern District of Illinois
• Plaintiffs: Janssen Pharmaceuticals Inc.; Grünenthal GmbH • Defendant: Alkem Laboratories Ltd.
Janssen Pharmaceuticals, Inc. et al. v. Alkem Laboratories Ltd. 2:13-cv-07803; filed December 23, 2013 in the District Court of New Jersey
• Plaintiffs: Janssen Pharmaceuticals, Inc.; Grunenthal GmbH • Defendant: Alkem Laboratories Ltd.
The complaints in these cases are substantially identical. Infringement of U.S. Patent No. 8,536,130 (""Use of 1 Phenyl-3-Dimethylamino-Propane Compounds for Treating Neuropathic Pain," issued September 17, 2013), licensed to Janssen, following a Paragraph IV certification as part of Alkem's filing of an ANDA to manufacture a generic version of Janssen's Nucynta® ER (tapentadol hydrochloride, used for the management of moderate to severe acute pain in adults). View the New Jersey complaint here.
Merck Sharp & Dohme B.V. v. Warner Chilcott Co. LLC et al. 1:13-cv-02088; filed December 24, 2013 in the District Court of Delaware
• Plaintiff: Merck Sharp & Dohme B.V. • Defendants: Warner Chilcott Co. LLC; Warner Chilcott (US) LLC
Infringement of U.S. Patent No. 5,989,581 ("Drug Delivery System for Two or More Active Substances," issued November 23, 1999) following a Paragraph IV certification as part of Warner Chilcott's filing of an ANDA to manufacture a generic version of MSD's NuvaRing® drug product (ethinyl estradiol and etonogestrel vaginal ring, used for contraception). View the complaint here.
Teijin Ltd. et al. v. Zydus Pharmaceuticals USA Inc. et al. 1:13-cv-02086; filed December 23, 2013 in the District Court of Delaware
• Plaintiffs: Teijin Ltd.; Teijin Pharma Ltd.; Takeda Pharmaceuticals U.S.A., Inc. • Defendants: Zydus Pharmaceuticals USA Inc.; Cadila Healthcare Ltd.
Infringement of U.S. Patent No. 7,361,676 ("Solid Preparation Containing Single Crystal Form," issued April 22, 2008) following a Paragraph IV certification as part of Zydus' filing of an ANDA to manufacture a generic version of Takeda's Uloric® (febuxostat, used for the chronic management of hyperuricemia in patients with gout). View the complaint here.
Genetic Veterinary Sciences Inc. v. Canine EIC Genetics LLC 2:13-cv-00422; filed December 20, 2013 in the Eastern District of Washington
Declaratory judgment of non-infringement of U.S Patent No. 8,178,297 ("Method of Detecting Canine Exercise-Induced Collapse," issued May 15, 2012) based on PPG's genetic screening service for Exercise-Induced Collapse ("EIC") in dogs. Also, various claims sounding in state law, including unfair competition, etc. View the complaint here.
Cephalon Inc. v. Agila Specialties Inc. et al. 1:13-cv-02080; filed December 20, 2013 in the District Court of Delaware
• Plaintiff: Cephalon Inc. • Defendants: Agila Specialties Inc.; Onco Therapies Ltd.
Cephalon Inc. v. InnoPharma Inc. 1:13-cv-02081; filed December 20, 2013 in the District Court of Delaware
Cephalon Inc. v. Dr. Reddy's Laboratories Ltd. et al. 1:13-cv-02082; filed December 20, 2013 in the District Court of Delaware
• Plaintiff: Cephalon Inc. • Defendants: Dr. Reddy's Laboratories Ltd.; Dr. Reddy's Laboratories Inc.
The complaints in these cases are substantially identical. Infringement of U.S. Patent Nos. 8,445,524 ("Solid Forms of Bendamustine Hydrochloride," issued May 21, 2013) and 8,436,190 ("Bendamustine Pharmaceutical Compositions," issued May 7, 2013) following a Paragraph IV certification as part of defendants' filing of an ANDA to manufacture a generic version of Cephalon's Treanda® (bendamustine hydrochloride, used to treat chronic lymphocytic leukemia and non-Hodgkin's lymphoma). View the Agila complaint here.
Cephalon Inc. v. Hetero Labs Ltd. et al. 1:13-cv-02046; filed December 19, 2013 in the District Court of Delaware
• Plaintiff: Cephalon Inc. • Defendants: Hetero Labs Ltd.; Hetero USA Inc.
Infringement of U.S. Patent No. 8,445,524 ("Solid Forms of Bendamustine Hydrochloride," issued May 21, 2013) following a Paragraph IV certification as part of Hetero's filing of an ANDA to manufacture a generic version of Cephalon's Treanda® (bendamustine hydrochloride, used to treat chronic lymphocytic leukemia and non-Hodgkin's lymphoma). View the complaint here.
IGI Laboratories Inc. v. Mallinckrodt LLC et al. 1:13-cv-02044; filed December 19, 2013 in the District Court of Delaware
• Plaintiff: IGI Laboratories Inc. • Defendants: Mallinckrodt LLC; Mallinckrodt Inc.; Nuvo Research Inc.
Declaratory judgment of non-infringement of U.S. Patent Nos. 8,217,078 ("Treatment of Pain with Topical Diclofenac," issued July 10, 2012) and 8,546,450 ("Treatment of Pain with Topical Diclofenac Compounds," issued October 1, 2013) based on IGI's Paragraph IV certification as part of its filing of an ANDA to manufacture a generic version of Mallinckrodt's Pennsaid® (diclofenac sodium topical solution, used for the treatment of signs and symptoms of osteoarthritis of the knee(s)). View the complaint here.
See more
DISCLAIMER: Because of the generality of this update, the information provided herein may not be applicable in all situations and should not be acted upon without specific legal advice based on particular situations.
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text: Build a Shelf and Storage Unit into a WallMelanie Pinola5/25/11 2:30pmFiled to: Weekend projectDIYStorageBookmarksShelving17EditPromoteShare to KinjaToggle Conversation toolsGo to permalink Depending on your home's style, there may be lots of potential storage space hidden in your walls. Cape Cod-style houses, for example, have pitched roofs with lots of hidden space in the knee walls—perfect for stuffing a bookcase/dresser into. Advertisement This IKEA hack utilizes the wasted space in the attic walls by placing STUVA units into the recesses. You'll want to measure everything (twice), naturally, reinforce the backs of the units and make sure everything is level.After cutting the wall opening, prepping the bookcase/storage units, and installing the unit (pre-drill the back bottom of the lower unit for easier installation), you can add molding around the system and marvel at your space-saving solution. Advertisement This concept may also be adaptable with other shelving/locations: you could inset shelves beneath stairs, for example, or set shallow cupboards between wall studs, perhaps. Space-Saving STUVA Storage Closet and Shelf Inset Into Wall | IKEA HackersYou can contact or follow Melanie Pinola, the author of this post, on Twitter.Reply17 repliesLeave a reply


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OPERATOR: Excuse me, everyone. We now have our speakers in conference. Please be aware that each of your lines is in a listen-only mode. At the conclusion of the presentation, we will open the floor for questions with instructions given at that time.
I would now like to turn the conference over to Gideon Rose. Sir, please begin.
GIDEON ROSE: Hi, everybody. Welcome to another "Foreign Affairs" conference call. We're very fortunate today to have with us Mike McFaul and Kathryn Stoner-Weiss, both from the Center on Democracy Development and the Rule of Law at Stanford University. Major Russian experts, they're going to be talking with us today about their new -- their article in the new issue of FA, "The Myth of the Authoritarian Model: How Putin's Crackdown Holds Russia Back." It's a very interesting piece. They're both major figures, but we'll pass quickly over that in order to get right to the heart of the matter and the Q and A.
So, Mike and Kathryn, why don't you start out by explaining what the myth of Putin is. What is the argument that people make for why we should give Putin a lot of credit?
KATHRYN STONER-WEISS: Okay, I guess I can start with that one.
Well, the way we start the piece is basically talking about the conventional explanation for why Vladimir Putin is so popular. And the conventional explanation is basically that in the 1990s Boris Yeltsin did a terrible job, under a sort of weak democracy, of governing. The economy shrank and the population suffered, basically.
And the conventional narrative is that since 2000 when Putin became president he has basically performed miracles on the Russian economy. The economy is growing and this has come at the expense of stability -- this has come at the expense of democracy, pardon me.
And so that narrative is very simple. It plainly lays all the credit for Russia's economic success at Putin's feet and all the blame for the disasters in the 1990s at Yeltsin's feet. And we essentially try to take that apart and see whether or not Putin was responsible for what's happened since 2000 or not.
ROSE: And why isn't he? The Wall Street Journal today says that the United Russia Party is being marketed as the country's national leadership party with Putin as the man who ended the chaos of the 1990s and gave Russians higher living standards while reasserting Russia's influence on the world stage and returning lost national pride. Didn't he do all that?
MICHAEL MCFAUL: Well, he was at the right place at the right time, is what I would say. Let's go back to the 1990s. I mean, there was going to be some level of chaos, quote-unquote, no matter what. And throughout the entire post-Communist world, that happened.
I mean, after all, this was a revolutionary moment where you were changing both the political system and the economic system in many countries, including the Soviet Union, the borders of the state, all at the same time. That doesn't happen without some level of economic dislocation and, if you look through the region, every single country went through that. So that would have happened if Putin was president and if Putin was a dictatorship, that would have happened in the 1990s.
Then speed forward to the end of the '90s and, importantly, before Putin becomes president or prime minister. Russia has a giant financial meltdown in August 1998 and, for the first time, does some of the very hard reforms that the government was unable to do in the 1990s because they disagreed, right?
They had real Communists and real liberals in Russia and they disagreed; therefore, they had bad fiscal policy. 1998 comes along, sweeps away the liberals in the government, a left-of-center prime minister, Prime Minister Primakov, takes over and, ironically, puts implements, because he has no other choice, the neo-liberal policies that the Gaidar government from 1992 could not. And with that and the devaluation of the currency, the Russian economy starts to grow for the first time in 1999, well before Putin is prime minister, well before he cracks down on the media. All these autocratic things come well after that.
You kick in then the price of oil, which drops down to about $10 in 1997 and now has skyrocketed up to $90 a barrel, and that is the formula for growth. Putin just happens to be there at the right time while all this is happening.
ROSE: Okay, well, what about, you know, the other stuff aside from economic growth? I mean, isn't Putin the Rudy Giuliani of Russia? Didn't he make people feel safe and secure, and isn't Russia a nice, orderly place now, rather than the chaotic mess it was in the '90s?
STONER-WEISS: Well, actually, that's really one of the things that got us going on this piece was that I had written a piece, an evaluation of Russia for Freedom House. And I started going through some governance indicators and actually trying to look at things like public security and terrorist attacks, and basically indicators and measures of quality of life in Russia now.
And one of the things that really surprised me, and then Mike and I started talking about it in greater depth, was the extent to which many of these things have stayed flat; that is, for example, measures of corruption, or gotten worse since 2000, as compared to the 1990s. Things like life expectancy's just as bad, a little bit worse for men, even. Alcohol consumption.
The HIV/AIDS virus -- Russia has actually the second largest -- or, second fastest-growing epidemic of HIV/AIDS outside of sub-Saharan Africa. And that's really a direct result of both a collapsed health care system -- which did happen in the 1990s but has not been resurrected since 2000 under Putin, despite his proclamations of bringing Russia into the sort of developed group of countries -- and a direct result of neglectful HIV/AIDS policy as well. Things like alcoholism -- actually, alcohol consumption for Russian men is up. The spending on health care as a percentage of GDP per capita is actually down under Putin, relative to what it was in the later half of the 1990s.
And what's so spectacularly striking about this is that the economy has been growing, on average, since 1999, at about 6.5 percent. So even as there's more money being pumped into the economy, a lot of these public policy issues really have not been resolved.
ROSE: Well, surely, talking -- like the murder rate must have gone down under Putin, right?
STONER-WEISS: No. Actually, Gideon, the murder rate has gone up under Putin, as has terrorist attacks. The number of terrorist attacks, and the most bold and biggest, have actually happened on Putin's watch, not on President Yeltsin's watch.
ROSE: Okay, so how can this guy be getting credit for everything getting better when he hasn't been responsible for a lot things people think he has been, and other things that have gotten better have done so in spite of him?
MCFAUL: Well, two things. First, that's the way of politicians around the world, right? President Clinton used to talk about all the fantastic economic growth that happened on his watch, and it did happen on his watch. But living here in the Silicon Valley, I used to go to dinner parties, and they'd say, you know, maybe we had a little something to do with that growth and it wasn't all just the folks in Washington. Doesn't matter; you get credit for that.
And I think we have to understand that Putin is popular in Russia; that's genuine. And because of that, that just direct causal relationship -- when people are getting richer, they're more satisfied.
But there's more to it than that, and the second big factor, of course, is that all the news about the economy and all the lack of news about the murder rates or the terrorist rates or the war in Chechnya is a result of Putin having basically controlled all national television and, increasingly, other forms of media as well. So public opinion polls show that 90 percent of Russians get their news from national television. Well, that's all controlled by the Kremlin today.
ROSE: So he's taken control of everything, but he hasn't in fact made the trains run on time.
MCFAUL: Yeah. That's a good way to put it.
STONER-WEISS: Yeah, and I think not nearly to the extent which he's trying to claim, that's for sure.
ROSE: Now, you guys have a very interesting analogy at the end where you say the Kremlin argued that it's creating another China, this sort of wonderful, authoritarian growth engine, but it's actually really like Angola. Can you expand on that a little bit? What's the Angola parallel that you have in mind?
STONER-WEISS: Basically here we're talking about the effect of oil on developing economies, and so the parallel to oil-cursed economies is, in many ways, quite striking in Russia, that -- and that these sorts of economies can actually last a long, long time. So --
We also really wanted to make a point that Russia's not -- is not China. This is not a new growth model and, you know, autocrats around the world need not point to Russia and say, hey, there's another great example of what we can do in terms of establishing stability and the grounds for growth in our countries.
What we're basically arguing is that oil has a lot to do with this and, actually, some of the decisions made before Russia's authoritarian turn under Putin have a lot to do with why the economy has stabilized and grown.
ROSE: So this is not really a sort of the end of the end history. In other words, people who think that authoritarianism has a future, that there's a Russian model that is valid and emulatable and successful, are kidding themselves.
MCFAUL: I think that's right. And to realize that there are lots of different kinds of autocracies out there in the world, and some produce growth, or some preside over growth and some do not. And that correlation is not causation. And, you know, these are social science terms, jargon
But just because you have the rise of autocracy in Russia at the same time that the economy is growing does not mean that the rising autocracy is generating that growth. And in fact we, in the piece, we want to challenge those that support this idea and say, show us exactly how shutting down NTV, the independent television station, how that somehow triggers economic growth. Tell us the story by -- how arresting Gary Kasparov, that somehow is also stimulating economic development in Russia. We just don't see that causal link between growing autocracy and the economic growth in Russia.
ROSE: Got it. Now, just how vindictive and dictatorial is the Kremlin at this point? By publishing an article like this, are you guys jeopardizing your future access to Russia, your visas and things like that?
STONER-WEISS: I don't think so. I certainly hope not, obviously.
There have been a couple of incidents recently of journalists suffering, but it's mostly investigative journalists. So, you know, we're sort of hopeful that the system remains open enough that things like this can be said. And certainly they are being said by other people, like Andre Soslin (ph), for example, is also writing some pretty provocative things currently about Russia. So I guess we'll wait and see. We don't know for sure.
ROSE: What would --
MCFAUL: You know, one thing I'd add to that is, I just was in Russia a couple of weeks ago, and we, of course, had written this piece earlier, and it's -- the lag time was -- the ideas for the piece were well before the end of the Russian parliamentary campaign.
But I've got to tell you, it was rather striking that, as I listened to President Putin in the last week of the campaign and the message that he was sending out, it increasingly became this message of the '90s being this really evil, awful, chaotic time.
And you've got to remember, for many, many years, Putin didn't touch that, because he was the protege and the appointed successor to Boris Yeltsin. So this was always a taboo subject for him. He never talked about it in these ways until really just, I would say, just in this parliamentary election campaign that just ended on December 2nd.
ROSE: So he's now seeing himself not as the successor to Yeltsin in a positive way, but as a successor -- not in a, you know, I got bequeathed by Yeltsin, but rather he's running against Yeltsin's legacy and touting his own.
MCFAUL: Absolutely.
STONER-WEISS: Yeah, and definitely trying to separate himself from that past.
ROSE: Now, can you just say a little bit before I sort of turn it over to our audience, say a little bit about Medvedev and what the succession or lack thereof that's coming in the future.
STONER-WEISS: I guess I can start. I know Mike has a lot to say about that, too, but so --
In many ways, it's a quite masterful choice and shows Putin again as, I think, a very -- an excellent strategist and formidable politician. This is somebody who doesn't have a strong base in security service in Russia, who is manipulable by Putin. I think it's also broadly reflective of some internal conflicts going on within different clans, within the Kremlin. Certainly other people have mentioned that as well.
I think the fascinating thing about the choice of Medvedev, and also Medvedev's speech last week was that one of the first things he did, of course, was turn around and invite President Putin to serve as his prime minister, and President Putin has graciously accepted that offer.
But the fascinating thing too in the speech was that he said -- he said this remarkable thing that, if you read the Russian constitution, just is simply not true, which was that in becoming prime minister -- or in having Putin as prime minister, he would be taking over the most authoritative executive office. And of course the president is, in the Russian constitution, if you read it by the letter, a very -- the most authoritative office in the Russian political system.
I think it's a particularly masterful move by Putin, because he doesn't have to -- technically, he's giving up power, but he's not really giving up power. And, you know, a lot of us were focused on whether or not he would change the constitution and how much time he would have to do that, and he'd better do it quickly. But in fact he's made it so that the doesn't have to change the constitution. Getting that almost 65 percent of the popular vote earlier this month in the parliamentary elections means that he'll just take the political authority that he has from being president, and he's just going to take that and move that over now to the prime minister's office.
ROSE: So it's like Lee Quan Yew becoming senior minister in Singapore, or something like that.
STONER-WEISS: I guess there's a potential for that parallel, in the long run.
MCFAUL: I agree with Kathryn that it was masterful, and I most certainly didn't expect it. But throughout Russian history and, I think, in semi-presidential systems generally there's no such thing as a Teflon prime minister. That is, there's always a 20-, sometimes 30-point spread between the popularity of the president and a prime minister.
And, you know, Russia's got a lot of things they've got to do in the next coming years in terms of structural reform, and I just wonder if the brilliance now may, over time -- he may think that that was a headache. I mean, I used to always say, just back, you know, debating with Kremlin guys just a couple of weeks ago, well, why would he want that job? What a headache that job is going to be. You actually have to show up for work every day. You don't get to go to, like, G-8 summits and pretend you're part of international clubs of great leaders. You actually have to, you know, balance the budget and do these kinds of things.
So I'm wondering that in the long term if Putin might regret doing this, which then leads to the conspiracy that it's just an interim arrangement and that he'll someday end up back in the Kremlin once again.
STONER-WEISS: Yeah.
ROSE: Okay. Well, that's a good point to turn things over to our audience. We'll now have Q and A.
OPERATOR: Okay, if you would like to ask a question, please press the star key, followed by the 1 key on your touch-tone phone now. Questions will be taken in the order in which they are received. And if at any time you would like to remove yourself from the questioning queue, press star-2. Again, it's star-1 to ask a question.
And our first question comes from David Griesing, with Chicago Tribune.
QUESTIONER: Yes, hi. There's a passage in your paper where you talk about the oil industry and the inefficiency, et cetera, in the companies that Gazprom has taken charge of. And you also talk about moves against the remaining companies, the remaining somewhat independent companies -- LUKOIL, TNK-BP, and the Sergut, whatever they're called.
What are the prospects for those three to remain in some form independent, or do you think ultimately they'll all be acquired by national companies?
MCFAUL: Well, just two things. I mean, first, just the general idea -- and maybe this is just over-simplistic -- but the general idea that private companies are better at maximizing value, compared to state-owned companies, seems to me like something that in Russia we should take as rather self-evident, right? I mean, been there, done that, with the state companies.
And so when this process took place where you had these private companies, and whether they were privatized legitimately, I don't think so. Let's be clear about that. But they were private companies where their bottom line was simply profit maximization, and I believe that.
Gazprom's bottom, you know, strategic objective is not only profit maximization; sometimes it's to be nasty to the Ukrainian government.
STONER-WEISS: Oh, yeah.
MCFAUL: Sometimes it's geopolitical reasons. And so that's the first point about the argument why we think this is a bad trend.
To your second question, more speculative, I don't think either Kathryn or I could know for sure, but only to report that particularly the Russian side of the TNK-BP deal are quite nervous. Lots of speculation that they're seeking a way to cash out.
The other two, LUKOIL, I think is in better shape, and Sergut, you know, is -- People don't really know who really owns Sergut, and some people speculate that already folks inside the Kremlin and close to the Kremlin already have a controlling share of that company.
QUESTIONER: Okay.
OPERATOR: Okay, the next question comes from Shinderka Panchali (ph) with Over India Weekly.
QUESTIONER: Oh, hi. I'm Shinderka Panchali (ph) from Overseas India Weekly. You have mentioned that Russian capitalist model is a fraud. Can you also say that same thing about Chinese PRC model and the Pakistani model?
And also, about democracies, do both of you think the free enterprise system has to be there to be counted as a democracy, or just the people's right to vote freely and form parties? Because we have many types of democracies. We have capitalist democracy here. We have socialist on-and-off democracies in England, in Germany, in Italy, in Israel, in India, and we have Islamic democracies in Iran and Egypt. And, of course, Communist democracies. So what is your opinion about that?
STONER-WEISS: I think we probably have -- we probably both want to chip in on this, but I think we probably have different conceptions of what democracy is, because some of that list I would not include as any form of democracy whatsoever.
But I guess that what we're saying is that, look, growth is real, and it's real in China and it's real in Russia. The question is is regime type, in the conventional narrative that is being told right now about Russia, is it the shift from a more liberal, partly free regime, if you use Freedom House's terms, in the 1990s to a not-free regime, is that what is explaining this growth? And in the Russian case, we're saying it's really not.
It has nothing to do with regime type. It actually has a lot to do with some structural factors in terms of oil and world oil prices. And in the piece itself -- you probably have it in front of you -- there are a number of graphs indicating this. Actually, in a longer version of the piece we had another graph showing the increase in world oil prices and Russia's GDP going up simultaneously with that.
But our point is merely that this is not a new model, based on authoritarianism. It isn't the so-called order, which we think is essentially a sham as well, given that murder rates are going up and life expectancy is going down. So life actually is not that much better in certain ways in Russia than it was in the '90s, but it's actually Putin taking credit for things that he's really not responsible for.
I think that's quite a different model for China, where it was -- you know, there was significant macro- and microeconomic restructuring. There's more to be done, for sure, but that has not been the case in Russia at all. So when oil prices drop, I think we'll see that.
MCFAUL: I guess I'd just add that if you look at all countries all over the world, democracies and autocracies, and I would say that the best data we have so far -- and we have several colleagues of ours here at Stanford that do this as well -- it turns out that it's a wash. That on average, autocracies and democracies grow at about the same pace in the developing world. You have to leave out the OECD countries.
Now, when you disaggregate it and you look at little more specifically, it turns out that some autocracies grow really, really fast -- and China is the most important one -- and then a lot of autocracies -- smaller countries, but many, many more of them -- don't grow at all or have negative growth.
And so they average out to where the democracies are that are kind of -- a slower level than China, but most certainly a much higher level than, say, most of the autocracies in Africa. So if that's an answer to your question -- and then we could break it down regionally, but maybe we should stick to Russia for now.
QUESTIONER: Thank you.
OPERATOR: Okay, our next question comes from Paul Starobin with the Atlantic Monthly.
QUESTIONER: Yes, thanks. I wanted to take issue, I guess, with a couple of things, some small and maybe one large. I mean, I think Putin -- I mean, I was in Russia at the time when he took power from Yeltsin. I think he from the beginning very much was distancing himself from the Yeltsin era, if not from Yeltsin himself. I mean, saying he was going to take on the oligarchs as kind of a criminal class; he was going to wipe out the Chechens. And the (outhouse ?), for which -- he gets a lot of credit for that, by the way. I mean, the perception in Russia I think among people is that the Chechnya is under control, whether it is or isn't. And, you know, taking on the Yeltsin family, with Berezovsky. So I think that was always there.
And the other thing, and this shows up in the polling of Putin's popularity, this idea of a restoration of Russian pride, particularly in the foreign policy area, which you guys haven't talked about. I think that's real; I think there was a sense that Yeltsin was fairly weak and kind of craven to the West, and Putin is not. I mean, I think a lot of these trends are actually organic. I mean, they come from the Russian grassroots itself, and it's reflected in the polling.
I mean, the polling that's been done by the Lavada Institute, for example, and other independent pollsters shows that Russians perceive that there is a kind of different development taking place right now; it's not the same as Western liberal democracy, and they say they like it.
It seems to me that part of your quarrel is that you don't like the way in which the Russians themselves want to go, and you want to suggest an alternative. But they don't necessarily want that alternative.
MCFAUL: Hi, Paul. It's Mike McFaul.
A couple of reactions. I mean, we could quibble about when the distancing from Yeltsin started. I think it was much more gradual. I mean, let's remember, Kasyanov was prime minister for a long, long time. Mr. Voloshyn, the chief of staff, was there till October 2003. That's three years after he was president.
The Chechen war, Boris Yeltsin started the second Chechen war, not Prime Minister Putin. And even Lavrov. I mean, even those guys are people that were very connected to the Yeltsin years.
So I take your point that it started probably earlier than recently, though I have to say I follow what Mr. Putin says rather closely and also was there when he took over, and I think the grand narrative of the '90s being just this totally dark and dismal time is much more pronounced and strategically thought of. I mean, talking to Mr. Pavlovsky a couple of weeks ago, it's very self-conscious.
And you've got to remember Putin has to be very careful with that, because Putin, after all, got his political career, so to speak, as the deputy governor to Mr. Sobchak, who was part of that liberal movement in the 1990s. So I think he himself has also kind of wondered about when to make this move.
On the second part about what Russians believe, I also do polling in Russia. And it's a very complicated question, and I would just say this, that when you ask Russians about the practice of democracy -- not the word democracy, which is a very pejorative term that's associated with corruption and chaos of the 1990s -- but when you ask just simple questions -- do you think your leader should be elected? Overwhelming majority say yes. Should there be competition in those elections? Overwhelming majority say yes. Should there be a free press, independent press? Majority say yes.
The difference is, in terms of their view versus, say, Kathryn and our view, is they don't, one, perceive the regime that they have in place as being non-democratic. And that is a very difference of opinion, right? My qualitative assessment of the health of Russian democracy is very different than your average Russian. So that is a big difference.
The second thing that's really changed over the last 15 years is that the priority assigned to these democratic practices has really fallen down the list. So if you go back to, say, '88, '89, '90, free and fair elections was a really important thing. And the acquiring of a independent Russian television station -- you know, 400,000 people mobilized in a demonstration in 1990 for that outcome. Today, it's 18th, 19th, 22nd -- it's just not a top priority.
So I actually don't think -- you know, if you ask Russians do you want an autocratic system, they say no, and by, like, 80 percent say no. They just don't perceive the system that they live in today as being autocratic in the way that maybe Kathryn and I do.
STONER-WEISS: Well, the other thing, too, I think is that public opinion is manipulated by what you see on television, and Mike mentioned that earlier. That is a dramatic change from the 1990s as well. I mean, you don't -- people, I think, don't worry so much about Chechnya, first of all, because they don't see anything about Chechnya on television. And, you know, basically that the Russian army has run amok there and created tremendous opportunities for human rights abuses, but it's not reported in the Russian media. So I do think that that has a tremendous effect on public opinion as well.
And what they do see is a young, vital president who, as you say, has become more assertive internationally and is attempting to restore Russia's great power status. And I think it's also very difficult to disentangle your personal perception of how the country is doing and whether it's a democracy and whether things are going well when your personal income is rising, right? That's a fact. That is rising.
The question is who is responsible for that, or what is responsible for that. And -- (inaudible) -- is merely it's not necessarily who you think it is and who you're being told you think it is, that it's -- it's a result of some policy decisions that were made in the late 1990s before President Putin was president, and it's also a result of oil prices and, thirdly, it's a result of a natural recovery process.
And if you look in the piece, there's a transitional (U ?) that shows that East European countries also went through this sort of transitional (U ?); that is, where immediately following the collapse of Communism, their economies decline quite sharply and then, by around five, six, seven years out, begin to grow again. And that's exactly what you see in Russia.
But what's really fascinating is that you actually see the recovery being much faster in places like Poland where they've had both the influence of the E.U. and democracy, which I think has created a more stable investment climate, for sure, than in Russia. And that's also reflected in their relative per capita FDI investment numbers. So I do think that's a big difference.
Russia's actually underperforming, relative to those East European democracies, despite the fact that it has all those oil resources.
OPERATOR: Okay, are we ready for our next question?
ROSE: I'll take one. It's Gideon here. Let's turn a little bit from comparative politics to international relations.
You guys are at Stanford. A rather famous Stanford personality is now running U.S. foreign policy. Let's talk a little bit about the so-called new Cold War between the U.S. and Russia, the deterioration of relations recently. How bad is it, and how has been responsible for it, us or them, or both?
MCFAUL: Well, let me just start, because I just got back from Russia. And I have to say, watching the news and listening to Putin himself on the campaign trail, I was rather shocked by the rhetoric, the anti-American rhetoric that you saw just every night and every day. You know, maybe I'm not paying attention, and I'm sure it's been there -- I mean, it always has been there, for several years.
But I think it's really gotten to a point that I can't remember -- I think you have to go back to the early '80s to see the same kind of rhetoric, right? It's Russia is being surrounded by the United States, and yet again they made another move on our southern flank, and the snotty-nosed Westerners are meddling in our internal affairs, plotting with Gary Kasparov for the colored revolution here in Moscow. And they literally mobilized this youth group, Nashi, on the day after the election -- were literally standing on Red Square to defend it against the colored revolutionaries inspired by the West. This is something new, and I think for people not paying attention in a day-to-day way, including myself, by the way, we're not getting this, right?
And who's to blame? That's a hard question. I'm not sure I'd know where to assign it. I do know that the calculation was the wrong one on our side. And the calculation was very simple. When President Bush came in and Condoleezza Rice as his national security adviser and chief Russia expert -- and there's no doubt about it that Condi has been in control of Russia policy in the administration for a long time.
They came in and they said, you know, we're not going to do democracy stuff. This is not what we do. We're hard-core realists. And what we're going to do is we need to build national missile defense; that's -- I know that sounds like ancient history, but before September 11th, that was their number one foreign policy objective. And so they made a calculation.
They said we're going to befriend this guy, Vladimir Putin. I actually met with the president right before he met with Vladimir Putin. And it was very clear, going into that first meeting, he wanted to befriend him, make him comfortable, do a deal, and we'll get our missile defense, and what happens internally doesn't matter and what happens in these other places doesn't matter.
September 11th then came along and, obviously, disrupted their way of thinking and their priorities, but initially had a very positive impact on U.S.-Russian relations because we defined a common enemy, these terrorists. Putin was very cooperative initially, acquiescing to our opening up bases in Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. And in that framework, it looked like we had a new relationship.
And then we basically just tuned out, in terms of the Russian relationship. And Russia gradually got disappointed with this and then got angry with this and has now come to think of their relationship with the West in very antagonistic relationships, right? Antagonistic's too strong -- in zero-sum terms. So what's good for the U.S. is, by definition, bad for Russia and vice versa. And that's where we're at today.
STONER-WEISS: Yeah, I would agree with that. I also think that Putin played a weak hand -- what he was dealt initially -- a weak hand quite strongly by asking some pretty good questions at the beginning that, frankly, I think the Bush administration fumbled.
One was why are you expanding NATO? Who's the enemy, and can I join? Well, there wasn't a good response to that, and I think he did a good job with that. Also, I think we made a strategic mistake under the Clinton administration by giving G-8 membership to President Yeltsin and putting Russia there.
And, you know, we've given President Putin a platform so that he looks like a developed-country leader, and really, he's leading a developing country. So I don't -- I think that was a mistake.
ROSE: So it's a powerful developing country?
STONER-WEISS: Well, I think the fact that we are so incredibly dependent on oil and they are beginning to be -- well, I guess they're second only to Saudi Arabia now in terms of oil exports -- are -- that gives them a tremendous amount of geostrategic authority right now as well. So that's also a considerable problem.
ROSE: I should point out that in the same issue with Mike and Kathryn's piece we have not only a piece on the current state of democratization in China, which is somewhat relevant -- (inaudible) -- but also a piece by Ron Asmus on the future of NATO expansion, which ties into these Russian issues, arguing that what does it mean for the future of NATO expansion, on the southern tier in particular, that we have a new environment with a hostile Russia? And how does that -- what are the implications for any future tranches of NATO expansion?
STONER-WEISS: Yeah, I guess I would say that we haven't always been the great ally that we think we've been. I mean, Kosovo was quite inflammatory for the Russians -- I was there during the bombing. The expansion, the NATO expansion issues, the war in Iraq, all of these things were not necessarily in Russian interests. And, you know, President Putin, I think, one of the things that's different from Yeltsin is that he is much more assertive with Russian interests, which is not an entirely unreasonable thing to do, of course.
MCFAUL: I guess I would just add there is most certainly -- that the -- (inaudible) -- most certainly (rate ?) that we -- to say that all problems in U.S.-Russian relations started with Putin and Bush would be incorrect. There were big disagreements.
But over NATO expansion and Kosovo, which were the really big ones in the 1990s, there was always an implicit assumption in the bilateral relationship -- and, I would say, with Russia's relationship with Europe more generally -- that at the end of the day, the strategic objective of Russian foreign policy throughout that entire period was integration into the West.
And if you look at the way NATO was negotiated, and particularly the way that the bombing campaign in Kosovo ended, it was always with an eye to keep Russia in the tent. And most certainly Yeltsin and Korbachev before him wanted Russia and the Soviet Union before it to be part of that tent. That was the main goal of Russian foreign policy, and that's simply not true today.
That, I think, is really the big shift, that Putin doesn't wake up every morning thinking, okay, how do I get into the WTO? (Chuckles.) That's just not the way that they think about foreign policy. It's a much more traditional way of thinking about foreign policy, where they believe that Russia can go it alone and is strong enough and has the resources to go it alone.
ROSE: Okay. Do we have any more questions?
OPERATOR: Yes, sir. We do.
Our next question comes from Derrick McKowsky (sp) with SOPP.
QUESTIONER: Actually, the question -- congratulations to Kathryn and Mike for such a depth on this discussion. Being a Polish lawyer, and also an American Fordham graduate lawyer, I have different view sometimes regarding the Russian capitalism as based on the fraudulent activities of many of their leaders. One of the projects I was involved -- investigated in the United States was the LUKOIL Corporation. We know all about Anti-Foreign Corruption Act of '90, of '74. We know the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act of 1977. I tried to raise this issue with the State Department, with the Department of Justice. The only thing I'm getting -- it's not a subsidiary of any U.S. companies, that LUKOIL is operating in the United States.
The question is very specific to me, being many times as a student, law student in Russia, now following up some legal cases specifically in Sweden regarding corruption at the corporation called LUKOIL and being and living in New Jersey, I cannot really stand all gas station on Garden State Parkway have logo of LUKOIL.
So my question is more directly or philosophically that, being a son of a solidarity leader in Poland, and also being the first non-Communist lawyer who worked for Polish government in the consulate in New York of Polish government on Madison Avenue, I'm kind of appalled that being in this country, escaping from communism -- obviously, I'm not tanking at the LUKOIL gas, but most of my friends -- they're not even aware of corruption at this corporation being conducted many years ago in Russia.
And this comes to my question to you, Kathryn and Mike, how do you view -- as educated Americans in the United States -- that the majority of New Jersey Turnpike gas station have a corrupted corporation logo? This is basically beyond my imagination and education.
ROSE: We call that a council question where I come from.
STONER-WEISS: Well, having lived in New Jersey for nine years, I can tell you that that's not the only corrupt company that has its sign out on the New Jersey Turnpike.
But you know, I think that we have a lot of companies that have corrupt practices that operate in the United States. It's kind of the nature of having an open economy. So I think we either need to decide that, you know, very firmly, what those standards are. But if you know as a lawyer, it's not that easy all the time. And what you call corruption somebody else might call aggressive business dealing. So I think unless they can be shown to be breaking a U.S. law are, then they are. They have been taken to court, certainly in the U.S., and that's the best way to deal with it, honestly. Otherwise, you risk closing our economy and that's not just the way the American economy is built.
MCFAUL: But your question also raises this more general question we've been discussing about the Russian economy. And why having, you know, publicly traded, transparent companies are better than those that are closed; why having Russia in the WTO, from my point of view, is a good thing rather than a bad thing, precisely because it does add some rules and constraints in terms of Russian economic behavior both inside and abroad.
And you know, you're worried about New Jersey, but the Ukrainians and the Georgians, for instance, are very worried about the implications of having these quasi-governmental, quasi-private market kinds of entities in their economies --
and when they're not motivated just by profit maximization, but by acting as an instrument of Russian foreign policy, it creates real problems for those countries.
ROSE: Okay, do we have any more questions?
OPERATOR: Yes, sir. We do.
Our next question comes from David Sands with The Washington Times.
QUESTIONER: Yeah, hi. Thanks for taking my question.
It's kind of a question of personal style on President Putin himself -- putting aside what he says on the last week of the campaign and taking credit. My sense is that his rhetoric on the economy is actually pretty realistic, that he doesn't make large claims. He says it's 15 years till we're Portugal. We've got big problems. His U.N. conferences -- it's not happy talk. And the president himself, whatever his advisors or his campaign managers are saying, seems to be fairly realistic about Russia's economic performance and how far it has to go.
MCFAUL: Yeah, I'd agree with that -- especially with press conferences and just talking with his government. I think, you know, the real story in Moscow when I was there a couple weeks ago, is all the economic problems coming, not all their great successes. I mean, inflation is back. You know, they very, very timidly tried to restructure social services back in 2005 and, you know, a couple of hundred babushkas came out on the street and they pulled back.
You know, it's really hard, in fact, to point to any major economic reform -- just hesitating for a moment if I can think of one in the second term of Vladimir Putin's presidency. I can't.
STONER-WEISS: Yeah, you can't in the second term. First term you could, but the second term -- you're right.
MCFAUL: And I think that scares them. You know, how are they going to deal with that moving to the future?
OPERATOR: Okay, are we ready for our next question?
ROSE: Yep.
OPERATOR: Okay. Our next question's again from David Greising with Chicago Tribune.
QUESTIONER: Yes, hi.
Another question oil related: You mentioned, obviously, the rise in the price of oil and more and more of that money that comes in going into the public sector or at least into the hands of various Russian oligarchs. What -- have you or could anyone else here aware of or been able to track kind of where that oil wealth is going and how it's being used beyond -- you mentioned the political use of the natural resource itself, the shutting off of gas, for example. Where does the money go and how does it support Putin's hold on power?
STONER-WEISS: Some of it goes into a stabilization fund. I mean, you would be wrong to think that goes just to the pockets of Russian oligarchs. And that is an innovation of the first administration -- first Putin administration.
But you know, there's a trickle-down effect in the economy and some of it's definitely going into public spending. I mean, there has been -- in the 1990s there was a tremendous problem with nonpayment of pensions and also public sector wages. That's not happening anymore, so certainly that's part of it and we don't mean to suggest that, you know, there isn't some trickle-down effects. Obviously, people are feeling an increase in living standards. That's very real and that's definitely coming either directly from the oil sector, if you're directly employed there, and also indirectly to supporting industries and service industries as well.
But you know, do Russian -- are Russian people feeling the full effect of that amount of money coming into the economy? I think it's pretty safe to say no. So Mike, I don't know what you want to add.
MCFAUL: Well, it's a very complicated question to figure out what percentage of the Russian growth is just strictly because of rising oil and gas prices versus not. I mean, there are lots of different estimates -- some as high as 65 percent, some as low as 30 percent -- and disaggregating it in terms of growth -- fairly complicated thing.
The second part, then, is to look at the company level and to say, okay, leaving aside the taxes that folks pay, that these companies pay that then go into the stabilization fund and are in the government -- and that's all very well and good. Don't get me wrong. I think that's great. And you know, problems like paying the pensioners and paying schoolteachers that Russia faced in the 1990s is not a problem today and that's fantastic -- as far as I'm concerned.
When you look within the companies, it's also different ones are more transparent than others. But Gazprom, for instance, many people would argue, is not reinvesting the windfall profits it has now in a way that would suggest it's seeking to maximize profits down the long run.
STONER-WEISS: Yeah, they're definitely not doing infrastructural investment to the extent that they should be.
MCFAUL: You know, that's the market speaking, right? They would like to see more of that. And instead, they're buying what they would call nonstrategic entities like a television station, like an oil company, right? I mean, why did they buy an oil company? That was a big mystery. Did that really make economic sense? It's the largest gas company in the world, and one of the largest companies in the world is suddenly getting into the oil business.
And those are the kinds of questions that, you know, a more transparent economy, a more accountable government that would have to say, where are these expenditures going? They would have to answer to that and that's the kinds of stuff that democratic institutions provide, if you think about it, right? How do we know about budget debates in democracies? Well, there's an opposition asking questions about the budget. That doesn't happen in Russia today. How do we know about corruption in democracies? Well, there are things like the independent press that discovers corruption. That's not happening in Russia today.
And that's another part of our argument which we haven't gotten into. We can only speculate -- it's a counter factual, right? But our suggestion at the end of the piece is that Russia could be growing actually much faster than it is today. So we acknowledge that this is fantastic growth and Russians today are richer than they've ever been, but a democratic Russia -- we argue -- would even been richer and Russians would be even wealthier than they are today.
STONER-WEISS: And by attacking things specifically like corruption, which are -- that's a tremendous drag on economic growth -- but without a functioning opposition to root that out and a functioning independent press to root that out, you know, that is a looming problem on the horizon. And you know, when you think of triggering events that could possibly force the liberalization of this regime, I would say watch inflation and watch corruption in Russia. Those are potential triggers.
ROSE: I'll take one --
QUESTIONER: Can I just follow up --
ROSE: Sure.
QUESTIONER: -- on a coupe of points there.
First of all, the distribution of the oil wealth, from what you're describing, would it be fair to say that the distribution of the oil wealth is more democratic today than it was before the nationalization of these assets -- given that you're saying pensioners and others are being paid who weren't being paid previously, and previously the money could go into some of the oil barons and investors?
And then the second question is this last point that you made about corruption. How -- of course corruption's bad today, but it wasn't exactly a non-problem back before Yeltsin consolidated his power. And I'm just wondering if you're using that as a proxy. Do we really have a basis on which to say things are any worse today than they were during -- as measured by corruption than they were during his early years?
STONER-WEISS: Oh, yeah.
MCFAUL: Two quick comments on that. First of all, on the payment of the pensions -- is it more democratic? I wouldn't use those words. I think the better way to understand it is that there's just more money, right? When oil was at $10 a barrel, the Russian government had a hard time paying the pensions. When it's at $90 a barrel they have a very easy time in paying it. So the pie has expanded. I don't think there's any evidence to suggest that the distribution of the pie is more democratic today than it was. In fact, the gini coefficient -- you know, the measure of income inequality -- is higher today than it was 10 years ago.
On your second question on corruption, let's be honest: Measuring corruption is a very difficult thing to do. So I think that's an important caveat, before I'm going to say what I'm going to say. But if you look at World Bank indicators and their indices on corruption, it's clear that corruption has risen under Putin compared to the baseline of the Yeltsin years. A very important or famous study by an NGO called "IDEM in Russia" has calculated the rise of corruption has gone up tenfold between 2001 and 2005 -- looking particularly at enterprises, right? Industry, not necessarily government -- that is, the bribes you have to pay to do business in Russia has gone up significantly in the Putin era.
ROSE: Okay. On that note I think we're going to have to leave it, because one of our cardinal rules is that we wrap things up on time.
I do want to thank Mike and Kathryn. I can remind all of you that they're always available for commentary and further discussion. You can reach them at Stanford through their websites and all their contact data are there.
I also want to put in a plug on this recent discussion for another piece on the issue by Bob Kimmitt setting out the Bush administration's position on sovereign wealth funds and their investments, which is a little dry, but deals with the issues of what do you do when foreign governments amass large amounts of capital and then deploy it in your economy -- an interesting related topic.
Thank you all very much; thank you Mike and Kathryn; thank you, the audience and Conference America. And we'll see you all next time.


text:
Cyanosis is a bluish color to the skin or mucus membranes that is usually due to a lack of oxygen in the blood.
Lips - bluish; Fingernails - bluish; Cyanosis; Bluish lips and fingernails; Bluish skin
Red blood cells provide oxygen to body tissues. Most of the time, almost all red blood cells in the arteries carry a full supply of oxygen. These blood cells are bright red and the skin has a pinkish or red hue.
Blood that has lost its oxygen is dark bluish-red. People whose blood is low in oxygen tend to have a bluish color to their skin, called cyanosis.
Depending on the cause, cyanosis may develop suddenly, along with shortness of breath and other symptoms.
Cyanosis that is caused by long-term heart or lung problems may develop slowly. Symptoms may be present, but are often not severe.
When oxygen levels have dropped only a small amount, cyanosis may be hard to detect.
In dark-skinned people, cyanosis may be easier to see in the mucus membranes (lips, gums, around the eyes) and nails.
Cyanosis that is seen in only one part of the body may be due to:
Most cyanosis occurs because of a lack of oxygen in the blood. This can be caused by the following problems.
Problems with the lungs:
Problems with the airways leading to the lungs:
Problems with the heart:
Other problems:
For cyanosis caused by exposure to cold or Raynaud phenomenon, dress warmly when going outside or stay in a well-heated room.
Bluish skin (cyanosis) can be a sign of many serious medical problems. Call or visit your health care provider.
For adults, call your doctor or 911 if you have bluish skin and:
For children, call the doctor or 911 if your child has bluish skin and:
Your health care provider will perform a physical examination, which includes listening to your breathing and heart sounds. In emergency situations (such as shock), you will be stabilized first.
Medical history questions may include:
Tests that may be performed include:
For shortness of breath and cyanosis, you may receive oxygen.
Kraft M. Approach to the patient with respiratory disease. In: Goldman L, Schafer AI, eds. Goldman's Cecil Medicine. 24th ed. Philadelphia, PA: Elsevier Saunders; 2011:chap 83.
A.D.A.M., Inc. is accredited by URAC, also known as the American Accreditation HealthCare Commission (www.urac.org). URAC's accreditation program is an independent audit to verify that A.D.A.M. follows rigorous standards of quality and accountability. A.D.A.M. is among the first to achieve this important distinction for online health information and services. Learn more about A.D.A.M.'s editorial policy, editorial process and privacy policy. A.D.A.M. is also a founding member of Hi-Ethics and subscribes to the principles of the Health on the Net Foundation (www.hon.ch) The information provided herein should not be used during any medical emergency or for the diagnosis or treatment of any medical condition. A licensed medical professional should be consulted for diagnosis and treatment of any and all medical conditions. Call 911 for all medical emergencies. Links to other sites are provided for information only -- they do not constitute endorsements of those other sites. © 1997- 2013 A.D.A.M., Inc. Any duplication or distribution of the information contained herein is strictly prohibited.


text:
I wrote about UNT looking at adding a baseball program in today's paper
I first wrote about the possibility back in 2004. That would be nine years ago now, but it's looking like this could finally be the time. The key point in the story is a quote from Rick Villarreal:
"We brought some people together to help determine the funding process for a facility as well as the program for the first two years," Villarreal said recently. "We have made a lot of progress. Hopefully, in the near future, we will be able to lay out the situation publically."
That point is that UNT has some people who could back the program monetarily involved. That makes a difference. UNT is going to need to build a facility from scratch and that is not going to be cheap.
UNT has dramatically improved its facilities over the last few years, and tapped into its donor base to get that done. UNT is still in the process of getting a new basketball practice facility into place. That should be finished up here in the next few months.
Baseball is next on the list.
There are some people with the financial wherewithal to make it happen.
I don't think UNT is going to end up waiting another nine years for the dream of having a baseball program come to fruition.


text:
Interested in knowing in what's ok and what's not, in Washoe County and Reno and Sparks specifically, with respect to:
open carry vs. concealed carry
folders vs fixed blades
blade length
neck knives
I'll try to keep this concise and too the point.
It is illegal to possess (even in the home) switchblades or belt-buckle knives.
It is illegal to carry concealed any "Dirk, dagger or machete."
Seriously, that's it for state law. By implication, that basically means you can open carry anything ya darn please so long as it's not a switchblade or belt-buckle knife (which are pretty rare). As for "Dirk, dagger or machete" that almost always means fixed blade knives, making folders legal to carry concealed. There are no length provisions; a knife is legal based on it's style and type, not it's size. A 1" dagger blade neck knife is illegal if concealed, legal if open carried. Intent also plays a part. In Knight v. State 2000, the defendant was convicted of a concealed weapon for carrying a 4" steak knife, because it was clear by his kicking down someone's door and cutting them with it that he had intent to use it as a weapon.
Source: http://leg.state.nv.us/NRS/NRS-202.html#NRS202Sec350
Washoe County basically just echos state law, adding nothing of notable difference except for it is illegal to conceal a "dangerous knife." However, that term was ruled as unconstitutionally vague in Bradvica v. State 1988, and while the state law above removed it long ago, Washoe never updated it's statutory language. Basically, that means that while the law still says "dangerous knife," it would not hold weight in court.
http://www.washoecounty.us/clerks/fi...Chapter050.pdf (see 50.075)
Reno, I don't see anything about knife carry, though the potentially relevant statutes are "reserved."
Sparks only seems to have laws on brandishing weapons "in a rude, angry or threatening manner" "except in self defense."
So, I am guessing a fixed blade single edge neck knife is not a dirk, dagger or machete, and can thus be carried concealed legally?
As far as I know. Any throwing knives, kungfu stars and switchblades are the only knifes not allowed. I do not think there are any regulations concerning blade legnth and or concealed carry. This is based on my memory of a past search I did. People in northern Nevada don't look twice if they notice you have a knife and a concealed gun that prints(or momentarily exposes itself) really don't bother many either.
So the Auto that I have from the Press Button Knife Co. that used to be my grandfathers I cannot have in my home? Even if it is part of my collection?
By the letter of the law, yes, you're a criminal. Stupid isn't it?
To emphasized that point, look at NRS 202.355. A business is required to get a special permit just to be able to sell switchblades, and that permit restricts sale to people outside the state (which is moot because it illegal under federal law to do so unless it's to the military or police), and "A person who is authorized by law to possess a switchblade knife in this state, including, without limitation, any sheriff, constable, marshal, peace officer and member of the Armed Forces of the United States when on duty"
Though based on mitigating factors, I have my doubts any officer or prosecutor would bother in your case, unless you give them any particular reason to look for an excuse to charge with something.
We have it easy here in Nevada, especially us in the northern part of the state.
I've yet to have any issues and have even carried an auto at times. Don't flaunt it and you're good. (I'm not recommending it, you should always follow the laws... )
Yeah I have to second all what was said, that is from my own understanding of the law. I've carried knives on both university campuses and have not been hastened but from my understanding if I were to get caught by police in Vegas I would be in a serious situation.
Thanks glistam, for sharing the useful information
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The colorful, exotic aspects of Indian culture continue to fascinate those of us here in the West, and I'm no exception. Having bought my first full sari over ten years ago, and possessing an admitted penchant for large, Bollywood-style dance scenes that came to the attention of the general public through films such as 2005's Bride and Prejudice, I couldn't resist trying out Vancouver-born Hemalayaa's Bollywood Dance Workouts DVD box set.
What most of us in the West have experienced of Bollywood (India's version of Hollywood) is miniscule compared to the exposure that Hemalayaa received growing up in a home that devoured Bollywood films. This three-volume DVD set is an economical and comprehensive introduction to the high-energy body of work that this vivacious performer has produced in recent years.
This three-disc box set includes Hemalayaa: Bollywood Booty, Hemalayaa: Bollywood Burn, and The Bollywood Dance Workout with Hemalayaa. Each offers an up beat, heart-pumping dance workout with a slightly different thrust.
Bollywood Booty is focused on toning the hips and backside. The four 15-minute workouts are preceded by a warm up and followed by a cool down. These are definitely exercise workouts that include standard low-impact aerobic techniques that are accented by Indian influenced arm movements – you don't really want to whip out these moves and try to pass them off as dancing at the club.
Disc bonus features include a seven-minute classical Indian dance performance and commentary (solo by Hemalayaa) which is quite restrained and subtle though technically demanding, an on-screen text biographical sketch of Hemalayaa. Sample instructional dance sequences are also included from Yoga Trance Dance – think wild thrashing to trance beats with New Age commentary, and Dance and Be Fit: Brazilian Body – Brazillian inspired low-impact aerobic moves.
Bollywood Burn actually gives Hemalayaa fans to work through three 15-minute exercise/dance routines by teaching a series of moves that are eventually combined together. Arranged in order of ascending difficulty, each is a stand-alone experience; including both a warm-up and cool-down in each workout. While the first is fairly tame, the third works up to a fast pace. Hemalayaa's penchant to pop stretching sequences into the middle of her workouts is a bit different than what I'm used to, but it certainly provides a welcome break! A brief, rapid-paced freestyle dance performance by Hemalayaa and both her male and female assistant are included as a bonus.
The Bollywood Dance Workout is the most fun of the three discs. This fifty-minute workout teaches an eclectic assortment of Eastern dance moves in a familiar repetitive, pattern-based aerobic format. Opening with a warm-up and closing with a cool-down. Along with the dance-inspired cardio moves, a challenging, active groundwork session is included in the center of the workout for the hips and abs.
With some of these moves being much more dance-like, some of the combinations or traveling steps can be harder to pick up. While the simple movements are well explained, sometimes less than adequate instruction is provided (for walking in a turning circle for example) and you're left to piece things together through repeated viewings. In most cases Hemalayaa does start slow and effectively instruct before pumping up the pace and adding arm movements and other elements. The bonus on this disc is a joy-filled dance performance featuring Hemalayaa and her two workout assistants, and a solo dance performance, edited to play like a music video.
Each of the DVDs offer a choice of music and instruction or music only (for when you've perfected your moves). Like all of Acacia's titles the discs include splendid navigation options that allow viewers to watch the introduction independently, and all of the dances and workouts are easy to access one by one or with the play all option. The workout stages are also gorgeous – intricate carpets, draping fabric, and props all contribute to the Eastern aura. The exception is Bollywood Burn where the stage is essentially…a stage.
The music in the box set isn't the vibrant, Indian-inspired music you might imagine based on your own experiences with Indian film. It's generally toned down with more of an emphasis on the repetitive rhythm (which is pretty much par for the course with all exercise videos). Full-bodied, living music is provided for the bonus dance performances on the discs that only give you a frustrating glimpse of what could be! At worst the music comes across as an inane DJ with a scratch table.
One aspect of Hemalayaa's approach that I found refreshing is that while she does exude a playful sensuality (Bollywood Booty is particularly full of hip-shimmies and struts), she's never lewd as some other dance exercise hosts are (she even has more clothing on than most). Her smiles are fresh and innocent, and she really has an incredibly charming screen presence. Still, I don't feel comfortable doing the workout around my husband as the DVD does offer enough of an eyeful to be titillating. If you can sneak the workouts in when he's not home, private performances of your new moves are always an option!
Those of us who love Indian-style dancing but don't adhere to the mystical, quasi-Indian/New Age language that surrounds some of the marketing around Hemalayaa's work might be surprised by the generally New-Age free approach that Hemalayaa actually uses during the dance segments and workout sessions themselves. It shows up mostly in the intro sequences, two of the bonuses on Bollywood Beauty, and some move names. The workouts on Bollywood Burn also wincingly open with touching the ground to ask "Mother Earth" for her blessing.
There's a lot of sweat built into each of the DVDs, it's surprising how much shoulder burn is worked up during those extended shoulder shimmying sequences. The head and neck movements also require a lot of control but add so much flavor to the routines. If you're looking for something fresh and new in your cardio workouts, Hemalayaa's infectiously fun spirit and Indian inspired exercise moves will add good times and a change of pace to any workout schedule.
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September 1, 2014
Mount Baker: Easton Glacier Attempt
For the second time this year, my girlfriend and I along with one of my good friends tried to climb Mount Baker. This time we attempted via the Easton Glacier route. Unlike last time, the weather cooperated but unfortunately it was a bit late in the season. After navigating around tons of crevasses in the dark, we ended up turning back at 9,123 feet due to a sketchy snow bridge.
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YUNO, TEXAS. Yuno was located near Zavalla 8½ miles northwest of Rockland in eastern Angelina County. A post office opened in 1892, and by 1896 the settlement had a general store operated by Colin M. Barge and a gristmill and cotton gin owned by J. K. Cuyer. The post office was discontinued in 1907, and by the mid-1930s only a few scattered houses remained.
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Handbook of Texas Online, Christopher Long, "Yuno, TX," accessed March 26, 2017, http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/hrydm.Uploaded on June 15, 2010. Published by the Texas State Historical Association.


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Audio from the coach, video of the players after 7-2 conquest of the Red Wings.
Needless to say, a happy room.
Multimedia from the winning room
41 Comments
looked at TSN website, everything that they've been talking about moslty on the Habs is PK Subban. I completely agree with them that he should not be traded. But, isn't it better that they leave the guy alone and let the Randy Ladouceur help him develop into a mature player? Honestly, I don't see any sense at all putting him in a very tough spot.
I like the fact he took accountability in this game right after he got a penalty in the 1st and was benched on the 2nd period. At least he went back to play on the 3rd. However, let's cut some slack for this kid. I believe he's going to grow as a better Defenseman under this current coaching staff.
Just watched the whole game. I can only say this to our Montreal Canadiens: THIS IS HOW THEY SHOULD PLAY NIGHT AFTER NIGHT AND GAME AFTER GAME!!!
Their offensive style of playing here is awesome! excellent Forchecking, excellent puck possession, excellent passing, all 4 lines and 4 blueliners are working offensively and defensively (except those 2 fluke goals they allowed), solid PK, PP, goaltending by the goalie AND it's players.
From what I just saw makes me boggled, Why did it took ssssssoooooo long for the Habs to finally figure it out that THIS is the style of playing they should be doing?
Also, what I find interesting about RC is that most of the wins he got since taking the Head Coaching position (sadly, for this time only) is that most of the wins are on the 3+ goals average. Compare that to Jacques Martin, his defensive approach only produced the Canadiens wins with a 1 or 2 goal leads. I think if the Habs continue to persevere in this level of consistency, they will make the playoffs.


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BRIEF-Tandem Diabetes Care prices common stock offering of 18 mln shares
* Tandem Diabetes Care Inc - prices common stock offering of 18 million shares at $1.25 per share Source text: (http://bit.ly/2nGbOLP) Further company coverage:
Jan 2 Fisker Automotive, the bankrupt maker of a plug-in hybrid sports car, asked a federal judge to approve its proposed sale to a Hong Kong tycoon rather than a Chinese suitor that Fisker alleged was to blame for its failure.
A courtroom showdown is set for Friday that will determine the future of the defunct car maker that was launched with a controversial U.S. government loan. U.S. Bankruptcy Court Judge Kevin Gross must decide if Fisker's business will be put to open auction or sold to an affiliate of Richard Li as the company has proposed.
The company's plans were thrown into doubt on Monday, when the official creditors' committee proposed auctioning the business and presented an initial $24.725 million bid from the U.S. unit of Wanxiang Group, China's top auto parts company.
Fisker attacked the creditors' proposal in a series of court filings on Wednesday with the bankruptcy court in Wilmington, Delaware, noting that after Wanxiang bought A123 Systems Inc, a battery maker, it cut supplies to Fisker.
"Wanxiang now seeks to profit from a bankruptcy that it helped cause," Fisker said in a court filing.
An attorney for the creditors' committee disputed that, noting that Wanxiang acquired A123 months after Fisker idled its production to save cash. "Fisker was no longer producing cars at that time," said Sunni Beville of Brown Rudnick.
The creditors' committee have called the Wanxiang bid proposal the best option and they also asked the bankruptcy court to allow them to sue to former Fisker director David Manion and others for improperly pushing the sale to Li.
Hanging in the balance are the assets of a company once touted as America's "green" rival to prestigious brands such as Maserati, but which has not made its signature Karma in more than a year.
The company obtained a $529 million loan from the Department of Energy that was meant to promote fuel efficient cars, which in turn helped to lure private backing.
Fisker raised more than $1.4 billion in public and private funds after its founding in 2007, but lavish spending, quality and engineering blunders and other mistakes drained the company's coffers and delayed the launch of the Karma, several people close to the company told Reuters earlier this year.
An entity affiliated with Li planned to buy Fisker after he paid $25 million for Fisker's government loan, outbidding Wanxiang. Instead of using cash, the Li affiliate planned to buy Fisker's assets using a "credit bid" of a portion of what Fisker owed on that loan, leaving other creditors with next to nothing.
Court records show that a majority of unsecured creditors such as design consultants and suppliers voted to reject the plan to sell Fisker to Li.
The case is In re Fisker Automotive Holdings Inc, U.S. Bankruptcy Court, District of Delaware, No. 13-13087.


text: Vintage Detroit Car Brochures: Selling The DreamBen Wojdyla5/17/10 2:00pmFiled to: RetroVintageOld BrochuresCar Brochurescar adsold Car AdsFeatureBrochuresturkeysDon't Let the Jeepsters Get You DownRepublishedTop811EditPromoteShare to KinjaToggle Conversation toolsGo to permalink The art of selling cars has always been big business. These brochure images, from the archives at Oldcarbrochures.com, show how things were done in the good ol' days. Advertisement Note: Click through the gallery for dates, commentary, and our thoughts on each.Click here to see the gallery as one big page. Reply81 repliesLeave a reply


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La Negra
Launched in 2005, La Negra is a 1600 hectare property (almost 4000 acres) that has 1,410 hectares of rapidly maturing Pine and Eucalyptus.
Read moreMarinas de San Fernando
54 unit low tower of five floors located in the San Fernando area, north of the city of Buenos Aires.
Read moreLos Arbolitos
Los Arbolitos is a 409 hectare premium vineyard located in Valle de Uco, Argentina's best grape growing region.
Read moreEl Carrizal
Our most recent forestry project consists of 580 hectares (over 1400 acres) of pine and eucalyptus. Participations still available
Read moreLibertador 13454
A dual purpose office/apartment building completed and sold in 2008, Libertador was built in response to a shortage of affordable, high quality buildings on Libertador Avenue, one of the main thoroughfares into downtown Buenos Aires.
Read moreFierro Hotel Soler 5862 - Fierro Hotel
Hotel in the fashionable neighborhood of Palermo Hollywood. Investors get a chance to use the apartments up to 30 nights a year and a quarterly dividend from the hotel's income.
Read moreLa Morada de los Andes
La Morada de Los Andes is a vineyard community set in the pure sunshine of Argentina''s wine country, at the foot of the rugged Andes
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Alright ladies, get ready! I'm about to give you a little inside info on what Rob Pattinson thinks about the female sex. This is from an interview he did with Spanish Glamour.
Do you believe this story was tailor made for young girls?
Yes, it's so weird and funny. Afte reading the books I've been
asking myself why do women act like that, why do they behave like that,
especially younger girls. They turn into freaks when it comes to boys.
I like nomal girls who don't pretend to be anything else.How are you handling being the new It Boy, being on so many covers of magazines now all over the world?
I don't mind, my character is so good and he deserves to be admired.
From the moment I signed up for this I knew what I was getting myself
into. Edward is a vampire, he's not a hero like Superman, he's a
vampire in love who wants to be normal.Do you get hit on by difficult women?
I'm crazy about independent women who don't require too much attention.
Do you talk about love in [your journals]?
Actually, no. I've only been attracted to two women in my whole life.
Do you remember the first time you loved someone?
Yes. It's weird to enjoy your first love, especially if the
relationship lasts a long time. Our relationship was really beautiful,
but we didn't have an obsessive love like in the movie. Her presence in
my life made me very happy for three years. Now it's kind of hard to
talk about it.
And there you have it. He's only been attracted to TWO women in his entire life. So odds the odds aren't in my favor. Darn it! 😛
Photo by Wenn.com


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Recent search terms
Rich Ferraro
Director of Communications, GLAAD
(646) 871-8011
New York, NY, February 7, 2012 – GLAAD, the nation's lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) media advocacy and anti-defamation organization, today responded to an apology made by CNN commentator Roland Martin and called for Martin to meet with GLAAD as well as other LGBT organizations and advocates. GLAAD also called on CNN to speak out against the violence that Martin promoted via Twitter during Super Bowl XLVI.
For more information and Martin's full apology please visit www.glaad.org/rolandsmartin
On Sunday, Martin tweeted:
"If a dude at your Super Bowl party is hyped about David Beckham's H&M underwear ad, smack the ish out of him! #superbowl"
"Who the hell was that New England Patriot they just showed in a head to toe pink suit? Oh, he needs a visit from #teamwhipdatass"
Yesterday, Martin attempted to explain his first tweet by writing that he "was not referring to sexuality directly or indirectly regarding the David Beckham ad, and I'm sorry folks took it otherwise." However, Martin did not respond to a question from LGBT news outlet Metro Weekly about why, if the tweet was about soccer and not based in anti-gay sentiment, he only referenced his concern about "a dude ... hyped" about the ad.
Last night, Martin posted an apology on his website following continued calls from GLAAD, the National Black Justice Coalition (NBJC), bloggers, advocates and thousands of Americans.
Wrote Martin:
"To those who construed my comment as being anti-gay or homophobic or advancing violence, I'm truly sorry. I can certainly understand how someone could come to a different conclusion than the one I meant. I'm disheartened that my words would embolden prejudice. While public debate over social issues is healthy, no matter which side someone takes, there is no room for debate as to whether we need to be respectful of others. Violence against gay people or against any other minority isn't a political opinion"
For more information and a link to his full apology visit www.glaad.org/rolandsmartin
In response to his apology, GLAAD wrote:
"At a time when anti-gay violence is something suffered by LGBT people and those perceived as LGBT people in this country every day, prominent figures like Martin should condemn, not promote, such violence. Yesterday afternoon a video of a young man being brutally assaulted after exiting a grocery store was posted on LGBT news sites.
As they beat and kicked the man, his attackers screamed "Fa**ot" and other anti-gay slurs. Watch the video:
This is what 'smacking the ish' out of someone for being gay can look like.
Speaking out against anti-LGBT violence on his site is a start, but Martin should use his other platforms to fight against the very things he says he himself experienced. Media and those in it are very powerful forces in this country. GLAAD takes that very seriously and we hope that Roland Martin will in the future do so as well, whether it's on CNN or in another outlet.
Last year, Martin defended Tracy Morgan when he said that if his son was gay he would "take out a knife and stab him." After Morgan apologized by saying he does not "believe that anyone should be bullied or just made to feel bad about who they are," Martin questioned that he had even chosen to done so. In 2006, when Reverend Al Sharpton urged for unity between the African American and LGBT communities, Martin used it as an opportunity to try to drive a division and advocate for the discredited and abusive practice of so-called "ex-gay" conversion "therapy." In last night's apology Martin claimed to have always used his voice to "speak progressively." Clearly that has not been the case. We hope though in the future it will be.
Ultimately it's up to CNN, viewers and readers to judge Martin's the veracity of and commitment to his words today. CNN has thus far remained silent. They should not continue to do so.
The time has come for Roland Martin to put actions behind his words. We call on him to meet with GLAAD and our partners to discuss how we can work together to address anti-LGBT violence faces communities all across the country."
Yesterday, Sharon Lettman-Hicks, Executive Director of the National Black Justice Coalition, the nation's largest black LGBT civil rights organization, also spoke out:
"Even if he meant it in a jovial manner, Roland Martin's words carry a real impact on the everyday lives of Black LGBT people, especially our youth. Given the number of rash murders, attacks and violent acts involving LGBT people of color, we cannot let statements such as this go unchecked. Silence is a form of acceptance and only perpetuates the problem."
About GLAAD: GLAAD rewrites the script for LGBT acceptance. As a dynamic media force, GLAAD tackles tough issues to shape the narrative and provoke dialogue that leads to cultural change. GLAAD protects all that has been accomplished and creates a world where everyone can live the life they love. For more information, please visit www.glaad.org or connect with GLAAD on Facebook and Twitter.


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The Luxury Visionaries 2016
The online-only sale of contemporary Middle Eastern art that was to include a number of works from the Saatchi collection was a victim of its own publicity as viewers and bidders overloaded The Auction Room website last Tuesday during the last scheduled half-hour of bidding. Two years ago, the first online art fair, the VIP contemporary art fair, suffered the same problem when it opened for business, and then collapsed. For The Auction Room, things may have been exacerbated because followers of the Middle Eastern market had learnt from The Telegraph that results would not be posted on its website or elsewhere, so they would have to visit The Auction Room to find out if lots sold. The closing action has duly been postponed until 6pm this evening , when, hopefully, the website will cope.
Young Colombian-born contemporary artist Oscar Murillo, who has been enjoying rapidly rising prices at auction and who, it was revealed on this page two weeks ago, has been signed up by leading dealer David Zwirner, saw his prices rise a further notch in New York last week. At a contemporary art sale at Phillips, a 5ft painting estimated at $30,000 sold for $401,000, or £249,000, which was a new record in dollars, though not in pounds because of changes in the exchange rates. Sotheby's and Christie's hold contemporary art sales in New York on Wednesday and Thursday, including further works by Murillo that are expected to do even better.
David Zwirner will exhibit the latest works by Murillo at the Frieze Art Fair in London next month.
Helen Chadwick was one of Britain's leading conceptual artists when she died in 1996. It is therefore no surprise that one of her most memorable works, Piss Flowers, a series of bronze castes of cavities created in 1992 by urinating into the snow, has been selected for display in the Frieze Art Fair's sculpture park in Regent's Park next month.
Collectors might also be interested to know that another cast from the small edition that was created is to be offered by Christie's in South Kensington tomorrow with an estimate of £30,000 to £50,000. Yet another cast of Piss Flowers is on view at the Scottish National Gallery of Modern Art as part of the impressive collection formed by Greek businessman Dimitri Daskalopoulos.


text: Does The New BMW M5 Secretly Have Over 600 Horsepower?Raphael Orlove9/06/12 4:00pmFiled to: 2013 Bmw m5F10 m5Bmw f10 m5dynodyno runsBmwM5Top1021EditPromoteShare to KinjaToggle Conversation toolsGo to permalink The folks over at iND Distribution took their stock 2013 BMW M5 and ran it on the dyno. It put down 527 horsepower at the wheels. Most estimate around 15% difference between wheel and crank horsepower. For the mathematically challenged out there, that would put the twin turbo V8 at somewhere around 620 horsepower. Advertisement Advertisement IND's specific car has 450 miles on it, and was bone stock. They also weighed the car and found it sat at 4,313 pounds, just 25 more than BMW's official estimate. You can dissect the details of the test at M5post.com.BMW's official horsepower rating of 560 is looking more than a little conservative right now.(Hat tip to Kris!) Sponsored Photo Credit: iND DistributionReply102 repliesLeave a reply


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Our stunning Aitutaki beachfront resort features 23 bungalows, conference facilities, SPA and Massage Therapy services (NEW), two fresh water swimming pools, a beachfront bar and restaurant and a gift shop.
Casual Luxury at Tamanu Beach
Our private, white sand beach borders Aitutaki Island's crystal clear lagoon providing endless opportunities for island activities such as swimming, snorkelling and kayaking in the azure waters.
Tamanu Beach is family operated and we offer guests a truly unique Polynesian experience. Every Thursday enjoy Island Fire- a performance of Cook Islands song, dance, fire dancing and more from our talented and dynamic cultural group.
Tamanu Beach is a popular haven for magical Cook Islands weddings and honeymoons, and is within easy reach of local cafés, bars and restaurants giving you the opportunity to dine out at your leisure.
Your stay with us includes the following complimentary services:
Tamanu Restaurant & Bar Tamanu Beachfront Restaurant offers guests from all over the island a wonderful Pacific Island dining experience - delicious cuisine, a beachfront view with amazing sunsets, a taste of our culture and friendly Cook Islands hospitality. More >