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Bousquet Holstein PLLC is the successor to the law practice Green & Seifter Attorneys PLLC founded by Edward S. Green in 1961. The law practice developed and became known in Central New York for its r...READ ON
The founders of Bousquet Holstein formed the Firm's "Beliefs" statement over thirty years ago, and they still hold true today.READ ON
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Bousquet Holstein holds as a core belief that the firm has a profound responsibility to contribute to the community and make it a better place for all to live. The commitments that the attorneys o...READ ON
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28 July - 02 August, 2019 at Karlsruhe, Germany
Conference of the European Working Group on Operations Research Applied to Healthcare Services organised by the Karlsruhe Service Research Institute (KSRI)
To be determined.
The ORAHS Event will beginn with the Doctoral Consortium (DC) and the Hackathon from Wednesday, July 24th till Saturday, July 27th. The ORAHS Conference will officially start with a Welcome Reception at the International Department of Karlsruhe on Sunday, July 28th and will end on Friday, August 2nd in the afternoon.
In case of any question relating the conference schedule, please contact the organizing team at email@example.com.
In case of any question relating to the conference, please contact the organising team at email@example.com
There are several options to travel to Karlsruhe...
Reaching Karlsruhe by plane is easiest from Frankfurt International Airport. Other airports near Karlsruhe are Stuttgart Airport or Baden-Airpark.
Frankfurt International Airport has its own long-distance train station from where ICE trains to Karlsruhe leave approx. every hour. The journey takes about an hour and travel expenses are around € 35. Frankfurt International Airport train station is well posted within the airport and is connected with Terminal 1. Normally customs clearance, immigration and baggage claim takes some time, so don't plan to take a train in less than 45 minutes after landing.
The airport does not have a train station yet, so it is necessary to go to Stuttgart main station by local train or subway (for other options see the homepage of Stuttgart Airport). From Stuttgart main station there are different trains which leave approximately every hour during the day. Depending on the connection the trips to Karlsruhe take between 45 minutes and 90 minutes and cost between € 16 and € 20.
Baden Airpark is close to Karlsruhe, but not well connected, since there is no public transportation available to Karlsruhe. By car the trip will take around 30min. For other options, see the homepage of Baden-Airpark.
From Frankfurt: The ICE connects Frankfurt and Karlsruhe at least every hour. Changing trains in Mannheim might be necessary. From Stuttgart: There is an hourly IC/EC fast train service to Karlsruhe.
You can get all the necessary information from the Deutsche Bahn website.
Take the A5 motorway to Karlsruhe. Leave the motorway at the Karlsruhe-Mitte exit and take the next exit to Oststadt. Continue on Wolfartsweierer street and take the second exit Ludwig-Erhard-Allee at the roundabout. Turn right into Fritz-Erler-Straße and continue on Waldhornstraße. The parking garage is located on the right-hand side next to the Steinbuch Centre for Computing (SCC) (address for the navigation system Zirkel 2, 76131 Karlsruhe).
We recommend to walk short distances within Karlsruhe or to take public transport and public transport. The KIT Campus South building 20.30 as the main location of the IESS conference has good tram connections (line 4 - with a direct connection to Karlsruhe main station.)
Your connections to the event locations:
There are several hotels located in the Karlsruhe inner city with short distances to the event locations.
If you have special needs, if you are looking for a family room or an apartment and need assistance please send an email to email@example.com.
For your pleasant stay, we can also recommend the following hotels:
If you have any further questions, please contact us at: email@example.com

subset: commoncrawl


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I want to bring Light
I grew up in Bolosse. My parents never got along, they were always arguing and my father had to made all kinds of bad deals to take care of us. When I was 11 he was put into prison for 3 years, this was a punishment on my whole family. I could no longer go to school; people in the neighborhood pointed at us, made fun of us and humiliated us. When he was released my dad promised that he would never return to his old life, but months passed without him finding a job and he started doing bad deals again.
In February of 2014, my father was shot and killed. It caused me great pain. I saw my father as a failure, he destroyed our lives and left us no inheritance, it was difficult to even eat. I began to use drugs and alcohol and sought happiness in all kinds of sexual pleasures. I was trying to fill the void inside of me, and creating even more pain for my mother. I quit visiting her so I would not see her cry any more.
I was now the failure, I thought I was nothing, but I called on God to help me.
A friend told me about Haiti Teen Challenge and I signed up for the program. It was really difficult at first, but I learned how much God valued me and I asked him to be my Lord and my Savior. From that moment I felt liberated, God took me out of the prison I was living in. I was no longer afraid and I lost my desire for alcohol and drugs.
I couldn't have imagined that my life could be different from my father's. I just graduated with the Promotion 11 class. I am getting closer to God, I trust him, and I pray regularly now. A verse that comforts me is: Galatians 2:20, "I have been crucified with Christ, and I no longer live, but Christ lives in me. The life I now live in the body, I live by faith in the Son of God, who loves me and gave himself for me."
When I go home to my community I want to be a light. Bolosse is a really, really dark place, I want to bring light. People love rap music and I want to use rap to bring glory to God. People may laugh at me, but I cannot wait to share Jesus. Jesus changes lives.
Thank you. God bless you!
Franck Stanley
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May 2018
Haiti Teen Challenge
740 East 24th Street
Minneapolis, MN 55404
651.592.8774 (Vicki Jefferis)
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Défi Jeaunesse D'Haïti
108, Avenue Des Tourterelles
Delmas 75, Haïti


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But when the girl, who's twenty years younger than him, literally lands in his lap and asks for his expertise, he'd be lying if he said he wasn't interested.


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Symmetries and Asymmetries of the Ontologies of Power in Russia and Belarus
The metaphor "belarusianization" is being increasingly used for the descriptions of the changes that the Russian regime has been going through in the last years. However, it regards not the scientific, but rather the public-political discourse that is, moreover, politicized: in full accordance with the pattern noticed by Bourdieu1 Bourdieu 2001.1 the contra-elites seek to secure this metaphor as a legitimate definition of the Russian transformations direction, whereas the ruling elites deny (being totally sincere) its very possibility viewing the conversations about the "belarusianization" as nonsense at its best and as an obvious insult at its worst. However, the problem seems to be much deeper than just one of the episodes of the Russian internal political struggle and it only discovers the problem but by no means covers it at large. The question on the extent of similarity between the two countries' vectors of development is far beyond the framework of the short-term pragmatism, at least due to such obvious fact that today both on the scientific and even more on the public-political levels there is no consensus on the far more fundamental issues about the nature and the logic of the development of the Russian and Belarusian regimes stipulated by this nature, while the existing interpretations vary within the unacceptably wide range.
It is true that in both cases further steps of the regime practically never can be predicted. The well-remembered intrigue with the presidential election in Russia, when the whole country appeared to be dragged into the speculations about the structure of the possible succession, although being the most discernable one, is rather typical of the Russian regime. Its any serious actions are always beginning with the personnel reshuffles and ending with the decisions that really transform the system, such as rejection from the direct elections of governors or the notorious "Yukos case", caught the expert society on the hop, let alone the ordinary citizens. The predictability of the Belarusian President's actions is a little higher: the rapid shifts from the "union's construction" to the building of the nation-state and backward, the free drift along the ideological spectrum, from socialism to capitalism, always appeared to be a surprise if not for the experts, then for the foreign political partners of Belarus as well as for the significant part of the Belarusian society itself. However, the accessible official representation of both regimes disguises rather than reveals the true principles of the decision-making process, and it is extremely hard to make relevant forecasts on its basis. It is more about the fact that the cases of compliance with and violation of these principles are not structured in the coherent system, rather than the fact that the real practice is often at odds with the principles declared by the power. The worldview basis of the authorities' policy remain mostly nontransparent and seem to be concealed intentionally, no less thoroughly than it was once done by the Venetian aristocracy2 Sergeev 1999.2.
One can notice with his naked eye that the political structures of the Russian and Belarusian regimes also have a lot in common. In both cases the role of the personal factor is extremely important and much more substantial than that of the institutional factors. Both treat the Western democratic mechanisms with caution, in the first place viewing them as the instrument of the external influence, although containing some universal values. Under both regimes the state property amounts to the substantial part of the economy with the state-controlled assets providing the significant part of the national income: the only difference is that Belarus did not undergo privatization, whereas Russia experienced the stage of the "wild capitalism", and the today's reality was formed as a result of the earlier privatized enterprises nationalization. The only difference that strikes the eye at the superficial glance is the economic self-sufficiency of Russia and self-insufficiency of Belarus. However, if taking into account the high world oil prices, this difference is no longer crucial: it is enough to take a look at the structure of the Russian export.
However, by taking the intent look, one can find out other differences that are of real importance and suggest evidence on the divergence of the ontological attitudes of the Russian and Belarusian ruling elites, which in its turn points out the possibility of totally different scenarios of these countries' further development despite the potential situational similarity. It is revealed, in particular, that the key events related to the power that one way or another affects the foundations of its interaction with the society are interpreted in terms of the directly contrary logic. In Russia any confrontation between the regime and one interest group or another has always been interpreted as a one-time and by no means systemic phenomenon with its underlying reason usually being the personal confrontation between the certain actors, or their crude and obvious violation of the game rules as it happened within the "Yukos case" and ecological conflict on the "Sakhalin-2" as well as the "Russneft case". Such confrontations do not presuppose any changes in the principal functioning of the system, including the official rhetoric, although in practice the shifts, including rather radical ones, undoubtedly take place: it is enough to remember the change of the very spirit of the law enforcement practice after the "Yukos case". In Belarus, on the contrary, any political maneuver is presented as essential and cardinal, whereas the personal confrontation among the individuals (it can not be other way here due to the lack of any structured and self-sufficient interest groups) is shown as a systemic conflict entailing transformation of the rules of the regime functioning. However, in essence there is no transformation, and any other "fateful turn" inevitably appears to be a PR-project weakly underpinned by the real actions.
In other words, Russia declares the inalterability of the game rules with these rules being permanently changed in reality. Belarus declares the permanent change of the rules, but in reality they are never altered provided that the rule here implies ubiquitous and absolute domination of power. Of course, this difference can be explained by the personal features of the countries heads, which will be rather relevant in the theoretical terms taken into account their weight in the system, as well as by the institutional specificity — Russia still enjoys pluralism of interest groups, whereas Belarus lacks it. Therefore, in Russia the overt conflict between the regime and interest groups on the whole might provoke the systemic crisis, and that is why the regime seeks to present any confrontations as a situational one. In case of Belarus, where such restrictions are principally absent, the "systemic" reaction of the regime could only be justified by the intention to prevent the very possibility of structuring interest groups: under the conditions of permanent alteration of the game rules, their structuring is impossible by definition.
Nevertheless, such explanation seems to be insufficient since it tells nothing about the value foundations of the studied regimes (except for the "narrow" value of self-preservation), and these foundations are indisputably present since otherwise, the regimes would not be able to retain their legitimacy, nor about the "teleology" of the regimes implied by these values, understanding of which is of crucial importance for determining a range of the potential scenarios of their further development. This question seems to deserve more comprehensive treatment.
The ValueOntological Integration of the Ruling Elites: Russia
The value integration of the Russian ruling elites is beyond dispute. Neither the parliament nor the government demonstrate any substantial value cleavages: the observed disagreements are usually of a tactical character, whereas there is obvious consensus on the strategic issues.
However, one has the impression that initially these values were formed within the economic discourse, after which they were simply transferred into the political one and adjusted towards it. The rhetoric of the first person (in the first place, it regards Putin) as well as the official speakers is replete with the economic terminology and always implies the economic meaning by each political decision, whether it is about monetization of benefits, energy expansion or "gas" principles in the relations with the nearand far-abroad countries. The most important and practically the only corporation, which interests are undoubtedly identified with the state's ones, is Gazprom. The prolongation of the gas contracts for another year has already become a usual New Year's intrigue, which is being followed by the whole country, while the question on the Gazprom's inclusion into the European gas-distributing networks always enviably come to the agenda of various visits abroad of the Russian first persons.
Moreover, the economic tooling is clearly thought of as the means of controlling politics and the sphere of the political, which has become especially obvious after Russia's failed attempt to influence the Ukrainian elections' results in 2004. Since that moment the Russian foreign policy rhetoric began to actively dispose of some mythologized terms formed in the 1990s, in the first place from the term "pro-Russianness" and "Yeltsin's" semantic row derived from the former that implied the Russian obligation to subsidize "proRussianness" for the very fact of its declaration by one post-Soviet country or another without questioning what is implied by it and not gaining any dividends in return. However, the adequate political concept that would allow reconsidering "pro-Russianness" in the spirit of the new epoch has not emerged yet. The economic discourse that was used as the foundation for the relationships within the post-Soviet space has not generated the "super-structural" stages and so far has brought nothing else but the expenses in the form of the deepening isolationism as a thinking paradigm inside the country and the surge of the anti-imperial phobias outside the country, when Russia began to be suspected of the new imperial expansion performed by the means of the economic dictation.
The similar situation is observed within the internal politics. Despite the clear articulation of the economic priorities and imperatives, the political priorities remain rather blurred. The rather vague and to a great extent declarative national projects are probably the maximal degree of conceptualizing the internal priorities that the Russian authorities were able to present; the conception of the "sovereign democracy", although regarding both internal and external contexts, mostly describes the foreign policy attitudes and is aimed at explaining the already undertaken steps rather than the ideology of the next ones; "Putin's plan" proposed by the "party of power" as an election program in 2007 still remains an abstract declaration being subject for a wide range of interpretations, but on the whole implying the existing status quo reproduction.
In practice, of course, it is hardly about the intentional course towards isolationism or imperial foreign policy plans. Furthermore, there are reasonable doubts about the very possibility of the political rather than economic plan, because the economic paradigm of thinking, which the Russian power directly or latently appeals to, is more of a financial, monetary character rather than the economic one as a whole. The logic of the financier, however, implies the extreme undesirability to invest into the "startups" due to the high risk of such investments — they are performed only in case of the lack of more reliable alternatives and under enforcement.
In other words, the Russian ruling class simply avoids generation of new substances being unreliable and risky investments, preferring to act within the already established framework with a certain "rate of profit". The management within such approach in the first place comes down to administration, i.e. distribution of the resources within the existing reality that is thought of in terms of being stable and unchangeable, but by no means to the impact over this reality.
However, the latter is constantly changing, in the first place due to the realization of the "administrative" governmental paradigm aimed at its reproduction in the inalterable form. The logic of the pragmatic reasonableness requires situational reinterpretation of the norms and rules that are thereby becoming the object of the influence, inevitably obtaining vaguer forms, rather than the reason or the "framework" for the authorities' activity.
It is clear that such reinterpretations in their true sense are comprehended by the elite. However, instead of somehow conceptualizing them, the Russian elites prefer to pretend as if nothing was happening, trying to legitimize the performed changes by invoking the Soviet Union with this evocation being overall restricted to the return of some symbols of the Soviet epoch, for instance, the melody of the hymn, rhetoric, as well as partial restoration of the public confrontation with the US and to a lesser extent with the West as a whole, by no means implying the revival of the USSR as such.
As a result, a rather eclectic scheme emerges. The logic of decisionmaking within its framework is schematically depicted in the Picture 1, where P stands for the power system, N — for normative systems, both institutionalized and informal, M — for meritocratic structures (interest groups); the upper arrow points out the secondary nature, i.e. subordination of the norms to pragmatism; solid arrows stand for the channels of the real vertical and horizontal mobility, whereas the dashed ones — for the low or only potential one.
In principle, on the level of decision-making we get the purely protestant architecture of the political system3 Koktysh 2002.3 that in its most completed form is inherent in the US with the critical difference lying in the fact that the political architecture of the US does not have taboo regarding the modification of the normative code that takes the shape of the lawyer's practice within the precedential law, whereas in Russia such activity is hardly possible. It is substantially hampered not only by the law system, but also by the elite' monopolization over the legitimate interpretation of reality that was established as a result of the "party of power" domination in the parliament and lack of other, nonparliament, but at the same time legitimate for the society, normative institutions. Therefore, the Russian architecture inescapably provokes serious problems with the vertical mobility. Since under such construction the power system always represents interests in the first place of the biggest meritocratic structures (or one structure) and act in accordance with a good deal of business-logic ("whatever is good for Ford, is good for the US"4), it is not able by definition to generate enough carrier prospects that are not based on the market considerations. At the same time, due to the normative context's subordinate position vis-à-vis pragmatism it also blocks the possibility of their mass self-emergence, because the interests of the smaller meritocratic structures can only be realized to the extent, to which they do not contradict to the interests of the dominating structure. In Russia, for instance, the downside of the raw materials economy's prevailing position is the underdeveloped process economy, i.e. the industry as such that at its best partly resorted, but by no means qualitatively developed, as well as the practical lack of the postindustrial sector.
To put it differently, the system itself due to the specificity of its institutional structure creates prerequisites for the "orange revolution" with the risk of the latter (that by its nature in the first place reflects the reaction of the society to the deficit of the vertical mobility) being able to only increase over time. It is the system of legitimizing the decisions made (see Picture 2) that encourages "defuse" of this constantly intensifying generation pressure from "below" — especially when it regards the evocation of the USSR's spirit.
In this case the normative context beyond doubt holds the primary position vis-à-vis pragmatism: it is enough to remember that in the USSR the role of the normative hierarchy determining the game rules was performed by the CPSU, whereas the decisions in the framework of the established rules were taken and realized through the structure of the executive power with the most important thing being not a pragmatic efficiency, but the compliance with the rules, regardless of the extent of their correlation with the modern reality since as, for example, Gorbachev's perestroika showed, the modification of even clearly obsolete rules is frightened with serious shocks.
It is worth mentioning that such type of the architecture being put in practice does not face problems of the vertical mobility. Moreover, in contrast to the architecture of decision-making, here the most attractive thing is rather a career within the normative hierarchy that from being the phantom legitimizing the already made decisions turns into the real power.
It is this architecture that seems to have allowed the ruling elites to "demine" the potential of the "orange revolution"4 Kazantsev 2006.4 stimulating the emergence of the mass youth pro-Kremlin movements and bureaucratic growth of the "party of power". However, the tactical efficiency bred the grave strategic problem, and over time the system will inevitably face the following dilemma: either somehow it disavows those career prospects that the "new commissars" of all ages, ranging from youth movements to the "party of power", count on, or actually transfer power to a new normative hierarchy. The first scenario might entail some rather non-trivial difficulties; the second one is likely to end up with the same economic inefficiency like the one in the USSR and direct dependence of the social stability on the world oil prices due to the simple reason that during the post-Soviet period there has not been any technological breakthrough so far, new legitimate norms and rules in general have not been established yet, and it is only Soviet norms and rules that can be the legitimate "example". As a result, the threat of returning to the year of 1986 will emerge, without any specific gains, but with the substantial losses.
The ValueOntological Integration of the Ruling Elites: Belarus
The value integration of the Belarusian elites is also beyond any doubts. The Belarusian regime demonstrates the high extent of the ruling class consolidation: up till now there were no significant splits that were of the systemic rather than personal character. Even today the ruling class looks rather monolithic and united.
However, these values are rather specific and by their definition refer mostly to the public political discourse. One has the impression that propaganda is not only meta-language of the communication between the power and broad layers of the society, but also in many respects the language of the power itself. Otherwise, it is hard to explain why the Belarusian regime enters various, often mutually exclusive domestic and foreign policy projects: it is logical, indeed only in case if reality is viewed as being simple and monosyllabic. It is true that the Belarusian regime repeatedly demonstrated its ability to freely move along the whole ideological spectrum transferring from rather Soviet socialist rhetoric to that of the state capitalism and nation-state and backward, at the same time claiming membership in various geopolitical combinations, ranging from the close alliance with Russia to joining Non-Aligned Movement and integrating into a number of the European structures.
By all appearances, the public political tooling is viewed by the Belarusian ruling elites as a universal means of managing social life on the whole and economy in particular. The public political expediency is always regarded as the main, if not the only one, argument for making domestic and foreign policy decisions, often without taking into account its economic price. Up till now there were solid reasons for such political behavior: the union with Russia that was undoubtedly the main accomplishment of the Belarusian regime practically for a decade continuously provided the Belarusian President with the resource (in the form of the privilege prices for the energy carriers and the opportunity to use the factor of borderlessness) that was quite enough for maintaining the acceptable level of life in the republic regardless of the real efficiency of its economy. Furthermore, after the increase in the world oil prices the Belarusian system over several years, up to the oil-gas conflict at the end of 2006, lacking its own energy carriers can be regarded as nothing else but the classic "petro-state".
However, the Belarusian populism also has its constants. It was already mentioned before that this regime permanently generates "changes without changes" with every other ideological doctrine inevitably leading to the preservation of the existing status quo. The reason seems to lie in the extent of populism: any ideological constructs within the Belarusian power discourse can exist only in the most vague, simplified form and therefore, unavoidably appear to be "variables", i.e. accessories that can be easily replaced if necessary5 Koktysh 1999.5. The constant is the power quality of the President as the source and demiurge of the current political system and its only real subject: whatever the combination, he remains to be the reason for everything (which was rather logical as long as Russia expressed its readiness to buy friendly rhetoric in exchange for energy carriers). Basically, it is this constant that determined the decision-making logic: the decisions are taken regardless of the economic, social, and political value of the matter.
It is noteworthy that the already made decisions are legitimized through the declared pragmatic expediency rather than concerns about the supreme order. Practically every maneuver of the Belarusian power is presented in the public political space as another confirmation of the high competitiveness of the Belarusian production and efficiency of the Belarusian economy. The very construction of decision-making in essence rules out the possibility of the efficient economic plan since it in principle can not guarantee stable game rules.
The logic of the decision-making process within the Belarusian system is reflected in the Picture 3, where N stands for the normative hierarchy, P — for the executive power, M — for meritocratic hierarchies; the upper arrow points out the secondary nature, i.e. subordination of pragmatism to the basic, i.e. "constant", norms; solid arrows below stand for the channels of the real vertical and horizontal mobility, whereas the dashed ones — for the low or only potential one.
Thus, at the level of decision-making process there is the quasi-Soviet model of architecture. It is "quasi", because the rules and norms in the USSR were institutionalized through the CPSU structure and were viewed as the absolute and relatively transparent constants structured into the cohesive logical system, which resulted in the non-imitative vertical mobility: one could terminate another persons' career only in case of the crude violation of the rules that were established and known in advance. However, in the modern Belarus the normative institution is replaced with the President relying upon the power vertical. The latter, of course, creates conditions for the high vertical mobility, but this mobility is in general imitative since it is related to the embodiment of the set of constant norms rather than the changeable ones: each situational review of this set naturally overlaps with the career prospects. The vertical mobility within the meritocratic structures is also mostly imitative as a result of the underdeveloped interest groups being autonomous vis-à-vis the state and lack of the stable game rules as well as the deficit of the career offers and overall degradation of the state-owned assets, which for a long time the economic, rather than social efficiency was demanded in the first place from. The mobility of the ruling elite as such concentrated in the executive bodies is to the same extent conventional: is does not possess an opportunity to get rid of the "technical" status.
The taken decisions are being legitimized with accordance to the absolutely different logic (see Picture 4) that, as in Russia, is of the totally phantom nature.
However, while in Russia the "reversed" legitimization is caused by the concerns regarding the low vertical mobility, in Belarus its reason lies in the "changeable" character of the ideological constructs: the society will not take them as an actual change as long as the system is able to demonstrate its pragmatic efficiency, i.e. an ability to solve economic problems in an acceptable way. This ability that has already been significantly reduced will be inevitably decreasing in the future: after the Belarusian regime was deprived of the substantial part of its resources6 Judging by the figures from Putin's speech broadcast on TV during the oilgas conflict in December 2006, while 2 years ago Russia subsidized nearly 60% of the Belarusian budget, last year the amount was only 41%.6, the dynamics of worsening is rather predictable. The real transition to the political architecture of the Protestant type that is used today as the legitimizing one seems doubtful and unlikely, even if the situation with the resources' provision continues to further aggravate, which the Belarusian system due to the obvious reasons is highly sensitive to. The intractable problem here is the ruling elites' basic ontological attitudes that require permanent modification of the game rules as a result of the pragmatic, rather than political, necessity escalated from the "above", rather than "below": the institution that guarantees stability and non-exclusiveness of the game rules can not emerge within such configuration.
In order for the "legitimizing phantom" to become real, the change of the key players is necessary. In the current situation this role can be claimed, perhaps, only by the meritocratic structures emerging from outside that should be rather big in order to independently provide for the fulfillment of the contracts under the conditions when the institutionalized rules are practically absent.
Symmetries and Asymmetries
All in all, the performed analysis indicates that the value-worldview attitudes of the Russian and Belarusian elites despite their asymmetry (monetary context as a worldview basis in Russia and the public political one in Belarus) are rather symmetrical at the level of the macro-construction: in both cases we observe a certain symbiosis of the mutually controversial logics of decisionmaking and decision-legitimization, with the logic of the first one rejecting in essence the logic of the second, and therefore, the use of such logic will inevitably lead to the erosion of the very system of decision-making that thereby delegitimizes itself — the situation typical of the post-Soviet space on the whole.
This begs the question: why have both Russian and Belarusian ruling elites built such a controversial and — within the framework of this construction — obviously temporary political system? Although in this case we can rely mostly upon the assumptions, there is at least one reason on the surface that comes down to those ontological constructs that due to the specifics of their origin and previous experience the Russian as well as Belarusian elites can operate with.
It is, for instance, absolutely clear that state governance by no means can be based exclusively on the monetary logic, since with such approach neither any social projects nor the production on the whole appear to be "profitable": the payoff period in case of investments into industry seems too long, and in case of those into the social projects — super long. The open realization of the monetary principles in Yeltsin's epoch put Russia on the brink of the social explosion. Under Putin, instead of the expected review of the governance paradigm, the virtual restoration of the "ideological department of the Central Committee" took place, as if the partkhosaktiv (party economic managers), with the today's Russian elites being its spiritual successor, having found out its own illegitimacy, simply had generated its phantom being the mediator between partkhosaktiv and the society. A number of social projects started to be implemented in the name of this virtual "ideological department" with the "defuse" of the situation being its main goal, whereas solving the social problems as such was no more than a side-effect. The ruling elites have not resolved to conceptualize "the project of Russia" do far.
The same scenario, although in the "reversed" logic vis-à-vis Russia, was realized in Belarus, where the existence of the partkhozotdelov (party economic departments) became subject to imitation, which were in practice no less phantom than the Russian "ideological department". Public political discourse could seem sufficient for administration only if there was a stable market being ready to obtain the rhetoric. Moreover, the fact that such market in the face of Russia existed throughout the decade, made the situation 'neglected". The ruling elites have neither formulated the "project of Belarus", nor have they moved in this direction, since they have not even seen the need in such "project" as a challenge and a problem.
The use by the Russian and Belarusian ruling elites of the "legitimizing phantoms" suggests that each of them does not consider itself fully legitimate and its worldview attitudes self-sufficient. In this situation, the society is inevitably interpreted as a hardly transparent and obscure potential political subject that if structured can pose a serious danger. Therefore, the authorities' projects appear to be aimed in the first place at deconsolidating society and securing its passiveness, that is maintaining its political subjectness in the latent condition, whereas its development is only one of the implications of this policy's implementation.
Such situation can not be stable on its own — its stability depends only from the ruling elites' ability to balance between the society and the "legitimate golem" under the conditions of the permanently deepening feeling of their own illegitimacy. It is by no means about "belarusianization" of Russia, or vise versa, "russianization" of Belarus: it would be more relevant to talk about the "transition" being incomplete to the same extent in both cases, about the countries' inter-project state and widening range of failure options due to the fact that a number of more favorable opportunities have already been missed.
Bourdieu P. 2001. Prakticheskaya logika [The Logic of Practice]. — M.
Kazantsev A.A. 2006. Tri stsenariya "tsvetnoy" revolutsii v RF (Modelirovanie setevoy dinamiki rossiyskoy politii) [Three Scenarios of the "Color Revolution" in the Russian Federation (Modeling the Network Dynamics of the Russian Polity)] // Polis. N 1.
Koktysh K.E. 1999. Transformatsiya politicheskogo rezhima Respubliki Belarus [The Transformation of the Regime in the Republic Belarus]. — M.
Koktysh K.E. 2002. Sotsiokulturnye ramki institutsionalizatsii politicheskih praktik i tipy obshchestvennogo razvitiya [Socio-Cultural Frameworks of Institutionalization of the Practices and Types of the Social Development] // Polis. N 4—5.
Sergeev V.M. 1999. Demokratiya kak peregovornyi protsess [Democracy as Negotiation Process]. — M.
Zorin M.A., Kuzmin A.S. 2006. Politologicheskie mirazhi i sotsiologicheskaya deystvitelnost (Politicheskaya sotsiologiya postsovetskogo prostranstva) [Political Science Mirages and Sociological Reality (Political Sociology of the Post-Soviet Space)] // Politeia. N 1.


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Herbed Pita Chips
Instead of simply serving bread alongside stew, why not whip up a batch of these seasoned pita bread chips? They're a fun and flavorful addition to any meal.
Total TimePrep/Total Time: 15 min.
Makes6 servings
- 4 pita breads (6 inches)
- 1 tablespoon butter, melted
- 1/2 teaspoon dried basil
- 1/2 teaspoon dried thyme
- Place pita breads on an ungreased baking sheet; brush with butter. Combine basil and thyme; sprinkle over pitas. Cut each into eight wedges. Bake at 400° for 8-10 minutes or until crisp.
Nutrition Facts3 each: 127 calories, 2g fat (1g saturated fat), 5mg cholesterol, 234mg sodium, 22g carbohydrate (1g sugars, 1g fiber), 4g protein.
Originally published as Herbed Pita Chips in 2004 Taste of Home Calendar
Follow along as we show you how to make these fantastic recipes from our archive.
My Review
Jul 11, 2011
Very tasty! My husband thought that I had purchased them from the store!!


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Ana Fibre (Small) 3kg / 12.5 L
Ana Fibre (Small) 3 kg
HIGHLY ABSORBENT - Absorbs up to 4 times its dry weight in volume. One kilogram of fibre will absorb 3-5 litres of hydrocarbons.
HIGHLY VERSATILE -Non- leaching and self regenerating in it's natural state. an environmentally friendly oil and chemical absorbent. Cleans oil and petroleum based spills. Powerful wicking action, which encapsulates oils, solvents,heavy metals, pesticides. herbicides and all other organic chemicals on contact. effects differ from substance to substance and thickness.
SUPPRESSES VAPOURS and absorbs hydrocarbons in dry and wet conditions.
100 % Water RESISTANT Effective on land or water especially around shorelines. Filters industrial wastes, untreated effluents, algae and mining.


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Squidnice on Skinnyfromthe9 Mall Fight, Thoughts on Skinny's Kidnapping Charge (Part 7)
The Approved HipHopIllustrated.com DJ VLAD commentary djvlad
Offset claims he had Joe Budden Running from him in the Mall after He talks about Cardi B.
Approved HipHopIllustrated.com DJ Akademics commentary DJ Akademiks
Sheff G on Getting Caught with Gun After Argument with 10 Guys at Brooklyn Mall (Part 3)
The Approved HipHopIllustrated.com DJ VLAD commentary djvlad
Ellen and Britney Spears Have Fun At The Mall
Everyone wants to be rich and famous. But there's a lot of baggage that comes with all that fame. Thankfully,…
Passerby Records The Two Dumbest Mall Robbers Ever In Sweden
What would you do if you saw two masked men ride a motorcycle into the mall and then break into…
Trendsetta Shady – Left the Mall
directed bby 7/20 films @247plugPosted by@itzyayo 247Plug


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What to Look for in an Expert Plumber
Plumbing is an imperative viewpoint with regards to dealing with a property. This is due to the fact that you can have monstrous property pulverization in the occasion that plumbing maintenance are not thought about. A portion of these plumbing issues that one may experience are, for example, a spilling sewer pipe or nozzle, blocked toilets, spilling taps and numerous different issues. However in the event that you encounter plumbing issues then you can consider seeking the services of a plumber. This is someone that has the expertise in doing all the repairs that relate to plumbing problems. There are many plumbers available. Because of this finding one that is skilled can be a challenging task. The following are hints for hiring an expert plumber.
The reputation of the plumber is the primary thing to think of. In order to know if you can rely on the plumber make sure you read his or her audits.This way you will avoid hiring one that will not meet your expectation. Plumbers that are reliable will constantly offer perfect administrations. It is furthermore awesome that you acquire a plumber that is approved to work in the material field. Request that they give their license and affirm on the off chance that it is legitimate. Contracting authorized plumber will give you a confirmation that you are not taking risks with your imperative parts of the house.
You can in like manner consider utilizing a plumber that is situated inside your region. This is on the grounds that those in your region are easily reachable in the event that you need an emergency plumbing service. Hiring a plumber that offers a warranty will be an ideal thing to do. This is for reasons that on the off chance that something turns out badly after the repairs then he or she can repay you.
Something else to consider is the experience of the plumber. Get to know if the plumber is specialized in plumbing. You ought to likewise discover to what extent the plumber has been working in the plumbing field. This will be a good way to determine his expertise in the field of plumbing.Cost is something else to take into consideration. Guarantee that you discover fee required by the plumber for his or her administrations. This way you will determine if you can afford or not. Here if it is too high for you then consider looking for another plumber. There are lots of plumbers that you can get to help you with your plumbing needs. To learn more about plumbers and plumbing business you can click the web.


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Rep. Marino Fights for Rural Broadband Access
Washington, D.C. – Congressman Tom Marino (PA-10) issued the following statement regarding his recent efforts to increase rural access to broadband internet:
"It is unacceptable that in 21st Century America, millions of people lack access to reliable and affordable broadband internet. Of the 24 million U.S. households that do not have access to broadband internet, 80% are located in rural areas.
"This disparity of internet access between urban and rural areas translates to tremendously negative impacts on local economies. Because of the lack of widespread broadband deployment, rural communities often miss out on opportunities to participate in today's e-commerce marketplace, obtain advanced online education, and use new technologies that require stable high-speed connections.
"I am proud to say that I have fought for my constituents in rural Pennsylvania to bridge the digital divide between big cities and small-town America. Last month's spending bill contained $600 million in funding to expand rural access to broadband through the USDA's Rural Utilities Service. This funding, combined with state and local resources, will leverage nearly $1 billion in new rural broadband projects.
"Additionally, President Trump's proposed Fiscal Year 2019 budget calls for a $50 billion investment in rural infrastructure, including rural broadband deployment. I will continue to take action to ensure that Congress implements the President's rural infrastructure plans, and I look forward to bringing greater economic opportunities to rural America through expanded access to broadband."


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Too small, too big, not satisfied? It only takes a few steps to return your article.
VIVE MARIA Blouse
Brand: VIVE MARIA
Name: Cowgirl Blouse Black
Product No. 34751
Material: 100% Viscose
Colour: Black
Yeeeeehaaaaa! Finally wild-west inspired fashion creations that can do without checkered prints!
The black VIVE MARIA Cowgirl Blouse is made of a soft viscose material.
It has a collar with a beautiful rose embroidery.
A transparent black lace insert at the upper part of the cleavage gives the blouse a cheeky look.
A continuous button strip ensures an easy dressing and undressing.
The short sleeves are slightly puffed and can be closed with a little button.
This blouse looks perfect with a jenas and boots.
Length in size S approx. 62 cm.
Our model is 170 cm tall and is wears size S.
Care instructions: please wash inside out and at 30 degrees Celsius, do not tumble dry.
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With endearing details and ingenious cuts, the seductive lingerie, the gorgeous nightwear as well as the fabulous dresses and tops ensure unforgettable appearances and admiring looks. Delicate lace, playful frills, cute little ribbons and a touch of nostalgia – perfectly combined ingredients that create the charm and character of each individual Vive Maria collection. Give in to the temptation and let Vive Maria seduce you too!
Too small, too big, you simply don't like it?
You can return the items in a few simple steps!
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To view the return form and for further information, please click here
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Offshore yuan reverses overnight gains to trade lower after US rate rise
Onshore yuan was up at the opening bell, as it caught the momentum that had driven the offshore rally
Related topics
China's offshore yuan surged to a three-week high overnight before reversing to trade lower on Thursday morning after the US Federal Reserve raised interest rates but struck a dovish tone about future increases.
Onshore yuan started to catch up with the rising momentum of offshore yuan, and was trading higher at the opening bell.
Offshore yuan in Hong Kong was 0.28 per cent, or 189 points, weaker at 6.8659 as of 11.15 am, after rallying 0.77 per cent, or 530 points, overnight. Onshore yuan in Shanghai, however, traded 0.29 per cent or 200 points stronger at 6.8932.
The People's Bank of China guided the midpoint rate up by 253 basis points, or 0.37 per cent, to 6.9115. Traders in the mainland are allowed to trade the currency within a 2 per cent range of the guided price.
The "different trading times" between China's offshore and onshore yuan is one of the biggest factors that determines their different performances, according to market watchers.
"The onshore yuan traded up higher as it is now catching up with the reaction of offshore yuan overnight, due to their different trading times," said Thomas Shik, Hang Seng Bank's acting chief economist. "The offshore yuan eased its overnight gains as the market has priced in the US rate hike news."
The US Federal Reserve early on Thursday raised the target overnight interest rate by 25 basis points to a range of 0.75 per cent to 1.0 per cent. It is the second increase in three months, and signalled two further increases this year.
However, Fed Chair Janet Yellen signalled that the pace of rate increases may be more gradual than the market has been expecting.
"The simple message is the economy is doing well," she said during a press conference in Washington DC. She added it is "still too early to know how these policies will unfold", referring to President Donald Trump's plans to cut taxes, deregulate and boost spending on infrastructure.
"Yellen's speech is not as hawkish as expected and therefore we see US stocks rallied, bond yields dropped and the US dollar weakened overnight," Shik said. "We still believe the yuan is facing less depreciation pressure compared with a year earlier, especially when China's economic data are becoming robust."
He expects onshore yuan to fall 3 to 4 per cent this year to 7.2 against the US dollar.
The dovish announcement from the US central bank dragged down the greenback. The DXY dollar index dropped 1.24 per cent at one point to 100.26 but had narrowed its losses to trade 0.14 per cent lower at 100.6 as of 11.15 am.
The major currencies all lost their overnight gains to trade lower on Thursday morning.
The British pound traded 0.18 per cent lower at 1.2272 against the dollar after surging 1.14 per cent overnight, while the euro was 0.06 per cent lower at 1.0725 after a 1.23 per cent rally.
The yen was 0.02 per cent lower at 113.38.
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Just had a new user report this issue.
Our forum is currently set up to
- require login to view topics
- require approval for new user accounts
A new user attempted to sign up with their Google account by doing:
- Sign in
- Sign in with google
- Create new account
They filled in all the fields, and all fields validated
But on hover over 'Create Account' it was not click-able.
As a workaround, I had them just create the account manually using the same email address (I think they should be able to authenticate with google later). Their email address is not
@gmail.com its a google apps account.
I am almost positive I was able to do this earlier with two other google apps accounts though… We are on the latest commit of master now:


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More Benefits Less Expense
Looking for a cutting edge "NOW" benefit for 2018? In search of a product that has high employee participation and can be utilized right away? Join us for some incredible food along with a short 15-20 minute overview discussing how our ID Theft and Legal Service plans have helped more than 90,000 employers across the country enhance their benefit offering! This is an invitation only event.
We are please to announced our special guest speaker for this luncheon is Executive Director and Group Benefits Specialist Gayle Ross, from Logansport, Indiana!
Please RSVP by Monday January 15, 2018
We hope you can make it!
Carol Dickens


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SNES Classic Edition — Here Is Where You Can Pre-Order Nintendo's New Mini Console [Ongoing]
Today Nintendo announced the September release of the Nintendo Classic Mini: Super Nintendo Entertainment System, which is basically the successor of the NES Classic Edition that the console manufacturer from Kyoto release in November and is currently discontinued.
Of course, we expect the stock of the new console to evaporate quite quickly, possibly quicker than its predecessor, considering the place the SNES occupies in the hearts of many gamers.
In this ongoing article, you'll be able to find pre-order links for major markets, as soon as they go up, and hopefully it'll help you find your own unit. While the console won't be available everywhere, at least you'll know which pages you'll have to spam F5 on.
United States:
- Amazon (Notification only)
- Best Buy (Notification only)
- Walmart (Notification only)
No pre-orders available yet.
United Kingdom:
- Game
- Amazon
- Smyths Toys
- Official UK Nintendo Store
- Argos
- Fnac
- Amazon
- GameStop
- Amazon
- GameStop
- EBGames
- JB Hi-Fi
Alternatively, the next-best thing to manually refreshing every link (and save you the mental anguish) is to create a NowInStock account, setting up mobile/email/on-screen notifications, and tracking pre-order links that way.
For those out of the loop, NowInStock is an inventory management system that tracks every online retailer and can alert you when the stock is available. Best part? It refreshes automatically every 30 seconds without having to jam your F5 key.
After creating your account, do the following to keep track of SNES Classic Edition online stock:
- Go to your Home screen. Here you will get a glimpse of everything you are currently following in a snapshot. Being brand new to the platform, SNES Classic Edition shouldn't yet be on your list.
- Select "Add Items [+]" from the Account Menu. Here is the meat of the matter — you want to make sure that you have all the places to buy the SNES Class Edition selected. Oh, and any other game you may be waiting for.
- In the drop-down menu, select "Video Games -> Consoles -> SNES Classic Edition." While the pickings are slim right now, it will eventually be updated with Amazon, Target, Best Buy, GameStop, WalMart and more.
- Choose the Country, Delivery Method, Status and Store you want to order from. Now that you have the item selected, check what retailers have their pre-orders up and in what countries. make sure that you have the Green (restock) and Blue (pre-order) arrow checked. You will want to find out what delivery system you like best:
- Text Alerts — a text to your registered phone saying when the console is available.
- On-Screen Notifications — an on-screen alarm for your computer when the console is available.
- Email Notifications — an email to your registered address saying when the console is available.
- If you selected "On-Screen Notifications," select "Browser Alerts" in the Account Menu. From here you want to make sure that you have In-Stock Alarms and Alerts set to On. Alarms make a blaring sound when the item comes in stock, the Alerts will put an on-screen pop up. Blast your volume and keep this page on in the background and let it auto-refresh every 30 seconds.
The Nintendo Classic Mini: Super Nintendo Entertainment System will come with 21 pre-installed games, including gems like Final Fantasy III, Secret of Mana, Super Metroid, Super Mario World and many more. On top of the classic games, it will also include Star Fox 2, that was never officially released.
The price is a rather affordable $79.99, which means that the mini-console will probably sell like hotcakes on a Sunday exactly like its predecessor did. We can only hope that Nintendo will be able to provide better supply this time around.
The SNES Classic Edition will officially release on September 29, 2017.


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Introduction To The Gospel Of John Series
Contributed by Jimmy Davis on Sep 19, 2001 (message contributor)
Summary: First in Series in a detailed study of the Gospel of John. An Introduction to the Gospel of John, The Prologue is a part of the first "P" in the Gospel of John. The Three P's found in the Gospel of John.
Note to reader: This is the first lesson in a series of Bible study on the Gospel of John.
The Gospel of John
Introduction to the Bible study on the Gospel of John:
The Gospel of John is a document written for a first century audience.
The stories that Jesus told in His ministry were not initially written down by the Apostles.
The writing of the Gospels only began about A.D. 70 and this writing continued to the writing of the Gospel of John around A.D. 90-100.
There were reasons why the Gospels were written instead of being based upon oral tradition.
1. The primary reason the Gospels were written was because of the death of the 12 Apostles who were the only eyewitness accounts to the ministry and miracles of our Lord Jesus Christ.
2. The 12 Apostles were the ones with authority, and they developed the need to separate fiction from fact, and to shift from "oral tradition", to having documents in the form of a written book.
How are we to read a Gospel?
When you read a newspaper, or a magazine, you read articles for facts and you read to gain knowledge of the big stories, and so you read a newspaper in certain parts.
So, we are to read a Gospel along with the other 3 Gospels, in this case, Matthew, Mark, and Luke, and view the many pictures within as we compare these pictures to one another.
What is a Gospel?
A Gospel is predominately a biographical account of the life of Jesus Christ. There are 4 Gospels; therefore, there are 4 views of the account of the life of Christ.
Another view of what a Gospel is would be that it's a theological portrait of Jesus.
John isn't trying to present objective facts, but instead, John writes that we might believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and that we might mature as Christians (John 20:31).
So, each of the 4 Gospels offer a distinctive portrait, or view of Jesus, and each Gospel should be read along side the other 3 gospels.
The writer of the Gospel of John is one of Jesus' 12 disciples, "The disciple whom Jesus loved."
John is the most Jewish of the 4 Gospel writers.
He is also the most Greek-Hellenistic of the writers of the Gospels, and reflects a Greek worldview as well as a Jewish worldview.
John's intended audience was a mixed group: (Jews, Gentiles, Greeks, Hellenistic, Romans, Post-Pauline, Stoics, Pagans, Gnostic).
The mixed group translates into a "Burger King" Theology where many people just made up their own religion (similar to what is happening in our world today).
By the time of the writing of the Gospel of John, several historical events had already taken place.
1. The Apostle Paul had completed his ministry and his head had already fallen to the axe by the hand of Nero, emperor of Rome (A.D.67).
2. The Jerusalem Council had already met in A.D. 49 and fixed some of the early Christian conflict problems.
3. Jerusalem had fallen to the Roman Empire (A.D. 66-70) with the total destruction of the great Temple in Jerusalem in A.D. 70.
4. After A.D. 70 Judaism was at the risk of being totally lost, and the Judaism religion through a period of trying to pull itself together. The Pharisees, who were the major leaders of Judaism entrenched Judaism and centered around a coastal town of refuge named Jamnia, which became the center of Judaism. Out of that came Conservative Judaism centered in the Old Testament Law.
5. This new Judaism did not accept any New Testament writings, and they closed the O.T. Cannon, and renounced any Christian faith to the risk of excommunicating anyone who preached and teached any Christian faith in their synagogues; the social centers of Jewish society. (ex. Paul was always run out of town after he preached Christianity in a Jewish temple of worship).
6. Many of John's readers came from this type of environment.
The purpose of the writing of the Gospel of John: The first "P"
"So that you may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and that by believing you may have life in His name" (John 20:31; John 3:16).
The three "P's" found in the Gospel of John:
1. The Purpose
2. The Public Ministry
3. The Private Ministry
Lecture: The Structure of the Prologue: John 1:1-18
What are some reasons for believing in Jesus as the Christ?
1. The first reason for believing that Jesus is the Christ is that Jesus is the everlasting creator (John 1:1-5; Hebrews 1:3).
Explain the Logos\Word that was made flesh.
The Logos\Word has always existed from eternity past, and has no beginning, as He (Christ) is uncreated. We cannot fully explain to our satisfaction the Logos\Word because God says in Deuteronomy 29:29 "The secret things belong to the Lord our God, but the things revealed belong to us and to our children forever, that we may follow tall the words of this law."
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