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The eye can be examined with relative ease as to both its function and its structure. A functional evaluation includes the capability to relocate the orbit and the reaction of the pupil to light and accommodation.
The function of the eye might be evaluated in numerous ways. The patient may be asked to determine illuminated letter or items of varying sizes on exactly what is called the Snellen chart.
Alternatively, the assessment of the structural part of the eye may be made in numerous ways. Stress within the eyeball is determined by a "tonometer." In specific illness, specifically in glaucoma, the tension in the eyeball is increased considerably.
It ought to be well remembered that a client with an eye problem might have other problems. Typically other physical conditions are main and impact the eye as a effect. The appearance of the eye can notify the client and the physician to difficulties in some disturbances of other parts of the body even prior to other signs present themselves.
One's dependence on sight is stressed when one deals with a temporary or possible permanent loss of this important sense. When restorative measures are sought, particular forms of vision correction such as contact lenses or eyeglasses are recommended.
On the other hand, some individuals are troubled with the reality that they have actually some framed lenses or contact lenses in front of their eyes.
For this reason, advanced surgical operations were established to motivate reduced usage of contact lenses or glasses. Among which is the now popular LASIK eye surgery.
Essentially, LASIK eye surgery is the short term for "Laser-Assisted In Situ Keratomileusis." Like its tangible counterpart, LASIK eye surgical treatment is another kind of vision correction. why not try this out The only difference is that with this type of surgery, one's vision is fixed permanently.
With LASIK eye surgical treatment, the refractive mistakes in the cornea are permanently changed. This can be done utilizing an "excimer laser."
The main purpose of this surgical treatment is to develop a threadlike, rounded "flap" in the cornea utilizing a blade referred to as "microkeratome." In a series of unfolding and laser processing, the cornea is finally reformed, allowing better the eye to direct more light into the retina.
Appeal vs. Disadvantages
In the middle of the growing popularity of LASIK eye surgery, there are still disadvantages that individuals should know. Probably, the primary reason that this kind of eye surgery has become well accepted is due to the fact that the majority of its cases had actually achieved success.
Nevertheless, in spite of its success, there are still some disadvantages. Here is the list:
1. It is an operation used to the most sensitive part of the eye
Due to the fact that LASIK eye surgery involves the operation of the retina, which is one of the most sensitive portions of the eye, many people state that the operation can be very dangerous.
In other words, a easy mistake might almost cause an person's lifetime loss of sight. It is essential to think about numerous elements before deciding company website whether LASIK eye surgery is the best restorative procedure one has to go through.
2. It additional reading is not a best treatment
LASIK eye surgical treatment might remedy your vision but it does not necessarily indicate that it can offer you a perfect vision. Even if analytical reports reveal that 70% of the clients might have 20/20 vision, this does not always indicate they have perfect vision.
Offered all these things, it can be deduced that, in spite of the appeal of the operation, LASIK might not constantly be the ideal eye surgery the way many people view it
Alternatively, the examination of the structural part of the eye might be made in numerous methods. It needs to be well kept in mind that a client with an eye problem may have other issues. Frequently other physical conditions are primary and impact the eye as a repercussion. The look of the eye can inform the patient and the physician to problems in some disturbances of other parts of the body even before other signs present themselves.
Like its tangible equivalent, LASIK eye surgery is another kind of vision correction.
Two Details You Do Not Realize Dealing With LASIK Eye Surgical Procedure
The eye can be examined with relative ease as to both its function and its structure. A functional evaluation includes the capability to relocate the orbit and the reaction of the pupil to light and accommodation.


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With the sale of Monterey CA station KIDD-AM, the station inventory of the legendary Buckley Communications radio group has finally been depleted. Perhaps fittingly, Mount Wilson FM Broadcasters, another radio group with a long track record, was the buyer. Broker: Dick Foreman, Richard A. Foreman Associates Inc. (seller)
The price was nominal, but that is likely because it will take some work to get the silent station back up and running.

subset: commoncrawl


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It's easy to expect that the new piece of key art released by Warner Bros. Interactive Entertainment today for LEGO The Hobbit will be the cover art and we don't have a single issue with that. With the first two of three movies out, the company is set to release the game this Spring for Xbox One, Xbox 360, PlayStation®4, PlayStation®3, PlayStation®Vita, the Wii U™, Nintendo 3DS™, as well as Windows PC. Folks familiar with LEGO videogames know exactly what to expect and the bullet points for this one include:
- Explore Middle-earth and visit key locations from the films, including Bag End, and trek through the treacherous High Pass over The Misty Mountains
- Partake in Treasure Quests, mine for gems, discover loot from enemies, and craft powerful magical items or build immense new LEGO structures.
- Play as your favorite characters from The Hobbit films, including Bilbo, Gandalf, and the Dwarves: Thorin, Fili, Kili, Oin, Gloin, Dwalin, Balin Bifur, Bofur, Bombur, Dori, Nori and Ori.
- Collect, combine and forge new items in the Blacksmith Shop using Mithril, the most precious metal in Middle-earth.
- Triumph in a game of riddles and learn to wield the power of The One Ring.
Game Concept: In LEGO The Hobbit, kids and families will take on the form of their favorite Hobbit characters and follow the storyline of Peter Jackson's first two films. Players will embark on quests throughout Middle-earth, joining Bilbo Baggins, Gandalf the Grey, and Thorin Oakenshield. Join Gandalf, Bilbo, Thorin Oakenshield and Company, as they set out on an unforgettable journey filled with both splendor and peril, on their quest to take back the Lonely Mountain from Smaug The Magnificent.


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Running Room Marketing
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The Wedding Bees: A Novel of Honey, Love, and Manners
Sugar Wallace did not believe in love at first sight, but her bees did. . . .
Every spring Sugar Wallace coaxes her sleepy honeybee queen—presently the sixth in a long line of Queen Elizabeths—out of the hive and lets her crawl around a treasured old map. Wherever the queen stops is their next destination, and this year it's New York City.
Sugar sets up her honeybees on the balcony of an East Village walk-up and then––as she's done everywhere since leaving South Carolina––she gets to know her neighbors. She is, after all, a former debutante who believes that manners make the world a better place even if they seem currently lacking in the big city.
Plus, she has a knack for helping people. There's Ruby with her scrapbook of wedding announcements; single mom Lola; reclusive chef Nate; and George, a courtly ex-doorman. They may not know what to make of her bees and her politeness, but they can't deny the magic in her honey.
And then there's Theo, a delightfully kind Scotsman who crosses Sugar's path as soon as she gets into town and is quickly besotted. But love is not on the menu for Sugar. She likes the strong independent woman she's become since leaving the South and there's nothing a charmer like Theo can do to change her mind . . . only her bees can do that.
The Wedding Bees is a novel about finding sweetness where you least expect it and learning to love your way home.
Product Details
|HarperCollins Publishers
|Publication date:
|Edition description:
|Sales rank:
|Product dimensions:
|5.20(w) x 7.90(h) x 1.00(d)
About the Author
Sarah-Kate Lynch is the author of eight novels and travel editor of New Zealand Woman's Day, New Zealand's bestselling weekly magazine.
Customer Reviews
Average Review
Most Helpful Customer Reviews
I loved every sentance of this book. I will read it again.
Check out the full review at Kritters Ramblings What a sweet and quirky book! Sugar Wallace has moved year to year with her bees and has yet to set roots due to something that happened in her hometown of Charleston, it takes a bit into the book to find out what this thing is. I absolutely fell in love with Sugar and she kept me reading to find out what would happen next in her adventures. I enjoyed her struggle with trying to keep a distance with people and learning to rely on others instead of completely on herself.
The Wedding Bees is a wonderful novel about finding out what makes you happy and stepping through the fear and uncertainty to grab it and make it your own. Sugar Wallace is a great character surrounded by lovely people all living in an apartment building in NYC. Her bees are a big part of the story; Sugar needs them as much as they need her. If you enjoy Sarah Addison Allen you'll love Sarah-Kate Lynch. A perfect blend of honey, romance, friendship, and the South.
THE WEDDING BEES by Sarah - Kate Lynch is a sweet Romance. What a sweet story of love, romance, and bees set in Alphabet City, Manhattan. Sugar Wallace loves her beloved bees, and good manners. She is a true Southern Belle, with her charm, wit and good manners. Enter..... Theo Fitzgerald, an attorney for a non-profit organization who just happens to be allergic to what else....bees. They are attracted from the start. A fun read filled with second chances, redemption, new love and the power of Southern charm mixed with the eccentricities of New York City. What a tale! "The Wedding Bees" was a joy to read with its eccentric, engaging characters and its unique storyline. Oh and you learn a bit about Bees, and Bee Keepers. You do not want to miss this sweet romance! A great read! Received for an honest review from the publisher. RATING: 4 HEAT RATING: Sweet REVIEWED BY: AprilR, courtesy of My Book Addiction and More
Sugar Wallace,bee keeper and fixer of problems, runs away from her own problems. Every year she lets her queen bee pick the next stop on the map, where they will live for the following year. This time it happens to be New York City, a most unlikely place to raise bees. Sugar has a chance encounter with a Scottsman as she is on her way to her apartment to move in, and that encounter sets off a ripple effect of changes in Sugar's life. This book will have you so deeply engrossed in the story that you will have trouble putting the book down. I would say this book is definitely a must-read, and I look forward to reading more by this author.
Sugar "Honey" Wallace never believed that she could ever find love again. In fact, she had only one mission in life and that was to keep moving as often as her bee's provided a new location. She never imagined that all of her running would end when she arrived in Manhattan armed with nothing but a hive of sixth generation bee's, a birdbath, and the supplies of honey that she intends to sell. While she was trying to locate a place to park with her friend Jay, a homeless man ran out in front of their van. Not knowing if he was alright, she got out of the car just as he was colliding with a man chatting away on his cell phone. Love finds you in the strangest of places and from that moment on, Sugar had met her match. Theo Fitzgerald, a lawyer for a non profit company housing the homeless, knew in a instant the moment he met Sugar, he had a feeling they would be walking hand in hand forty years from now, living a life of wedded bliss. His mother always said he would met the "one," he just never imagined that would literally run right into one another. The only problem with their relationship besides his inability to convince her that they are destined to be together forever after just meeting moments ago is when he learns she is a bee keeper and he is allergic to bees. What transpires over the course of Sarah-Kate Lynch's novel The Wedding Bees is the story of how Sugar Wallace became interested in bees and why she spends every year moving from place to place without setting up any roots. Now she finds herself in the middle of Alphabet City and the residents that live in the same apartment building as her are truly in for a treat of the sweetest kind. From Lola, the balloon lady who has a child that no one in the building can stand because of his crying at all hours of the night and day, to Ruby, the young girl who lives alone and rarely comes out to see anyone. There are the older couple Mrs. Keschl and Mr. McNally who live on different floors but spend all their time yelling at one another over the silliest of issues. Topping it off with the pasty genius of a recluse named Nate whose sweet smelling creations drive the entire complex into mouth-watering fits. What happens in the course of the novel is truly an unforgettable and memorable time you will enjoy. I received The Wedding Bees by Sarah-Kate Lynch compliments of William Morrow, a division of Harper Collins Publishers for my honest review. I did not receive any monetary compensation and the opinions in this review are strictly my own unless otherwise noted. I thoroughly enjoyed this romantic comedy and now find myself craving honey in a different way, wanting honey scented candles to fill my home with their intoxicating fragrance much like the products that Sugar created for sale. Readers should be cautioned that there is some profanity and adult subject matter in this book but overall the story is enjoyable and worth immersing yourself in if you love movies like Steel Magnolias or Runaway Bride! I personally rate this one a 4 out of 5 stars based on my rating system.


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We create holidays and educated-led and wildlife group excursions to over a hundred places worldwide. Demi keselamatan penumpang lain, AirAsia berhak menolak penumpang yang mengidap infeksi, penyakit menular, atau penyakit kronis. Teknologi SSL dari RapidSSL dengan Sertifikat yang terotentikasi menjamin privasi dan keamanan transaksi online Anda. Konfirmasi instan dan e-tiket dikirim ke e-mail Anda. Msn Weirdmakers Letter. Love and Intercourse Toys at Sextoys, ЗнакомÑтва в Ðермании. It was my first time there. Goodbye My Love, Goodbye. Почта Мой Мир ОдноклаÑÑники Игры. My closing go to was to. I'm 26 years old, I really like travelling and esspecially to cities.
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Teddy Stool by Viggo Boesen
Teddy Stool by Viggo Boesen
Designed in 1936
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Smethwick couple suing tour operator over Grand Canyon crash which killed son
The Smethwick parents of a newlywed groom who was among five Britons to die a helicopter crash in the Grand Canyon are suing the tour operator in a wrongful death lawsuit.
Jonathan Udall, who died in hospital days before his wife Ellie Milward, could have survived if Papillon Grand Canyon Helicopters and manufacturer Airbus Helicopters had not negligently failed to install a crash-resistant fuel tank, according to the lawsuit filed yesterday.
The honeymooning couple died in hospital as a result of burns sustained in the crash on February 10 which killed their friends Becky Dobson, her boyfriend Stuart Hill and his brother Jason Hill.
Lawyers for Jonathan Udall's parents, Philip and Marlene Udall, claim in the lawsuit filed in Nevada that their 31-year-old son would not have sustained 'severe and catastrophic' burns if the Airbus EC130 B4 had been fitted the fuel system.
After the lawsuit was filed, lawyer Gary Robb said: "Mr and Mrs Udall deeply grieve for the loss of their son but their primary motivation now is to prevent anyone else from having to suffer the deadly burn injuries as their son did.
See also:
"If this helicopter had been properly equipped with a crash-resistant fuel system, it would have allowed this young man to walk away injury-free."
They are also suing pilot Scott Booth, who was taken to hospital in a critical condition, accusing him of negligence for crashing.
Also named in the lawsuit are Papillon directors Brenda Halvorson and Elling Halvorson, president Geoff Edlund and chief operating officer John Becker. The family allege they failed to ensure the helicopter was in a "safe and defect free" condition.
They also accuse mechanic Matthew Hecker and its inspector Daniel Friedman of negligence over the state of the helicopter, in particular its tail rotor.
A coroner ruled Mr Udall, who was from Birmingham but living with his 29-year-old wife, in Worthing, West Sussex, died of 'complications of thermal injury'.
Ms Dobson, 27, Stuart Hill, 30, and Jason Hill, 32, all from Worthing, were said to have died at the scene of 'multiple injuries'.
Their friend, Jennifer Barham, 39, was also rescued and airlifted to Las Vegas's University Medical Centre.
The Udalls are asking for in excess of $195,000 (£141,000) in damages, as well as punitive damages and a jury trial.
The lawsuit comes after it was announced Papillon would fit 40 of the crash-resistant tanks to its fleet in the wake of the crash, which Mr Robb called 'too little, too late'.
Mr Robb said he previously won a $38 million (£28 million) lawsuit for Chana Daskal, who suffered burns over 85 per cent of her body, having been the sole survivor of a Papillon crash in the Grand Canyon 17 years ago.
The crash-resistant fuel system is not currently mandatory in the US for helicopters certified before 1994.
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Awards, Memberships and Publications
- Ruth Abernathy Presidential Graduate Scholarship, AAHPERD, 2014
- Utah Alliance for Health, Physical Education, Recreation & Dance Graduate Student of the Year, 2013
- University of Utah, Exercise and Sport Science Department, Pedagogy Graduate Student of the Year, 2013
- American Alliance of Health, Physical Education, Recreation and Dance (AAHPERD)
- National Association of Sport and Physical Education (NASPE)
- National Athletic Trainers Association
- National Strength and Conditioning Association
- Utah Alliance of Health, Physical Education, Recreation, and Dance (UAHPERD)
- Prewitt, S.L., Hannon, J.C., & Brusseau, T.A. (2013). Children and pedometers: A study in reactivity and knowledge. International Journal of Exercise Science, 6(3), 230-235.
- Prewitt, S.L., Hannon, J.C., Brusseau, T., Newton, M., Shaw, J., & Summerhays, J. (2013). Effect of female only versus coed physical education classes on social physique anxiety in 7th grade girls. International Journal of Secondary Education, 1(5), 26-30
- Prewitt, S.L., Hannon, J.C., & Brusseau, T. (in press). Incorporating Scottish Highland Games and activities into your PE classes. Strategies.
- Prewitt, S.L. Golf is a good walk spoiled. UAHPERD Newsletter, April 2012.
- Prewitt, S.L. Crate Ball and Zombie Tag. UAHPERD Newsletter, April 2011


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The Heritage Foundation, on June 15, held a discussion entitled, "Debating Religious Liberty and Discrimination".
Monthly Archives For June 2017
Wisconsin Professor Who Allegedly Teaches Anti-Capitalist Course Makes over $170,000 a year
An allegedly-anti-capitalist college professor at Wisconsin makes $170,000 per year. Ironic?
Georgetown University Adopts New Free Speech Policy
Georgetown University unveiled a new free speech policy, which is encouraging since liberal college students are increasingly intolerant of any opposite viewpoints.
Time for "How Now Brown Cow" Studies
Generations of us who learned that rhyme never dreamed that brown bovines had a direct connection to chocolate milk.
Evergreen State President: Social Media Amplified Misconceptions about Student Activism
Evergreen State's president blamed social media for causing more trouble for the college and amplifying misinformation about the controversies on their campus.
University of Maryland Students want Hate Speech Classified as 'Cult Activity'
Hate speech is protected by the First Amendment of the Constitution, yet University of Maryland students want it classified as 'cult activity.'
President Trump Wows Activists & Students @ Road to Majority conference
A sweeping standing ovation
Professor Blamed Trump and Rhetoric for the Shooting of GOP Rep. Steve Scalise
Who is to blame for the shooting of GOP congressman Steve Scalise by a left-wing activist? A college professor blamed President Donald Trump.
Wow: MLA Rejected Anti-Israel BDS Boycott
A resolution to boycott Israel was rejected by the Modern Language Association, which has resisted such efforts in the recent past.
Professors Mocked Steve Scalise's Gun Rights Stance after Scalise was Shot
Some college professors tweeted remarks that mocked GOP Rep. Steve Scalise's stance on gun control after Scalise was nearly killed by a Bernie Sanders-supporting gunman.


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Aarhus School of Business, University of Aarhus, 28.01.2011 Conference to Mark the Retirement of Torben Thrane Trees and fields and negative polarity Sten Vikner Department of English, Institute of Language, Literature & Culture, University of Aarhus, 8000 Århus C [email protected] - www.hum.au.dk/engelsk/engsv Contents 1. Introduction, 1 1.1 Clause structure in tree analyses and in field analyses, 1 1.2 C-command, 4 2. Negative polarity items (NPIs), 5 2.1. Assertive vs. nonassertive vs. negative items, 5 2.2. Negative polarity items are not just idiomatic expressions, 6 2.3. English and Danish NPIs, 7 2.4 Licensing of NPIs requires c-command, 9 2.5 Licensing of NPI-verbs, 11 2.6 NPIs and because-clauses, 12 3. Conclusion, 14 References, 15 1. Introduction. 1.1 Clause structure in tree analyses and in field analyses A fundamental difference between various approaches to clause structure is the one between • tree analyses like the generative analyses that Torben and I both work with (Thrane 1999, 2003, 2008, 2009, ..., Vikner 1995, 1999a,b, 2007, ...) and • field analyses like the sætningsskema analyses of Danish of Diderichsen (1946, 1964) and many others or like the topologische Modell analyses of German of Drach (1937) and many others. The difference is to which extent the various parts of the clause are seen (1) as boxes inside other boxes or as pearls on a string, one after the other. Vikner: Trees & Fields & NPIs, 28.01.2011, p. 1 of 16 It is a question of extent, as neither of the two can be 0% or 100%: Even to Diderichsen (1946), some constituents are inside other constituents (e.g. the object or N is part of the content field), and even in the generative analyses some constituents follow other constituents (otherwise trees would only contain mothers and daughters but no sisters). The generative tree structure in (2)a is compared to the (simplified) Diderichsen field model of constituent order in modern Danish, Norwegian and Swedish, as illustrated in (2)b for main clauses and in (2)c for embedded clauses: (2) a. CP Spec C' C° IP Spec I' I° VP AdvP VP Spec V' V° VP VP AdvP Spec V' V° b. Found. Nexus field DP Content field F v n a V N A Nu har Peter igen poleret bilen med ståluld. Now has Peter again polished car-the with steel wool c. Conj. field Nexus field Content field k n a v V N A om Peter igen har poleret bilen med ståluld. if Peter again has polished car-the with steel wool One difference is that in (2)b,c the number of levels and the kinds of constituents that can occur on each level are fixed: There are three levels containing three different kinds of constituents, namely clause – fields – slots / sætning – felter – pladser. In other words, the only possible sister of a field is another field, and the only possible sister of a slot is another slot. In (2)a, on the other hand, this is not the case at all. It is perfectly possible to have a head (X°) and a phrase (XP) as sisters. Another difference is that (2)a is based on constituents, as supported by constituency tests. In (2)b,c, however, this is not always the case, as constituency tests will show e.g. that part of V may form a constituent together with N. Vikner: Trees & Fields & NPIs, 28.01.2011, p. 2 of 16 Please notice that the difference in (2), between tree analyses and field analyses is NOT one of notation. The tree in (2)a can also be expressed by means of boxes or (or at least square brackets) as in (3)a, and the boxes in (2)b can also be illustrated by means of a tree structure as in (3)b: (3) a. [CP [AdvP Nu] [C° har] [IP [DP Peter] [VP [AdvP igen] [VP [VP [V° poleret] [DP bilen]] [PP med ståluld]]]] b. Clause Foundation field F Nu Nexus field v har Content field n Peter a igen V poleret N bilen A med ståluld Although I prefer a tree analysis along the lines of (2)a, I willingly admit that field based models like (2)b,c may have e.g. pedagogical use, as in Conrad et al. (1980:182). Cf. also that it is used in a comparison of Danish and English word order by Davidsen-Nielsen & Harder (2000). Collapsing the Diderichsen model for the main clause with the one for the embedded clause, as in (2)b,c, was not done by Diderichsen himself but by Platzack (1985:71, fn 5) and Heltoft (1986:108). For more details and many more references, see Bjerre, Engels, Jørgensen & Vikner (2008). Finally, in (4), there is a parallel illustration for German, which is just like Danish in that both tree analyses and field analyses of German have a considerable number of advocates. A generative tree structure of German is found in (4)a, followed by the simplified field model / topological model analyses of German main and embedded clauses in (4)b,c. For more details and more references, see Wöllstein-Leisten, Heilmann, Stepan & Vikner (1997) or any of the recent editions of the Duden grammars (e.g. Fabricius-Hansen et al. 2005:879). (4) CP a. Spec C' C° IP Spec I' I° VP AdvP VP Spec V' VP Spec V' DP Linke Satzklammer Vielleicht hat Perhaps has ob if Mittelfeld Vorfeld b. c. Peter Peter Peter Peter nie never nie never V° ein Auto a car ein Auto a car V° Rechte Nachfeld Satzklammer poliert. polished poliert hat. polished has Vikner: Trees & Fields & NPIs, 28.01.2011, p. 3 of 16 1.2 C-command In the tree analyses of generative grammar, frequent reference is made to the relation "C-command": (5) C-command: X c-commands Y if and only if a. all constituents that contain X also contain Y, b. neither X nor Y dominates the other. In other words: if you can get from X to Y in the tree by taking one step upwards and then climbing downwards the rest of the way, then X c-commands Y. C-command may be used to make a number of different generalisations, e.g. concerning where reflexive pronouns may and may not be used -- as described e.g. in my MA-dissertation, which was supervised, incidentally, by a certain T. Thrane (Vikner 1985). C-command is also crucial to generalisations of the following apparently universal type: A pronoun and a DP may not be coreferential if the pronoun c-commands the DP. (6) En. a. b. Tim thinks he is intelligent. He thinks Tim is intelligent. (7) IP DP Tim NAME C-COMMANDS PRONOUN, COREFERENCE POSSIBLE PRONOUN C-COMMANDS NAME, COREFERENCE IMPOSSIBLE IP I' I° DP Tim VP V' V° thinks c-command: one step up, then down the rest of the way CP C' C° that IP DP he I' I° is DP he VP V' V° AdjP intelligent Such generalisations would seem much more difficult to formulate within field model analyses. In a Diderichsen model, (2)b,c, (3)b, the subject would only c-command other elements inside the nexus field, but it would not c-command the object itself, (23), nor any elements inside an object clause, (7). I want to show, with illustrations from the area of negation and negative polarity items, that the generative version of c-command illustrated in (5)- (7) is very useful and that e.g. a purely linear rule would not be able to make the right distinctions. First, however, we need to consider negative polarity items in detail. Vikner: Trees & Fields & NPIs, 28.01.2011, p. 4 of 16 2. Negative polarity items (NPIs) 2.1 Assertive vs. nonassertive vs. negative items Quirk et al. (1985:782) gives the following list of items that fall into one of three groups that they call assertive, nonassertive or negative items. (8) Assertive some something somebody someone somewhere sometimes already still too to some extent Nonassertive any anything anybody anyone anywhere ever yet any more / any longer either at all Negative no / none nothing nobody no one nowhere never no more / no longer neither not at all Assertive items do not change the polarity of a clause (i.e. whether a clause is negative or positive). This can be shown by means of tag questions: If a clause is negative, its tag question has to be positive, and vice versa: Torben just bought "Pride and Prejudice", didn't he? (9) En. a. b. * Torben just bought "Pride and Prejudice", did he? (10) En. a. Torben just bought some books, didn't he? b. * Torben just bought some books, did he? Negative items turn a positive sentence into a negative one: (11) En. a. * Torben didn't buy "Pride and Prejudice", didn't he? b. Torben didn't buy "Pride and Prejudice", did he? (12) En. a. * Torben bought no books this week, didn't he? b. Torben bought no books this week, did he? Nonassertive items do not change the polarity of a sentence either, but they require the sentence to be negative (certain other contexts work as well: questions, conditional clauses, comparatives, superlatives, ...): (13) En. a. * Torben bought any books this week, didn't he? b. Torben didn't buy any books this week, did he? Quirk et al.'s (1985:782) nonassertive items in (8) are part of what is otherwise known as "negative polarity items" (NPIs). Vikner: Trees & Fields & NPIs, 28.01.2011, p. 5 of 16 2.2 Negative polarity items are not just idiomatic expressions The adverbial expression En. at all / Da. overhovedet / Ge. überhaupt is a negative polarity item (NPI), as it would seem to need a negative element to be possible (or a question/conditional/ comparative ...). However, at first glance one might simply think this dependence on negation comes from at all being part of the idiomatic expression not ... at all: (14) En. a. * Torben understands Icelandic at all. b. Torben does not understand Icelandic at all. Da. c. * Torben forstår islandsk overhovedet. d. Torben forstår ikke islandsk overhovedet. Ge. e. * Torben versteht überhaupt Isländisch. f. Torben versteht überhaupt nicht Isländisch. But this would predict the following to be ungrammatical, as there is no not: (15) En. a. * Some students in this class understand Icelandic at all. b. No students in this class understand Icelandic at all. Da. c. * Nogle studerende på det her hold forstår islandsk overhovedet. d. Ingen studerende på det her hold forstår islandsk overhovedet. Ge. e. * Einige Studenten in diesem Seminar verstehen überhaupt Isländisch. f. Keine Studenten in diesem Seminar verstehen überhaupt Isländisch. (16) En. a. * Torben understands one one of the Scandinavian languages at all. b. Torben understands none one of the Scandinavian languages at all. Da. c. * Torben forstår et af de skandinaviske sprog overhovedet. d. Torben forstår ingen af de skandinaviske sprog overhovedet. Ge. e. * Torben versteht überhaupt eine von den skandinavischen Sprachen. f. Torben versteht überhaupt keine von den skandinavischen Sprachen. (17) En. a. * Torben sometimes speaks German at all. b. Torben never speaks German at all. Da. c. * Torben taler nogle gange tysk overhovedet. d. Torben taler aldrig tysk overhovedet. Ge. e. * Torben spricht überhaupt ab und zu Deutsch. f. Torben spricht überhaupt nie Deutsch. The idiomatic expression hypothesis would run into even bigger problems with examples that are not negative in any way at all, like yes/no-questions: (18) En. a. b. Does Torben understand Icelandic at all? Does Torben not understand Icelandic at all? Da. c. d. Forstår Torben overhovedet islandsk? Forstår Torben overhovedet ikke islandsk? Ge. e. f. Versteht Torben überhaupt Isländisch? Versteht Torben überhaupt nicht Isländisch? Vikner: Trees & Fields & NPIs, 28.01.2011, p. 6 of 16 2.3 English and Danish NPIs Here are a few English NPIs (in addition to the nonassertive items from (8) above): (19) all that + adj/adv a red cent stand (as verb) bat an eyelid bother to do something budge an inch do a thing about something drink a drop give a damn about something hold a candle to someone move a muscle say a word about something see a living soul sleep a wink Here are two lists, (20) and (21), of negative polarity items in Danish -- the result of a quick check of the electronic version of NuDansk Ordbog (Appel et al. 2002). In the first list, (20), the NPIs can be used both in negated clauses and in questions: (20) a. b. c. d. e. f. Arguments nogetsomhelst skyggen af noget en brik / en bønne / en disse / en dyt / en døjt / en flyvende fis / et hak / et klap / et kuk / et kvidder / et kvæk / en lyd / et meter / et muk / en pind / et pip / en pløk / en skid / en snus / spor / en stavelse / et suk (money only) en hvid / en klink / en rød reje / en rød øre Adjectives / Adverbs nævneværdig(t) synderlig(t) Place Adverbials nogen steder nogetsteds Time Adverbials nogensinde på noget tidspunkt endnu Measure adverbials overhovedet på nogen måde i mindste måde i det hele taget så meget som .... Verbs behøve (with infinitive only) fordrage døje orke Vikner: Trees & Fields & NPIs, 28.01.2011, p. 7 of 16 g. Full VPs falde nogen ind at ... finde hoved og hale på noget fortænke nogen i noget have en jordisk chance have noget at skulle have sagt kimse ad noget lade noget sidde på sig lade sig mærke med noget se en hånd for sig skulle nyde noget tro sine egne øjne vokse på træerne være at foragte være helt appelsinfri være med nogens gode vilje være nogens afdeling være nogens kop te være noget at rafle/tale om være noget galt i at ... være nogen ben i noget være på talefod være rigtig klog / være vel forvaret være så dårligt/slemt være til at blive klog på være tilfældet at ... In the second list of negative polarity items in Danish, (21), the NPIs can be used in negated clauses but not in questions: (21) a. Adjectives (inside arguments) det mindste (maybe not so bad in yes/no-questions) det fjerneste (maynot so bad in yes/no-questions) b. Adverbials ligefrem (not sooo bad in yes/no-questions) heller c. Full VPs give fem flade øre for noget give noget ved dørene have en trevl på kroppen have opfundet den dybe tallerken have opfundet det varme vand have opfundet krudtet have tone i livet krumme et hår på nogens hovede kunne gøre en kat fortræd kunne tage/snuppe/udstå noget lægge fingrene imellem lægge skjul på noget lukke et øje løfte en finger sige noget to gange stikke op for bollemælk tro nogen over en dørtærskel ville røre noget med en ildtang være bleg for at ... være lutter lagkage være mange sure sild værd være tabt bag af en vogn være til at stå for være ved sine fulde fem Vikner: Trees & Fields & NPIs, 28.01.2011, p. 8 of 16 2.4 Licensing of NPIs requires c-command The negative polarity element must be c-commanded by the licenser, e.g. by the negative element (see e.g. Fromkin 2000: 223, 404, though see Hoeksema 2000 for problems with this analysis). The subject c-commands the object, but the object does not c-command the subject. Thus a negative subject can license an NPI-object, but a negative object cannot license an NPI-subject: (22) En. a. No one understood anything. b. * Anyone understood nothing. Da. c. Ingen forstod nogetsomhelst. d. * Nogensomhelst forstod ingenting. (23) IP IP DP No one I' I° DP No one VP V' V° understood c-command: one step up, then down the rest of the way DP anything DP anything For the purposes of this talk, I will simply assume that sentential negation has the same position in the tree as any other sentential adverbial. This has the following consequences for c-command: (24) CP XP topic these constituents are not c-commanded by negation C' IP I° DP subject I' I° these constituents are c-commanded by negation VP AdvP not VP V' V° DP object The subject position (IP-spec) is not c-commanded by the negation, but the position of the logical subject ("the associate") in there-constructions is. (25) En. a. * Because anybody wasn't standing outside the door, ... b. Because there wasn't anybody standing outside the door, ... c. * Because there was anybody standing outside the door, ... Da. d. * Fordi nogensomhelst ikke stod uden for døren , ... e. Fordi der ikke stod nogensomhelst uden for døren , ... f. * Fordi der stod nogensomhelst uden for døren , ... Vikner: Trees & Fields & NPIs, 28.01.2011, p. 9 of 16 The negative polarity element can also be licensed by a negative element in a different clause, provided there is c-command: (26) En. a. * Because Torben thought that I would ever understand it, ... b. Because Torben didn't think that I would ever understand it, ... c. * Because Torben ever thought that I would not understand it, ... Da. d. * Fordi Torben troede at jeg nogensinde ville forstå det, ... e. Fordi Torben ikke troede at jeg nogensinde ville forstå det, ... f. * Fordi Torben nogensinde troede at jeg ikke ville forstå det, ... Ge. g. * Weil Torben geglaubt hat, dass ich es jemals verstehen würde, ... h. Weil Torben nie geglaubt hat, dass ich es jemals verstehen würde, ... i. * Weil Torben jemals geglaubt hat, dass ich es nicht verstehen würde, ... A topicalised object is not c-commanded by the negation (i.e. the situation that counts is the one after movement of the object from the object position to topic position in CP-spec, cf. (24)): (27) En. a. Tim had not met a living soul b. * A living soul Tim had not met c. Not a living soul had Tim met Da. d. Tim havde ikke mødt en levende sjæl. e. * En levende sjæl havde Tim ikke mødt. f. Ikke en levende sjæl havde Tim mødt. Ge. g. Tim hatte keine Menschenseele getroffen. h. * Eine Menschenseele hatte Tim nicht getroffen. i. Keine Menschenseele hatte Tim getroffen. In the following, I shall compare the c-command condition on NPI-licensing with an alternative condition that requires precedence instead. In the first set of examples the NPI a word is both c-commanded and preceded by the licenser: (28) a. En. b. Da. c. Ge. Earlier nobody tried to understand a word during the classes Tidligere forsøgte ingen at forstå et ord i timerne Früher hat niemand versucht im Unterricht ein Wort zu verstehen In the following examples, the NPI is preceded but not c-commanded by the licenser, because the negation is inside the PP in topic position: (29) a. En. * [Not long ago] I tried to understand a word during the classes b. Da. * [For ikke ret lang tid siden] forsøgte jeg at forstå et ord i timerne c. Ge. * [Vor nicht langer Zeit] habe ich versucht im Unterricht ein Wort zu verstehen This contrasts with the following examples, where the NPI is preceded and c-commanded by the licenser, because here the entire topic counts as negative (as can be shown e.g. by tag questions): (30) a. En. b. Da. c. Ge. [At no point in time] I tried to understand a word during the classes [På intet tidspunkt] forsøgte jeg at forstå et ord i timerne [Zu keiner Zeit] habe ich versucht im Unterricht ein Wort zu verstehen Vikner: Trees & Fields & NPIs, 28.01.2011, p. 10 of 16 2.5 Licensing of NPI-verbs Finally, I want to look at NPI-verbs, where c-command might seem not to be required. The NPI-verbs are e.g. need in English (as an auxiliary, i.e. with an infinitive without to) and behøve/brauchen in Danish and German (only when they embed an infinitive), see (31). When need/ behøve/brauchen take a DP-object, they are not NPI-verbs, see (32). In none of (31)a,c,e are the NPI-verbs c-commanded by the negation. But still, it cannot be the case that these verbs do not need to be licensed by e.g. a negation, as shown by the ungrammaticality of (31)b,d,f. Instead, what is necessary is that the base position of the NPI-verb is c-commanded by a licenser (i.e. the NPI-verb must be c-commanded by a licenser before movement): (31) En. a. Maybe Torben need not read these books. b. * Maybe Torben need read these books. Da. c. Måske behøver Torben ikke læse de her bøger. d. * Måske behøver Torben læse de her bøger. Ge. e. Vielleicht braucht Torben diese Bücher nicht zu lesen. f. * Vielleicht braucht Torben diese Bücher zu lesen. (32) En. a. b. Maybe Torben does not need these books. Maybe Torben needs these books. Da. c. d. Måske behøver Torben ikke de her bøger. Måske behøver Torben de her bøger. Ge. e. f. Vielleicht braucht Torben diese Bücher nicht. Vielleicht braucht Torben diese Bücher. Constituent negation inside the object does not c-command the NPI-verb (here stand/fordrage/ abkönnen), not even when this verb is in its base position: (33) En. a. * Torben can stand [not vodka but whisky]. b. Torben might drink [not vodka but whisky]. Da. c. * Torben kan fordrage [ikke vodka men whisky]. d. Torben kunne drikke [ikke vodka men whisky]. Ge. e. * Torben kann [nicht Wodka sondern Whisky] ab. f. Torben könnte [nicht Wodka sondern Whisky] trinken. These NPI-verbs (or at least their base positions) must be c-commanded by a licenser, e.g. the sentential negation: (34) En. a. Torben can't stand vodka. b. * Torben can stand vodka. Da. c. Torben kan ikke fordrage vodka. d. * Torben kan fordrage vodka.. Ge. e. Torben kann Wodka nicht ab. f. * Torben kann Wodka ab. Vikner: Trees & Fields & NPIs, 28.01.2011, p. 11 of 16 2.6 NPIs and because-clauses Consider the following examples (which are discussed e.g. in Linebarger 1987, in McCawley 1988:565, and in Ladusaw 1996:334): (35) a. En. b. Da. c. Ge. Torben had not understood my talk because I had used German examples. Torben havde ikke forstået mit foredrag fordi jeg havde brugt tyske eksempler. Torben hatte meinen Vortrag nicht verstanden, weil ich deutsche Beispiele verwendet hatte. In spite of what one might think at first glance, these examples are actually ambiguous. Each of them may describe either (36) (i) the situation where the use of German examples had prevented Torben from understanding my talk -- after all, he is a professor of English, (ii) the situation where Torben had understood my talk for a different reason than because of my use of German examples (i.e. the German examples were not a problem -- after all he was once a student of Gunnar Bech's -- but what really made him understand the talk was that it was about syntax). or Consider now the following which lacks such an ambiguity: (37) a. En. b. Da. c. Ge. Torben had not understood a thing because I had used German examples. Torben havde ikke forstået et klap fordi jeg havde brugt tyske eksempler. Torben hatte nicht die Bohne verstanden, weil ich deutsche Beispiele verwendet hatte. (37) can only be used in the situation described by (36)i, not the one described by (36)ii. A different set of examples of the same effect are the following: (38) a. En. b. Da. c. Ge. Torben had not read the book because he was annoyed. Torben havde ikke læst bogen fordi han var irriteret. Torben hatte das Buch nicht gelesen, weil er genervt war. (39) a. En. b. Da. c. Ge. Torben had not lifted a finger because he was annoyed. Torben havde ikke rørt en finger fordi han var irriteret. Torben hatte keinen Finger gerührt, weil er genervt war. Again, (38) is actually ambiguous and may describe both the situation in (40)i and the one in (40)ii. (39), on the other hand, only describes the one in (40)i and not the one in (40)ii. (40) (i) the situation where being annoyed had prevented Torben from reading the book (he needs peace of mind for reading), (ii) the situation where Torben had read the book for a different reason than because he was annoyed (i.e. being annoyed was not really a problem, and what really made him read the book was that he was bored). or Vikner: Trees & Fields & NPIs, 28.01.2011, p. 12 of 16 Presumably, the two interpretations differ with respect to whether the because-clause is negated: • In the (i)-interpretations, the because-clause is not negated (it gives a valid reason for why something did not happen). This is because it is outside the scope of negation, i.e. it is not ccommanded by not. • In the (ii)-interpretations, the because-clause is part of what is negated (it gives an invalid reason for why something happened). This is because it is inside the scope of negation, i.e. it is ccommanded by not. This analysis is supported by the fact that only in the (ii)-interpretations may there be an NPI inside the because-clause itself. The following examples thus require the (ii)-interpretations (hence the but): (41) a. En. Torben had not skipped my talk b. Da. Torben havde ikke pjækket fra mit foredrag because he was the least bit tired (but ...) fordi han var det mindste træt (men derimod...) c. Ge. Torben hatte meinen Vortrag nicht geschwänzt, weil er im Geringsten müde war (sondern ...) But even if the (ii)-interpretation has the because-clause inside the scope of negation, this does not explain why the (ii)-interpretation is not available in (37) and (39). Under both interpretations, (i) and (ii), the NPI in (37) and (39) must be taken to be c-commanded by not. What is special about the (ii)-interpretation is that it is a case of focussing negation, with the focus on the because-clause. Focus creates a series of alternatives (Rooth 1992), cf. e.g. the focussing negation reading of (42)a, where focus is on this morning, and where the alternatives all have the form (42)b: (42) En. a. b. Peter didn't arrive in Aarhus this morning Peter arrived in Aarhus at some point in time X, X ≠ this morning It would seem that whereas normal negation licences any NPI that it c-commands, focussing negation only licenses an NPI which is inside the focus (i.e. inside the because-clause in (37) and (39)). This is unexpected, given that a focussing negation c-commands much more than what is inside the focus. What is crucial here is that in the case of focussing negation, the alternatives are all positive, cf. that although (42)a is negative, the alternatives are all positive, (42)b. The alternatives to the focus readings of (37) and (39) thus do not contain any negation, and therefore the NPI in these alternatives would not be licensed: (43) En. a. * Torben had not understood a thing because I had used German examples, ... he had understood a thing because the talk was about syntax. Da. b. * Torben havde ikke forstået et klap fordi jeg havde brugt tyske eksempler, ... han havde forstået et klap fordi foredraget handlede om syntaks. Ge. c. * Torben hatte nicht die Bohne verstanden, weil ich deutsche Beispiele verwendet hatte, ... er hatte die Bohne verstanden, weil der Vortrag über Syntax war. Vikner: Trees & Fields & NPIs, 28.01.2011, p. 13 of 16 (44) En. a. * Torben had not lifted a finger because he was annoyed, ... he had lifted a finger because he was bored. Da. b. * Torben havde ikke rørt en finger fordi han var irriteret, ... han havde rørt en finger fordi han kedede sig. Ge. c. * Torben hatte keinen Finger gerührt, weil er genervt war, ... er hatte einen Finger gerührt, weil er gelangweilt war. If the NPI is inside the focus, there is no problem, because what is inside the focus is absent from the alternatives, and then it does not matter that there is no negation in the alternatives. (45) En. a. Torben had not skipped my talk because he was the least bit tired, ... he had skipped my talk because he had heard it before. Da. b. Torben havde ikke pjækket fra mit foredrag fordi han var det mindste træt, ... han havde pjækket fra mit foredrag fordi han havde hørt det før. Ge. c. Torben hatte nicht meinen Vortrag geschwänzt, ... er hatte meinen Vortrag geschwänzt, weil er im Geringsten müde war, weil er ihn schon gehört hatte. 3. Conclusion The objective here was mainly to illustrate a particular difference in the implementation of c-command between two kinds of approaches to clause structure, namely tree analyses like the generative analysis that Torben and I both advocate and field analyses like the sætningsskema analysis of Danish of Diderichsen (1946) and many others or the topologische Modell analysis of German of Drach (1937) and many others. Having said this, I hope that at least part of my talk also illustrated that these approaches have a number of properties in common. I continue to believe that syntacticians would be well advised to look further than the surface of the different formal and functional approaches. Despite the occasionally polemic tone, the various approaches actually have much in common, which also means that they may learn from each other's insights. All syntacticians, regardless of theoretical persuasion, are ultimately interested in explaining language data. Given the complex subject matter of the discipline, we need all the help we can get, and therefore none of us can afford to ignore the results reached within 'the opposite camp'. At the end of the day, linguists from the two approaches will still set out in different directions when it comes searching for an explanation, and this is as it should be, given that "the growth of knowledge depends entirely upon disagreement" (Popper 1994:x). This quote is further explained in Popper (1994:93-94): "Since the method of science is that of critical discussion, it is of great importance that the theories discussed should be tenaciously defended. For only in this way can we learn their real power. And only if criticism meets resistance can we learn the full force of a critical argument." Vikner: Trees & Fields & NPIs, 28.01.2011, p. 14 of 16 References Appel, Vibeke, Christian Becker-Christensen og Susie Heede-Andersen (eds.): 2002, Politikens nudansk ordbog, Politikens Forlag, Copenhagen Bjerre, Tavs, Eva Engels, Henrik Jørgensen, & Sten Vikner:2008, "Points of convergence between functional and formal approaches to syntactic analysis" in Working Papers in Scandinavian Syntax 82, 131-166, <www.hum.au.dk/engelsk/engsv/papers/bjer08a.pdf> Conrad, Bent, Dorrit Einersen, Claus Færch, Inge Kabell, Hanne Lauridsen, Ellen Qvistgaard, Torben Thrane & Henning Ørum: 1980, Almene Sproglige Begreber, University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen (= Anglica et Americana 9). Davidsen-Nielsen, Niels & Peter Harder: 2000, "Constituent order in English and Danish", Copenhagen Studies in Language 25, 39-71. Diderichsen, Paul: 1946, Elementær Dansk Grammatik, Gyldendal, Copenhagen. 3rd edition 1962, Reprinted 1984. Diderichsen, Paul: 1964, "Sætningsleddene og deres stilling - tredive år efter" in Danica, Studier i dansk sprog til Aage Hansen 3. september 1964. Reprinted in Diderichsen (1966:364-379). Diderichsen, Paul: 1966, Helhed og Struktur, G.E.C. Gads Forlag, Copenhagen. Drach, Erich: 1937, Grundgedanken der deutschen Satzlehre, Diesterweg, Frankfurt am Main. Reprinted 1963, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Fabricius-Hansen, Cathrine, Peter Gallmann, Peter Eisenberg, Reinhard Fiehler, Jörg Peters, Damaris Nübling, Irmhild Barz, & Thomas A. Fritz. 2005. Grammatik der deutschen Gegenwartssprache, Duden vol. 4, 7th edition, Bibliographisches Institut, Mannheim. Fromkin, Victoria (ed.): 2000, Linguistics, An Introduction to Linguistic Theory, Blackwell, Oxford. Heltoft, Lars: 1986, "Topologi og syntaks. En revision af Paul Diderichsens sætningsskema" in Lars Heltoft & John E. Andersen (eds.), Sætningsskemaet og dets stilling - 50 år efter, Nydanske Studier og Almen Kommunikationsteori, NyS 16/17, 105-130. Hoeksema, Jack: 2000, "Negative Polarity Items, Triggering, Scope and C-Command", in Laurence Horn & Yasuhiko Kato (eds.), Negation and Polarity - Syntactic and Semantic Perspectives, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp 115-145. Ladusaw, William: 1996, "Negation and Polarity Items" in Shalom Lappin (ed.), The Handbook of Contemporary Semantic Theory, Blackwell, Oxford, pp. 321-341. Linebarger, Marcia: 1987, "Negative Polarity and Grammatical Representation" in Linguistics and Philosophy 10, 325-387. McCawley, James: 1988, The Syntactic Phenomena of English, University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Platzack, Christer: 1985, "A Survey of Generative Analyses of the Verb Second Phenomenon in Germanic" in Nordic Journal of Linguistics 8.1, 49-73. Popper, Karl: 1994, The Myth of the Framework, Routledge, London. Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, & Jan Svartvik: 1985, A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language, Longman, London. Rooth, Mats: 1992, "A Theory of Focus Interpretation" in Natural Language Semantics 1.1, 75-117. Thrane, Torben: 1999, "Forklaringstyper i lingvistikken" [Types of explanation in linguistics] in Peter Harder (ed.) DFG, Funktionelle Fodnoter. Formel Sprogteori. Nogle udfordringer til den funktionelle tilgang, University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen, pp. 66-81. Thrane, Torben: 2003, "Breakstructures" in Journal of Linguistics 39.2, 327-372. <www.sprog.asb.dk/TT/Artikler/Publicerede/JL%20Breakstructures.pdf> Thrane, Torben: 2008, "Hvis funktionalisme er svaret, hvad er så spørgsmålet?" [If functionalism is the answer, then what is the question?] in Nydanske Studier og Almen Kommunikationsteori, NyS 36, 120-150. Thrane, Torben: 2009, "The Language Faculty – Mind or Brain?" in Tidsskrift for Sprogforskning 7 , 1-42. <http://ojs.statsbiblioteket.dk/index.php/tfs/article/view/2734/2347> Vikner, Sten: 1985, "Parameters of Binder and of Binding Category in Danish", Working Papers in Scandinavian Syntax 23. <www.hum.au.dk/engelsk/engsv/papers/vikn85a.pdf> Vikner: Trees & Fields & NPIs, 28.01.2011, p. 15 of 16 Vikner, Sten: 1995, Verb Movement and Expletive Subjects in the Germanic Languages, Oxford University Press, New York. Vikner, Sten: 1999a, "Ledstillingen i dansk og government & binding" in Per Anker Jensen & Peter Skadhauge (eds.), Sætningsskemaet i generativ lingvistik, pp. 83-110. Institut for Erhvervssproglig Informatik og Kommunikation, Syddansk Universitet, Kolding. <www.hum.au.dk/engelsk/engsv/papers/vikn99a.pdf> Vikner, Sten: 1999b, "V°-til-I° flytning og personfleksion i alle tempora" in Islenskt mál 19, 81-128. <www.hum.au.dk/engelsk/engsv/papers/vikn99b.pdf>. Vikner, Sten: 2007, "Teoretisk og komparativ syntaks" in Henrik Jørgensen & Peter Widell (eds.), Det bedre argument - Festskrift til Ole Togeby, 7. marts 2007, Wessel & Huitfeld, Århus, pp. 469480. <www.hum.au.dk/engelsk/engsv/papers/vikn07a.pdf> Wöllstein-Leisten, Angelika, Axel Heilmann, Peter Stepan, & Sten Vikner: 1997, Deutsche Satzstruktur, Stauffenburg, Tübingen. Vikner: Trees & Fields & NPIs, 28.01.2011, p. 16 of 16
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We offer a number of landscaping and home preservation services to include but not limited to mowing, raking, mulching, minor roof, plumbing, and drywall repair. We try to provide the next level in customer service to stay ahead of the competition.
What was the inspiration to start or run this business?
After trying a number of different businesses I found landscaping and preservation to be most enjoyable. I get an opportunity to work outside and use critical thinking skills to solve the problem of making a lawn or home beautiful.
What do you love most about your job?
Defiantly love being outside in the fresh air.
What is the best reaction you've ever gotten from a customer?
I guess the best reaction I received from a customer is a holiday card wishing my family and my business the best thanking me for the service we provide.


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Lenah Valley is a very popular area and this home has been in the family for a very long time.
It offers an updated kitchen with a good sized family area, separate lounge room and a sunroom. Ducted heated for warmth, workshop space under and a single carport with extra off street parking available.
Circa 1950 and 142m2.
Needs some work here and there, hence the value.
Land Area 1,492 sqm
Chris McGregor (03) 6278 2666 0407 421 177
John McGregor (03) 6278 2666 0419 892 104
The above information has been furnished to us by the vendor of each property. We have not verified whether or not that information is accurate and have no belief one way or another in its accuracy. We do not accept any responsibility to any person for its accuracy and do no more than pass it on. all interested parties should make and rely upon their own enquires in order to determine whether or not this information is in fact accurate.


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Wrong Time Wrong Place Trailer (2012)
Trailer for the documentary Wrong Time Wrong Place.
Acclaimed Dutch documentarian John Appel had the germ of an idea: to make a film about coincidence and fate. The 2011 Norwegian massacre, which took 77 lives between the Oslo bombing and the shootings on the holiday camp island of Utøya, was so inexplicable it proved a suitably haunting subject.
Appel's eerie footage of the now-deserted Utøya contextualises the recollections of survivors and families left behind. Ritah, a Ugandan refugee pregnant at the time of the shootings, credits her son with her survival; Harald, mourning his recently deceased son, was supposed to be on leave but decided to go to his office in Oslo; Natia remembers the choice faced by her friend Tamta, who couldn't swim: a man with a gun behind her, deadly water in front of her. In each case, seemingly trivial moments and decisions become portentous.
1 min 33 sec
Posted On
August 22, 2013
John Appel
John Appel
November 14, 2012
Unknown or Not Available
No Music Available