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Kindle Paperwhite
It has been over five years since Amazon released the Kindle, which has revolutionised the way that many of us consume books.Their newest offering, the Kindle Paperwhite, has been on sale since January in Ireland – now you can order Kindles online from amazon uk.
No need to order it from the USA site anymore.
The Paperwhite brings e-reading the furthest it has ever been, learning from and improving on both the original and the Kindle Touch. The device itself is both thinner and lighter than the touch, this however could be attributed to the absence of a headphone jack and the lesser storage capacity of 2Gb. Although this may seem like a downside to the Paperwhite, 2Gb of storage should be more than enough for even the most avid of readers with the ability to hold up to 1,100 books. The device comes in models both with and without built-in wi-fi, with the former you will be able to wirelessly download e-books from the Kindle store and receive recommendations for future books based on your library. Staying true to previous Kindle's form the battery life in the Paperwhite clocks in at up to eight weeks. This should be more than enough battery life to be able to bring the e-reader on holiday without any worries of it ever running out.
The biggest change between the Kindle of five years ago and the Paperwhite is the quality of the screen resolution. With 62% more pixels the text on screen is significantly sharper and with tablets such as the iPad as competition Amazon needed to up their game.
If you are looking for a high-tech, portable entertainment system then the Kindle Paperwhite isn't for you. The whole focus of the device is on consuming all sorts of literature wherever you may be and making the process as close to, and on many occasions, even better than the real thing. People who are used to tablets and smartphones may find the interface of the Paperwhite to be
somewhat primitive but it does everything you could want for a device with such a low price.
If you own an original Kindle and fancy an upgrade or would like to take a step into the world of e-reading then the Paperwhite is for you, it's cheap, easy to use and the new design is bar far the best on the market right now. However if want more than just an e-reader and your bugdget is somewhat bigger then I'd take a look at some tablets such as the Nexus 7 or iPad mini.


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|Message view
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|"Juergen Hoffmann" <hoffm...@apache.org>
|[ANNOUNCEMENT] Turbine 2.3.3 Released
|Sat, 22 Nov 2008 21:17:58 GMT
Hi Community, the Turbine Development Team is pleased to announce the turbine 2.3.3 release! http://turbine.apache.org/turbine/turbine-2.3.3/index.html Turbine is a servlet based framework that allows experienced Java developers to quickly build secure web applications. Parts of Turbine can also be used independently of the web portion of Turbine as well. In other words, we strive to make portions of Turbine easily available for use in other applications. ============================================================================ === Changes in this version include: New Features: o Added getBooleans() and getBooleanObjects() to the ValueParser to provide a "more orthogonal" interface. o Made ValueParser and BaseValueParser locale-aware. Note that the default locale used is always the default value of the JVM which is different from the previous behaviour where the locale used was sometimes Locale.US (for float, double and BigDecimal) and sometimes the JVM-default (for dates). o The init() method in LocalizationTool is no longer declared as final - you can now extend this class to provide alternative ways of initializing the locale. o Default ServerData values can now be specified in TurbineResources.properties. o Added an extension of LDAPUser named ActiveDirectoryUser to simplify the authentication against AD servers. Added some documentation with a configuration example. o Extended Intake to allow validators based on comparisons between fields of the same group. Two example validators are provided, for date ranges and for integer ranges. o Added JSON-RPC Service to support JavaScript to Java AJAX communications using JSON-RPC-Java. For further details see JSON-RPC Service. o Added UI Service as a replacement for the UIManager pull tool (now deprecated in favor of the backwards compatible UITool). For further details see UI Service. o Extended HtmlPageAttributes to allow generic <link /> tags in the HTML head section. o Added Thomas's variation on Siegfried's TurbineYaafiComponentService that allows Fulcrum components to be used in Turbine 2.3 in a fulcrum-yaafi container. Fixes TRB-27. Thanks to Thomas Vandahl. o Extended the LocalizationService to provide formatting facilities. o Extended Intake to care for localization and to allow user-defined field types (type "custom"). The Validator interface has been extended so custom validators must be adjusted unless they extend DefaultValidator. Fixed bugs: o Minor correction to intake.dtd - added missing fieldClass attribute to field element. o Fix a memory leak due to an invalid map key type. Fixes TRB-70. Thanks to Susi Berrington. o Fixed a couple of NullPointerExceptions that can occur when Intake is validating multiValued fields. o Fixed a NullPointerExceptions that can occur when Intake is used to validate a primitive field. Clarified the meaning of Field.isSet() in Javadoc. o Intake was not handling empty values correctly. Fixes TRB-9. Thanks to Jürgen Hoffmann. o A FileItem in a ParameterParser added to TurbineURI or TemplateURI was resulting in a NPE. Fixes TRB-8. Thanks to Gunther Olesch. o TurbineURI was mishandling the empty String. Fixes TRB-16. Thanks to Jürgen Hoffmann. o Intake was not loading the correct Default Validators when the rules for a field are empty. Fixes TRB-14. Thanks to Jürgen Hoffmann. Changes: o Preparing for the Release of Turbine 2.3.3 o VelocityHtmlEmail now throws EmailException rather than VelocityEmailException. This has been done for compatibility with commons-email-1.1, even though commons-email-1.0 is being used for now. o Update jar dependencies: javax.activation to 1.1.1 javax.mail to 1.4.1 commons-configuration to 1.5 commons-fileupload to 1.2.1 commons-io to 1.4 commons-logging to 1.1.1 commons-lang to 2.4 commons-pool to 1.4 log4j to 1.2.15 servletapi to 2.4 o Further simplify the value assignment in Intake fields. o Use the localize features of the parser to simplify the value assignment in Intake fields. Made handling of empty values consistent over all number field types. o Important change: The BaseValueParser now consistently returns null for all get-methods that return an Object, if the parameter name does not exist. This changes the behaviour of getBigDecimal which used to return 0 in this case. o Initialize the locale of RunData, the ParameterParser and the CookieParser from the HttpServletRequest. Make RunData.setLocale propagate the locale setting to the parsers. o Set the locale of the ParameterParser and the CookieParser from the default locale of RunData. o Improved handling of null values for query parameter and path info values in TurbineURI (avoids a NPE, logs warning message). o Update to latest release of Torque. o Update to latest release of Fulcrum Yaafi. o Eliminate cryptix dependency. The cryptix library contains strong encryption algorithms causing problems using the software outside of the US (ECCN). This is a partial backport from Fulcrum so the real work was done by Siegfried Goeschl. o Make SecurityServices run with Torque 3.3. o Removed unnecessary locking in the XSLT service. Make relative includes work again. o Update jar dependencies: commons-collections to 3.2 commons-configuration to 1.4 commons-dbcp to 1.2.2 commons-digester to 1.8 commons-lang to 2.3 commons-pool to 1.3 log4j to 1.2.14 velocity to 1.5 o Deprecated the DBSecurityService and its associated classes. It has been replaced by the TorqueSecurityService. o Intake now handles the case where the mapToObject does not map to all fields in the group. Fixes TRB-9. Thanks to Jürgen Hoffmann. Removed features: o Remove the ComponentService. This has been deprecated long ago. It has been replaced by the different incarnations of AvalonComponentService. o Remove long deprecated classes. org.apache.turbine.util.SequencedHashtable org.apache.turbine.util.StringStackBuffer org.apache.turbine.util.FileUtils org.apache.turbine.util.BufferCache org.apache.turbine.util.QuickSort org.apache.turbine.util.Comparable org.apache.turbine.util.Log org.apache.turbine.util.mail.* org.apache.turbine.util.validation.* org.apache.turbine.util.upload.* org.apache.java.lang.* org.apache.java.security.* org.apache.turbine.util.db.* org.apache.turbine.services.resources.TurbineResources org.apache.turbine.services.db.* ============================================================================ === Issues, bugs, and feature requests for turbine-2 should be submitted to the following issue tracking system: http://issues.apache.org/jira/browse/TRB Have fun! -The Turbine development team
|View raw message

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Hioki PW3360-21-01-500 Power Analyzers
Follow us for the latest equipment specials.
New Hioki PW3360-21-01-500
Call 1-800-615-8378 or 407-804-1299 for more information
Sell Equipment Repairs Add to cart E-mail this page Alert me when this goes on sale
Hioki PW3360-21-01-500 Details
Hioki PW3360-21-01-500
Power Demand Analyzer Kit (Custom 500A Kit)
Hioki PW3360-21-01/500 Power Demand Analyzer Kit (500 A) with Harmonic Analysis and CT9661 Clamps
Hioki Clamp On Power Logger PW3360-21 can record power variations over extended periods of time. An optional SD memory card can be used to record up to one year of measurements at one-minute intervals, providing a useful source of data for verifying energy-saving benefits. Additionally, its broad operating temperature range of -10°C to 50°C, which exceeds that of previous Hioki devices, enables measurement in harsh environments.


text:
We have a one-year old modular home. It is
heated by electric baseboard heaters. The
problem we have is from the top of the living
room and kitchen walls there has accumulated a "gray shadow" approx. ten to twelve inches
down the wall. It is similar to soot...and
we have attempted to clean it to no avail.
noone seems to know what it is...or how it
is forming there??? Any suggestions???
Just for your information...also on the TV
screens and computer screens it forms to a
soot film...when I clean them...there are
black specks on them...and they have to be
cleaned weekly??? HELP????
Sounds like mildew. Probably caused by too much moisture in the house. An inexpensive fix would be to purchase a dehumidifier. Other fixes might be to install some attic ventilation or a forced air furnace with a dehumidifier. Is the home under some sort of warranty? If so you should get the builder to fix it for you.


text:
Within walking distance to the beautiful sand and ocean of Myrtle Beach, La Quinta Inn & Suites Myrtle Beach at 48th Ave is the perfect location for your next vacation to your favorite destination. This pet-friendly hotel is situated in the heart of Myrtle Beach, and is within minutes of all of the best attractions that the Grand Strand has to offer.
Spend your days lounging on the beach, or head out to downtown Myrtle Beach where you will find many family-friendly attractions. Get a different perspective of the beach from the top of the Myrtle Beach SkyWheel, take a thrilling ride on the SlingShot, or see some weird things at the Ripley's Believe it or Not Museum. Run from your fears at Nightmare Haunted House, spend some tokens at one of a few arcades, and have a burger at Peaches Corner; one of Myrtle Beach's most famous boardwalk restaurants.
Whether you are a shopper or a golfer, La Quinta Inn & Suites Myrtle Beach at 48th Ave is the perfect place for you! For golfers, Pine Lakes Country Club and Myrtlewood Golf Club are just a few miles away. For shoppers, great options such as Broadway at the Beach, Coastal Grand Mall, Tanger Outlets, and The Market Common are all just a few minutes drive away.
After spending your days in the sun, shopping, golfing, and having fun, you'll be thankful that your hotel is close by. Not only is La Quinta Inn & Suites Myrtle Beach at 48th Ave centrally located, but you'll also be grateful to lay down in your comfortable pillow-top bed as you start to drift away into a sweet slumber.
The amenities at La Quinta Inn & Suites Myrtle Beach at 48th Ave include: free Wi-Fi, free high-speed Internet access, free breakfast, free parking, outdoor pool, fitness center, and the Bright Side Market.
La Quinta Inn & Suites Myrtle Beach at 48th Ave offers several accommodation choices. Choose from a two room suite with a sleeper sofa, an executive king suite with wet bar, a room with two double beds, ADA accessible room with king bed, a room with two double beds and a microwave and fridge, or a room with a king bed and a microwave and fridge.
All rooms feature amenities such as free high-speed Internet access, free breakfast, free local calls, alarm clock, coffee maker, hairdryer, TV, pillow-top beds, work desk, iron with ironing board, and more.
Pet-friendly rooms are available.


text:
Christmas Cakes
Friday, December 18, 2009
It never really feels like Christmas until I start baking. I love to be in the kitchen baking cookies and listening to Christmas music. My favorite thing to bake is pound cakes. I have been using Southern Living's Vanilla Butter Cake for the past few years. It is an amazing cake - the vanilla smells so good when it is baking. I use a Christmas Tree Bundt pan and ice the tops of the trees, so it looks like snow. I also have monogramed boxes (from BakingBoxes.com) and a Happy Holidays embosser (from Williams-Sonoma). It makes a great gift! I made three cakes this week and I am making three more on Sunday.
4 comments
Looks divine!ReplyDelete
Beautiful! I really like that W@S embosser. I was just in that store today darnit. Must make a trip back.ReplyDelete
You are the awesome baker! Neat gift idea too. That christmas tree pan is way cool. I guess it only gets used once a year though, huh?ReplyDelete
There lovely! Btw, I still haven't gotten my cake. When did you send it out?ReplyDelete
Subscribe to: Post Comments (Atom)


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If too much debt is a problem, it stands to reason that the best cure is more debt. Like curing a headache with a hammer, or alcoholism with a bottle of Wild Turkey, more debt will apparently enable the Fed to fix the economy once and for all. So suggests Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis President Narayana Kocherlakota.
In remarks prepared for a conference hosted by Germany's Bundesbank, Kocherlakota maintains that increasing the nation's borrowings "would push downward on debt prices, and so upward on the long-run neutral real interest rate."
Raising the neutral rate would supposedly give the Fed more room to lower rates should the economy tank again (which it is arguable already doing.) In other words, higher interest rates would make it easier to further inflate those bubbles that have already been re-inflated. Brilliant!
Perhaps Mr Kocherlakota is suffering from jet lag, or ingested some bad kraut. Because, at $18.15 trillion in national debt, every 1% increase in rates amounts to another $181.5 billion in annual interest payments — over 5% of the US annual budget.
A return to a historically average 6% would boost interest payments to over 20% of annual expenses — competing with social security and healthcare for the nation's biggest expense category. Is there anyone out there who honestly believes spending more tax dollars on interest payments would help the disappearing middle class?
I've got a better idea. Let's get a great big glass jar, and we'll stick it in Washington D.C. — in the Mall right across Constitution Ave. from the Eccles Building.
And, every time some Fed president or PhD economist comes up with a bone-headed idea like this, they'll have to toddle across the street and toss a nickel in that jar.
I'll bet it's filled up in no time. It'll pay off our national debt and end the financial crisis once and for all. Maybe Kocherlakota will run it by his pals in Frankfurt. Bet they could use a great big jar, too.


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Suzhou was an ancient city in China with the history of over 2,500 years, is the origin of Wu culture with numerous points of interest. There is an old saying goes "Just as there is a heaven up above, there are Suzhou and Hangzhou on earth". Suzhou, described by Marco Polo as one of the most beautiful cities in China, is not only noted for "The City of Gardens", but gain the fame of 'Venice of the Orient'. Humble Administrators Garden, Lingering Garden and the Master of Nets Garden were listed in UNESCO World Heritage site, attain their high reputation not only for their vast numbers, but also for their charming natural beauty and harmonious construction.
Join Suzhou Private Tours to get unique Suzhou trips with the combination of the historical heritages and natural scenes. All our Suzhou tours are private tours with a private English-speaking guide and a private vehicle. Suzhou Private Tours use our expert knowledge to create unique tour experiences for yourslef, your family and your friends... The tours can be customized according to your personal requests and cater to your different interests and budget no matter you are interested in history or prefer to visit natural scenes and Chinese classic gardens, feel free to contact us and let us know your requirements.
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text:
Rinspeed is a Swiss automotive firm based by Frank M. Rinderknecht (he is additionally the C.E. of the corporate). As industrialization has an important position in accelerating growth and in strengthening steadiness of funds, its lackluster performance within the first three years of the Eight Plan is a matter of deep concern. The shortfall skilled in these years is unlikely to be compensated within the remaining two years on account of capability constraints, getting older capital, excessive rates of interest, lack of demand both at dwelling and abroad, and the transition from very excessive protection to a comparatively less protecting milieu. The efficiency of the development sector through the first three years was also quite disappointing; its annual progress price was 2.4 % as against the plan of 7 percent.
The basic distinction between the contact level and the electronic ignition system is in the primary circuit. The first circuit in a contact level ignition system is open and closed by contact points. Within the electronic system, the first circuit is open and closed by the digital management unit (EUROPEAN).The secondary circuits are practically the identical for the 2 systems. The difference is that the distributor, ignition coil, and wiring are altered to handle the high voltage produced by the digital ignition system. One benefit of this larger voltage (up to 60,000volts) is that spark plugs with wider gaps can be utilized. This ends in a longer spark, which can ignite leaner air-fuel mixtures. Because of this engines can run on leaner mixtures for better fuel economy and lower emissions.
Enterprises planning to terminate staff should give as a lot advance warning as possible to staff, look to alternatives to termination (e.g. retraining), agree on termination procedures (e.g. volunteers first, adopted by final-in first-out arrangements), negotiate termination packages, and assist staff to find suitable different employment by offering counseling and placement services or, alternatively, linking with authorities companies able to present such providers.
Expensive Fabio, IAAD in Turin is between the nice faculties with good skilled progression. PwC's Technique& is a world staff of practical strategists. We are collaborative by nature and dedicated to our purchasers' success. It is planned on the market in the US early subsequent 12 months and in addition for Europe, though that date was not disclosed. Nissan is targeting sales of 200 automobiles a month in Japan.
In the world of jewellery, essentially the most coveted merchandise is commonly platinum. It's the hardest and most durable. On the earth of automobilia, two gadgets emerge as prime flight objects – the neon indicators and the glass fuel pumps. Each of these items are extremely fragile and expensive. It's not unusual for the glass gasoline pumps to begin at a low five figures and the neon indicators I doubt if you'll be able to touch a high quality piece for lower than $one thousand. Classic vehicles are costly and the automobilia can also be not for those with skinny wallets.


text:
Hiring the best Pavers
Using pavers in landscaping is considered to be one of the most cost-effective ways of improving the look of the outdoor space. They are available in several designs, patterns and colors. Some gardens have separate spaces like pathway. Such spaces can be accentuated with the help of garden pavers.
These days, you can easily get desirable paver materials that can suit the outer façade of your house. In recent times, several new designs of Pavers have come into market. Large format pavers can add a dramatic effect to a smaller area and make it appear bigger. Combining pavers and grass together can impart an attractive look to a garden. Pavers in natural shades like terracotta, charcoal, cream and brown can make your landscape look appealing. Pavers that have different type of textures and irregular contours can impart a strong visual impact.
You must already know that laying pavers is easier said than done. You must hire a professional paver contractor who has been dealing with this kind of job since a very long time. Laying pavers does not only mean enhancing the outward appearanceFind Article, it also entails the factors like durability and quality of your garden landscape project. The outcome of the project depends only on the work experience of the paver contractor.
Installing pavers in your garden is not a project in which you can take a chance. Right kind of preparation with enough time in hand can help you to achieve the desired outcome. There are several factors that you need to take into account as you search for an efficient paver contractor.


text:
Buzzards Boy is an artifact of an evolving artist transcending a varied stylistic past
to reveal himself as an intriguing songwriter capable of truth and sonic spells.
On Buzzards Boy, Sean and his bandmates hooked up with a producer for the first
Stoneback was sought out for his uncanny recording methods (oil cans, toys amps) and his
enthusiasm for the demos he was absorbing between his other name-brand projects (Cults,
Sleigh Bells, Vampire Weekend). The sessions were brief and at some point during the week
Bones resolved to taking on the rest of the project alone. Traveling between rehearsal spaces,
bedrooms and eventually to the West Coast, he built an awesome second record from the
foundation laid through this partnership.
The island he's trawling this time is darker and lusher. Tracks are swathed in reverb-laden surf
guitars and loose percussion. It's easy to imagine hearing this album out doors, at night.
A full listen reveals a wide range of influences digested into something wholly Bones' own.
"Tell Me Again" is a folky harmonium piece played over what sounds like the Miami Sound Machine.
"Four Dub" explores open space and urgency. The sublime "Black Gold" starts with a scruffy
hip hop beat until giving way to another one of those swoony boy-girl ballads that he's good at.
At the heart of Buzzards Boy is a romantic young man, worried about the world and checking
himself for imagined damage. Somewhere in the storm came a renewed sense of purpose.
Fittingly, the exuberant lead single "Here Now" was written last. Backed by Fool's Gold's Garrett
Ray and Lewis Pesacov, the song brims with energy as an ecstatic Bones proclaims, "I'm here
now, hold it down!" Whether he's here to remind himself or the rest of us does not matter – the
track is his most confident and inspiring to date.


text: This is a page listing furniture stores in Friedensburg, Pennsylvania. Browse the listings below to find the best furniture stores near you or enter your zip code at the top of the page to find more Pennsylvania Furniture Stores in your area. Visit one of these fine Friedensburg furniture stores to find the best sofa, bed or whatever you need right in Friedensburg.


text:
Come browse our large selection of coils.
We invite you to visit our friendly and knowledgeable staff here at Hazze Vape. We work to be the #1 Vape shop in the world
Flavor town has nothing on the wide selection of juices we offer.
Our Vapor Stores truly make a difference


text:
All our comfortable and spacious rooms overlook the green tropical garden and one of the two pools. The rooms at Las Golondrinas are nicely decorated with rustic wooden furniture and hand painted tiles.
Air conditioning, ceiling fan, cable TV LCD, telephone, Wireless Internet WiFi, safety deposit box, hair dryer, closet, bathroom with shower are standard features in all rooms at Hotel Las Golondrinas.
We have four types of rooms:
While our hotel has a standard set of the room types, there's absolutely nothing standard about them! Each single room, double or family room, each suite we offer is enhanced with a little extra of its own!
The intricate and elegant, but at the same time comfortable interior and exterior of the hotel make your stay here a blast! Additionally, all the amenities that we have, hotel-wide WiFI & our incredible eat & drink venues will be a cherry on the top!


text:
Rucksnacks cares about your personal information and we take your privacy very seriously. By using Rucksnacks.com you agree to the following Privacy Policy. This policy covers the treatment of personal information that Rucksnacks collects when you are using the Rucksnacks.com website. This policy does not apply to practices of third parties that Rucksnacks has no control over.
Clonkirk Farm LTD is trading as Rucksnacks ("we", "us", "website", "our" and "site") which is a registered EU trademark and is owned by Clonkirk Farm Limited, a company located at Clonkirk, Clones, Co. Monaghan. Registered at CRO, Republic of Ireland. 568508.
This document relates to all products available through the domain www.rucksnacks.com and its sub domains and any officially linked social media support service, including but not limited to Facebook, Twitter, Linked-in, and You Tube.
The terms ("Client(s)", "user(s)" "you", "your" and "Service Provider") when used in these Terms mean any user of this website offering, providing, availing of service(s) or seeking to receive or provide service(s), also users participating in the Rucksnacks Referral Program. These users can be registered or non-registered.
Rucksnacks is an online website that allows users to buy beef snacks, buy beef jerky and buy beef biltong. We are an Irish beef snack company and we offer customers the opportunity to buy healthy high protein snacks from our range of award winning snacks. Our aim is to be the top beef jerky brands and top beef jerky companies worldwide.
When providing personal information to Rucksnacks you are voluntarily and expressly agreeing to accept the Terms and Conditions of this Privacy Policy along with the standard website Terms and Conditions.
Our brand protection is important to us. Rucksnacks ("we", "us", "website", "our" and "site") is a registered EU trademark and is owned by Clonkirk Farm Limited. Therefore, any infringements or possible infringements on our brand will be monitored and rigorously protected.
Our aim is to become the best jerky brand, not just the best beef jerky brand amongst. We also aim to be the best beef biltong brand. We will achieve this through following our values and ensuring our customers are always satisfied. We recognise there are a lot of different brands of beef jerky available, but nothing beats our natural beef jerky.
We receive automatic information through Rucksnacks.com and its authorised agents when you use the website. We automatically receive and record certain 'traffic data', including your IP address, cookie information and page views. We use this information to identify problems with the website and offer you a better service. The IP address shall only be analysed in case of attack on Rucksnacks system and for website statistics.
We use all information we gather to offer you a personalised website experience, to create personalised web pages and offer a better service to users.
We use Hyperlinks to link from one page on the website to another relevant page on the website. We may use technology to track how often these links are used and which pages are viewed. This technology does not identify you personally but provides statistics for the website, so we can improve our service.
We apply appropriate technical and organisational security measures in order to protect your personal data against unauthorised access, part or full loss or manipulation.
We will use your personal information to provide you with a personalised experience each visit to the website.
Rucksnacks employees and third party agents may have some access to personal information on Rucksnacks that is necessary during the normal course of business.
In the case of a merger, acquisition, reorganisation, sale of assets or bankruptcy assets such as user data may be transferred to a third party successor. We do not sell or rent personal information to third parties without your consent.
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Digital Brand Analyst (Brand Advocate)
We are actively looking for multiple Digital Brand Analysts in the Smyrna area! As an Analyst in the Brand Advocate program, you will partner with strategic suppliers and client's merchants to drive a best-in-class customer experience online and grow the brand's business on the .com platform. In this role, you will build strong business relationships with your suppliers and enhance your brand's online content to improve conversion, drive online traffic and grow sales. You will be responsible for analysing your brand's online performance and understanding category trends to help you identify areas for improvement.
On a regular basis, you will lead presentations with the supplier and client merchants where you will build alignment on strategic priorities. Another key aspect of the role includes ensuring new items are successfully on-boarded and optimized as well as offering support when suppliers need help with online/system troubleshooting. This is a 12-18 month contract opportunity!
Major Tasks, Responsibilities & Key Accountabilities:
1-3 years of professional marketing analytics, retail, E-commerce, or digital content experience
Understand project process or project coordination
Strong Excel and PowerPoint skills (VLOOKUP, pivot tables, charts, graphs, formulas, exporting, etc)
Bachelor's Degree in related field
Excellent communication and presentation skills
At Visionaire Partners, we offer exciting and challenging careers in staffing and sales. As part of our staffing workforce, you play a central role in developing, selling and managing client accounts. ou will be helping businesses grow by providing them with the experienced and skilled professionals they need to succeed in a competitive marketplace. On the candidate side you will be guiding individuals as they make their next career move, providing them with a fundamental source of pride as well as financial stability.
Visionaire Partners is an information technology staffing company located in Atlanta, Georgia. e provide a range of services within the staffing industry, including Direct Hire/Permanent Placement, Temporary and Temp to Permanent Solutions, and Retained Search. ur partners have over 70 years of cumulative experience in the Atlanta staffing market, which we leverage to provide the best candidates for the most competitive positions.
Topreasons our people are committed to working at Visionaire Partners:
Quality and diversity of co-workers and work environment
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Our Vision Statement
Please contact us today if you are interested in a position with Visionaire Partners:
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Photo by Shutterstock
If you thought Motorola's proposal for a signal-boosting throat "tattoo" was outrageous, wait till you wrap your head around Sony's latest patent application. The Japanese technology firm is making a pitch for a sensor-rigged "SmartWig," one that's capable of processing and communicating data to other external devices. Worn as a replacement to one's natural follicles or in addition to to, according to the filing, the high-tech toupee is designed to accommodate a variety of built-ins: an onboard GPS for navigating roads, ultrasound transducers that vibrate in response to oncoming obstacles, even an integrated laser pointer and remote to manipulate PowerPoint presentations.
Another iteration of the SmartWig could monitor internal functions like body temperature, blood pressure, and brain activity, or parse outside environmental factors such as sound, humidity, temperature, and carbon-dioxide levels.
Another iteration of the SmartWig could monitor internal functions like body temperature, blood pressure, and brain activity.
Another iteration of the SmartWig could monitor internal functions like body temperature, blood pressure, and brain activity.
So why the head? In addition to the comparably vast swathe of real estate allotted to your noggin, the head is more sensitive than other body parts prior wearables have focused on, including the feet, hands, or waist.
"The arrangement within a wig that is adapted to cover at least a part of the user's head enables the user to immediately react even if the computing device provides only small or weak feedbacks," the application notes. "The fact that users instinctively protect their heads more than other body parts is also advantageous, since more sensitive sensors and other computing components may be used without the risk of getting damaged. Moreover, the wearable computing device according to the present disclosure can be easily combined with other wearable devices, such as computer glasses or smartphones."
The wig itself could comprise a range of materials, including horse hair, human hair, wool, feathers, yak hair, buffalo hair, or synthetics, as well as either a "fancy or funny appearance" or an inconspicuous one, Sony says. The device, the company adds, has the potential to become "very popular and commonly used," even becoming "a kind of combined technically intelligent item and fashion item at the same time."
And if wig technology continues to evolve at its current pace, future hairpieces could soon be virtually indistinguishable from their natural counterparts. "Therefore, it is believed that a wig as proposed herein has huge potential as a wearable computing device," the application concludes.
+ SmartWig
[Via BBC News]


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Earl Conteh-Morgan
The contemporary international system is characterized by change and continuity in fundamental socio-political processes and economic relationships that constitute the foundation on which state and non-state interactions unfold. In particular, post-Cold War fin de siècle international politics, rather than producing a new era of global peace, economic prosperity, and symmetrical interdependence, is instead characterized by a widening scope and intensity of geopolitical fluidity and socio-economic effervescence which tend either to (1) undermine state sovereignty, (2) assail human rights practices, or (3) impel the key actors (great powers and major international organizations) of the international system to adopt a foreign policy posture of Aintervention@ with the goal of managing the global political economy. The ever-increasing negative effects of transnational social forces tend to generate the pervasive force of a liberal cosmopolitan moral view of international relations that increasingly sanctions both military and non-military interventions to maintain the existing structure of states and international society. The consequence is that states, in particular weak developing states, are progressively losing their individual identities, rights, and obligations vis-à-vis civil society, in the wake of the external impositions. In other words, the high incidence of violent ethnopolitical conflicts as well as the dislocative effects of weak developing economies are increasingly undermining the twin pillars of non-intervention and state sovereignty. Conflict/peacekeeping interventions and economic dislocation/external policy impositions now constitute the most formidable sources of assault on the decision-making autonomy, territorial integrity, and overall sovereignty of the developing state.
Essentially, the overall objective of this paper is to utilize arguments and perspectives from Gramscian theorists, world systems analysts, and the neo-Marxist literature to show how the developing state=s sovereignty is being assailed by various transnational developments such as (1) the expansion and internationalization of peacekeeping/humanitarian intervention efforts, or (2) newly emerging power relationships and structures that derive from crisis in politico-economic systems, especially in developing states. The relationship between developing state sovereignty and national/global systemic forces could be understood more fully by examining the latter=s impact on issues that generate external interventions.
The conceptualization of intervention in this analysis is broad and includes both coercive/military forms of intervention, and non-military/consensual forms of intervention. Interventions, even when consensual, often have serious human rights implications because of their tendency to subvert the managerial capacity of the state vis-à-vis the welfare of its citizens (Cox, 1981; Szentes 1988). An example of such an intervention in the area of economic policy is the coercive consensual relationship or consensual domination of the developing state by great powers and International Financial Institutions (IFIs). In post-Cold War international society military-strategic-defensive issues are rapidly giving way to socio-economic globalization processes. As a result, non-military forms of intervention by great powers and IFIs on developing state sovereignty are increasingly becoming a moral problem, as manifested in the reaction of large segments of developing state civil society to external economic impositions, such as IMF conditionalities.
In particular, the focus of this paper will revolve around two dimensions of transnational/ global developments that threaten the managerial autonomy of the developing state. The first of these dimensions is the changed nature of conflict in the international system as manifested in the rise in internal, intrastate violence as opposed to inter-state conflicts which undermine the sovereignty of the state and produce external peacekeeping interventions. The second dimension is the economic dislocative effects of rapid globalization processes and deepening market forces that impel the intervention of IFIs in developing state economies, thereby destabilizing the Asocial contract@ between state and citizens. In other words, to what extent do violent conflicts within developing states and interventions by external actors undermine the national sovereignty of the state? Or to what extent do IMF/World Bank policy impositions affect the capacity of the state to provide for the socio-economic welfare of its citizens? The issues of intra-state conflict/intervention and economic impositions will be used as a body of empirical evidence to illustrate the primary features of a declining developing state sovereignty, and its implications for human rights practice.
Transnational Forces and the State: An Overview
There are three dimensions relevant to the analysis of socio political and economic developments at the global level that adversely affect the developing state=s sovereignty. The first is the practical-conjunctural level viewed in terms of intentional human agency (Robinson, 1996; Wallersten, 1970). At this level, it is important to draw the distinction between means (which are policies) and ends (which are interests), and to recognize the tactical nature of many policy related disputes between the developing state and external actors over the most effective means of achieving ends. The second dimension is the underlying global structure in which states and groups engage with the broader world system. Analysis at this level is structural analysis. Structure shapes and conditions events and activities at the state level, often apart from intentionality. The third dimension refers to processes in international society which straddle both the practical-conjunctural and the underlying global structure. The third dimension, interconnecting the other two levels of analysis, it enables analysts to identify mechanisms that monitor functionalist teleology.
Institutionalization is an integral aspect of the Gramscian notion of hegemony because institutions (whether political-military, or socio-economic) provide the systemic legitimacy for dealing with conflicts either coercively or through peaceful means (Gramsci, 1971). The underlying structure of interstate relations intrinsically involves an enforcement potential under the control of the powerful nations. Consequently, there are two distinct forms of Great Power-weak state relations: coercive and consensual. In the latter sense, strong states exercise leadership over weak states by gaining their perennial consent. To a large degree the use of force is obviated to the extent that the developing state submits to the prevailing power relations. Continuous submission is enhanced by the fact that the dominant states are willing to make concessions and implement implement policy adjustments, both of which from time to time help to alleviate the politico-economic burdens of the weak states. Institutions provide the legitimacy of power relations, articulate the hegemonic mission of the powerful, and appeal for the cooperation of the weak. For example, images of proper global economic relations have been institutionalized and universalized by institutions such as the IMF, GATT (WTO), and the World Bank. Similarly, institutional provisions for dealing with intractable and extensive conflict situations are located within the jurisdiction of the UN Security Council, and more recently within regional security organizations like NATO and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Developments are underway to make regional organizations, like the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Organization of American States (OAS), more responsive to peacekeeping interventions. Thus hegemony, comprised of both coercive and consensual relations, helps to cement and legitimize, internationalize, and disseminate the prevailing moral and cultural values, of the dominant states. The hegemonic functions of the great powers, with the Aconsent@ of the weak states, create functional unity in a system of diversity.
To a large extent, then, subordinate states either give Aunwilling consent@ or Avoluntary consent@ to the social logic imposed on specific issues by the strong states. Accordingly, social forces that commence within the powerful states soon spill over into weak states, and the policy implications or adaptive mechanisms that accompany them are imposed upon or integrated into the political economy of the weak states. The socio-political developments produced by the dynamics of the economic system in turn generate institutions and policy changes that determine world orders (Colcough, C, & J. Manor, 1991; UNRISD, 1995; Toulmin, 1992). Stated differently, economic crises and political transformations generate new policy imperatives and/or social forces, which in turn bring about changes in the structure of states and their relationship with civil society. For example, the transnational social forces unleashed by both the Cold War competition and post-Cold War era influence state structures both at their core and periphery. In other words, changes in systemic polarity spawn forces that influence state structures, underscoring the fact that state structures are largely a reflection of existing forces and a particular structure of world order.
A world hegemony in this sense is thus the result of the individual and collective social forces of the dominant advanced industrial states. The IFIs, the culture, the technology, and other entities associated with this collective hegemony constitute guidelines for development models in developing states. Such a collective hegemony could have a profound effect on the lives of groups in poor countries. In his analysis of world hegemony, Robert Cox makes reference to the effect hegemony has on peripheral states as a passive revolution:
A world hegemony is thus in its beginnings an outward expansion of the internal (national) hegemony established by a dominant social class. The economic and social institutions, the culture, the technology associated with this national hegemony become patterns for emulation abroad. Such an expansive hegemony impinges on the more peripheral countries as a passive revolution. These countries have not undergone the same thorough social revolution, nor have their economies developed in the same way, but they try to incorporate elements from the hegemonic model with disturbing old power structures....In the world hegemonic model, hegemony is more intense and consistent at the core and more laden with contradictions at the periphery (Cox. 1996:137).
The near policy convergence among advanced industrial countries in this post-Cold War era, unifies socio-economic and political structures of this collective hegemony into a system of universal norms, institutions, and mechanisms. This system spells out general rules of national and international behavior for both states and national actors whose activities transcend national boundaries. In short, these rules further institutionalize further institutionalize dominant modes of socio-political and economic interactions.
The pervasive effects of core collective hegemony, however, subvert the developing state=s monopoly of legitimate and autonomous decision-making within its own territory. The rules that core states have developed, upheld, and institutionalized help to maintain and deepen the marginalization of the developing state. Because these norms and rules (both international law and less formal rules) are largely handed down to them, the developing states undergo a process of socialization involving both Acoerced consent@ and voluntary internalization. States that deliberately challenge these transnational interstate rules are viewed as a threat to world order and its juridical foundation. Such states could be labeled pariahs, rogues, or outlaws and face politico-economic sanctions from other states and dominant non-state actors (Armstrong, 1993; Beckman, 1992).
The developing state can share, although Aunwillingly@, in some developments that affect national political economies, often unwilling to reverse asymmetrical relationships with developed countries, or outrightly reject adverse policy impositions from supranational institutions. For example, the developing states of the international system attempted to reconstruct the international system in the mid 1970s (NIEO demands), but failed because of their weakness. In other words, fundamental transformation can only occur in international systems through a process in which normative change in states= relations is transmitted to the international stage by powerful states or some hegemon, be it military, economic, political, or cultural. Because of powerful states and IFIs, for example, international systemic structures are not immutable, but rather the very structures are dependent for their modification or reproduction on the practices and changing institutions of these key actors. Fundamental change in the international system occurs when principal actors, through changes in their interests, power or practices, change the rules and norms that underlie international relations. In essence, changes in the practice of these hegemonic international actors depend on changes in the practices of their key domestic actors--individuals, power elite, and civil society in general (Gill, 1995; Ruggie, 1982). Thus profound developments in international relations can occur when beliefs and identities of key domestic entities in advanced industrial countries are altered, thereby also altering the norms and rules that are constitutive of international relations, often quite independent of both domestic and international actors of weak states. For example, the end of the Cold War, accelerated by changes (perestroika, glasnost) in the Soviet Union, resulted in changing the nature, scope, and intensity of violent conflict in many developing states; spawned new conflicts as well; these changes ushered in a period of democratization urged on the developing states by the powerful actors.
Impelled by its marginal status in the international system, the developing world has often challenged Western European concepts of international law and human rights (Lissitzyn, 1963). From the point of view of developing states, international law was originally created to protect and reflect the class and state interests of the former colonial masters and contains little or no substantive content of equity and justice when extended to Asia, Africa, or Latin-America. In the latter cases, international law was frequently used as an instrument for the protection of the private economic interests of the powerful Western states. Key international institutions (the IMF, World Bank, or WTO), which are a reflection of international law, are the glue for safeguarding the global politico-economic structure that ensures the dominance of the advanced industrial states. In spite of the differences in interests, culture, and levels of education among these developing states, they all invariably exhibit tendencies of resentment toward international law. The underlying reasons for such resentment include foreign domination, attitudes of superiority by the Western countries, the status of dependent developing states, and their general adverse experiences within the international legal framework of the Westphalian state system (Oppenheim, 1955; Brierly, 1963). Nonetheless, in varying degrees, the developing states participate in the development and codification of international law. They resort to its norms in disputes with other states and in deliberations in international organizations, while at the same time complaining about the overwhelming dominance of advanced industrial states in key international organizations like the IMF and the World Bank.
Because of the perceptible current of discontent expressed by developing states about traditional international law, many observers often advocate the further development of international law so that it would play a more meaningful role in North-South relations. The understanding that international law needs to be further developed, coupled with the constant concessions made by the North towards the South, is a recognition that the traditional norms of international law do not necessarily serve the needs and aspirations of the developing states. In particular, some of the requirements of the international institutions that reinforce the traditional norms of international law are often too painful when applied to developing societies.
On a more general level, international law, either intentionally or by accident, reinforced an international division of labor. In the process of global capital accumulation that accompanied the modern world system, benefits accrued unequally among nations creating a North-South gap in power, wealth, and prestige (Wallerstein, 1970; Amin, 1974; Sunkel, O. & Fuenzalida, Edmundo R.; 1979). The ensuing process of uneven development and asymmetry has proved to be a constraint on the decisional latitude of the developing state. Within a single global economy the periphery, satellite, or underdeveloped states have been penetrated and influenced, balkanized, and even imposed upon in the capitalist process of surplus extraction from the South to the North. Consequently, systemic struggles over the appropriation of wealth take place between and within nations, with the developing states at the poor receiving end of an asymmetric relationship. Changes in North-South relations automatically generate changes in national political economies of the South. In particular, globalization processes, as aspects of a new phase of capitalism, are transforming rather than merely having a marginal effect on all political ingredients in capitalist relations between North and South. Consequently there is an apparent tradeoff between equality/welfare and efficiency/privatization. The transnationalization of the state which produced intensive and extensive internationalization embedded in globalization processes, networks, and discourses, is threatening the sovereign state by making it nearly impossible for the state to perform its civic socio-economic and welfare functions. A further deepening and intensification of globalization processes could make the developing state meaningless or obsolete (O=Brien, 1992; Weber, 1995; Strange, 1996; Friedman, 1992).
In the developing state, state sovereignty and the authority and legitimacy that go with it are not always recognized by the overwhelming majority of individuals and non-state collectivities. The sovereignty principle and even its practice seem fated to be constrained and undermined at the international level, and it is difficult to see how the weak developing state will regain what it has lost. Although sovereign authority is not the same as the capacity to control everything, it is nonetheless challenged in many parts of the world. Most, if not all, of contemporary national struggles are struggles in which groups (guerilla forces or ethnic insurgency) are pitted against the state because of the desire to ensure group security or self-actualization. The clear challenge to the state that is revealed by such struggles is, perhaps, the final and most convincing evidence that the force of globalization, coupled with the loosening of hegemonic (spheres of influence) ties between great and small states, is a significant factor in rendering the state unacceptable or an obstacle to many groups. As group frustration intensifies, it escalates to violent outbursts which in some cases produce external intervention, and a further diminution of state sovereignty assailed from both within and without. Accordingly, peacekeeping interventions develop within the context of transnational political processes and an extended view of the nation that transcends territorial integrity and the sanctity of the doctrine of state sovereignty.
Conflicts and Peacemaking Interventions
While traditional international relations characterizes the international system as one of anarchy, classical conceptions of state structure tend to assume that in a territory comprised of people, sovereignty, and an effective government, domestic anarchy or state collapse will be forestalled (Bull, 1984; Waltz, 1979). Yet, the experience of the post-Cold War era, in particular, is characterized by centrifugal forces of violent ethnonationalism related to normative concerns of human rights and democratization that in turn spawn responses (for example peacekeeping interventions) from the international system. These interventions reflect a shift away from a strict adherence to the doctrine of state sovereignty and the principle of non-intervention. The widening scope and intensity of violent conflicts that produce great power and UN-sanctioned interventions in civil wars underscore the fact that principles, doctrines, and practices institutionalized through constant application, may be modified, violated, or changed in response to systemic disequilibrium. Such changes are made in response to the increased concern for the international or national protection of human rights: an idea that gained increased concern after 1945. Furthermore, such ideational developments that are transformed into new practices that violate existing modus operandi may originate from purely internal developments (for example, the clamor for democratization that produces violent civil conflicts), or from external developments and changing conceptions of policy such as the indexing of democratization to IMF conditionalities. Interventions, whether coercive or non-coercive, are undertaken by the key actors as part of the twin functions of Asocialization@ and Ahomogenization@ of international society.
Ideational change and international practice regarding intervention to protect human rights were spawned by the end of the Cold War and the turbulence of that era. Internally, developing state sovereignty is assailed by ethnopolitical and other challenges to the state, and externally, by the international response to intense civil strife that results in genocide and massive suffering. The great powers under the umbrella of the UN have now extended their peacekeeping operations to include interventions in civil wars. The end of great-power ideological rivalry has produced unity in the pursuit of systemic stability and greater international cooperation under the auspices of the UN and other international mechanisms. The outcome is greater international social control by great powers and the UN Security Council over developing states. A critical element in Gramscian thought is the idea of social control which takes place on two levels: in civil society and political society (the state) (Robinson, 1996; Aguelli, E. & Murphy, C., 1988). In cases like Yugoslavia, Somalia, Angola, and Rwanda, where at some point social control through the state (political society) has been lost, a rejuvenated and ascendant Security Council, coupled with a dominant rich North, can exercise their hegemonic functions by arresting total state disintegration through peacekeeping interventions.
Internally, the state is being challenged by what D. Horowitz has described as the Apowerful, permeative, passionate, and pervasive,@ (Horowitz, 1985; Levinson, 1993:4) force of ethnonationalism. The constant struggle for power and resources in many resource-starved nations has produced a situation in which ethnic groups have resorted to pressure politics and coalition-building as a means of gaining political and economic power. Intractable and protracted conflicts have an especially destabilizing effect on the nation-state. Although conflict resolution efforts do sometimes produce formal accords, they rarely yield long-term peace and harmony. The duration, intensity, and scope of these violent conflicts have led to near-state collapse and some state failures. These consequences stem from the passionate, primordial, and permeative aspects of ethnic solidarity, that are in turn related to perceived high stakes in civil wars, the survival of a group, domination of one ethnic group by another, or their domination by the other group.
The primordial sentiments and ethnopolitical factors involved in multiethnic societies extend the violent conflicts beyond the obvious struggle for political and economic control to powerful xenophobic and ethnocentric expressions of hate. The consequence is that such conflicts become especially impervious to rational resolution. Thus, while assailed internally by these centrifugal ethnic rigidities, the international (via the UN) response has been intervention to maintain the structure of the state system. In most situations, international organizations and key state actors have to contend with the state itself, which in most situations is also a party to the dispute or has a stake in the victory of one group at the expense of another group. In their efforts to carry out their rescue and humanitarian functions, external peacekeeping intervention forces have at times had to carry out peace enforcement functions (doing battle if necessary with the state or rebels).
The UN Security Council, in cooperation with the Great Powers and regional organizations, have set the precedent of using accumulated physical power for the performance of a world system-maintenance function that often challenges the sovereignty of the nation in which it is applied. Since the early 1990s, optimism for the role of Security Council backed use of force has encouraged other states (and regional organizations) to use the same method. In 1992 former UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali deliberately sought to expand the peace enforcement powers of the UN Security Council. In Agenda for Peace he recommended authorization of the use of force (Boutros-Ghali, 1992). Use of the UN Afig leaf@ to conduct military interventions even in civil wars, is impelled by public pressure amplified by media responses to grave violations of human rights in internal armed conflicts (e.g., in the former Yugoslavia, Haiti, Liberia, and Somalia.) Public outrage often turns into political pressure on both great powers and the UN to intervene in order to halt human rights violations whether by state or non-state aggressors.
With the end of the Cold War and the widening scope of violent intrastate conflicts, rationalization of the use of intervention in internal matters in contravention of the principle of non-intervention has developed as a trend in North-South relations. It is now argued that although Article 2(7) of the UN charter firmly endorses the principle of non-intervention, violent intrastate conflicts constitute Aa threat to international peace and security@ under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, and therefore justifies UN Security Council use of force. In the determination of the existence of a threat to or breach of international peace, the Security Council has often exercised a wide mandate that tends to undermine the sovereign integrity of the state.
In particular, the principle of non-intervention in internal affairs appears to have been modified, thereby legitimizing UN/Great Power intervention for humanitarian purposes in conflicts of an essentially domestic nature (Harris, 1991). Resolution 688, for example, was adopted on 5 April 1991 in connection with Iraq=s suppression of Kurdish civilians following the Kurdish rebellion of March 1991 after Iraq=s defeat at the hand of the Gulf War coalition. For Iraq, the Resolution itself amounted to a Aflagrant, illegitimate intervention in Iraq=s internal affairs and a violation of Article 2 of the Charter.@ Resolution 688 was the first Security Council Resolution to determine the existence of a threat to international peace and security as a result of a state=s violation of its citizens= human rights. The atrocities committed by Idi Amin of Uganda, or Pol Pot of Cambodia, did not elicit such a determination, response, or use of force by either the UN or the powerful states.
The internecine and genocidal character of the Yugoslavian conflict produced Resolution 713 of 25 September 1991 which imposed an embargo on the entire region, and later Resolution 757 of 30 May 1992 imposing comprehensive economic sanctions on Serbia and Montenegro. Both Resolutions transformed the Yugoslavian domestic conflict into an international one (United Nations, 1995). By 1992 external powers had intervened militarily in the civil war.
In the post-Cold War era, state failure or near-state collapse characterized by a total absence of state sovereignty has generated UN/Great Power intervention in the developing state. In such cases, Somalia being a perfect example, the total absence of legitimate state authority did not raise problems of state sovereignty and domestic jurisdiction. Moreover, the precedent of intervention in domestic crisis had already been set in the case of Iraq and the Kurds, and in the former Yugoslavia. Thus, when the Security Council first imposed the mandatory arms embargo under Chapter VII (Resolution 733), there was little disagreement among Security Council member states of the principle of non-intervention.
UN/Great Power intervention in a developing state can be precipitated if a Aunique and exceptional circumstance@ is recognized. For example, the Security Council in 1993 determined that the situation in Haiti threatened international peace and security. Accordingly, in Resolution 841 of 16 June 1993 an embargo was imposed on trade with Haiti. The unique and exceptional circumstances in Haiti were caused by the following factors: a coup d=état that forced into exile the legitimate government of President Jean-Betrand Aristide; an environment of fear, persecution, and economic dislocation that threatened to generate numerous refugees to neighboring countries; the request for a UN trade embargo by the legitimate government of Haiti; and the fact that an Organization of American States (OAS) embargo was previously in existence and only needed to be universalized and further mandated by a Security Council sanction. Resolution 841 was thus precipitated by a coup d=état and thus marked a change in Security Council practice in the area of intervention in domestic affairs. The Council had never before been directly involved in restoring an ousted regime in the aftermath of a coup d=état in a sovereign state, an issue previously considered purely internal in character. Although the Security Council President announced that the Resolution should not be regarded as constituting a precedent, it nevertheless marked a change in Security Council practice.
More recently (February 1998), and following the post-Cold War precedent of intervention to prevent massive human rights violations and to restore democracy, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Monitoring Group, known as ECOMOG, used its forces, dominated largely by Nigerian soldiers, to oust the military junta in neighboring Sierra Leone, a junta that in May 1997 had ousted a democratically elected government. ECOMOG intervened to restore the ousted regime with the full support of the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations Security Council. In other words, domestic instability, massive atrocities, and the maintenance of democracy are increasingly becoming the concern of external actors, and no longer the exclusive domain of internal sovereignty and the principle of non-intervention in domestic affairs. Between 1990 and the creation of a stable environment in Liberia in 1997, ECOMOG forces had intervened to stop the carnage and ethnic bloodletting that pitted Gio/Mano ethnic groups on the one hand, and Krahn/Mandingo groups on the other (Magyar, K. & Conteh-Morgan, E., 1998).
Following the Gulf War, the objectives of forced intervention were initially limited to humanitarian purposes, but have gradually expanded in response to changing military needs in the conflicts concerned. The new resolutions spawned by the growing intensity of new conflict situations have implications for state sovereignty. But following the end of the Cold War, Security Council authorization of the use of force by states was introduced primarily for humanitarian purposes. Often the victim of the armed conflict was not a sovereign state, but civilians within the territory of a single state. Accordingly, the objective of the use of force in Resolution 770 of August 13 concerning the Bosnian conflict was to Afacilitate the delivery of humanitarian assistance@ in order to guarantee the population=s minimum humanitarian needs (United Nations, 1992). Similarly, in the cases of Somalia (Resolution 794, 3 December 1992), Rwanda (Resolution 929, 22 June 1994), and Haiti (Resolution 940 of 31 July 1994), humanitarian needs were one reason for UN intervention. Despite initial US reluctance to intervene in 1992, the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Haiti and the rapid increase in refugees finally impelled the UN to act. President Clinton demanded that the military leadership in Haiti yield power immediately, and emphasized his resolve as follows: Awhen firm brutality occurs close to our shores, it affects our national interests. And we have a responsibility to act.@(Clinton, 1993) Since the Korean War, virtually all military operations based on Security Council authorized use of force have been led and dominated by Great Powers, especially the US forces. Some critics argue that Security Council authorization has only served as an instrument to perform a systems maintenance function to the benefit of great-power national interests. Security Council authorized use of force, however, cannot work effectively without the political leadership of the Great Powers and the participation of their overwhelming military power. Although in conflict with state sovereignty, intervention help to preserve the state and stop genocidal massacres and the blatant violation of human rights practices.
External Economic Interventions and State Crisis
Although UN Security Council-sponsored interventions tend to protect the human rights of citizens in volatile and explosive states, external economic policy impositions (interventions) by IFIs are, to a limited extent, limiting the sovereign exercise of certain rights and duties by the developing state in relation to its citizens. Intervention in the form of globalization imperatives (in particular Structural Adjustment Policies-SAPs) undermine the ability of the developing state to manage, accumulate, and redistribute economic resources within its own territory (Beckman, 1994). Accordingly, this may be limiting the developing state=s capacity to achieve national political integration among its varied ethnocommunal groups, as well as its legitimacy vis-à-vis civil society in general.
Great power and IFI intervention in the developing state started with the economic collapse experienced during the late 1970s and early 1980s triggered by sharp price fluctuations on the raw materials market, the adverse terms of trade on exports as a result of these downward fluctuations, and the oil shocks that produced a downward spiral in the payments position of these developing states, thereby directly generating the debt crisis of the 1980s.
The combination of these deep-seated domestic problems and the recessionary international economic environment adversely affected the sustainability of the Asocial contract@ and the various neopatrimonial alliances and networks built around it to guarantee political stability. As the developing state became increasingly distressed by economic crisis, the legitimacy of the state and the model of nation-building on which it was based, was called into question by both civil society and international society. Thus, in order to maintain stability in developing states and arrest the deepening crisis in economic management, the key state actors and IFIs inaugurated a shift from welfarist principles based on Keynesianism to neo-liberal principles that placed greater emphasis on market forces and the struggle against inflation (Vilas, 1996). This shift translated into a deemphasis on the Keynesian goal of full employment and the role of the state in the economy. Coupled with this shift to neo-liberalism in economic policymaking was the effect of the process of economic globalization that greatly impacted the management of national economic policies all over the world. For example, during the late 1970=s, the deregulation of financial markets in powerful states meant that even these states started to lose control over their own national economic policies.
Neoliberalism eventually became an instrument for maintaining world order under the direction of the IMF, World Bank, and the Group of Seven (G7) powers. The catalyst for IMF imposition of neoliberal ideas into the developing state came with the debt crisis of the 1980s. Further resources to combat severe payments problems, budgetary, inflationary, and debt servicing burdens were made conditional on the adoption of SAPs. These SAPs entailed a strict application of massive and repeated currency devaluations, exchange and interest rate liberalization, public enterprise privatization, the withdrawal of all subsidies, and the abolition of state marketing boards, among others. Eventually SAPs resulted in massive unemployment as large numbers of public sector employees were laid off. Increasing donor (IMF, World Bank, G-7) intervention in national economies meant a generalized curb on developing state intervention in economic processes.
The economic austerity inherent in and produced by SAPs generated economic deprivation in both the poor and middle classes. SAPs also complicated the deepening social crisis in developing states, crisis which escalated into social unrest, social fragmentation, and greater inequality. In political terms, SAPs were often not the result of domestic consultation and popular approval, but were often the result of secret negotiations between external actors and unwilling state actors. Thus, developing state actors became increasingly accountable to powerful state and non-state donors rather than to their own citizens. The minimal human rights of citizens were further diminished when local opposition to the SAPs was often brutally repressed or stifled. Neoliberal ideas gradually became involved in political debates about poverty, gender, the environment, governance, and even human rights. In the process, the developing state is increasingly losing its decision-making autonomy to the hegemonic functions of powerful external actors.
As crisis deepened in the developing state, so did the Amanagerial dilemma@ or Athe fiscal crisis of the state@ intensify, (O=Connor, 1973; Barnet, R. & Mueller, R., 1974) resulting in severe economic deprivations for ordinary citizens. The state has thus abandoned its welfare function to supranational institutions, in particular the IMF and the World Bank. In other words, neoliberal internationalism is being progressively manifested in what Gill and Law refer to as the imposition of the Astructural power@ of transnational capital over the Adirect power@ of the state (Gill, S., & Law, D., 1989). In particular, images or intersubjective agreements of what constitute proper global economic relations are further reinforced by these transnational institutions as part of the dominance of the strong over the weak.
The violence (riots in Venezuela, Egypt, Nigeria, or Indonesia) spawned by the imposition of SAPs constitute human rights violations because of the coercion needed to enforce them, and also because of the economic deprivations they produce among groups in society. The imposition of SAPs also constitute paternalism: i.e., deciding for the developing state what will be the most efficient way to manage its economy and govern its society. In the end, since Western paternalism ends up imposing its will on an often reluctant state leadership, the outcome in a relationship of consensual domination.
Developing state economic crisis and external impositions are an integral part of the internationalization of the state. The motivation of state policy has shifted from domestic welfare to international competitiveness, the requirements of which include decreased state capacity or intervention in the economy. Internationalization effects call into question the very identity of the state vis-à-vis civil society. But in the case of the developing state, there is an inability to overcome this progressive diminution of state capacity and legitimacy through a reconceptualization of its identity and internationalization of the national interest. For the developing state, state policy has been narrowly transformed into a desire to enhance the global competitive position of the national economy, rather than, for example, making efforts to increase levels of domestic employment. In other words, domestic concerns have been subordinated to the requirements of globalization emanating from the dominant actors.
In the Westphalian model of interstate relations, intervention is generally believed to be legally and morally unacceptable. However, the violent conflictual nature of the post-Cold War international system and its attendant humanitarian imperatives are challenging the twin principles of state sovereignty and non-intervention because the intensity of genocidal massacres and ethnic bloodletting are so repulsive to international society. There is also a growing consensus in international relations that when such interventions are collectively authorized by either a regional organization, the international community, or great powers, they acquire legitimacy. This cosmopolitan moral theory of international relations is increasingly recognizing that members of the family of nations have an obligation to intervene to stop massive human rights violations. Thus, the once sacrosanct principle of non-intervention and sovereignty is being steadily undermined by the new scope and intensity of intra-state conflicts. However, such interventions could be viewed in terms of the need by dominant actors of the international system to perform their hegemonic function of preserving the integrity of the existing state-centric system and reducing the level of anarchy in the international system.
In the economic realm, economic interventions are outcomes of the impact of globalization processes on the sovereignty of the state. The relationship between globalization processes and sovereignty portrays a serious tension as SAPs, one aspect of globalization, challenge both state sovereignty and identity in the developing world. The transnationalization and supranationalism involved in SAPs challenge the effectiveness of both domestic and international state policies. The key international organizations embody the rules which facilitate the expansion of hegemonic world orders. These organizations reflect orientations favorable to the dominant social and economic forces emanating from the powerful states, but which often have some negative human rights consequences for the developing state. It has become evident that SAPs do not by themselves reduce poverty, and macroeconomic recovery does not translate into significant social improvement. In many developing states, the Anational popular state@ (or welfare state) declined as a result of SAPs. With the neoliberal model, the state was forced to abandon its role as an agent of social development and integration.
In sum, the developing state is a sociopolitical and economic example of an externally-imposed and intersubjective creation of great-power responses to material conditions. All the anomalies, paradoxes, and dilemmas inherent in the weak developing state, are products of a prevailing ontology, in this case, a post-Cold War ontology. The modern state system comprised of both developed and developing states is constitutive of contending interest-based images of appropriate socio-economic and political order which divide North and South, and create tensions among competing ethnocommunal groups.
1. This analysis is in part an attempt to apply the Gramscian notion of coercive and consensual domination to the international relations of North-South relations.
2. A profound manifestation of the dissatisfaction of developing countries toward international rules and regulations governing trade, finance, transfer of technology, and so on, were expressed in the NIEO demands of the mid 1970s in the United Nations.
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Lima, Peru: Try the "Pollo a la brasa" (Peruvian roasted chicken)Food, Things to Do, Travel Tips — By Isabel Guerra on May 18, 2011 at 4:35 pm
With all the current boom of the Peruvian gastronomy, and with so many friends recommending you this or that place, you may suddenly find yourself a little confused. Or maybe you are a bit dazzled with the view of so many colorful foods and some completely new ingredients. Or maybe you are (still) undecided about trying the world-famous Peruvian ceviche because you are not sure if you will actually dare trying raw fish.
No worries: we have a safe and delicious suggestion to start with Peruvian food. Maybe our local gourmets and cheffs will rise an eyebrow, but we do think that flavors are what matters. And what can be more tasty and worldwide accepted than barbecued meals?
Peruvian roasted chicken is, basically, a fat chicken roasted on a spit, in a kind of coal oven, but spiced with some local ingredients that make it unique and unforgettable. We are sure you will not have one like this anywhere else, so trying it is a must.
This Peruvian "Pollo A La Brasa" was first created in Lima towards mid 1950s, by a Swiss immigrant and his maid, who were experimenting with local ingredients. Although it was at first an expensive specialty only for the weekends and for wealthy families, nowadays it has become so popular that not only it is one of the country's favorites (nine out of ten Peruvians mention it among its favorites) but also is currently included among the national flagship dishes, and is starting to conquer new gourmets around the world via franchise restaurants.
It comes accompanied by fries made with Peruvian's "papa amarilla" (a gourmet native potato), mayonnaise, ketchup and many different local sauces ("huancaína", "ocopa", "ají Amarillo" and many others", it will for sure make a delicious and suitable-for-everyone meal. Most of the "pollerías" (restaurants specialized in pollo a la brasa) will also offer a small salad as an additional garnish. Besides, it's cheap even for local standards, so there's no excuse for missing it.
Of course, use your eyes, your common sense and make sure to choose a good place. Just a few suggestions from us: Pardo's Chicken, Las Canastas, La Granja Azul, Norkys and Rokys.