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Dan Henderson vs. Fedor Emelianenko Must Be For The Strikeforce Title
One can see why Fedor Emelianenko would take a fight against Dan Henderson. After being finished by both submission and TKO in his last two fights respectively, he needs a better matchup than the ones he's been given. In the new era of heavyweight MMA fighters Fedor is a relic based on size alone; his remarkable athletic ability and skill have usually been enough but his three fights in Strikeforce have exposed him somewhat.
His fight against Brett Rogers was significantly closer than it looked to be on paper, with Rogers almost coming away with the upset before being caught (like many others) with a KO shot. He was overwhelmed by size from Antonio Silva and by technique from Fabricio Werdum. All three men are around the maximum limit for the division, with Silva having to cut weight to the heavyweight limit of 265. With his skills depreciating he looks to be the valiant yet undersized hero who finally gets overwhelmed by the larger opponent.
Many, including UFC announcer Joe Rogan, have wondered aloud if Emelianenko's time as a small heavyweight is over. "I think at the highest levels of the game, you can't be rolling around fat at 230 and fighting those guys" he said recently at about the same time rumors of a Henderson-Fedor fight came about. With Henderson on a bit of a tear since his defeat to UFC welterweight contender Jake Shields for the Strikeforce Middleweight title, it makes tremendous sense from a matchmaking perspective.
Both are veterans of the MMA circuit and known to both casual and hardcore fans alike. Old Pride videos are strewn with highlights of both and with the Strikeforce acquisition by Zuffa the promotional materials will be able to take advantage of both fighters' history. The highlight package could be sensational to introduce the masses not around for the heyday of Pride. It doesn't take much to sell Henderson-Fedor, either. Henderson has a handful of highlight reel knockouts recently, including his light heavyweight championship victory, and Fedor is a big enough name to immediately challenge for the title without a prior victory in the division. And that's where it should be: the light heavyweight division.
Anything else devalues both as fighters.
The key thing when a champion fights outside his weight class is that they should have no reasonable opponent coming up or have effectively cleaned out the division. Usually that's one and the same. It's quite rare, though, and it's why GSP moving up to the middleweight division makes sense. He's defeated nearly everyone of note already in his division. Henderson hasn't faced anyone in the division yet.
Having yet to make a title defense of any kind, it's been his first title victory after losing to both Anderson Silva and Quinton Jackson for the UFC middleweight and light heavyweight titles respectively. In fact no one in the Strikeforce light heavyweight division has since defended it succesfully since Bobby Southworth defeated Anthony Ruiz in 2008. With the title playing hot potato ever since from Southworth to Renato Sobral, Gegard Mousasi, Muhammad Lawal and Rafael Cavalcante before finding itself around Henderson's waist, Henderson fighting Fedor, with the title on the line, makes sense.
It doesn't any other way.
Fedor has no good reason to have Henderson fight on his terms as opposed to dropping down. Coming off a two fight losing streak, after being the #1 ranked heavyweight in the world, an immediate title shot for the Russian would be considered more earned by legacy than by current results. And one can make a case for a LHW Fedor jumping ahead in line to take on Henderson, allowing the Russian to fight against opponents who can't overwhelm him with size alone. His skill would be measured, not his BMI, in a LHW fight. It would make for an interesting fight at a minimum, as Henderson isn't massive for the division and Fedor would be in supremely good shape at 205 lbs. Both men are similar size and love to throw big right hands. On top of it you have an American Olympic Wrestler taking on a Russian Sambo Expert, which sounds something like an MMA version of "Rocky 4."
You can argue that Fedor didn't lose because of overwhelming skill to Silva, just size, and Werdum's submission was a superb display of Brazilian jiu-jitsu from one of its finer practitioners. What you can't argue is that a fight between Henderson and Fedor at a 220 would be something either deserves.
Henderson is a champion with a title to defend. Fedor needs to challenge him for it. Anything less would be uncivilized.
Tags: dan henderson, Fedor, Fedor Emelianenko, Mixed Martial Arts, Strikeforce


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Abstract We document the types of undergraduate colleges and universities attended by those who earned a doctorate in economics from an American university from 1966 through 2003 and examine relationships between type of undergraduate institution and attrition and time-to-degree in Ph.D. programs. The total number of new economics Ph.D.s awarded to U.S. citizens has declined precipitously over the past thirty years. Concurrently, the number of economics doctorates who hold undergraduate degrees from U.S. universities has fallen by half: from a high of about 800 in 1972 to about 400 in 2003. Among those who have earned undergraduate degrees from American institutions, the mix of schools attended by the doctorates has remained relatively stable, with about 55 percent of those who earn a Ph.D. in economics each year holding their bachelors degree from a university that offers a Ph.D. in economics, and a bit more than 10 percent holding a bachelors degree from a selective liberal arts college. Currently, 18 of the 25 American undergraduate institutions that send the largest percentage of their graduating classes on to earn a Ph.D. in economics are liberal arts colleges. Graduates of liberal arts colleges also have shorter time-to-degree and higher verbal GRE scores than other economics Ph.D. students.
The authors are Professor of Economics at Vanderbilt University and Secretary-Treasurer of the American Economic Association, and Associate Professor of Economics at Montana State University, respectively. The Ford Foundation provided financial support for portions of this research. Lance Selfa at the National Opinion Research Center helped with the acquisition of some of the data. Two anonymous referees, Amanda Bayer, Ronald Ehrenberg, T. Aldrich Finegan, W. Lee Hansen, Hirschel Kasper, and Robert M. Leekley provided helpful comments on an earlier draft.
over the past thirty years. Annual bachelors degrees awarded in economics increased by 37
percent from 1972 to 2002.1 Because the fraction of new Ph.D. economists entering academe has remained fairly constant, at about 60 percent, during the same period (Siegfried and Stock, 2004), average economics class sizes in U.S. colleges and universities have necessarily been increasing (or taught by non-Ph.D.s). This tightening in the domestic labor market is evidenced by the recent increase in starting salaries, leading to salary compression and, in a few documented cases, salary inversion, so that some first year faculty earn more than sixth year faculty who are above average in productivity and working in the same department (Siegfried and Stock, 2006). Second, domestic and foreign economics Ph.D. students specialize in different fields. A sample of about 800 economists who earned Ph.D.s in either 1996-97 or 2001-02 (see Siegfried and Stock, 1999 and 2004) reveals many statistically significant differences in the domestic and foreign Ph.D. mix by field. For example, 90 percent of new Ph.D.s in economic history are U.S. citizens, and between 55 and 70 percent of those in agricultural and natural resource economics, labor economics, law and economics, public economics, industrial organization, and health, education and welfare economics are U.S. citizens. In contrast, fewer than 40 percent of those specializing in international economics (24 percent), mathematical and quantitative methods (26 percent), macro and monetary economics (36 percent), and microeconomic theory (36 percent) are U.S. citizens. As the mix of new Ph.D. graduates shifts toward relatively fewer domestic students, the stock of professional economists' skills shifts away from economic history and applied micro policy, and toward international economics, mathematical and quantitative methods, and micro and macro theory, changing the nature of what economists do.
U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Higher Education General Information Survey (HEGIS), "Degrees and Other Formal Awards Conferred" surveys, and Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS), "Completions" surveys, 1986-87 through 1998-99, and Fall 2000 through Fall 2002 surveys. Available at: http://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d03/tables/dt296.asp
Third, current trends indicate that reliance on international Ph.D. graduates to fill domestic job openings in the U.S. is risky. First-time international graduate student enrollments declined for three consecutive years after September 11, 2001, and international graduate student applications declined by 33 percent from 2003 to 2005 (Brown and Doulis, 2005). Increased competition for Ph.D. students from universities in Europe, Asia, and Australia accounts for some of the decline in interest by international students. Difficulties securing visas for study in the U.S., and diminished perceptions of the U.S. abroad recently have exacerbated the disappearance of international applicants to Ph.D. programs. Whether international graduates will be available to meet U.S. demand for Ph.D. economists in the future is more problematic today than it seemed in the 1990s. Numerous decisions affect the number of Ph.D.s graduating in economics annually. Because most Ph.D. economists major in economics as undergraduates (Siegfried and Stock, 2004), students must first be attracted to principles of economics and their interest nurtured sufficiently so that the successful ones choose to major in economics (see Lemke, et al. 2005). It is then necessary to prepare undergraduates for graduate work in economics, encouraging them to take mathematics courses beyond the minimum required in most undergraduate curricula. Graduates must subsequently apply for admission to an economics Ph.D. program, at least one program must admit them, and, to indicate a realistic expectation that they can complete the degree, offer them financial aid. They must then enroll and persist in the program, learn skills that are useful to prospective employers, and complete the Ph.D. degree requirements in a sufficiently short time period to take advantage of career opportunities. In other papers, we have addressed several steps in this progression. We have examined the exposure of college students to a first course in economics (Siegfried, 2000), trends in the
number of undergraduate degrees awarded in economics (Siegfried and Round, 2001) the time required to earn an economics Ph.D. (Siegfried and Stock, 2001; Stock and Siegfried, 2006), the job market for new Ph.D.s (Siegfried and Stock 1999, 2001, 2004; Stock and Alston, 2000; and Stock, et al., 2000), and the match between economists' graduate training and their subsequent job requirements (Stock and Hansen, 2004). In other ongoing research we are examining the matriculation and attrition decisions of admitted and enrolled Ph.D. students (Finegan, Stock, and Siegfried, 2006; Stock, Finegan, and Siegfried, 2006). A remaining gap in our research on the overall process centers on the decision of undergraduates to apply for admission to a graduate program in economics. Part of this decision necessarily depends on the characteristics of their undergraduate education. Accordingly, this paper presents information on the characteristics of the undergraduate institutions of economics Ph.D.s and examines relationships between those characteristics and other factors in the Ph.D. production process, including attrition and time-todegree.
I. Undergraduate Origins of Economics Ph.D.s In Figure 1, the number of economics Ph.D. degrees awarded by U.S. universities each year to students who earned a bachelors degree in the U.S. is traced for the period 1966-2003. Because some foreign students earn undergraduate degrees at American colleges and universities and some domestic students earn bachelors degrees overseas, the pattern in Figure 1 tracks, but is not identical to, the number of Ph.D. degrees awarded to U.S. citizens by U.S. universities each year.2 The number of American-undergraduate-institution-trained (AUIT) Ph.D.s peaked at
In our sample of 586 students who entered Ph.D. programs in Fall 2002, 36 of 393 foreign students earned their bachelors degree at a U.S. college, and 6 of 193 Americans earned their bachelors degree outside the U.S.
close to 800 in the early 1970s, before beginning a steady decline of about one percentage point per year for three decades.3 The distribution of types of undergraduate institutions attended by individuals awarded a Ph.D. in economics by American universities each year from 1966 through 2003 is reported in Figure 2. The flat and declining lines in the figure represent four different types of U.S. baccalaureate institutions: those that also offer a Ph.D. in economics; those in U.S. News & World Reports Top-50 ranked selective private liberal arts colleges in 20044, plus Dartmouth, Miami (Ohio), Richmond, Trinity University, Tufts, and William and Mary (which are highly selective institutions that have few graduate programs, but are not classified as private liberal arts colleges); other public institutions; and other private colleges and universities. The increasing line represents economics Ph.D.s awarded to graduates who did not do their undergraduate work in the U.S. The combined AUIT share of Ph.D.s is the reciprocal of the share of those who
studied overseas as undergraduates. It declines sharply over time. Because there were about 1,050 Ph.D.s awarded in economics by American universities in both 1972 and 2002, a comparison between those two years is illustrative. The 800 or so AUIT economics Ph.D.s graduating in 1972 comprise about 75 percent of the total number of economics Ph.D. degrees awarded in that year. By 2002, the AUIT share of new Ph.D.s had dropped to slightly below 40 percent, or about 420 Ph.D.s.
The data in Figure 1 are assembled from the Survey of Earned Doctorates (SED) and Doctorate Records File (DRF), collected on behalf of the National Science Foundation (see webCASPAR.nsf.gov). These surveys have very high response rates and can be considered as comprehensive.4
Source: http://www.usnews.com/usnews/edu/college/rankings/ranklibartco_brief.php. The colleges are Amherst, Barnard, Bates, Bard, Bowdoin, Bryn Mawr, Bucknell, Carleton, Centre, Claremont McKenna, Colby, Colgate, Colorado College, Connecticut College, Denison, DePauw, Dickinson, Davidson, Franklin and Marshall, Furman, Gettysburg, Grinnell, Hamilton, Harvey Mudd, Haverford, Holy Cross, Kenyon, Lafayette, Macalester, Middlebury, Mount Holyoke, Oberlin, Occidental, Pomona, Rhodes, Sarah Lawrence, Scripps, Sewanee University of the South, Skidmore, Smith, Swarthmore, Trinity College, Union, Vassar, Wabash, Washington and Lee, Wellesley, Wesleyan, Whitman, and Williams.
The shares of AUIT (not total) Ph.D.s accounted for by each of the four domestic subcategories are shown by decade in Table 1. They are relatively constant over time, a pattern similar to that observed in science and engineering more generally (Freeman, et al, 2004, Table 3). The only noticeable shift has been a moderate increase in the share of new Ph.D. economists coming from selective private liberal arts colleges. Almost 70 percent of AUIT economics Ph.D.s is accounted for by a combination of the roughly 120 universities that offer a Ph.D. in economics and the Top-50 liberal arts colleges. Together this group of institutions accounts for less than 12 percent of the nations four-year colleges and universities, but about 69 percent of all undergraduate degrees earned. Not surprisingly, the dominance of higher quality undergraduate institutions in producing future Ph.D.s is not limited to economics but also occurs in most other disciplines (Zhang 2004, p. 17). Figures 1 through 5 also illustrate other changes in the pattern of U.S. undergraduate alma maters of new American economics doctorates over the past 36 years. As shown in the bottom line of Figure 1, the number of different undergraduate institutions generating each new AUIT Ph.D. cohort has declined by 30 percent, from about 320 institutions during the mid-1970s to 220 institutions in 2003. As Figure 3 illustrates, the typical number of new AUIT Ph.D.s generated per undergraduate institution has declined from about 2.5 in 1972 to less than 1.8 in 2003. Figure 4 illustrates 3-year moving averages of the share of AUIT Ph.D.s accounted for by the ten undergraduate alma maters generating the most new economics Ph.D.s in each year. This average share declined from a high of 20 percent during the early 1970s, was fairly flat at about 16 percent during the 1980s, and has since risen back to about 18 percent. The 3-year moving average share of AUIT Ph.D.s accounted for by a fixed set of 20 historically elite colleges and
universities (defined as the eight Ivy League universities, plus Amherst, Chicago, Colgate, Grinnell, Haverford, Oberlin, Stanford, Swarthmore, Vassar, Wellesley, Wesleyan, and Williams5) has risen from about 14 percent in the 1970s to 18 percent in 2003. Figure 5 tracks 3-year moving averages of the share of new economics Ph.D.s whose undergraduate study was completed at a set of 20 predominantly engineering colleges.6 Both the number and share of Ph.D.s who attended these engineering schools as undergraduates peaked during the 1970s, a reasonable time-to-degree lag from the undergraduate science and engineering enrollment peak stimulated during the post-Sputnik era by the National Defense Education Act. The number of former students at engineering schools who turned into economists declined markedly after 1980, falling from a range of 30-50 per year in the 1970s to a range of 15-25 in the 1980s. It has since recovered, with these schools generating about 5 percent of AUIT economics Ph.D.s in 2003. In general, there has been relatively little change in the identity of the undergraduate alma maters of new AUIT Ph.D.s in economics since the Vietnam War. Because of the sharp decline in the total number of AUIT economics Ph.D.s, however, the absolute number of new economics Ph.D.s coming from each category of undergraduate institution has declined substantially. The share of new AUIT economics Ph.D.s who graduated from an elite liberal arts college hasThe set of "Elite-20" institutions contains ten universities and ten liberal arts colleges. Among the ten universities are the eight northeastern Ivy League universities, Chicago, and Stanford. Seven of the ten were founded before the Revolutionary War. Among the others, Cornell (1865) is part of the Ivy League, and Chicago (1891) and Stanford (1891) are venerable institutions from beyond the northeast. All ten are among U.S. News & World Report's top 15 ranked national universities. In light of age, location, and academic credentials, only Duke, MIT, and Northwestern might have substituted for one of the ten chosen universities. All ten of the liberal arts colleges were founded before 1870. Eight of the ten are in the northeast. Oberlin (Ohio) and Grinnell (Iowa) were added for geographical diversity. Nine of the ten colleges are among U.S. News & World Report's top 15 ranked liberal arts colleges. (Oberlin ranked below 15.) In terms of age, location, and academic credentials, only Bowdoin, Carleton, Middlebury, and Davidson might have substituted for one of the ten chosen liberal arts colleges. The engineering colleges are Cal Poly-San Luis Obispo, Cal Tech, Carnegie Mellon, Case Western Reserve, Cooper Union, Georgia Tech, Harvey Mudd College, Illinois Tech, Michigan Tech, MIT, Purdue University, Rensselaer, Rice, Rose Institute of Technology, Stevens Institute of Technology, Texas A&M, U.S. Air Force, Military, or Naval Academies, and Virginia Tech.6 5
increased only because their absolute number has declined relatively slower than the other three categories. The 25 worldwide undergraduate alma maters that generated the most U.S. economics Ph.D.s during 1997-2002 are reported in Table 27. The relative importance of several foreign universities that award undergraduate degrees to individuals who eventually earn an economics Ph.D. in the U.S. is obvious. Worldwide, Seoul National University in Korea not only tops Harvard as the leading incubator of future U.S. economics Ph.D.s, but does so by a factor of more than two. During 1997-2002, six of the top ten undergraduate alma maters of new U.S.trained Ph.D. economists were foreign universitiestwo from South Korea, and one each from China, India, Italy, and Taiwan. On average, 27 bachelors graduates of Seoul National University earn a Ph.D. in economics from a U.S university each year, along with seven from Yonsei University and six from Korea University, both also located in Seoul. Based on a dropout rate of 18.5 percent after two years of the Seoul National, Yonsei, and Korea University graduates who entered one of 27 American Ph.D. programs in Fall 2002 and assuming no further attrition among the group, an average annual graduating Ph.D. class of 40 Seoul National, Yonsei, and Korea University alumni implies that at least 50 of their alumni enter U.S. economics Ph.D. programs each year. The 25 American undergraduate alma maters that generated the most AUIT economics Ph.D.s between 1997 and 2003 are reported in Table 3. The list obviously is dominated by research universities that offer a Ph.D. in economics. Average annual rates of AUIT Ph.D.s generated by these institutions (one-seventh the numbers reported in Table 3) are, for example,These data are not directly available via webCASPAR, but were instead obtained in late 2003 via a special tabulation from the National Opinion Research Center (NORC), the contractor to NSF for the SED. Because NORC continuously updates the webCASPAR data with late arriving surveys and the special tabulation that produced Table 3 occurred about two years before our extraction from webCASPAR of the data used in the rest of this paper, there is a slight difference in the number of Ph.D.s. reported in Tables 2 through 5.7
12 from each undergraduate class at Harvard, 10 from each undergraduate class at Berkeley, and about seven annually from Cornell and Stanford. The only real surprises on the list are the private and public liberal arts collegese.g., Swarthmore, William and Mary, Williams, and Miami (Ohio)surrounded by the likes of the larger Universities of Wisconsin, Michigan, Texas, and UCLA. For these highly productive liberal arts colleges, the annual average number of eventual economics Ph.D.s generated ranges from about 5.5 for Swarthmore to 3.5 for Miami (Ohio). To better illustrate the relative productivity of liberal arts colleges at generating eventual economics Ph.D.s, Table 4 ranks the top 25 institution-size-normalized undergraduate alma maters of economics Ph.D.s. The number of economics Ph.D.s generated by each institution during 1997-2003 is divided by the size of each institutions total undergraduate graduating class from ten years earlier (1987-1993). Although only four liberal arts colleges appear among the top 25 American undergraduate producers of eventual economics Ph.D.s listed in Table 3, Table 4 shows that it is the liberal arts colleges that send the greatest proportion of their graduates on to earn Ph.D.s in economics. Swarthmore leads the list, with an average of one-half of one percent of its graduates each year eventually earning a Ph.D. in economics, or about 15 economics Ph.D.s generated per 1,000 Swarthmore graduates. Of the top 25 institutions ranked by the proportion of the graduating class that eventually earns a Ph.D. in economics, 24 are private colleges and universities, and the one public institution (College of William and Mary) is the closest thing there is to a liberal arts college in the public sector. Eighteen of the 25 are liberal arts colleges with little or no graduate education on their campus. Although not shown in the table, the trend continues as one moves down these rankings. It is not until we reach rank 54 that a large public university (Berkeley) appears on the
list! This pattern of dominance of private liberal arts colleges and private universities in producing undergraduates who eventually earn a Ph.D. in economics follows closely the doctoral production pattern in the natural sciences (Tidball 1986, p. 613). If there are a large number of economics majors at a relatively small institution, even a small proportion of economics majors proceeding on to a Ph.D. can move an institution up the list reported in Table 4. Some economics departments, however, especially those competing with an undergraduate business school, produce a remarkable number of Ph.D. economists from a relatively small pool of economics majors. These institutions are shown in Table 5, where we normalize the eventual economics Ph.D.s generated by each institution by the number of bachelors degrees it awards in economics. Because of variation in the relative size of economics programs within colleges and universities, only ten of those listed in Table 4 survive among the leading 25 in Table 5. A few colleges and universities with relatively small economics programs near the top of Table 5 are surprising, for example Illinois Wesleyan, the University of Memphis, and Bemidji State. Finally, to illustrate that the prominence of top liberal arts colleges in generating eventual economics Ph.D.s is not limited to simply the handful of outstanding colleges listed in Tables 4 and 5, Table 6 presents overall institution- and economics-program size-normalized Ph.Ds. generated by each of the four categories of undergraduate institution. Although the economics Ph.D.-granting institutions generated more than 13 times as many BA/BS degrees and more than seven times as many economics BA/BS degrees as the top-50 liberal arts colleges did during 1987-1993, the liberal arts colleges generated about three times as many Ph.D.s per BA/BS awarded and more than twice as many Ph.D.s per economics BA/BS awarded.
One reason for the disproportionate presence of selective liberal arts college graduates among economics Ph.D.s may be the tendency of individuals to follow in the footsteps of their parents (Laband and Lentz, 1985). While fewer than three percent of the nations college students attend selective liberal arts colleges, almost half of the children of faculty at selective liberal arts colleges, and about a quarter of the children of faculty at national research universities attend selective liberal arts colleges (Siegfried and Getz, 2006, Table 1). With such a hugely disproportionate presence of faculty brats at selective liberal arts colleges, only a modest inter-generational correlation in occupation is necessary for liberal arts colleges to be over-represented among Ph.D. students (in any discipline). Furthermore, undergraduate economics students at liberal arts colleges may receive more attention from faculty that leads them to think about a career as a professional economist. The typical (median) economics graduate of a liberal arts college writes almost twice as many economics term papers as does a graduate of a national research university [4.0 vs. 2.2 papers] (McGoldrick, 2006, Table 5b). Moreover, relatively more economics departments in liberal arts colleges than at national universities report that their students written work is published (65 percent vs. 43 percent), and of that published work, relatively more from liberal arts graduates (77 percent) than from national research university graduates (52 percent) is published in professional academic journals (McGoldrick, 2006, Table 5b). If conducting research that is publishable is more common at liberal arts colleges, academic careers may emanate from liberal arts college graduates more frequently. The institutions in Table 5 have proven to be very productive at generating eventual economics Ph.D.s sending between six and 19 percent of their economics graduates on to Ph.D.s. Those institutions among the Top-50 liberal arts colleges or with economics Ph.D.
programs that send an abnormally low proportion of their economics graduates on to earn Ph.D.s in economics might prove to be fertile ground for recruiting new economics Ph.D. students. These institutions can be identified by reproducing Table 5 absent any limitation on the number of Ph.D.s produced from 1997 to 2003, and looking at the bottom of the list. For example, universities with Ph.D. programs in economics that send less than one-half of one percent of their undergraduate economics graduates on to earn economics Ph.D.s include Connecticut, Fordham, Pittsburgh, SUNY-Albany, SUNY-Buffalo, and Vanderbilt. Top-50 liberal arts colleges that send less than one-half of one percent of their economics graduates on to economics Ph.D.s include Barnard, DePauw, Denison, Hampden-Sydney, Holy Cross, and Union.
II. Undergraduate Origins and Economics Ph.D. Program Outcomes As part of our study of the economics Ph.D. production process, we are following the progress of 586 students who began Ph.D. study in one of 27 economics Ph.D. programs during Fall 2002. Among the 27 are 15 of the 22 largest, and 12 others, each averaging at least 5 Ph.D.s per year.8 The programs are diverse in terms of 1993 National Research Council (NRC) ratings (Marvin Goldberger et al., 1995). Three are Tier 1, six Tier 2, seven Tier 3, six Tier 4, and four Tier 5. One is unranked.9 Thus, the programs are drawn from all quality tiers; but larger, higherranked universities are over-represented. Together the 27 produced 42 percent of the Ph.D.s issued by U.S. programs awarding at least one degree from 1998 to 2001.10 Fourteen of the8
Each of the 22 programs with the most degrees awarded from 1998 through 2001 was invited to participate; 15 accepted. The remaining 12 programs were selected randomly from the 45 smaller programs that averaged at least 5 Ph.D.s annually from 1998 through 2001.
The first tier of NRC rankings consists of Chicago, Harvard, MIT, Princeton, Stanford, and Yale (three of which are included in our study). The second tier is California-Berkeley, Columbia, Michigan, Minnesota, Northwestern, Pennsylvania, Rochester, UCLA, and Wisconsin. The third tier is programs ranked 16-30; fourth tier programs are ranked 31-48. We included in the fifth tier the remainder of programs, including one not ranked by the NRC.10
Based on tabulations from listings in December issues of the Journal of Economic Literature.
largest 20 Ph.D. programs and nine of the top 15 Ph.D. programs in economics as ranked in 1993 by the National Research Council (Goldberger, et al. 1995) are included.11 To compare various student characteristics and outcomes across the type of undergraduate institution the Fall 2002 entering cohort of Ph.D. students had attended, we use the same four categories of U.S. colleges and universities employed earlier. However, because of potential differences in language barriers to learning in the U.S., we subdivide the foreign institutions into those in: (a) Britain, Canada, Ireland, Australia, and New Zealand, where English is the dominant language; and (b) all other countries. Using this division, Table 7 shows that 38 percent of the Fall 2002 entering cohort earned a bachelors degree from a U.S. college or university, 5 percent from English-language-dominant foreign universities, and 57 percent from other foreign universities. Assuming that no particular type of undergraduate institution has been more or less successful in luring or pressuring prospective Ph.D. students to apply and enroll if they are admitted, U.S. economics Ph.D. programs that want to boost applications and enrollments from domestically trained undergraduates need not look far. The largest pool of prospects comes from U.S. institutions offering a Ph.D. in economics; close to two-thirds of the AUIT first year students (142/223) earned their undergraduate degrees from these schools. An additional 15 percent of AUIT students are located at the 50 or so most prestigious liberal arts colleges. Column 3 indicates that by the beginning of their second year of study, 13 percent of the entrants (77 individuals) had dropped out. By the beginning of their third year of study (Fall 2004), attrition was 26 percent for the enrolling cohort. Substantial differences in attrition11
There are 223 AUIT students among the 586 in the entering class. Among these, 63 percent attended economics Ph.D.-granting, 16 percent Top-50 liberal arts, 13 percent other public, and 8 percent other private undergraduate institutions. These percentages imply that our sample includes more students from economics Ph.D.-granting and fewer from other private undergraduate institutions than is represented by the SED data in Table 1 for Ph.D.s graduating in 1997-2003.
emerge on the basis of type and location of undergraduate training. For example, after two full years in the Ph.D. programs, the 30 percent dropout rate for AUIT Ph.D.s was six percentage points higher than that of those trained overseas, a difference that is statistically significantly different at the 0.10 level. Moreover, there are substantial differences in attrition based on the type of undergraduate institution attended. Among the AUIT Ph.D. students, the lowest attrition (21 percent after two years) occurred among Ph.D. students who earned their undergraduate degrees from the nations 50 most prestigious private liberal arts colleges (plus the six we added), and the highest attrition (50 percent after two years) occurred among the 30 Fall 2002 matriculants whose undergraduate degrees were awarded by public universities that do not offer a Ph.D. in economics (although only the latter group's attrition rate is significantly different from that of other Ph.D. students). In their study of the match between the skills learned in graduate school and those used by economics Ph.D.s on the job, Stock and Hansen (2004, Table 2) report that among recent graduating cohorts of economics Ph.D.s, analytics (understanding and solving problems, making and analyzing logical arguments) and mathematics (constructing and analyzing proofs, manipulating mathematical abstractions) were consistently rated by graduates as the skills most important for success in their Ph.D. programs. In contrast, the largest fraction of graduates listed communication (speaking and writing effectively, quickly understanding spoken and written ideas of others, explaining ideas clearly) as the skill most important for success in their jobs. The inclination to enter, and ability to succeed, in a Ph.D. program may depend on a student's innate quantitative and verbal skills. Those skills, in turn, may be related to the type of undergraduate college a person attended. To explore this possibility, in Table 7, we also report separately by type of undergraduate institution the mean verbal, analytical, and quantitative GRE
scores for the 2002 entering Ph.D. class. If GRE analytical, quantitative, and verbal scores reflect aptitude in analytic, mathematic, and communication skills, the mix of aptitude among first-year Ph.D. students as reported in Table 7 presents a conundrum. On the one hand, firstyear Ph.D. students who did their undergraduate work at economics Ph.D.-granting institutions earned higher analytical GRE scores but lower quantitative GRE scores than other first-year students, while the opposite is true for students from foreign institutions where English is not the dominant language; they have the highest quantitative but the lowest analytical GRE scores among the first year class. In both cases, the GRE scores send mixed signals in terms of the students' mastery of the skills rated most important for success in graduate school. On the other hand, graduates of economics Ph.D.-granting institutions, those from top-50 liberal arts colleges, and those from foreign institutions where English is the dominant language earn higher verbal GRE scores than others, while students from foreign institutions where English is not the dominant language earn lower verbal GRE scores suggesting that the graduates from these different types of institutions may face ease (or difficulty) in mastering the communication skills that their predecessors rate as highly important for success on the job.12
In Table 8 we present probit regression estimates of two-year attrition for the 572 members of the entering class for whom we have complete survey information. Unlike the raw means presented in Table 7, the regression controls for differences in demographic characteristics (age, sex, citizenship), school-related characteristics (whether the student held a
Although not shown in the table, as another test of the belief that mathematical and quantitative abilities have become important predictors of success in graduate school, we also compared the GRE scores of the 12 Ph.D. students among the entering class of 2002 who attended one of the engineering schools listed in Figure 5 against those of the 220 first-year students who attended other U.S. undergraduate institutions. The mean quantitative and analytical GRE scores are higher (by 24 and 22 points, respectively) for those who attended engineering schools, but only the difference in the quantitative score comes close to statistical significance (p-value 0.13).
prior advanced degree, an undergraduate major in economics, math, or a dual major in economics/math, and the years since the undergraduate degree was earned), whether the student indicated an interest in micro theory, macro theory, or econometrics (the core of the first-year curriculum, indicated by the variable theory interest) or in another specific field of economics on their economics Ph.D. program application, and GRE scores. The regression also includes firstyear financial aid variables, undergraduate institution characteristics, and indicators for particular graduate programs (i.e. binary variables representing the 24 institutions with ten or more students in the regression sample). The regression estimates indicate that once other factors are controlled, none of the demographic or other school-related characteristics is related to attrition. The only exception is the verbal GRE score, but its impact is small, with a ten point increase being associated with only a .003 decrease in the probability of dropout.13 Not surprisingly, those who have no financial support are more likely to dropout in the first two years of graduate study, being 21 percentage points more likely to do so than their counterparts with teaching assistantships. Among the undergraduate institution groups, only other foreign is significantly associated with dropout, with those students having about a .2 lower probability of dropout relative to their counterparts from economics Ph.D.-granting institutions. Finally, to examine variations in the time required to earn a Ph.D. in economics, we estimated a hazard model based on a Weibull distribution for 302 economists who earned their Ph.D.s between July 1, 2001 and June 30, 2002, and who answered all pertinent questions on a survey administered in early 2003 as part of a larger study of the labor market for new Ph.D.s (Siegfried and Stock, 2004). The survey included at least partial information for 61 percent of13
When we estimate the attrition model without GRE scores included, the estimated coefficients on the undergraduate institution variables do not change appreciably. Assuming that GRE scores are good measure of student ability, this implies that the institution type variables measure something beyond that.
those who earned economics Ph.D.s in the U.S. in 2001-02 and includes Ph.D. graduates from 101 universities. Non-U.S. citizens and graduates holding permanent jobs are under represented among survey respondents, but the sample is otherwise representative of the graduating class of 2001-02 (see Siegfried and Stock, 2004 for a more thorough discussion of the sample and its representativeness). Included in the model as explanatory variables for time-to-degree are indicators for particular graduate programs (i.e. binary variables representing the six institutions with ten or more graduates in the regression sample), type of financial support, type of dissertation (traditional treatise or set of essays), field of specialization, socio-demographic and educational background characteristics, and the type of undergraduate institution attended. The variable means and coefficient estimates from the regression are reported in Table 9.14 We have discussed the relationships between demographic and graduate program characteristics and time-to-degree elsewhere (e.g., Siegfried and Stock, 2004, p. 277; Stock and Siegfried, 2006). Here we elaborate on relationships between type of undergraduate institution and time-to-degree. The group of binary variables indicating various types of undergraduate institutions attended by the 302 Ph.D. economists in our sample explains a statistically significant additional amount of the variation in the time it took them to earn their degrees (the pvalue in a test of their joint significance is 0.000). There are also economically meaningful differences in time-to-degree among those who attended different types of undergraduate institutions. Those who graduated from a selective private liberal arts college finished about eight months faster than the benchmark group whose undergraduate study was at a university that also offers a Ph.D. in economics. Those who earned undergraduate degrees from foreign14
The 18 graduates whose time-to-degree was more than two standard deviations above the mean of 5.6 years were excluded from the analysis.
predominantly English speaking universities finished eleven months faster, and those who earned undergraduate degrees from other foreign universities finished about five months faster than the benchmark. Although not significantly different from the benchmark, the slowest group is those from public universities in the U.S. that do not offer a Ph.D. in economics, the same group with the worst attrition record. Graduates who completed undergraduate study at selective American liberal arts colleges, or whose undergraduate training was in Britain, Canada, Ireland, Australia, or New Zealand, earned a Ph.D. in economics sufficiently faster than the large group of undergraduates from American Ph.D. granting universities so as to save almost a full academic year. The savings from an academic year could be viewed as a full years opportunity cost to graduates, and/or a year of financial aid from the Ph.D. department. Applicants from Swarthmore, Williams, or Carleton, therefore, might be viewed appropriately as likely less expensive Ph.D. students than those with a bachelors degree from Harvard, Berkeley, or Stanford. Accordingly, Ph.D. program admissions committees might reasonably dip further into the credentials pool for those with an undergraduate degree from a selective liberal arts college. On the other hand, expanding the pool of selective liberal arts college graduates attracted into Ph.D. study, which such a policy could induce, may add prospects whose expected time-to-degree differs from the expected length of Ph.D. study of existing matriculants.
III. Conclusion This paper documents the types of colleges and universities attended by those who earned doctorates in economics from American universities from 1966 to 2003. The total number of new economics Ph.D.s awarded to U.S. citizens has declined precipitously since 1972. Among
those who earned an undergraduate degree in the U.S., however, the composition of undergraduate alma maters of the doctorates has been relatively stable, with about 55 percent of those earning a Ph.D. in economics each year holding a bachelors degree from a university that offers a Ph.D. in economics, and a little more than 10 percent holding a bachelors degree from a selective liberal arts college. Currently, 18 of the 25 American undergraduate institutions that send the largest percentage of their graduating class on to earn a Ph.D. in economics are private liberal arts colleges. In addition, graduates of the top liberal arts colleges have the highest mean verbal GRE scores among the 2002 first-year class of economics Ph.D. students, and among recent cohorts of economics Ph.D.s, liberal arts college graduates completed their degrees in substantially less time than all other Ph.D. students except those from Britain, Canada, Ireland, Australia, and New Zealand. Worldwide, Seoul National University in Korea is the leading incubator of future U.S. economics Ph.D.s, generating an average of 27 eventual economics Ph.D.s per year during the period 1997-2002. Among American institutions, Harvard tops the list of undergraduate institutions attended by eventual Ph.D.s in economics, but Swarthmore College and Illinois Wesleyan, respectively, are the top generators of eventual economics Ph.D.s. after controlling for institution and economics program size.
Figure 1Number of American Undergraduate Institutions Generating Eventual Ph.D.s and Number of Ph.D.s Generated800 700 Number 600 500 400 300 200 1966 1970 1974 1978 1982 1986 Year Number of Undergraduate Institutions Number of Eventual Ph.D.s GeneratedSource: Authors' calculations based on the Survey of Earned Doctorates.
Figure 2Percent of Economics Ph.D.s Generated by Type of Undergraduate Institution55 45 Percent 35 25 15 5 1966 1970 1974 1978 1982 1986 Year Econ Ph.D. Granting Other Public Top-50 Liberal Arts Other Private Foreign 1990 1994 1998 2002
Source: Authors' calculations based on the Survey of Earned Doctorates. Total percentages do not sum to 100 because a small percentage of Economics Ph.D.s' undergraduate institutions are not classified.
Figure 3Number of Ph.D.s Generated per Undergraduate Institution2.6 Number 1.8 1966 2 2.2 2.4
1986 Year
Figure 4Percent of AUIT Economics Ph.D.s Generated by the Top-10 and Elite-20 Ph.D.-Generating Undergraduate Institutions (three-year moving averages)20 Percent 18 16 14 12 1966 1970 1974 1978 1982 1986 Year Top-10 Elite-20 1990 1994 1998 2002
Source: Authors' calculations based on the Survey of Earned Doctorates. The Top-10 schools may change each year. The elite-20 institutions are Amherst, Brow n, Chicago, Colgate, Columbia, Cornell, Dartmouth, Grinnell, Harvard, Haverf ord, Oberlin, Pennsylvania, Princeton, Stanford, Sw arthmore, Vassar, Wellesley, Wesleyan, Williams, and Yale.
Figure 5Percent of AUIT Economics Ph.D.s Generated by Engineering Schools (three-year moving averages)6 Percent 3 1966 4 5
Source: Authors' calculations based on the Survey of Earned Doctorates. The Engineering schools are Cal Poly-San Luis Obispo, Cal Tech, Carnegie Mellon, Case Western Reserve, Cooper Union, Georgia Tech, Harvey Mudd College, Illinois Tech, Michigan Tech, MIT, Purdue University, Rensselaer, Rice, Rose Institute of Technology, Stevens Institute of Technology, Texas A & M, U.S. Air Force, Military, or Naval Academies, and Virginia Tech.
Table 1: Shares of AUIT Ph.D.s generated, by Institution Type Period Institution Type 1970 1980 1990 2000 Econ Ph.D. Granting 0.56 0.56 0.56 0.55 Top-50 Liberal Arts 0.10 0.10 0.11 0.14 Other Public 0.16 0.18 0.17 0.16 Other Private 0.18 0.16 0.16 0.16AUIT = American undergraduate institution trained. Cells present the number of Ph.D.s generated by each institution type during the period divided by the total number of Ph.D.s generated by all four types of institutions during the period. The periods are defined as: 1970 = 1967-1973, 1980 = 1977-1983, 1990 = 19871993, 2000 = 1997-2003.
Table 2: Top Worldwide Sources of Eventual Economics Ph.D.s, 1997-2002 Number of Eventual Ph.D. Economists Generated during 1997-2002 University Name Country Seoul National University Korea 162 Harvard University USA 74 National Taiwan University Taiwan 63 University of Delhi India 61 University of California, Berkeley USA 54 Universita Commerciale "Luigi Bocconi" Italy 45 Yonsei University Korea 44 Stanford University USA 40 Beijing University China 36 Cornell University USA 33 Korea University Korea 33 Fudan University China 32 Tokyo University Japan 32 University of Michigan USA 32 Yale University USA 32 MIT USA 30 Middle East Technical University Turkey 30 Princeton University USA 30 University of Wisconsin, Madison USA 30 Swarthmore College USA 29 University of Pennsylvania USA 28 College of William and Mary USA 26 Es. Superior de Comercio "Carloss Pellegrini" Argentina 26 University of Calcutta India 26 Instituto Tecnolgico Autnoma de Mxico Mexico 24 University of Maryland USA 24Source: Survey of Earned Doctorates. The column presents the number of economists who earned their Ph.D. during 1997-2002 (N = 5,133) and who listed the school as their undergraduate university.
Table 3: Top American Sources of Eventual Economics Ph.D.s, 1997-2003 Number of Eventual Ph.D.s Generated during 1997-2003 86 69 51 51 46 40 39 39 37 35 34 30 28 28 27 27 27 26 26 25 25 25 24 23 23 23 23
University Name Harvard University University of California-Berkeley Cornell University Stanford University University of Wisconsin-Madison University of Michigan Swarthmore College Yale University Princeton University MIT University of Pennsylvania University of Maryland Brigham Young University University of Virginia College of William and Mary Columbia University Texas A&M University University of Illinois University of Texas University of California-Davis University of Massachusetts Williams College UCLA Duke University Miami University Michigan State University Northwestern UniversitySource: Authors' calcualtions based on the Survey of Earned Doctorates.
Table 4: Institution Size Normalized Top American Sources of Eventual Economics Ph.D.s, 1997-2003Number of Eventual Ph.D.s Generated 1997-2003 39 7 20 22 25 86 17 37 16 35 51 39 5 10 21 19 15 6 6 5 8 8 27 9 27 13 Number of Undergraduate Degrees Awarded 19871993 2579 771 2212 3127 3593 12500 2620 7742 3515 7849 11597 9115 1274 2557 5567 5038 4099 1700 1726 1531 2491 2529 8737 2917 8932 4434 Eventual Ph.D.s generated per 1000 undergraduate degrees awarded 15.12 9.08 9.04 7.04 6.96 6.88 6.49 4.78 4.55 4.46 4.40 4.28 3.92 3.91 3.77 3.77 3.66 3.53 3.48 3.27 3.21 3.16 3.09 3.09 3.02 2.93
Institution Name Swarthmore College Agnes Scott College Grinnell College Carleton College Williams College Harvard University Macalester College Princeton University Trinity University MIT Stanford University Yale University Wabash College Bowdoin College University of Chicago Oberlin College Wellesley College Earlham College Kalamazoo College Beloit College Pomona College Illinois Wesleyan University College of William and Mary Amherst College Columbia University Rice University
Source: Authors' calculations based on IPEDS completions data available on WebCASPAR. Calculations are limited to schools that produced anaverage of at least 100 BA/BS degrees and an average of at least 5 economics BA/BS degrees per year during 1987-1993, and who produced at least 2 Ph.D.s during the period 1997-2003.
Table 5: Economics Program-Size Normalized Top American Sources of Eventual Economics Ph.D.s, 1997-2003Number of Eventual Ph.D.s Generated 1997-2003 8 39 5 6 5 20 7 6 7 5 5 19 35 22 16 3 3 23 5 5 5 17 6 3 4 5 3 Number of Economics Undergraduate Degrees Awarded 19871993 42 292 44 56 47 191 68 59 75 55 58 222 413 264 195 39 46 355 78 78 79 272 98 50 67 85 54 Eventual Ph.D.s generated per economics undergraduate degree awarded 0.19 0.13 0.11 0.11 0.11 0.10 0.10 0.10 0.09 0.09 0.09 0.09 0.08 0.08 0.08 0.08 0.07 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06 0.06
Institution Name Illinois Wesleyan University Swarthmore College Bemidji State University (MN) Earlham College Reed College Grinnell College Wheaton College (Wheaton, IL) University of Memphis Agnes Scott College University of Alabama Concordia College Oberlin College MIT Carleton College Trinity University Hood College Loyola University of Chicago Miami University Ithaca College Ohio Wesleyan University University of Miami Macalester College Western Kentucky University Rochester Institute of Technology Frostburg State University La Salle University College of Charleston
Source: Authors' calculations based on IPEDS completions data available on WebCASPAR. Calculations are limited to schools that produced an average of at least 100 BA/BS degrees and an average of at least 5 economics BA/BS degrees per year during 1987-1993, and who produced at least 2 Ph.D.s during the period 1997-2003.
Table 6: AUIT Ph.D.s generated, Normalized by Institution Size and Economics Program Size 5 1 2 3 4 Number of BA/BS graduates generated 1987-1993 2,298,218 173,465 822,377 304,806 Number of Economics BA/BS graduates generated 1987-1993 113,800 14,889 17,924 10,539 Ph.D.s per 1000 Economics BA/BS graduates 49.52 85.83 21.80 34.58
Institution Type Econ Ph.D. Granting Top-50 Liberal Arts Other Public Other Private
Source: Authors' calculations based on SED and IPEDS completions data available on WebCASPAR.
Institution Type
Number of First Year Students Generated 142 33 30 18 27 336 223 363 586
Share of First year Two-year First Year dropout dropout Students rate rate 0.24 0.06 0.05 0.03 0.05 0.57 0.38 0.62 1.00 0.17>a
Econ Ph.D. Granting Top-50 Liberal Arts Other Public Other Private Britian, Canada, Ireland, Australia, New Zealand Other Foreign All AUIT All Foreign Totala
0.15 0.30>
0.28 0.15<
780 781>
">" ("<") = value is significantly higher (lower) than the mean for the rest of the sample at the 0.10 level (one-tailed tests). The number of observations for the GRE scores is lower than for the whole sample because GRE score information was not available for 12 of the students.
Table 8: Attrition from Economics Ph.D. Programs, Probit Model 1 2 3 Variable mean dY/dX z-ratio 0.26 Dropout* Demographics Age at matriculation 25.44 -0.004 -0.34 Female* 0.35 0.075 1.72 U.S. Citizen* 0.33 -0.115 -1.65 Prior advanced degree* 0.45 -0.002 -0.04 Prior BA/BS economics* 0.70 -0.051 -1.05 Prior BA/BS economics/math* 0.06 -0.130 -1.70 Prior BA/BS math* 0.03 -0.112 -1.16 Years since BA/BS degree 2.69 -0.010 -0.81 Theory interest* 0.34 -0.019 -0.44 No interest specified* 0.25 0.014 0.24 -1 GRE analytical score (x10 ) 72.28 -0.002 -0.97 -1 GRE verbal score (x10 ) -0.003 56.26 -2.07 GRE quantitative score (x10 ) Primary type of financial assistance Teaching assistant* Research assistant* Fellowship* No support* Type of undergraduate institution Economics Ph.D. Granting* Top-50 Liberal Arts* Other Public* Other Private* Britian, Canada, Ireland, Australia, New Zealand* Other Foreign*-1
77.20 0.28 0.05 0.47 0.20 0.24 0.06 0.05 0.03 0.05 0.57
Notes: N = 572. * indicates binary variables. Coefficients in bold are statistically significant at the 0.10 level (two-tailed tests). Regression also includes a constant and binary controls for the 24 Ph.D. programs with 10 or more graduates in the regression sample.
Table 9: Time-to-Degree for the Economics Ph.D. Class of 2001-02, Duration Model 1 2 3 4 Predicted change in Time to degree for statistically significant coefficients (in months) -0.3
Variable Time to Degree (years) Demographics Age at matriculation Female* Married at matriculation* U.S. Citizen* Had child at matriculation* Female*had child at matriculation* White* Prior master's degree* Prior economics degree* Primary type of financial assistance Teaching assistant* Research assistant* Fellowship* Government support* Mixed support* No support* Dissertation set of essays* Type of undergraduate institution Economics Ph.D. Granting* Top-50 Liberal Arts* Other Public* Other Private* Britian, Canada, Ireland, Australia, New Zealand* Other Foreign*
mean 5.60 26.32 0.28 0.23 0.54 0.10 0.02 0.73 0.40 0.83 0.31 0.08 0.08 0.04 0.45 0.04 0.61 0.31 0.11 0.08 0.08 0.05 0.37
Estimated exponentiated accelerated failure time coefficients 0.996 0.994 0.993 0.996 0.967 0.991 1.011 0.930 1.031 0.923 0.868 0.870 0.929 1.110 0.908 0.875 1.092 0.912 0.844 0.922
z-ratio -1.94 -0.22 -0.16 -0.09 -0.51 -0.09 0.32 -2.61 0.86 -1.55 -3.42 -1.84 -2.30 1.54 -3.35 -3.26 1.47 -1.54 -2.95 -2.01
-10.5 -5.2
Notes: N = 302. * indicates binary variables. Regression also includes a constant, binary controls for Ph.D. programs with 10 or more graduates in the regression sample (programs are Chicago, Harvard, MIT, NYU, Maryland, and Berkeley), and binary controls for field of specialization.
References Brown, Heath, and Maria Doulis. 2005. Findings from 2005 CGS International Graduate Admissions Survey I. (Council of Graduate Schools: Washington, D.C.). Finegan, T. Aldrich, John J. Siegfried and Wendy A. Stock. 2006. Matriculation into U.S. Economics Ph.D. Programs: How Many Accepted Americans do not Enroll? American Economic Review (May) 96(2): xxx yyy. Freeman, Richard B., Emily Jin and Chia-Yu Shen. 2004. Where Do New US-Trained ScienceEngineering PhDs Come From? Unpublished manuscript, National Bureau of Economic Research, Working Paper 10554, June 2004. Goldberger, Marvin, Brendan Maher, and Pamela Flattau, eds. 1995. Research-Doctorate Programs in the United States: Continuity and Change. Washington, DC: National Academy Press. Groen, Jeffrey A., and Michael J. Rizzo. 2004. The Changing Composition of AmericanCitizen PhDs. Unpublished manuscript, Cornell Higher Education Research Institute, Cornell University, March 9, 2004. Lemke, Robert J., Todor L. Barzev, Detelina N. Filipova and Veska I. Suleva. 2005. Economics BAs and Ph.D.s from Liberal Arts Colleges: Do Degree Requirements or Faculty Scholarship Matter? Unpublished manuscript, Lake Forest College, January 25, 2005. Laband, D. N., and B. F. Lentz. 1985. The roots of success: why children follow in their parents occupational footsteps. New York, Praeger. McGoldrick, KimMarie. 2006. The senior experience for economics majors: results from a survey of departmental practices. Unpublished manuscript, University of Richmond. Siegfried, John J. 2000. How Many College Students are Exposed to Economics? Journal of Economic Education (Spring) 31(2): 202-204. Siegfried, John J. and David K. Round. 2001. International Trends in Undergraduate Economics Degrees. Journal of Economic Education (Summer) 32(3): 203-218. Siegfried, John, and Malcolm Getz. 2006. Where do the children of professors attend college? Economics of Education Review. 25: 201-210. Siegfried, John J. and Wendy A. Stock. 1999. The Labor Market for New Ph.D. Economists. Journal of Economic Perspectives (Summer) 13(3): 115-134. Siegfried, John J. and Wendy A. Stock. 2001. So You Want to Earn a Ph.D. in Economics: How Long Do You Think It Will Take? Journal of Human Resources (Spring) 36(2): 364-378.
Siegfried, John J., and Wendy A. Stock. 2004. The Labor Market for New Ph.D. Economists in 2002. American Economic Review (May) 94(2): 272-285. Siegfried, John J. and Wendy A. Stock. 2006. "Where Are They Now? Tracking the Ph.D. Class of 1997." forthcoming, Southern Economic Journal. Stock, Wendy A., Richard Alston, and Martin Milkman. 2000. "The Academic Labor Market for Economists - 1995-96." Atlantic Economic Journal (June) 28(2): 164-185. Stock, Wendy A. and Richard Alston. 2000. "The Effect of Graduate-Program Rank on Success in the Job Market." Journal of Economic Education (Fall) 31(4): 389-401. Stock, Wendy A. and John J. Siegfried. 2001. "So You Want to Earn a Ph.D. in Economics: How Much Do You Think You Will Make?" Economic Inquiry (April) 39(2): 320-335. Stock, Wendy A. and W. Lee Hansen. 2004. Ph.D. Program Learning and Job Demands: How close is the Match? American Economic Review Papers and Proceedings (May) 94(2): 266271. Stock, Wendy A., T. Aldrich Finegan, and John J. Siegfried. 2006. Attrition in Economics Ph.D. Programs. American Economic Review (May) 96(2): xxx-yyy. Stock, Wendy A. and John J. Siegfried. 2006. Time-to-Degree for the Economics Ph.D. Class of 2001-02. American Economic Review (May) 96(2): xxx yyy. Tidball, M. Elizabeth. 1986. Baccalaureate Origins of Recent Natural Science Doctorates. The Journal of Higher Education (November-December) 57:6, pp. 606-620. Zhang, Liang. 2004. Advance to Graduate Education: The Effect of College Quality and Undergraduate Majors, Unpublished manuscript, Cornell University, School of Industrial and Labor Relations, June 2004.


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|Average Price
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|$ 465,000
|2 Bed Homes For Sale in 33946 (12)
|$ 415,692
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$ 881,689
$ 336
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|$ 193,313
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|$ 294,527
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|$ 659,375
$ 682,515
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|$ 442,732
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Currently there are 90 homes for sale and 437 vacant land parcels for sale in 33946
Learn More About Placida, Florida:
Placida is a tiny community in Charlotte County, Florida on the state's Gulf Coast. Located on the southernmost section of the Cape Haze FL peninsula, Placida boasts a population of just over 1,000. This is one of the more private areas you will find anywhere in Florida. It is renowned for its elegant Florida-style ranch homes spacious private homes with stunning waterfront views. Much of what goes on in Placida is designed for local residents, rather than tourists. To maintain their highly-prized privacy, most of the residential areas of Placida are gated with owner and guest access only.
Placida has an extremely liveable climate with temperatures averaging in the mid 70s in the winter and up to 92° in the summer months. Its water-adjacent location keeps the temperatures at a more comfortable level when the hotter months start to come around.
Given its scenic coastline and abundant access to water, it's only natural that one of the more popular activities is taking a chartered fishing tour. One of the favorites in the area is Paradise Fishing Charters. Captain Steve will take you out on the clear blue waters of the Gulf of Mexico and help you reel in the big catch.
If you'd rather eat fish than catch it, you need to stop by The Fishery Restaurant. Best described as having an offbeat, even eclectic exterior, this restaurant is surrounded beautiful tropical trees and plants. This town favorite seaside location is also adjacent to several small art galleries. The restaurant's large windows face right onto the waters of Placida Harbor making it an ideal spot to take in the breathtaking Placida sunsets.
While you're in the area of The Fishery Restaurant, be sure to go to the nearby Margaret Albritton Art Gallery. This vibrantly colored destination is a working gallery and studio which houses original art work by Margaret and Garry Albritton. Inside you'll find a variety of art, home décor items, beach themed articles, paintings and frames, all with a tropical theme running through them.
Schools in the Placida area are administered by the Charlotte County Public School system. The district's stated core values are Excellence, Collaboration, Leadership, Communication, Safety, and Integrity. Amongst the top rated schools in the Placida area are Lemon Bay High School, Englewood Elementary School, Englewood Christian Academy, and Heritage Christian Academy.
Placida is a little slice of paradise on Florida's Gulf Coast. Its charm has been described as a throwback to old-Florida with its classic 50's and 60's single-story block construction homes. Some have said that the street, architecture and surrounding foliage makes this particular swath of the Florida coastline reminiscent of the Louisiana bayou. If you can afford to live in its mostly gated communities, there are few better places you can find in the entire country.


text:
Ketek Lawyer | Serving Brocton, NY
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Medical devices are intended to resolve health problems and improve your health. Far too often, these devices have the opposite effect. They can create problems worse than the ones they were designed to fix. The attorneys of Salter Ferguson, LLC, based in Birmingham, represent people who have been injured by defective medical devices. We also represent the survivors of …
Ketek is a drug for treating serious bacterial infections but there are serious side effects linked to its use, including jaundice, live damage, liver failure, and death. The manufacturer strengthened the warning label about the risks and the drug is now used only to treat pneumonia in adults.
If you believe you have suffered a side effect from using Ketek, you may be entitled to compensation. To determine if you have a valid case it is necessary to immediately consult a Brocton product liability lawyer who has handled Ketek cases. The lawyer can assess your claim and take legal action against the manufacturer if warranted or may negotiate a settlement.
It is in your best interest to get legal help early on in addressing your situation. There are times when hiring a lawyer quickly is critical to your case, such as if you are charged with a crime. It may also be in your best interest to have a lawyer review the fine print before signing legal documents. A lawyer can also help you get the compensation you deserve if you've suffered a serious injury. For issues where money or property is at stake, having a lawyer guide you through the complexities of the legal system can save you time, hassle, and possibly a lot of grief in the long run.
An attorney consultation should provide you with enough information so that you can make an informed decision on whether to proceed with legal help.
A reputable attorney will be very upfront about how he/she will charge you. The three most common fee structures that attorneys use to charge for their services are:
Depending on your specific legal situation, it's possible that only one type of fee structure is available. For instance, criminal defense attorneys almost always bill by the hour. In a flat fee arrangement, an attorney accepts a one-time payment to help you resolve your issue. With a contingent fee agreement, the client pays little to nothing upfront and the attorney receives a percentage of the money recovered if you win your case.
Affidavit - A sworn written statement made under oath. An affidavit is meant to be a supporting document to the court assisting in the verification of certain facts. An affidavit may or may not require notarization.
Lead Counsel's objective process independently verifies attorney records, conferring with state bars across the country and conducting annual reviews to confirm that the attorney practices in the legal categories as indicated, possesses a valid bar license, and is eligible to practice in the specific jurisdiction.


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House prices in Aviary Walk, Bedford MK41
What's the average house price in Aviary Walk?
The average price for property in Aviary Walk stood at £260,233 in March 2020. This is a rise of 2.26% in the last three months (since December 2019) and rise of 3.59% since 12 months ago. In terms of property types, flats in Aviary Walk sold for an average of £136,080 and terraced houses for £240,380. This is according to the current Zoopla estimates.
Data on sold house prices, such as the results above for Aviary Walk Bedford MK41, is supplied to us via monthly updates from the Land Registry for England and Wales and from the Registers of Scotland for Scotland. There may be a delay of up to 3 months from when a property is actually sold to when it becomes officially recorded with Land Registry and/or Registers of Scotland. We provide data on house prices for information only, on an 'as is' basis as supplied to us and accept no liability for any errors or omissions. If you have identified any incorrect information in, please Report an error.


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Robin Hutson scoops Outstanding Contribution Award at Independent Hotel Show
Founder of the Pig brand of hotels Robin Hutson was honoured at the Independent Hotel Show last night by being presented with the Outstanding Contribution Award for the exceptional impact he has had on the UK hospitality industry.
Held at London's Olympia, the award was the culmination of a series of accolade presented at the end of the first day of the two-day show.
It was the first time in the eight years of the show that the Outstanding Contribution Award had been made, but was one that the judging panel of hotel industry experts was deemed to be fitting for the significant role Hutson has had on the sector through the creation of Hotel du Vin du Vin, Lime Wood and the Pig collection of six hotels.
Hutson said he was "thrilled" to win the award. "Of course it's a big team effort so really I'm accepting it on behalf of everyone."
The other award winners were:
- Hotel Innovation Award – Whatley Manor, Malmesbury, Wiltshire
- General Manager of the Future – Samantha Rieu, Dukes London (Tamsyn Mann of Calcot, Tetbury, Gloucestershire, was named as "one to watch")
- Independent Hotelier of the Year – Paula Ellis of Twr y Felin, Roch Castle and Penrhiw Priory, St Davids, Pembrokeshire


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One of the main purposes of dating is for two or more people to evaluate one another's suitability as a long term companion or spouse. Often physical characteristics, personality, financial status, and other aspects of the involved persons are judged and, as a result, feelings can be hurt and confidence shaken. Because of the uncertainty of the whole situation, the desire to be acceptable to the other person, and the possibility of rejection, dating can be very stressful for all parties involved. Some studies have shown that dating tends to be extremely difficult for people with social anxiety disorder.[22]
Singles event: Where a group of singles are brought together to take part in various events for the purposes of meeting new people. Events can include such things as parties, workshops, and games. Many events are aimed at singles of particular affiliations, interest, or religions.[174] A weekend flirting course in Britain advised daters to "love the inner you" and understand the difference between arrogance from insecurity and "true self-confidence"; it featured exercises in which students were told to imagine that they were "great big beautiful gods and goddesses" and treat others similarly.[127]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h Madden, Mary Research Specialist; Lenhart, Amanda Senior Research Specialist (September 2005). "Online Dating: Americans who are seeking romance use the internet to help them in their search, but there is still widespread public concern about the safety of online dating". Pew Internet & American Life Project. Retrieved 2010-12-08.
Dating after marriage is very important because it gives you exclusive time with your wife (which might not happen during the rest of the week). While dating, you have her attention and she has yours. You can use this time to catch each other up on what has happened in the week, observe how the other person may have changed recently, have important conversations, and make decisions. It's also important to have fun too! Having fun together deepens the relationship. (Also read: 10 Fun Date Night Ideas)
Why do people date? The main reason is that, as a human being, you're a social creature. Spending all your time in solitude probably doesn't work for you. If you do end up isolated, you might experience problems like depression, low self-esteem, boredom, and desperation. Being with other human beings in a social context, like a date, can help you avoid these problems. Finding a relationship will help keep you connected to another person. Also, we think two brains are better than one! You'll probably benefit from getting to share this sort of stuff with a companion who can help you find solutions.
That is very final. Sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) are the result of sin! They will kill you in the end, and at the very least, they will shorten your life. According to the National Center for Disease Control (CDC): While substantial progress has been made in preventing, diagnosing, and treating certain Sexually Transmitted Diseases in recent years, the Center for Disease Control estimates that nineteen million new infections occur each year, almost half of them among young people ages 15 to 24. There are 8.5 million new cases of STDs occur each and every year among people 15 to24. In addition to the physical and psychological consequences of STDs, these diseases also exact a tremendous economic toll. Direct medical costs associated with STDs in the United States are estimated at $13 billion annually.
The phrase is extremely common, and so is the grey area that tends to follow it around. The trend of not defining a relationship is growing more and more common, and in the wake of this trend, "dating" has come to be a catchall term for everything from hooking up to being in an exclusive relationship, and that can make it a difficult world to navigate.
I remember when I was a teenager that guys in high school would talk about going out on Friday and Saturday nights "trolling." By trolling, they meant driving down the street angling for a catch with a hook, lure, and line drawn through the water to catch some nice looking fish. The trolling was figurative, of course, and a fish was a girl. This was the idea of some boys on how to get a date. Other terms have been used for the same thing, such as "cruising." Apparently cruising is still used today. They are looking for easy, loose women to "hook up" with for sex, like animals.
When you date from a right point of view, you know a date in a parked car is not where you should be. But, this is only if you have been prepared, and prepared your own mind beforehand, to understand that your way of life will determine whether you are successful in dating or not. When you date from a right point of view, you know a date is bad when bad things start to happen, but it is too late then. We should be able to read the predator type of individual and the non-predator. There are predators, both male and female. When you know the purpose of dating—you will know what kind of person to avoid. You will not succumb to the smooth-talker who wants to get something from you. There are more of those smooth-talkers out there than not.
Wrong dating techniques destroy personalities and character, but proper dating encourages the constructive developing of these two elements. The type of dating that does develop personality is the kind where people can get together, play together, and talk together with no adverse effects. Only destructive things happen in the back seat of a car, parked on a dark roadside.
^ Kira Cochrane (24 January 2009). "Should I follow any rules?". The Guardian. Retrieved 2010-12-08. The Rules centres on the premise that "men are born to respond to challenge. Take away challenge and their interest wanes", and thus followers are instructed to suppress their natural instincts and continue as follows: ... never ask a man to dance, ... women should laugh at all their date's jokes...
Dating is also useful for having plain, pure, good fun. Fun is not ending up in premarital pregnancy or marriage to the wrong person. Real fun is wholesome fun that is fun today, tomorrow and forever. True pleasure is paid for before it is received—destructive pleasure is paid for after experiencing it, in the form of bad health and suffering (including STDs, sexually transmitted diseases).
In a casual sex relationship, both partners agree to have sex with each other on a regular basis — and that's it. Those in casual sex relationships can be physically and/or emotionally intimate with others as well, so long as both people are OK with it. Casual sex relationships can also be "exclusive" — meaning neither person sleeps with anyone else — which is similar to monogamous relationships, without the emotional connection.
Dating may also involve two or more people who have already decided that they share romantic or sexual feelings toward each other. These people will have dates on a regular basis, and they may or may not be having sexual relations. This period of courtship is sometimes seen as a precursor to engagement.[1][2] Some cultures[which?] require people to wait until a certain age to begin dating,[citation needed] which has been a source of controversy.


text:
How to Be an Explorer of the World
Keri Smith
$29.99 Paperback
Out of Stock - Order Now (usually dispatches in 7 days)
At any given, moment, no matter where you are, there are hundreds of things around you that are interesting and worth documenting. Warning To whoever has just picked up this book. If you find that you are unable to use your imagination, you should put this book back immediately. It is not for you. In this book you will be repeatedly asked to . . . suspend your disbelief, complete tasks that make you feel a bit strange, look at the world in ways that make you think differently, conduct experiments on a regular basis, and see inanimate objects as alive.
Publication Date: 26-May-2011
Publisher: Penguin Books, Limited


text:
Fri Mar 20, 2020, 06:26 PM
steve2470 (35,585 posts)
This virus is the worst crisis we've ever had in my lifetime....
I turn 62 in August. Yes, Vietnam was really bad, as well as Watergate, Iran Contra, the 2008 Great Recession, the Iraq War, and our Dictator-wannabe since 2017. I am sure you could add to my list. This is just something straightforward yet so unknown and extremely hard to control.
My brother and I are both in a higher risk category (over 60) but we're both in good health. My son is only 24 and in good health. I have no older relatives or friends (at the moment). So, in summary, I am not really concerned about myself, my son or my brother.
My concern is more for the country: the impending recession (and perhaps depression), the difficulty in doing social distancing, survival difficulties unless Congress really steps up, and the (probably) thousands of deaths that are coming, with the overwhelming of our hospitals. Thanks President Narcissistic Psychopath Asshole.
I really hope the future is not as bleak as I envision it. I hope I am wrong.
Thank you for reading. I just needed to vent. I apologize if this was too political and depressing. As a group host, I do my level best to keep politics out of this group, but damn, our national crisis IS affecting my mental health.
I wish you all the very best.
6 replies, 639 views
Always highlight: 10 newest replies | Replies posted after I mark a forum
Replies to this discussion thread
|6 replies
This virus is the worst crisis we've ever had in my lifetime.... (Original post)
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Response to steve2470 (Original post)
Fri Mar 20, 2020, 06:44 PM
irisblue (21,096 posts)
1. Hey Steve
Response to irisblue (Reply #1)
Fri Mar 20, 2020, 06:46 PM
steve2470 (35,585 posts)
2. thanks iris!
Response to steve2470 (Original post)
Fri Mar 20, 2020, 06:48 PM
Laelth (23,396 posts)
3. No need to apologize for sharing what you're feeling. Getting it out is good for mental health, no?
As for the depressing nature of the world you see coming, it will be what it will be. For the moment, my plan is to enjoy today. I hope you did as well.
Response to steve2470 (Original post)
Fri Mar 20, 2020, 06:51 PM
emmaverybo (7,659 posts)
4. Me too. Glad my elderly mother missed it by three years. It's the whole world.
Response to steve2470 (Original post)
Fri Mar 20, 2020, 06:52 PM
BlueJac (5,796 posts)
5. I would say Trump is, this is second!
Response to steve2470 (Original post)
Sat Mar 21, 2020, 04:58 AM
steve2470 (35,585 posts)
6. one last mini-rant
I think we can all agree that we can discuss illnesses like the common cold or seasonal influenza with others, and it's very non-controversial. Just the usual "get well soon" type of stuff.
The coronavirus ? Hell no. The crazy all comes out. You either 1) shut down the argument quickly; 2) get into a heated debate; 3) or just say " yea yea" until the other person shuts up. I don't like any of those alternatives, so best not to broach the topic unless you're ready to deal with the crazy. Pisses me off. Those of you in heavily blue areas who actually believe reality, I envy you.


text: Outdoor pool at Aquarena closes for the season Published: Friday, 20 March 2020 at 5:19:50 PM The City of Greater Geraldton regrets to advise the Geraldton Aquarena's outdoor pool is closed for the season effective immediately following damage to the recirculation pipes. City of Greater Geraldton CEO Ross McKim apologised for the inconvenience. "Between the pipe failure and COVID19 concerns, closing and then re-opening the outdoor pool for a short period before closing again for the normal the winter closure does not make sense as other local governments have closed their pools fully due to COVID-19 concerns," he said. The Geraldton Aquarena will continue to operate its indoor facilities in compliance with the Australian Government's advice about COVID-19. Members of the community are requested to exercise caution and obey all warning signs and directions from authorised City personnel and contractors. If you have any queries please contact the City on (08) 9956 6600 or email firstname.lastname@example.com. Attachment(s) Back to All Items