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|June 1860
|BRISTOL, Massachusetts
|Education, Women
|"U.S. Women, 1790-1890," Wheaton College
|No votes.
"Ought girls to receive a country or city school education?," asked the anonymous author of an essay published in the June 1880 issue of Rushlight, the literary magazine of Wheaton Female Seminary in Norton, Massachusetts. The author explained that people thought a city school education was better because "one has opportunities for mingling with a great number of people, and attending more fine concerts, lectures, etc. which form a desirable part of one's education." However, she argued, such advantages were only an hour's trip from the country school. She further maintained that it was more advantageous to observe events and their outcomes from a distance, in the country, before experiencing them first hand than "to have lived in the very whirl of constantly occurring events" (in the city). The author also explained there was no greater teacher than nature. In the country, one had the benefit of observing the harmony and lessons of nature.
Women's seminaries used more than books to educate their students. The idea of using the natural environment as a tool for education was stemmed from the work of Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi, the father of modern educational theory, and his assistant, Joseph Neef. They felt that first hand knowledge would be more beneficial than learning strictly through books. According to historian Gerald Lee Gutek, these men thought that "natural instincts and interests should control, close contact with nature should furnish the occasion and means of education." Where the school was located was equally important. Schools like Mount Holyoke, Wellesley, and Wheaton, were located in ideal areas where students could study under the trees, learn about the stars through their observatories, and look at the beautiful landscape of the seminary. Though city schools were supposed to provide cultural and social opportunities, students at Radcliff were unable to take advantage of the Cambridge society. As historian Helen Horowitz has noted, one commentator asked rhetorically, "Do the Annex girls enjoy the advantages of Cambridge society?...No; partly because the students are working women without leisure for frequent engagements; partly because Cambridge society is busy and absorbed and does not go out of its way to offer the Annex social culture."


text: Hi, I'm trying to get the payload to drop inside the empty dump truck model at the end of my map but it just sits on the top of it like there's a invisible wall there. I, as a player, can step inside of it or another bin I make into a model. Being not that familiar with the way models work in terms of geometry after they are created, I didn't know it if was the Valve dump truck model or not- so I built a new dump truck model from scratch. The same issue occurs with my new model - cart sits on top of the truck. The truck (func_trian) is a part of the finale - gold cart pushed onto ramp - gold cart falls - or supposed to fall - inside the truck and the truck pulls away with the cart ending the map. It looks pretty fun when you see it. Is there some way you can make the models bin (on the truck) hollow? Or Am I forced to make a truck body as the model and then the bin as a brush and convert it into an entity so that it follows the truck dragging the cart along with it?

subset: commoncrawl


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Despite being fairly narrow in scope, the U.S. Supreme Court ruling handed down this morning in favor of a nationwide retailer that wants to make it more difficult for employees to obtain birth control sets a precedent for future cases involving the religious liberty of corporations.
These companies, according to a court divided 5-4, are allowed under the federal Religious Freedom Restoration Act to deny its employees comprehensive contraceptive coverage. Employees will have to obtain certain kinds of birth control that are not covered by their employer without using their insurance to pay for it.
Congress passed and then-President Bill Clinton signed RFRA in 1993 in order to protect against laws—even those of general applicability or that do not deal with religion—that burden a person's religious expression.
Matt Steffey, a constitutional expert at Mississippi College School of Law, said he is not surprised with the Supreme Court's decision, and that any application of RFRA to companies in the future depends less on the Hobby Lobby decision and more on the ideology of new justice appointments.
"The ruling was intentionally narrow," Steffey said.
Hobby Lobby owners believe that four birth-control pills, including Plan B and Ella morning-after pills, covered under the Affordable Care Act induce abortion, and to offer them to their employees would contradict their religious beliefs. Because of this, Hobby Lobby is protected under RFRA to refuse those medications, the court ruled.
The majority opinion, which Justice Samuel Alito wrote, says that the ruling only applies to birth control, and that religious liberty claims regarding other services may not be ruled similarly.
Today's ruling also only applies to "closely held" corporations, which are those owned by a small group of people, specifically businesses in which five or fewer individuals own 50 percent of the stock value. Steffey said the distinction of closely held corporations is a significant aspect of the case. The law would not, Steffey points out, apply to large investor-held companies such as Apple or ExxonMobil.
Steffey said the idea that companies, specifically those that are small and act as an "extension" of an individual, are protected under RFRA is not groundbreaking. "RFRA already applied to corporations," Steffey said. "The only thing that's new here is that these were for-profit corporations, and I think that part of the decision—I know feelings run high—is the hardest to argue about."
Steffey used the example of a kosher butcher, who most would say should not be mandated to cook meat in a way that contradicts his religion, to show that corporations should obviously be protected under RFRA.
Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, writing for the minority, offered some examples of her own for why the decision represents a walk through a "minefield":
"Would the exemption ... extend to employers with religiously grounded objections to blood transfusions (Jehovah's Witnesses); antidepressants (Scientologists); medications derived from pigs, including anesthesia, intravenous fluids, and pills coated with gelatin (certain Muslims, Jews and Hindus); and vaccinations. ... Not much help there for the lower courts bound by today's decision," Ginsburg wrote.
Steffey said the real argument in the Hobby Lobby case is whether or not providing birth control through employee insurance is a religious burden, since the employee can use their paycheck to purchase the pills.
"What's the difference between cash and non-cash employee benefits?" Steffey asked, suggesting that the payment for birth-control pills through employee insurance may be too indirect to be burdensome to an employer's religion.
Monday's Supreme Court decision for Hobby Lobby reflects the conservative ideology of the current justices, but Steffey said that its consequences are hard to determine.
"This may be the first step towards a big change in the law, or it may be the high water mark. That is, this may be the farthest the court goes under RFRA to protect the religious beliefs of closely-held corporations," Steffey said. "That doesn't depend on this decision, that depends on who's on the Supreme Court in five or 10 years."
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Description: Gudetama Printed Cookie.
Package Details: 12 PCS
Country of Origin: Japan
Ingredients: Wheat flour, margarine, sugar, egg, swelling agent, coloring (red 102, red 106, blue 1, yellow 4), (part of the raw milk, soybeans including)
Storage Method: Avoid direct sunlight, high temperatures, and humidity.


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Liverpool University Boat Club (LUBC), established in 1926, is one of the oldest Clubs at the University of Liverpool. Our Men's and Women's squads are made up of novice and experienced rowers and everyone is welcome. We represent the university in local and national races (including Head of the River on the River Thames, Henley Royal Regatta and BUCS Regatta at Holme Pierrepont in Nottingham).
LUBC is a large and lively club within the university. We have also established our Alumni club, Sphinx Boat Club, this year so past members of LUBC can get back together and row both for fun and competitively.
Our members train at least three days a week at Runcorn Rowing Club (RRC) on the River Weaver benefiting from a 10km stretch of water, arguably the best in North West England. Land training consists of erg sessions, circuit training and strength & conditioning sessions with both squads training at the Gym in Greenbank Halls of Residence. In recent years we have developed our fleet of boats and are fortunate to be able to share boats with Runcorn RC as well as having an amazing coaching team who ensures we reach our full potential.
The Club is proud to have a lively social scene with events ranging from fancy dress Athletic Union Nights to traditional LUBC activities such as Ladies' and Gentlemen's Dinners, the Boat Race Social, and the Annual Christmas Ball. We also organise fundraising events such as our two-day charity bike ride from Liverpool to Henley, completed to raise money for Claire house Children's Hospice and to fund new equipment for the club.
If you would like any further information, please do not hesitate to contact the President or Captains or check out our website.


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5 Tech Skills College Students Need to Know
Every spring, millions of college students face the same life-altering question: Am I ready to graduate?
Today's college grads are digital natives. We're the first generation who grew up with the internet and digital technology. Because of it, we're expected to enter the workforce with a résumé of advanced tech skills unlike any other graduating class before us.
In There Is Life After College, Jeffrey Selingo says that college grads need to be digitally aware and that they need to stop treating tech tools with a passive attitude. Instead, they should learn the ins-and-outs of popular tech to become better equipped for post-graduate life. And you can easily master the following five tech skills before graduation to help you on your way.
- Know How to Google Properly
Searching for things on the internet is one of the first tech skills young kids learn, but college grads need to know how to search at an advanced, logistical level.
I've never seen "Master Googler" on a job application, but I can attest it's vital in the professional world. When my boss wanted me to use the Yesware app I didn't know existed, I did a quick Google search and found dozens of resources available online for free. I watched a video tutorial and read a quick guide, giving me the proficiency to confidently return to my boss and tell them I was familiar with the program.
At another job, a manager asked me to tabulate a formula on an Excel spreadsheet, an intermediate task I didn't know how to do. But I searched for a how-to guide using keywords on the specific tasks my manager wanted me to accomplish and quickly upgraded my Excel status.
The key to better googling is to remember less is more. If you'd like to search for tips on freelancing from the CareerMetis homepage, search site:careermetis.com freelance tips.
If you'd like to find a local web designer position, you can add the specific location by searching web designer location:los angeles.
If you want to find an elementary teacher job in Texas but want to avoid Houston, add elementary teacher -Houston to your search engine.
I become a more valuable, competent employee by using better Google search tactics. I solved my tech problems rather than relying on my employer to teach me.
Where to learn for free: Read 20 Tips to Use Google Search Efficiently.
- Master Image Editing
Photography is a key part to building a brand. Marketers say their most important content for their business is blogging (38%), followed closely behind visual marketing (37%). And 65% of people are visual learners, which means they likely won't remember texts or facts unless that information is paired with a photo or infographic.
The Muse lists image editing as the number-one skill that will aid a professional in their career. By using simple image editing tools in my career, I've helped my company by lightening an image for a higher-quality social media post, resizing an image for a blog and Instagram account, and inserting a company logo onto an image for an email newsletter.
Where to learn for free: Try Pixlr or Gimp, both free photo editors.
- Memorize Keyboard Shortcuts
A professional working the average eight-hour workday wastes eight days per year (two seconds per minute) by avoiding keyboard shortcuts, according to Brainscape. Utilizing keyboard shortcuts raised me from computer illiterate to computer geek. Rapidly typing keyboard keys to activate a computer function instead of fumbling for my mouse saved time and impressed my boss.
To get into the habit of using shortcuts, unplug or deactivate your mouse. It forces you to use the much-quicker keyboard shortcut option instead of wasting time clicking all over your screen.
Where to learn for free: Print out The 20 Most Common Keyboard Shortcuts Everyone Should Know list from Lifehacker, and keep it by your desk until you've got them memorized.
- Learn to Code
At one point or another, every company will need the skills of a computer programmer. In fact, coding skills were part of seven million job openings in 2015. Even former CEO of GE Jeff Immelt says every new hire—no matter their department—will know how to code. Coding is "becoming the most in-demand skill across industries," according to Fast Company.
Knowing coding is a big plus to potential employers, and it can increase your earning power too. A PayScale report found that knowing Scala (a computer programming language) equates to a nearly 22% pay bump.
Where to learn for free: Take a free, online coding course or enroll in a beginner's class at your university.
- Understand Data Analytics
Big data is a major buzzword now because properly analyzing it leads to better products and customer experiences. But 36% of managers say new college hires last year lacked in their data analysis skills.
Data analytics are especially critical for new grads today because the Internet of Things (IoT) is playing a key role in companies of all industries. By 2020, the number of installed IoT units will grow to twenty-six billion globally, but there's a shortage of IT specialists who can process the data on new IoT products.
Many universities are now designing programs in data science, and last year, the first Internet of Things Degree was offered at FIU. But I didn't need to major in data science to learn a few key data analytics tips and tricks. Forbes points out that professionals can still "add new stackable credentials" to their résumés by signing up for online courses and becoming more adept at IoT-analysis skills, like managing virtual teams or working with visual data techniques.
Where to learn for free: Watch the free Excel training videos on the ExcelIsFun YouTube channel or see if your college offers a course.
Take time to learn and master these tech basics—they aren't just tech skills, they're critical job skills that can help you for post-grad life. By mastering these skills during college, you can stay abreast of the competition and have a better chance for success in your chosen career field.
Massiel Ramirez graduated from Utah State University in Marketing and Business Administration. In addition to technology, she enjoys writing about social media and business. Follow her on Twitter @massielmarier, she'd love to hear from you!


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With the festive season drawing to a close, you might find yourself a little frazzled after Christmas Day and in the run up to the arrival of the man in the red suit. If you're anything like us there would have been a made rush to wrap and get everything ready for the big day and Wish Bingo understand that you might need a little pampering.
Throughout December Wish Bingo have been running a promotion that sees two gorgeous pamper hampers won every Friday. It might be that you have already bagged yourself one of these beauties, but if you haven't, there is still two chances to get hold of them over at Wish Bingo by 5th January 2018.
Please note that this promotion ends on 5th January 2018
Pampering Pleasure At Wish Bingo
As well as understanding that we could do with a little pampering, Wish Bingo get that we might be on a tight budget too as we cover the cost of the festive season. For this reason, tickets for the games are just 5p each.
There are two games left, the penultimate one plays tomorrow night at 10pm and the final on 5th January 2018 at the same time. Each game is 75 ball and the winner will be the player who covers all numbers first.
If you are lucky enough to be a winner then you are offered a choice – take the Amazon vouchers to buy the two pamper hampers or opt to have the cash value of £100 added to your account. You can read the full terms of the promotion here.
Wish Upon A Star At Wish Bingo
Please note that this promotion ends on 1st January 2018
That's not all the site has to offer by way of promotions either. To welcome in the New Year, they are hosting a 90 ball game on 1st January at 10pm that boasts £450 of shopping vouchers to spend in the sales!
Tickets are 10p each and available to pre-buy in the lobby now and the prize will be split as follows:
- One line for £100 Love2Shop voucher or the cash
- Two lines for £150 Love2Shop voucher or the cash
- Full house for £250 Love2Shop voucher or the cash
You can read the full terms of the www.wishbingo.com promotion here.
T&C's taken from Wish Bingo


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I wake up between 1 and 2 a.m. most nights. And as I fall back to sleep, a train whistles in the distance.
The sound – from too far away to hear during the day when the city is beeping and shouting and slamming and singing – always takes me back a decade…
…when I was nursing our youngest son in the middle of the night. His warm little body against mine. Barely able to keep my eyes open. Imagining that the train conductor and I were the only ones in the city still awake. Or maybe a handful of people who lived too close to the tracks.
Imagining them helped me stay awake until our son rested peacefully in his crib. Now it helps me sleep.


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Thursday Walk: Rhosesmor to Loggerheads
14 November
Mike McEneany
Contact Mike by email
The area and details of the meet
The next walk is part of Walks 5 & 6, Castles Trail, Rhosesmor to Loggerheads, circa 9 miles. The walk is mostly across fields, boggy alongside the River Alyn, with a relatively short road section through Mold. Looks an interesting route, visiting Bailey Hill, site of a Norman Castle (the site is being developed as a major tourist attraction for Mold with the help of a National Lottery grant of £963,700. See announcement
Meet in the centre of Rhosesmor near the play area at 9 am, there we will decide which cars need to shuttle to Loggerheads & back. Please let me know if you are walking by Tuesday 12th November.


text: Medical Billing Coding - DME Biller position - Raleigh NC BC Advantage Magazine (FORUM HOME) General Medical Billing Forum New Topic | Search Thread Topic: DME Biller position - Raleigh NC Topic Originator: Candice Anderson Post Date July 1, 2016 @ 6:21 PM DME Biller position - Raleigh NC Candice Anderson July 1, 2016 @ 6:21 PM Reply | Email Friend | |Print | Top Immediate Opening for experienced DME biller in Raleigh NC area. The requirements are a seasoned experienced biller in Medicare, NC Tracks and several private insurances such as BC/ BS, United Healthcare, Aetna, etc. Posting and working denials are a daily part of the job responsibility as is understanding HCPCS codes and the ability to understand equipment coverage determinations. Must understand appeals, adjudication processes and have a simple understanding of profit and loss. Excellent Salary/ Pay rate commiserate with experience. If qualified, and interested please send resume to: firstname.lastname@example.com Copyright © 2008 Billing-Coding Inc


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Home for Sale 812 Alden Road Louisville, Kentucky 40207
A move-in ready 4 bedroom, 2.5 bathroom classic home is available at 812 Alden Road, located steps away from both Seneca and Cherokee Parks in relaxing St. Matthews. Those familiar with the area know that homes in the Rock Creek Garden subdivision benefit from a superior location and its residents are afforded the best opportunities for an active lifestyle, and this home is no exception.
With professional landscaping and its quiet street, you can imagine that this home is welcoming. Beautiful hardwood flooring is found throughout this spacious home and the living room focuses on a handsome wood-burning fireplace.
The bright kitchen boasts granite tile countertops, a tile backsplash, updated light fixtures and fresh paint. All 4 bedrooms are found on this level and you can close off the sleeping wing of the home if your needs require. The 2 full bathrooms on this level, one of which is an en-suite master bath, have been tastefully updated.
Downstairs, you will find a family room where an additional wood-burning fireplace can help keep you warm in the winter. A half bathroom and roomy two-car garage complete the lower level. Just outside, you will enjoy a trestle-covered wooden patio and a fully fenced rear yard, complete with creek rock walls and accents, perennials and a small fishpond.
The roof was replaced in 2013 with dimensional shingles and the HVAC is only 5 years old. With newly glazed windows and a maintenance-free exterior this home is ready for a new owner. Schedule a showing of 812 Alden Road and see how this home can fit your active lifestyle!


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It's perfect for any diet: low-carb, low-fat, clean, low-calorie. You just can't go wrong with this one; it's super healthy and tastes great.
If the kale is too bitter for your taste, try it on a bed of spinach salad. Or, you could mix the dressing with a little low-fat mayonnaise and serve the scallops over creamy broccoli slaw.
- 6 large scallops
- 2-3 cups of organic kale salad (I used Harvest Sensations brand, which I found at the Whole Foods. You can also make your own, using chopped kale, red cabbage and slivers of carrot.)
- 1/4 cup fat-free mango vinaigrette salad dressing, plus a little more for drizzling (I used Annie's Naturals.)
- Scant tablespoon of minced garlic (optional)
- Pat scallops dry with paper towels and sprinkle with salt and pepper.
- In a large skillet, heat 1 tablespoon of oil over high heat. (I used macadamia nut oil, but you can use olive or canola oil if you'd prefer.)
- Sautée the minced garlic briefly before adding the scallops in a single layer.
- Cook for 1 1/2 - 3 minutes without moving, depending on size and how hot you have your oil. (Mine took about 3 minutes.)
- While scallops are cooking, toss kale salad with mango vinaigrette.
- Flip scallops and continue to cook, for a minute or so longer, until the scallops are firm and the center are opaque.
- Transfer scallops to a plate, and scrape the garlic and oil remaining in the pan onto the kale salad. Toss to blend.
- Scoop the salad onto a serving platter, placing scallops on top. Drizzle with a bit of mango vinaigrette.
Serves 1 or 2, depending on your appetite. Or, make 6 appetizers by plating an individual scallop on a small bed of salad in a pretty dish.
This post is linked up at Mrs. Happy Homemaker "Makin You Crave Monday", My Meatless Monday, Made By You Mondays, Market Yourself Monday, Whatcha Whipped Up, and Just Another Meatless Monday.


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Peter Gallay
Chris Darley
Joel Stein
Legends of the Superheroes is an umbrella title for two 60-minute live-action television specials produced by Hanna-Barbera Productions that aired on NBC on January 18 and 25, 1979. The series was loosely based on SuperFriends cartoon show, then airing on Saturday mornings on ABC. It also served as a reunion of sorts for the 1960s' Batman TV series, as it brings back together three of its stars reprising their respective roles. The specials were produced like standard variety shows of the time: on videotape and with a laugh track.[1]
Both specials preempted Project UFO, which aired on NBC from February 19, 1978 – July 19, 1979.
The Challenge
In the first episode, which aired on January 18, 1979, the superheroes must race against time to stop the diabolical supervillains' plot to destroy the world. It opens in the cavernous lair of the superheroes arch-enemies. Meanwhile a few members of the Justice League of America gather together at the Hall of Heroes to celebrate elderly retired superhero Scarlet Cyclone's birthday. The party is interrupted by the Legion of Doom, who announce the spreading of deadly bombs in several places, and the heroes must follow clues to find them. It's all, actually, a trap to make the heroes drink Dr. Sivana's de-powering potion, which succeeds, but the heroes disarm the bombs and recover their powers. It is only after the whole battle is done that Scarlet Cyclone arrives to give his aid.
The Roast
In the second episode, which aired on January 25th, the superheroes pay tribute to Batman and Robin in the form of a roast which even the villains attend. It is hosted by Ed McMahon. What's special about this roast is that it's a bunch of people in the hot seat, not just one guy. All of the heroes from the previous episode get their turn to be ripped on.
It starred Adam West and Burt Ward, reprising their roles as Batman and Robin from the live-action Batman TV series. It also had a large ensemble cast of other DC Comics superheroes that included Garrett Craig as Captain Marvel, Howard Murphy as the Green Lantern, Bill Nuckols as Hawkman, Barbara Joyce as the Huntress, Rod Haase as the Flash, Alfie Wise as the Atom and Danuta (Danuta Rylko Soderman) as the Black Canary.
Notable guest stars
Notable guest stars in the two specials included Frank Gorshin reprising his role as the Riddler from Batman, Howard Morris as Dr. Sivana, Gabriel Dell as Mordru, Charlie Callas as Sinestro, Jeff Altman as the Weather Wizard, Ruth Buzzi as Aunt Minerva, Mickey Morton as Solomon Grundy, June Gable as Rhoda Rooter, Pat Carroll as Hawkman's Mother, A'leshia Brevard as Giganta, William Schallert playing the Scarlet Cyclone (more commonly referred to as "Retired Man") and Brad Sanders as "Ghetto Man". Ed McMahon played himself, hosting the celebrity super-hero roast.
| Heroes
- The producers were not able to use Wonder Woman or Superman for these television specials because both of those characters were already being used elsewhere. Superman was at the beginning of his theatrical film franchise a month earlier and Wonder Woman was still having her own television series on CBS.
- This series reveals that Captain Marvel (and apparently all Fawcett characters) co-exist with the other heroes all on one earth. In the majority of comics, the DC characters were part of Earth-One and the Fawcett characters were part of Earth-S. However, there were Earths that had a close analog called Captain Thunder which includes Earth-Forty where he coexisted with Batman and Wonder Woman. In the aftermath of Crisis on Infinite Earths Captain Marvel co-existed with DC characters on at least two Earths: New Earth and Earth-85.
DVD release
Warner Home Video's Warner Archive Collection released the specials on DVD on October 19, 2010.[2]
- It is also available on DVD from amazon.com.
External links
- Legends of The SuperHeroes by Comics 101
- Legends of The SuperHeroes at the Internet Movie Database
- Legends of The SuperHeroes - History & Pics at Legions Of Gotham
- Legends Of The SuperHeroes Homepage!
- Legends Of The SuperHeroes In Lurid Videotape!
- Television Obscurities » Blog Archive » Legends of the Superheroes
- Legends of the Superheroes Fan Page
- ↑ A History of Batman on TV IGN. Retrieved 2010-12-25.
- ↑ "Legends of the Super Heroes (1979) DVD - Warner Bros. Archive: WBshop.com - The Official Online Store of Warner Bros. Studios". Retrieved 2010-12-25.


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World top kickboxers competed in 2 Kunlun Fight events in Sanya
Kunlun Fight, one of the world's top kickboxing promotions, continued to spread kickboxing fever in Sanya with two back-to-back events — Kunlun Fight MMA9 and Kunlun Fight 57, both held at Mangrove Tree International Convention Center on February 25th and 26th.
Kunlun Fight MMA9 took place on February 25th. In that night's event, former Kunlun Fight champion Zhang Lipeng clinched his 12th straight win with a victory over former UFC lightweight Hermes Franca.
Meanwhile, one of China's top female MMA fighters, Zhang Weili, nabbed her 11th straight victory when she fought against Brazilian prospect Nayara Hemily at Kunlun Fight MMA9.
On the following day, Thai star kickboxer Yodsaenklai Fairtex returned to Kunlun Fight 57 after more than one year off due to an injury, and picked up a win over Russian fighter Saifullah Hambahadov.
In the evening's tournament action, Mohamed Mezouari and Andrei Kulebin qualified for the field of 16 in the 2017 Kunlun Fight 70-kilogram with two victories in one night. Mezouari dispatched Arman Hambaryan in the semifinals and stopped Danilo Zanolini with a strong left body kick in the finals. Belarusian Andrei Kulebin defeated Belgium's Ali Makhi and China's Kong Lingfeng to qualify for the biggest tournament in combat sports.
Chinese national free fighting champion Ye Xiang made a successful kickboxing debut by knocking out WBC Muay Thai heavyweight world champion Steven Banks. Local fighter Wei Ninghui started his 2017 campaign off with a victory over Thai talent Kompetch Fairtex in the 65 kilogram weight class.
About Kunlun Fight
Kunlun Fight is a Chinese kickboxing promoter developed by Kunsun Media. Kunlun Fight debuted in 2014 and is regarded as one of the top kickboxing promoters in the world.
The first Kunlun Fight event was held in Pattaya, Thailand on January 25, 2014. The promoter has since kept up a steady stream of events; in 2015 alone there were 20 events.


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Blue Belle 3D Character & Environment
The brief was to create a short animated piece of branded identity for an event endorsed by a character mascot created in a 3D environment.
I came up with a character called Blue Belle to promote a blueberry flavoured coffee to a chosen audience. There are three stages to the development of the character and the environment: 3D Design Pre-visualisation (includes animatics and PDF document), Flythrough Video and Final Branded Video.
The Pre-visualisation PDF contains a SWOT analysis, moodboard, sketches of the character and the environment, influences/design style, storyboard, logo and colour scheme. The animatics helped formulate and develop a story that would engage the target audience. A voiceover in an Australian accent was added, as well, to bring an Australian feel to the story.
The Flythrough Video is a first cut video where each 3D element has been modelled and partly textured. It doesn't include any logo or branding elements but shows the creative intention.
The Final Branded Video contains the final modelled character and environment (except the kitchen), correct lighting, textures, dynamic camera angles and branding.


text: What could be more romantic than walking the quiet streets of the French Quarter on a Sunday morning hand-in-hand with the one you love? Hannah & Charlie have an ease about them that has clearly been cultivated during the years of their courtship. Meeting and first dating in high school, the New Orleans couple have been to different colleges, cities and jobs but always came back to each other and are now building a life together here. They will be saying I do at the New Orleans Botanical Gardens in March and I'm thrilled to be their wedding photographer. Thank you for sharing your love and story Hannah and Charlie!


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Non-democratic discourse of democratic mass media in Russia: analysis of frames
The procedure for conducting a review of current research on Russia's public sphere. The conceptualization of the concept of a democratic discourse to define variables and indicators and description of the data. Evaluation of the discourse of the media.
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Đŕçěĺůĺíî íŕ http://www.allbest.ru/
Đŕçěĺůĺíî íŕ http://www.allbest.ru/
Non-democratic discourse of democratic mass media in Russia: analysis of frames
Research question
The role of mass media in political life has dramatically increased for the XX century. Today a plethora of authors speak about mediatization of politics, which means the substitution of the political logic by the media logic within the political domain and vice versa. The consequences of the increased role of media challenge contemporary democratic theory - what are the normative claims to media activity in democratic society? How does they change relations between politics, economics and media system?
These questions are also crucial for acknowledging current authoritarian and hybrid regimes. The latter combines features of authoritarian and democratic government. Unlike democracy, authoritarian government attempts to establish control over public sphere. This characteristic is essential for its definition. Vice versa, democratic government requires the opportunity to decide «how and… what matters are to be placed on the agenda» and «equal and effective opportunities for learning about the relevant alternative policies and their likely consequences».
There is no consensus in literature on the issue of the type of political regime in contemporary Russia. However, the majority of scholars agree that Russian public sphere is predominantly controlled by the government. There are few mass media, which are considered as independent or democratic. Moreover, this feature in highlighted by the very democratic media. They highlight their editorial independence, opposing themselves to mass media, which editorial policy is controlled by the government.
Despite the democratic mass media highlight their political impartiality, scholars of contentious politics connect these media with anti-governmental activity, considering it as one of the instruments of mobilization of protest movement and regime collapse. Moreover, state officials and government controlled mass media accuse democratic media in political bias. At the same time these mass media stress the absence of any kind of bias. This study focuses on the uncertainty of the issue of democratic media political bias - on the one hand, they are permanently accused the political bias, on the other hand, they tend to criticize the government and provide a tribune for oppositional activists. The research question of this study is whether Russian democratic mass-media are in fact politically unbiased?
The object of the research is public discourse in democratic mass-media (Echo of Moscow, TV-Rain, Novaya gazeta).
The subject of the research is the correspondence of this discourse to normative requirements of democratic discourse.
The aim of the research is the estimation of the democratic character of public discourse in Russian democratic mass media. This aim can be achieved by the following steps:
· To review current investigations on Russian public sphere;
· To conceptualize the notion of democratic discourse;
· To define the variables and indicators and describe the data;
· To evaluate the democratic character of democratic media discourse.
Schmidt's discursive institutionalism provides relevant methodological framework for this study. Within this framework analyzing democratic media discourse provides evidences for conclusions on informal institutions, which regulates functioning of mass-media. Van Dijk's technique of critical discourse analysis is the method of this research.
There are two hypotheses, which are tested in this research:
· Discourse of Russian democratic mass media does not correspond to normative claims of authentic democratic discourse due to the bias in favor of opposition;
· Media bias in medias differs due to the type of media.
The hypotheses are tested on the case of media coverage of Russian military activity in Syria (30.09.2015-15.03.2016).The empirical base of the study consists of materials from the following sources:
· Dozhd channel (TV Rain);
· Ekho Moskvy (Echo of Moscow);
· Novaya gazeta (New newspaper).
These sources cover one print media, one radio station and one TV-channel.
1. Literature review
media discourse public
There is a growing literature on the issue of public discourse in Russian mass media. The majority of studies are connected with media coverage of particular policy issues (i.e. the violation of human rights in Chechnya and immigration policy) or events (i.e. the conflict in the South-Eastern Ukraine, nationalistic demonstrations). These studies are focused on the content and do not provide any evaluations of public discourse or public sphere. Scholars consider the content from popular newspapers or TV-channels and make conclusions, how the event or policy is framed.
Other studies consider the condition and development of public sphere in Russia. De Smaele describes contemporary Russian mass-media system as particularistic. He states that there is a lack of institutionalized forms of cooptation between media and political systems. Instead of this, public officials privilege certain journalists and develop personal, rather than professional relations. There is a plethora of scholars, who argues that contemporary Russian mass media are subordinated to state authorities. These authors focus on relations between media and power, emphasizing the degradation of media-logic under state and market pressure. To justify this idea they consider the contemporary condition in historical-institutional perspective.
Historical institutionalist vision
Ivan Zassoursky (Moscow State University) focuses on the post-soviet history of Russian media-sphere and elaborates its correlation with state and business. In his study he highlights the pragmatic, rather than value-driven behavior of «democratic» media during the 90-s. Thereof, the dramatic changes of 2000-s were caused by the accumulation of resources by one of the elite groups.
Contemporary Russian media sphere is rooted in Soviet media-system. The consequences of glasnost dramatically changed Soviet traditions of media regulation. The term glasnost signifies the Gorbachev's policy of political transparency, rather than freedom of press and speech. Soviet media, still controlled by the Party Central Committee, broadcasted the political activity of the general secretary and reproduced his political support (despite of the dramatic decrease of population's quality of life). During the perestroika mass media started to participate in political struggles - Gorbachev used it against his opponents. Nevertheless, the growing autonomy of mass media backfired on Gorbachev after the end of the Afghan war. As Zassoursky notes, the withdrawal of troops inspired journalists to openly criticize the government and the Party.
After the 1990 law on press was passed, Soviet mass media became far less controlled by the Central Committee. It enabled various organizations (i.e. trade unions, private companies, regional legislators) to found its own mass media. Moreover, this law separated founders from editorial policy by the rigid regulation of their relations. Thus, the 1990 law on press provided the conditions for the development of market media industry.
According to Zassoursky, press was in fact independent from politics and market during the last year of Gorbachev's ruling and the first years of Yeltsin era (1990-1992). That short period became possible due to the weakness of both business and the state. Nevertheless, the notion of «democratic media» already existed. This notion was used to signify mass media, which supported the government' market reforms. «Democratic media» was opposed to reactionary press, which criticized perestroika and market reforms. Thus, contemporary democratic mass-media signified the political bias even in the conditions of editorial independence.
Unless the political bias, new independent media were socially biased. Zassoursky states that the rise of independent journalism in Soviet Union was close connected with its particularistic vision of key economic and political issues. It broadcasted the perspective of Russian intelligentsia and discriminated other points of view. For instance, despite the majority of Soviet people did not support the collapse of the Soviet Union, the «democratic» press solidly applauded this event.
Despite the «democratic» media supported the government, since the state and business strengthened, they attempted to subordinate media industry. Economic and political stabilization entails the subordination of mass media to economic and political logics. On the one hand, the 1992 economic crisis entails the bankruptcy of several print media. The circumstances of those who survived were dramatically worsened owing to economic pressure and the growing dependence of governmental subsidies. On the other hand, after the 1993 political crisis the government forbidden the titles, which openly supported the Supreme Council. That two-sided pressure fits well into the framework of mediatization.
The concept of mediatization has been developed in 1990-s. It reflects the growing role of media in contemporary politics and the consequences of that role for democracy. G. Mazzoleni and W. Schultz state that mediatization describes the condition «where political institutions increasingly are dependent on and shaped by mass media but nevertheless remain in control of political processes and functions». Nevertheless, there is another side of mediatization. This notion also denotes the intervention of market and political logics in media sphere. Thereof, mediatization causes political biases and orientation toward economic profit, rather than independence and impartially in broadcasting. The process of mediatization challenges the democratic government and the independence of media domain from market and politics.
Mediatization of politics in Russia dramatically intensified during the First Chechen war. Mass media criticized Boris Yeltsin and provided critical evaluation of government's policy before the war. Nevertheless, after the beginning of the Chechen war it started to broadcast topics, which were under taboo previously. For instance, mass media focused on Yeltsin's health and his problems with alcohol. According to Zassoursky, mass media were inspired by the conception of the fourth power and tried to determine public opinion and influence political decision-making. Nevertheess, the government replied to mass media in two ways:
· developing the propaganda in government's controlled mass media (Rossiyskaya gazeta),
· distributing government's grants and informal financial support to loyal mass media and enhancing pressure on critical mass media.
According to Zassoursky, in general the government achieved its goals in general and undermined criticism before the 1996 elections. Nevertheless, there were a plethora of other actors who tried to control both mass media and the government. Different business (controlled by so called oligarchs) also participated in the struggle between mass medias and the government during the Chechen war. Moreover, they played crucial role in these struggle providing the authentic market pressure on different mass media. Economic pressure was close connected with formal and informal (even illegal) use of force. Private security companies widely used for captures of editorial offices and pressure on editorial policy. According to Vadim Volkov, Russian state in 1990-s can be characterized by the deconcentration on the physical capital, which enabled other actors to concentrate this capital in order to participate in the market of safety providing it as a service or as a resource. Accumulating the resources of money and force, oligarchs acquired both economic and political power. Capturing economic and media assets they prepared for state capture and the struggle on the control over the government and the state apparatus in general.
Zassoursky notes that the 1996 Presidential elections has been the nodal point in the development of Russian media system. The dramatic redistribution of media market preceded the elections. The growing dependence of media on the state and business resulted in the political bias of the majority of mass media. Some scholars states that the elections results in the return of state propaganda in media sphere. There is a common opinion that mass media has played the substantial role in Yeltsin's reelection. The extensive criticism of Zyuganov and the Communist Party resulted and, vice versa, the taboo on the criticism of the government's policy resulted in the dramatic rise of Yeltsin's popularity. Nevertheless, due to this crucial role, after the 1996 Presidential elections mass media suffered from the lack of trust and credibility. It became close connected with the manipulation of public opinion. According to Zassoursky, public sphere degraded to the «public scene» with the predominance of public show and manipulation, but without spontaneous clash of different public discourses. In Habermasian terms, after the 1996 Presidential elections Russia faced with the structural deformation of public sphere.
Zassoursky illustrates his statements on the development of Russian media system on the case of Nezavisimaya Gazeta (Independent Newspaper). It was established together with Echo of Moscow in 1990. Whether Echo of Moscow has kept radical-democratic pathos, Nezavisimaya Gazeta has developed in its own way (opposing to «democratic mass media» as independent mass media). Nezavisimaya Gazeta considered itself as a clone of English «Independent» and French «Le Mond». Nezavisimaya Gazeta tried to combine commercial success and independent editorial policy. Despite the majority of mass media it did not provided sole position in editorials. Moreover, it gave a tribune to adherents of various political positions and views. During the 1993 political crisis Nezavisimaya Gazeta declared its own position as «the neutrality in arms». Due to its creative editorial policy, the newspaper quickly became commercially success in the beginning of 1990s.
Political stabilization and market reforms undermined commercial success of Nezavisimaya Gazeta. Despite its dramatic popularity, it had to reduce the circulation. Paper and printing prices dramatically increased in 1994-1995. Moreover, the postal service also increased. Despite the substantial rise of costs, street prices remained low - a federal agency Rospechat' had a monopoly on newspaper distribution and provided minimum prices for consumers. Facing with these difficulties, Vitalyi Tretyakov had to stop publishing the newspaper. In 1995 Nezavisimaya Gazeta was captured twice: by the ONEXIM group and by Boris Berezovsky media group. The latter accumulated various media sources preparing for the 1995 State Duma elections and the 1996 Presidential elections. Thereof, Nezavisimaya Gazeta strongly supported Boris Yeltsin and participated in anti-communist propaganda in favor of him. Despite the financial stabilization and relative editorial autonomy, Nezavisimaya Gazeta lost its unique independency and impartiality, which distinguished it from «democratic» mass media.
After the 1996 presidential elections media industry was divided between different oligarchs, who used it in economic and political struggles. For instance, media battles accompanied the process of Svyazinvest privatization. The company controlled the regional telecommunication infrastructure and was prepared for privatization through public tender. Nevertheless, oligarchs, who supported Boris Yeltsin during the 1996 Presidential elections and contributed in his victory, expected the privileged access to privatization assets. Facing with the government's unwillingness to violate the law, they started to criticize the particular officials in mass media, which they controlled. According to Zassoursky, by the end of 1990s mass medias became the instrument of PR and propaganda, rather than independent and impartial information sources. Mass media activity was correspondent to market logic, while media logic substantially degraded.
In the end of 1990-s the government attempted to take the mass media market under the control. First, the presidential decree of 1998 created a government-controlled media holding company, which included the broadcasting transmission towers, state-owned radio and TV-networks, at both the federal and regional levels. Second, in 1999 Yeltsin established a ministry of press, television and mass communication to oversee and control the media sector (this ministry had not existed since early 1994, when the press and information ministry was closed). Then in 1999 the Kremlin tried to make peace with influential media magnates. Berezovskii was easily brought back in the team of loyal media magnates into the fold proved easy, while Gusinskii refused to be loyal and support Yeltsin's incumbent during the 2000 Presidential elections.
After the 1999 Duma elections and the 2000 Presidential elections the power elite intensified attempts to provide the loyalty of mass media and establish the control over the public sphere. Scholars stress the case of NTV as the good illustration of the government attack on uncontrolled media. In early 2000s NTV faced financial problems due to the end of the exclusive contract on the advertisement with Video-International - the advertising agency founded and controlled by the minister of press, television and mass communication Mikhail Lesin. Advertising was a major source of revenue for NTV and the end of this contract substantially undermined its financial stability. Thereof, due to the Media-Most growing debt NTV was sold to state-owned Gazprom-media.
Russian sociologist Olga Kryshtanovskaya states that after Putin's victory on the 2000 Presidential elections so called silovoki has established the control over state and business. Siloviki is an informal name of the elite group connected with military or paramilitary structures. Media magnates of 1990s has been removed from the political domain. Moreover, the state has strengthened the control over editorial policy of various mass media (predominantly, major federal TV-channels). Since 2000, Russian government has been frequently obliged in the violation of the freedom of speech. According to Freedom House, Russia became not free in all categories. Nevertheless, the strengthening of the state control over the public sphere was not total. So called «democratic» mass media consider themselves as independent and strongly criticize the government.
Historical-institutional perspective enables to reveal the path dependence - institutional development over time. There is no conventional definition of this concept, it just denote the significance of historic legacy for contemporary institutions and practices. Despite historical institutionalism considers institutions in dynamics, it poorly elaborates the issue of institutional change. Historical institutionalism suffers from the kind of historical determinism, which neglects the role of agency on institutional development. Thereof, historical institutionalism tends to reduce the complexity of real-life practice to certain historical logic.
Other approaches
Some scholars scrutinize the consequences of the governmental control over public sphere for public opinion. There is a consensual view among social science scholars, that focusing on patriotic and nationalistic rhetoric fosters nationalistic and chauvinistic views in society. Lev Gudkov connects Russians' nostalgic mood on the Soviet past and Putin's paternalistic and great-power discourse in the concept of «resentment nationalism». According to Gudkov, it corresponds to post-totalitarian (in Juan Linz terms) type of thought, which is characterized by low level of inter-personal trust, atomized social relations and negative identification. He also states that state propaganda is the main source of the regime legitimacy on post-totalitarian society. Repressive media censorship enables to undermine any forms of political and civic collective action or civil society development. Moreover, it enables to reproduce the collective myth about the greatness of Russia. Focusing on military activity and foreign policy, the propaganda shift attention from internal issues and prevents society's self-description.
Despite high levels of the authorities' support, the government can be characterized by only formal, rather than substantial legitimacy. «Putin's regime needs only facade societal consensus,» - L. Gudkov. In absence of democratic institutions and well-developed media system the regime feels the lack of substantial support and has to artificially reproduce political passivity and withdrawal.
Some scholars state that the regime tries to reproduce formal support as the primary condition of its existence. Due to its authoritarian nature Russian personalist regime does not need mechanisms of democratic accountability and will-formation. Moreover, the occurrence of such mechanism would undermine the regime. For example, Oleg Kashirskykh argues that Russian people can be characterized by instrumental logic in voting behavior and instrumental type of rationality in everyday life. According to Kashirskykh, the regime reproduces this kind of thinking to undermine any forms of civic and political cooperation. Thus, it restricts public sphere and devaluate politics as a kind of human activity. Marginalizing citizens' public activity and focusing on instrumental role of politics and its «economic» nature enables the regime to prevent society's politicization and any forms of political dissent and protest.
Despite mass media plays a substantial role in public opinion formation the sustainability of the latter remains questionable. Some scholars argue that public opinion in authoritarian society is volatile and highly dependent on ad-hoc media frames, but there are lack of empirical studies on this issue. Ellen Mickiewicz provides the evidence on the idea of unsustainable public opinion under authoritarian rule. She emphasizes that despite a media conceals various policy tradeoffs an audience's critical assessment can be activated during the discussion. Tradeoffs intersecting in public space provides cognitive outcomes. It fosters critical assessment of various policy strategies and encourages complex reasoning. She tested her hypothesis on sixteen focus groups conveyed in four Russian cities differentiated by political and media environment. Thus, to maintain its own sustainability authoritarian regime has to undermine public deliberation and rational opinion formation.
The majority of studies on Russian media landscape bases on constructivist approach and qualitative methods. This approach enables to grasp constructs, which are created and re-produced by mass-media. Moreover, it provides the opportunity to evaluate these constructs, for instance, to assess its correspondence to particular ideological families. Nevertheless, this approach is relevant for studies focused on particular issues. It does not enable to make institutional conclusions required by the aim of this research.
This research bases on discursive-institutional framework, which has been developed by Vivien Schmidt. According to Schmidt, institutions are «not external-rule-following structures but rather are simultaneously structures and constructs internal to agents whose «background ideational abilities» within a given «meaning context» explain how institutions are created and exist and whose «foreground discursive abilities,» following a «logic of communication,» explain how institutions change or persist». By «background discursive abilities» she understands «the ideational processes by which agents create and maintain institutions». By foreground abilities she means «people's ability to think and speak outside the institutions in which they continue to act». In this research we focus on public speech, which enable to unclothe both the background and foreground discursive structures. Basing on the results of discourse-analysis, we grasp informal institutional arrangements of democratic media and make conclusions on their correspondence to normative claims of independent media functioning.
2. Theoretical framework and conceptualization
The notion of discourse is one of the most controversial terms in social sciences. It is widely used in communication studies, political science, sociology, history and other fields. Thereof, there is a lack of conceptual clarity of the concept of discourse.
The concept of discourse is rooted in postmodern and post-structural social theory. French philosopher Michel Foucault is the most influential author in these paradigms. His theoretical heritage could be divided into two periods: archeological and genealogical. The first period covers «The Birth of the Clinic», «The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences», «The Archeology of Knowledge». The second period covers «Discipline and Punish», «The History of Sexuality» and famous lectures in College de France («Society Must Be Defended», «Abnormal» «Security, Territory, Population», «The Birth of Biopolitics»). Despite the significant differences between two periods of his activity, Michel Foucault articulated and extensively used the concept in both projects of archeology and genealogy.
According to the archeological project, discourse is a particular way of speaking. In the «Archeology of Knowledge» he defined discourse in the following way: «we shall call discourse a group of statements in so far as they belong to the same discursive formation… [discourse] is made up of a limited number of statements for which a group of conditions of existence can be defined. Discourse in this sense is not an ideal, timeless form… it is, from beginning to end, historical - a fragment of history […] posing its own limits, its divisions, its transformations, the specific modes of its temporality».
According to Foucault, «truth is a discursive construction and different regimes of knowledge determine what is true and false». Foucault tries to scrutinize the structure of various regimes of knowledge - the rules, which determine what can and cannot be said in certain circumstances, and the rules, which define what is considered as true or false. The starting point of Foucault's archeological thought is that although a human being has an infinite number of ways to make statements, the statements and even thoughts that are produced within a specific domain are rather repetitive and similar. Moreover, there is a plethora of statements that are never uttered, and would not be considered and accepted as meaningful. The historical rules of particular discourses determine what it is possible to say.
In the project of genealogy, Foucault developed a conception of power-knowledge. Foucault shifted his attention from structures and treating agents as primary categories, focusing on power and ways of its reproduction and operation. As discourses, power does not belong to individuals, states, groups with particular interests and other particular agents. Instead of this, power is dissolved across various social practices.
The Foucault's major contribution to the power theory is the idea of its productive aspect. He stated that power should not be considered as exclusively oppressive or restrictive. Rather we should acknowledge the dual nature of power - it is as oppressive as productive. Despite power oppresses and restricts social actors, it also constitutes particular discourses, regimes of knowledge, even bodies and subjectivities.
Foucault defined the following rules of the analysis of power:
1. «to understand power by looking at its extremities, at its outer limits at the point where it becomes capillary; in other words, to understand power in its most regional forms and institutions, and especially at the points where this power transgresses the rules of right that organize and delineate it, oversteps those rules and is invested in institutions, is embodied in techniques and acquires the material means to intervene, sometimes in violent ways»;
2. «to study power at the point where his intentions - if, that is, any intention is involved - are completely invested in real and effective practices; to study power by looking, as it were, at its external face, at the point where it relates directly and immediately to what we might, very provisionally, call its object, its target, its field of application, or, in other words, the places where it implants itself and produces its real effects»;
3. «Power must… be analyzed as something that circulates, or rather as something that functions only when it is part of a chain. It is never localized here or there, it is never in the hands of some, and it is never appropriated in the way that wealth or a commodity can be appropriated. Power functions. Power is exercised through networks, and individuals do not simply circulate in those networks; they are in a position to both submit to and exercise this power. They are never the inert or consenting targets of power; they are always its relays. In other words, power passes through individuals. It is not applied to them and that it exists only in action»;
4. «Power does - at least to some extent - pass or migrate through our bodies… we should make an ascending analysis of power, or in other words begin with its infinitesimal mechanisms, which have their own history, their own trajectory, their own techniques and tactics, and then look at how these mechanisms of power, which have their solidity and, in a sense, their own technology, have been and are invested, colonized, used, inflected, transformed, displaced, extended, and so on by increasingly general mechanisms and forms of overall domination»;
In this study we will base on Foucault's methodological precautions of the analysis of power. Connecting power and knowledge Foucault provided the close connection of power and discourse. Discourses as a particular ways of operation of power contribute substantially to producing the subjects and the objects we can know about. Thereof, basing on this connection Phillips and Jorgensen articulate the central questions for all theories of discourse analysis: «how is the social world, including its subjects and objects, constituted in discourses»?
Foucault's concept of power-knowledge also affected his conception of truth. According to Foucault, there is no access to universal truth because it is impossible to think outside discourse; there is no escape from power-knowledge nexus. He called the consequences of this nexus «truth effects» - effects, which were created within discourses. While in the archaeological period, he understood «truth» as a system of procedures and rules for the regulation, reproduction and diffusion of statements, in the genealogical period, due to the connection between truth and power he argued that «truth» was produced by and embedded in systems of power. Thereof, it is fruitless to investigate whether something is true or false. Instead of this, Foucault focuses on the very effects of truth and investigate how they are created in particular discourses? He scrutinizes the discursive processes which construct discourses and produce the impression that they fully represent reality.
Foucault's conception of subjectivity, which was developed in both archeological and genealogical periods, is the nodal point of the majority of contemporary theories of discourse. According to Foucault, subjects do not exist outside discourses; moreover, subjects are created and reproduced in discourses. This idea is rooted in Marxist structuralism. Stating that subjects are externally determined by something else, Foucault developed Althusser's approach to ideology.
According to Althusser, human subjectivity is constructed during social practices, which reproduces social relations with pre-determined roles and agencies. Nevertheless, Althusser acknowledged the reality of the structure, which determine subjectivity. Going further, Foucault recognized the contingency of the very structure, which is created by power. Thereof, in Foucault's theoretical perspective both structure and agency are contingent.
The majority of contemporary conceptions of discourse analysis are rooted in the archeological, rather than genealogical project. L. Phillips and M. Jorgensen defines discourse as «a particular way of talking about and understanding the world (or an aspect of the world)». Providing this definition they add that this notion is contested by different interdisciplinary approaches. Without a specific framework this notion seems vague and hardly appropriate for empirical research. L. Phillips and M. Jorgensen emphasize three approaches - Laclau and Mouffe's post-marxist discourse theory, critical discourse-analysis and discursive psychology. Juxtaposing of different conceptions of discourse enables to reveal their strengths and weaknesses and make reasonable choice.
Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe consider discourse as a set of linguistic and extra-linguistic signs. The latter is essential for this approach. Basing on the poststructuralist ontology Laclau and Mouffe argue that discourse constructs social reality through contingent fixation of meanings. Discourses are different perspectives on social reality, which struggle for the meaning of signifiers. Since one discourse dominates others, it becomes hegemonic. They have borrowed this concept from the political theory of Antonio Gramsci, who used this term to denote the importance of cultural dominance in political struggle.
Despite of the exhaustive theoretical elaboration of their key concepts, Laclau and Mouffe have poorly clarified research technique. Providing the separation of moments and elements of discourse, they have not described how it can be grasped in empirical study. The latter is the ultimate weakness of this approach.
Unlike post-marxist discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe, critical discourse analysis (CDA) presupposes the separation of discursive and extra-discursive reality. According to CDA, discourse exists in non-discursive social context being one of various types of social practices. Practitioners of this state that discursive and non-discursive realities are dialectically connected. Discursive practices simultaneously depend on other social practices and constitute them by the production and re-production of meaning. Narrow understanding of discourse and focusing on the nexus between non-discursive social reality and discursive practices are the ultimate strengths of this approach. Both of strengths enable to make conclusions about social reality basing on the analysis of discourse.
Adherents of CDA elaborate a variety of techniques, which enable to reveal different aspects of discursive practices. Nevertheless, CDA does not provide theoretical framework, which enables to interpret results of empirical study. While Laclau and Mouffe clearly elaborate theoretical aspect of discourse-analysis, adherents of CDA develop the practical side. Thus, it needs the external theoretical framework for results discussion.
Discursive psychology emphasizes how individuals use particular discourses in constructing and negotiating representations of social world and identities. This approach focuses on discourses in particular social interactions, rather than on discursive struggles on the macro-level of society. Highlighting the individual level of discursive practices does not correspond to the aim of this study and discursive-institutional methodology, which focuses on social structures, rather than individuals.
In this study we use the concept of discourse, developed in CDA. There is a variety of particular conceptions of critical discourse analysis within this paradigm, which will be scrutinized during operationalization. To provide CDA it by external theoretical framework we adopt one of contemporary theories of democracy.
Democracy is also an essentially contested concept, which suffers from the lack of conceptual clarity. According to Gallie, there are several characteristics of the essential contestability:
1. Appraisiveness;
2. Internal complexity;
3. Various describability;
4. Openness;
5. Reciprocal recognition;
6. The derivation from an original exemplar, whose authority is acknowledged by all the contestant users of the concept;
7. Continuous progressive competition.
The concept of democracy fulfills all Gallie's conditions. Dahl states that the notion of democracy is idealistic and inappropriate for empirical investigations (he prefers the concept of polyarchy). Moreover, Habermas argues that ought cannot be separated from is in democratic theory, what makes it essentially appraisive. The notion of democracy contains various aspects, which cannot be ranged. Due to this impossibility, the concept of democracy fulfills both the second and third claims. Other claims are provided by the continuous open debates in democratic theory with common agenda.
Gallie has argued that essentially contested concepts cannot be exhaustively defined. Thus, it is senseless to attempt to assert, that there is the only one right definition of a concept. Instead of this, during the conceptualization of such kind of notions we should focus on the limitations of all existing definitions and overcome possible misunderstandings. Scrutinizing of three main contemporary democratic theories in political theory enables to highlight its specific features and limitations.
Elitist conception of democracy has been developed by Joseph Shumpeter in the beginning of XX century. Criticizing classical conceptions of democracy Shumpeter considers democratic government as a method, which «is that institutional arrangement for arriving at political decisions which realizes the common good by making the people itself decide issues through the election of individuals who are to assemble in order to carry out its will». Despite Shumpeter restricts the notion of democracy by free and fair elections, he provides several external conditions of its stable functioning, highlighting in particular the role of public sphere and independent mass media.
The majority of definitions of democracy in political science is anchored in this approach. For instance, Adam Przeworski states that «democracy is a system in which parties loose elections». Simplicity of these definitions is simultaneously their strength and weakness. They are easy for operationalization and enable to assess the «democraticness» using only one criterion. However, this simplicity makes these definitions useless beyond political domain. They are developed for the analysis of political institutions, rather than social institutions. Thus, we refuse this family of conceptions.
Pluralist conception of democracy has been developed by Robert Dahl and his adherents. This conception does not restrict democratic government by the simple procedure. Dahl provides the following characteristics of the democratic government:
1. «control over governmental decisions about policy is constitutionally vested in elected officials;
2. elected officials are chosen and peacefully removed in relatively frequent, fair and free elections in which coercion is quite limited;
3. practically all adults have the right to vote in these elections;
4. most adults also have the right to run for the public offices for which candidates run in these elections;
5. citizens have an effectively enforced right to freedom of expression, particularly political expression, including criticism of the officials, the conduct of the government, the prevailing political, economic, and social system, and the dominant ideology;
6. they also have access to alternative sources of information that are not monopolized by the government or any other single group;
7. finally, they have an effectively enforced right to form and join autonomous associations, including political associations, such as political parties and interest groups, that attempt to influence the government by competing in elections and by other peaceful means».
However, this conception focuses on political domain and does not enable to scrutinize media discourse. Moreover, focusing on pluralism as the essence of democracy, this conception does not take into account the content of public sphere. Stating that the variety of media sources should exist, it does not provide normative claims for mass media functioning in democratic society. These claims are provided by deliberative democratic theory.
Deliberative democratic theory has been developed by Jurgen Habermas and his followers. This conception is anchored in Habermas' theory of communicative ethics. Focusing on arguments exchange, Habermas elaborates the rules of rational communication, which is denoted by the concept of ideal speech situation. He describes it in the following way:
1. «Every subject with the competence to speak and act is allowed to take part in a discourse.
2. Everyone is allowed (a) to question any assertion whatever, (b) to introduce any assertion whatever into the discourse, (c) to express their attitudes, desires and needs without any hesitation.
3. No speaker may be prevented, by internal or external coercion, from exercising his rights as laid down in (1) and (2)».
Satisfying all of these conditions enables to produce rational decision, which must be morally significant for all participants. If someone disagree with the argument, he must justify his claim by counter-argumentation. To elaborate this idea Habermas develops his own approaches to rationality, which becomes one of the most influential conceptions in critical theory.
Distinguishing two types of rationality - communicative and strategic, Habermas argues that authentic political communication must correspond to the former, rather than the latter. Unlike strategic rationality, communicative rationality presupposes the achievement of rational consensus and mutual understanding. Due to the focusing on communication, Habermas highlights the role of public sphere in politics. According to Habermas, the public sphere is the vehicle of public opinion; it «can best be described as a network for communicating information and points of view (i.e., opinions expressing affirmative or negative attitudes); the streams of communication are, in the process, filtered and synthesized in such a way that they coalesce into bundles of topically specified public opinions». Rooted in civil society the public sphere needs mass media and social networks which provide a necessary infrastructure for circulation of public discourses and, consequently, rational opinion formation.
Deliberative democracy provides relevant framework for the analysis of public discourse. Highlighting the role of mass media in political life and developing normative claims for public discourse enables to elaborate the concept of democratic discourse.
Democratic discourse
Habermas' theory of deliberative democracy has been criticized by his followers. Criticizing him for the idealistic vision of democratic process, they have attempted to re-formulate his criteria of rational communication for the evaluation of particular communicative practices.
Seyla Benhabib develops the features of deliberative discourse, which provides the legitimacy of deliberation output:
1. «participation in such deliberation is governed by the norms of equality and symmetry; all have the same chances to initiate speech acts, to question, to interrogate, and to open debate;
2. all have the right to question the assigned topics of conversation;
3. all have the right to initiate reflexive arguments about the very rules of the discourse procedure and the way in which they are applied or carried out».
These features weaken Habermas' normative claims. However, they are still irrelevant for the assessment of media content. Media is never free from coercion. Editors decide who and in what time will appear on air. Even if all opinions are equally presented in prime time, there is a variety of forms of internal exclusion. For instance, moderating a discussion, radio or TV presenter have a control over agenda on air. (S) he can discriminate certain speakers in favor of others. Thereof, power relations is the essential component of media source.
Power relations are developed in all society's subsystems. There are various types of power: social power, political power, economic power. Habermas states that media system constitutes its own source of power. Basing on the technology of mass communication, media power denotes those who «select and process politically relevant content and thus intervene in both the formation of public opinions and the distribution of influential interests» (i.e. columnists, reporters, editors, producers, directors, and publishers). Despite the relative independence of mass media from economy and state and the functioning according to its own code, mass media usually privileges someone in access to its resources. Representatives of functional systems or various groups of pressure contest for the access to media seeking to use media in transforming of one type of power into another type of power (for instance, transforming social power into political support). Thereof, media power is a social catalyst, which encourage societal dynamics and establishes nexus between different subsystems.
Manuel Castells defines power as «the relational capacity that enables a social actor to influence asymmetrically the decisions of other social actor(s) in ways that favor the empowered actor's will, interests, and values». The notion of actor denote any subject of action. It could be individuals, organizations, institutions, networks, collective actors, etc. The relational capacity of power means that it is an immanent component of social relations, rather than an attribute. Unlike component of social relations, an attribute can be appropriated or disappropriated. According to Castells, power relations cannot be removed from social relations.
In mass media system power relations are described by the notions of agenda-setting, framing and priming. The concept of agenda-setting devote to media's ability «to influence the salience of topics on the public agenda». Covering one issue more prominently and excluding the other from covering mass media influence of public opinion and reveal its power potential.
The concept of framing was introduced in sociology by Erving Goffman. Goffman focused on primary frameworks of human experience, which he defined as ways to organize experience and structure everyday perceptions. In communication studies this concept was introduced by Robert Entman. According to Entman, this concept emphasized two aspects of media influence on public opinion - selection and salience. To frame means «to select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the item described». To achieve this aims frames include the following components:
· Definition of problems - frames highlight what «causal agent is doing with what costs and benefits, usually measured in terms of common cultural values»;
· Diagnostics of causes - frames highlight who creates the problem and who is blame for it;
· Moral judgments - evaluating causal agents in moral categories mass media present its own position, which influence an audience perception of covering news and stories;
· Suggested remedies - mass media usually «offer and justify treatments for the problems and predict their likely effects», which involves mass media in processes of political decisions making and policy promotion.
All these components embody power in text and emphasize different aspects of media influence of audience. A reader has to perceive the world as it is presented by text. Text restrict his cognitive abilities and more or less invisibly influence on public opinion.
Both of agenda-setting and framing result in priming effect. As Scheufele and Tewksbury note priming refers to ` `changes in the standards that people use to make political evaluations', which occurs when news content suggests to news audiences that they ought to use specific issues as benchmarks for evaluating the performance of leaders and governments».
Whether authentically democratic discourse is still possible? Habermas states that power is illegitimate per se. Legitimation of political power in modern societies is provided by the deliberative discourse, which pass through a public sphere and foster public opinion. Media power must be legitimized in its own logic. First, media source must be inclusive for all interested actors (if there are formal or informal restrictions, that discriminate an actor, they must be rationally justified to be legitimate). Moreover, the specter of opinions must be exhaustively represented on air. As Bohman states, only the clash of different perspectives can produce an effective deliberation, which fosters rational public opinion.
Second, an editorial policy does not discriminate certain participants in favor of others (editorial impartiality). Being a component of all social relations, power relations are dependent on particular context. As we have already shown, even if a point of view is represented on air, it can be discriminated if favor of others by moderator, who accumulates power resources in this particular context.
If these two requirements are satisfied, mass media produces a democratic discourse. Habermas emphasizes two structural conditions, which encourage fair game in media system: «first, a self-regulating media system must maintain its independence vis-a`-vis its environments while linking political communication in the public sphere with both civil society and the political center; second, an inclusive civil society must empower citizens to participate in and respond to a public discourse that, in turn, must not degenerate into a colonizing mode of communication». Both of conditions frame an activity of media source fostering its inclusiveness and impartiality.
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PPT, PPTX č PDF-ôŕéëű ďđĺäńňŕâëĺíű ňîëüęî â ŕđőčâŕő.
Đĺęîěĺíäóĺě ńęŕ÷ŕňü đŕáîňó.


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I don't have pictures for my Scrap Club layouts this month because I want to print pictures from several of our recent trips to use on them! I'm going to go ahead and share the pages though because Scrap Club members need to see them so they can plan the pictures for their own pages.I decided to put a pinwheel on this layout! The DSP design (retired) reminded me of pinwheels so it seemed appropriate.
As always, I'm happy to help those who bring pictures to class in figuring out where to place them on their page, especially since I don't have pictures on mine to help you out.
Of course the letter dies will be available as well for cutting titles for your pages!
Have you considered joining us for our Scrapbooking Club? We would love to have you!
June Scrap Club
When: Choose from any of the dates/times listed below:
- Tuesday, June 18, 1:00 OR 6:30 P.M.
- Tuesday, June 25, 6:30 P.M.
- Thursday, June 27, 6:30 P.M.
Where: StampThat Studio, New Freedom, PA
Cost: $18.00 as a member, $20.00 non-members
RSVP: with payment at least 2 days before you attend class
Supplies to bring: Snail & Tear n Tape


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Aadhaar Enabled DISE Guide. Our site UDISE provides information about all types of Aadhaar Enabled DISE, academic news and competitive exam materials in gujarat primary education news and India. From here you can get different jobs. Such as education department gujarat, engineer jobs, diploma candidate jobs, MBA jobs, low job and various other jobs. Our site is famous for the preparation of competitive exams. We provide complete examination material for examination conducted from TET, HIT, TET, Police Examination, Clerk Examination, GPSC Examination, Panchayat Clerical Examination and other Gujarat Levels. Visit UDISE every day for the latest offers of various brands and other technology updates. Click Here Current Affairs
UDISE Kamgiri Babate Guide
Gujarat State implemented Aadhaar Enabled DISE - Child Tracking System for collection of Student-wise information for Elementary Schooling of Class I - VIII since January 2012.Aadhaar Enabled DISE is deployed with a concept adopted from UIDAI to build database of students along with child wise record with Student Name, Parents Name, Date of Birth, Address, incentives & benefits received from Government. The same database is being used by State to conduct child wise evaluation under Gunotsav programme. Each year, existing records are being updated and new entrants in Class I are being entered under the system.
Aadhaar Enabled DISE Kamgiri Babate News report
4/ 5Bhavesh Chothani


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Powerful Technology to Connect Your Workforce and Engage Your Employees.
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Meet the Game Changers. The Intelligent Intranet Innovators.
Equip yourself with the knowledge and skills you need to unify your workforce.
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Can I please ask you to say this with me:
I can't give up now. I have come too far from where I started from. Even though things may not be as I planned them now, I won't give up. I believe in the power of my dreams. I won't give up hope. I will keep my visions alive and so help me God. Well done you.
We are just a few days away to the end of May and before we know it, we would enter into the last month in the first half of the year. January – June is the first half of the year, in case you don't know this. At the start of the year, a lot of us have goals we want to achieve and we continue to work tirelessly on them. Some of the goals we may have ticked by now and some of them, we still haven't been able to figure out. If you belong to the former, those ones whose all their goals have been ticked, congratulations to you and a very well done. However, if you belong to the later, this blog is for you, to encourage you, to lift you up and to inspire you on what to do. Please see a few things to do below:
Believe You Can
I like the way Oprah Winfrey puts it. She says and I quote, "you achieve what you believe and not what you can do". You know already that I would take you to church, don't you? The scripture says, "As a man thinks, so he is".
Sincerely, you become what you believe. What do you want to achieve? Believe you can and you would. There is power in your thoughts and you find strength to become what you believe. So, I encourage you to believe good and you would be good. Believe you can do it and you would do it.
Say it Like You Mean It
Did you know you also become what you confess? Some people call this affirmations which can be described with words like guarantee, promise or faith, just to mention a few.
Imagine what would happen to you if you continue to say words like: I am confident, I am beautiful, I am favoured, I am successful and on and on. Imagine what would happen to you?
The magic is not only in saying those words, the magic is every time you say those words, you begin to psyche yourself and believe in the things you say. You begin to see yourself as what you confess. You begin to see a confident person instead of a weakling, you begin to see a beautiful people instead of what you inner critic tells you, you begin to see a successful person, instead of a failure. You begin to see yourself as the person you want to become.
Say good things to yourself and you will begin to see the feel good effect on yourself. Guess what? Whatever happens, NEVER say any negative things to yourself and your life will take a new turn for good as you believe so.
Keep Working
Now that we have created a good mindset by thinking and speaking good. The next thing is for us to continue to work on achieving those goals.
One of the best ways to achieve anything is to re-evaluate what it is you are doing wrong and then go ahead to create a plan that may work or one that works. If the approach you were taking before doesn't work, try something new. If you are not sure about anything, ask people who know or those who have walked the journey before as the best way to learn anything is to learn from those who know or those who have done what you are doing before.
Whether you choose to ask from someone who has been on the journey you are on or whether you choose to re-strategise by using another approach, don't stop working. Remember that quitting is not an option. Quitters don't win and Winners they say, don't quit. So, keep working.
Be Consistent. Be Persistent
Consistency is showing up come what may and being persistently consistent is how to win. Let me give you an example. I hated all things calculation when I was in secondary school. Well, maybe that was a sign that I shouldn't have been a science student 🙂
However, as hard as Maths, Further Maths and Physics were for me, the more I spent time doing them, the better I became at them and to my surprise, before I sat the leaving cert, as we call it here in Ireland (WAEC, as we call it in Nigeria), I made all 3 in a private attempt to get leaving cert done (GCE, as we call it in Nigeria).
See, the more we work on our crafts and not give up on them, the more our chances of winning. So, don't just believe you can do those things or confess you can, show up daily, work on your them daily and wait till what you want falls on your lap. Trust me, you can do it.
If it is a job you are looking for, be consistently-persistent, if it is a loan you are looking for, try again even if you have been rejected the 40th time and if it is an exam you have failed yet again, try it again. Yes, you can do it – don't forget to apply tip number 3 above.
I was wearing: Dress by Saloni | Bracelets from HM
Listen, we all can be who we want to be. As challenging as things may look, seem or feel, we must do what we have to do to keep going and to never give up. I believe in you and I know you were born to be great.
I want to thank you so much as always for stopping by, for reading and for letting me cheer you on to be who you want to be. Do have a fantastic week ahead.
Much Love, Mojisola
Give-Away ::: 200ML Clinique Moisturiser Up For Grabs!
- CASUAL CHIC ::: BELTED TAPERED PANTS & LOVE FLORAL TEE - May 22, 2020
- How to Know If You Are Fulfilling Purpose (Motivation for Monday) - May 18, 2020
- Everything is Changing & So Must You (Motivation) - May 7, 2020


text: Our 2016 Litter has arrived! The Seeing Double Litter was born October 3rd — five gorgeous girls! This is a repeat of our fabulous 2013 Litter between CH HRQ Ask the Expert, JH "Beckett" and our CH Moonlight's Rock'n Ow't, RN JH CGC "Zene". Still interviewing for one exceptional puppy home in Southern CA. Visit the Seeing Double Litter Blog for all the details!


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Testing children for anti-MOG (myelin oligodendrocyte glycoprotein) antibodies at the time of clinical onset of acquired demyelinating syndromes (ADS) could help identify a subgroup with distinct clinical and MRI features, new research suggests.
Presenting at ECTRIMS 2018, Dr Giulia Fadda of McGill University, Montreal, Canada, reported data from a study in which anti-MOG antibody status was assessed in children with incident ADS, recruited for the Canadian Demyelinating Disease Study.
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Roll with it! Kruzers are the slip-on street sneakers for the everyday adventurer. They're the spare pair that go anywhere because they fold into themselves, making transport so easy. Available in four hot colors and four popular sizes, each with their own travel tote included. Kruzers are your go-to shoe for any woman on the move. Save yourself from pointy high heels, clunky gym shoes and dainty sandals. Unique FlexImpression treads leave a soleful story with each step. Explore your path and kick it Kruzers style!
Kruzers Foldable Street Sneakers Display - 36pcs


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Fri, 7 June 2019
Did you know the #1 site in our whole system as far as lead volume goes is a land investing site? Yep, you read that right... an investor flipping land. Why? Less competition. No rehabs, contractors, or toilets. So many investors are throwing away good leads! On this replay of AskCarrot, we'll show you how our members are using Carrot to attract and convert thousands of land sellers and buyers per month. Want to get into land? Dive in! Catch the YouTube version at https://youtu.be/PJ0D4gm4QPY and join us live every Thursday at 1 PM - Carrot.com/ask or Facebook.com/investorCarrrot
Find out how to generate land leads online with Carrot: https://carrot.com/site-types/land-buying-websites/
Mentioned in this episode:
Websites for buying and selling land:
Find out how to generate land leads online with Carrot: https://carrot.com/site-types/land-buying-websites/
Jack Bosche's land resources: https://landprofitgenerator.com/
Top CarrotCast episodes on land:
EP 79: [Case Study] How Luke Harris Flipped 50+ Pieces Of Bare Land This Year: https://carrot.com/blog/land-investing/
EP 47: Flipping Vacant Land: How Gary Horton Pivoted His Wholesaling Business In A Tough Market To Be On Track To Flip 100 Pieces Of Bare Land In 2017: https://carrot.com/blog/flipping-vacant-land/
EP 142: He's Flipped 4,000 Pieces of Land… Why It's An Amazing Time To Start w/ Jack Bosch: https://carrot.com/blog/flipped-4000-pieces-of-land-jack-bosch/
Direct download: Flipping_Land_In_2019.mp3
Category:business -- posted at: 2:00am PDT