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Recent developments in Nigeria suggest that the country is on the rise again and therefore a significant part of the 'Africa Rising' discourse. The results of the recent rebasing exercise shows Nigeria on top of Africa's GDP table and its economy as the largest on the continent, followed by South Africa. It is the largest oil producer in Africa. Oil constitutes 75 per cent of government revenue, but the rapid economic growth (over 7 per cent per year since 2009) is found mostly in the non-oil sector (IMF 2013: 8; Litwack 2013: 2). Its main trading partners include the European Union (EU), the United States, India, Brazil, and China. Nigeria has a population of approximately 167 million people, and it is located in West Africa, which also houses the fifteen members of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and Mauritania. Nigeria's size, natural resource endowment, economy, and influence in global affairs have continued to attract considerable scholarly attention. No other country in the sub-region, and very few in Africa as a whole, can compare with Nigeria in terms of economic and military capabilities. Also the country ranks as the fifth largest contributor to UN peacekeeping missions (United Nations 2014). With a strong and growing economy, and considering the above attributes, Nigeria is unquestionably an important regional actor with hegemonic influence.
Since the end of the Cold War, new powers have emerged based on indices other than military power, such as advanced economy and effective control of international institutions (Kennedy 1987). Among other things, the new powers are the strongest economies in their respective regions. Also, they are critical part of the modern globalized economy, and also key symbols of the neoliberal world order based on a number of development variables. In Asia, China and India are undisputed regional powers with considerable influence in regional and global politics. Similarly in Africa, Nigeria and South Africa are playing the role of a regional hegemon, serving as the hubs for most of the regional development initiatives. Also, they have invested much in the promotion of security and good governance in Africa. Apart from their economic strength, both Nigeria and South Africa have considerably adequate military capacity to play the role of a regional power. Regional powers generally pursue foreign policies that are more globally oriented. Both countries exhibit potential and actual capabilities that are defined and measured in terms their political and socio-economic visions about their trans-national environments, aspirations for leadership role, political legitimacy, military strength, resource endowment, and the political willingness to implement those visions. While neither Nigeria nor South Africa may readily be considered as regional hegemons in the strict and conventional usage of the word 'hegemon', however, the two countries have been operationalising their visions of hegemonic power in both their respective sub-regions and at the continental level.
This article is concerned with examining the implications of Nigeria's 'rising' economy for its status and role in the international system. What does 'rebasing' do and what are the implications for Nigeria's status and role in regional and global politics? For instance, does the rise in Nigeria's GDP increase the prospect of it being admitted into the G-20 nations or the league of the emerging economies – BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa)? Already Nigeria's economic potential has earned her consideration for inclusion in the N-11 or Next 11 emerging countries identified by Goldman Sachs to have the potential for attaining global competitiveness based on their economic and demographic settings and the foundation for reforms already laid (see Wilson & Stupnytska 2007). It makes good wisdom to study the implications of the growth in the Nigeria's economy and determine the extent to which the rising profile affects its role in the regional and global politics. The article is divided into six sections. The first section introduces the main issues, while the second section presents the logic and rationale for rebasing the Nigerian economy. The third section takes a critical look at the Nigerian political economy, highlighting the opportunities and constraints in the domestic economy and politics. The fourth section is focused on the role of Nigeria in regional and global politics since 1999, while the fifth section delves on the future role of Nigeria in view of the global changes. In concluding, the article acknowledges that there are opportunities for Nigeria as a regional power as well as prospect for greater role in regional and global politics. It however points out that there are challenges and constraints at various levels – national, regional, and global.
Logic and Rationale for Rebasing the Economy
Recently the National Bureau of Statistics in Nigeria published the results of a rebasing of the country's Gross Domestic Product (GDP) data from 1990 to 2008 (National Bureau of Statistics, 2014). Nigeria's GDP was approximately $509.9 billion in 2013, making it the largest economy in Africa, followed by South Africa. The new statistics and figures make Nigeria the world's 26th largest economy (Okonjo-Iweala 2014). While the outcomes of the rebasing exercise, especially the improvement in the GDP, are seen as a welcome development in official circles and already celebrated as a 'success story', not all stakeholders share common interpretations of the benefits from the exercise (Udo 2014). Official explanations and other representations by the Nigerian government, as well as comments by some members of the international community, tend to conceal the disagreements and controversies about the process and outcomes of the rebasing exercise. The dominant official narratives appear deliberately tilted towards the 'external', and only by default related to concrete domestic realities (see National Bureau of Statistics 2014; Okonjo-Iweala 2014). However, there are questions about the real impact of the statistical exercise in terms of the gains and opportunities for better life for ordinary Nigerians.
Successive administrations in Nigeria have declared their intention to pursue the vision of placing the country among the 20 largest economies in the world by 2020. No doubt Nigeria is well-established within the platforms and fora for South-South cooperation. Its aspiration for the membership of the G-20 nations, which has not received the blessings of the powerful 'gate keepers' in the league, remains a source of frustration. Is the re-classification of Nigeria's economy likely to brighten the prospect of Nigeria for admission into the G-20? Self-perception has played significant role in Nigeria's the foreign policy behaviour. Official pronouncements and declarations of the Nigerian authorities suggest the desire and aspiration of the country for the status and role of a regional power (see Adekeye & Raufu 2008).
The commitment of the Nigerian government to measuring its national economy and re-branding the country for acceptance by the leading members of the international community, especially the key global financial institutions, is understandable. The government's claim about the improved performance of the national economy needs to be substantiated. The structure of the national economy and the extent of its diversification needs to be demonstrated with the aid of improved GDP measurement. Thus, there is the need to have at hand updated statistical data and information on the performance of the economy. Besides, effective monitoring and evaluation of government policies and programmes depend on the availability of appropriate and relevant data and information. Scaling-up efforts toward effective evaluation of its national economy is not inconceivable for a country that covets membership of desired economic status clubs. Periodic rebasing of the national economy is universally regarded as one of the key parameters for measuring the degree of compliance with international standards and best practices. These concerns are accommodated in the economic reform agenda of the Nigerian government which has continued to enjoy the backing of the Bretton Woods institutions (World Bank 2014a).
Domestic Economy and Politics
Although Nigeria was under military rule for 54 years after its independence from Britain, rapid economic development and fast urbanization were witnessed, especially during the 1970s. The crisis in the Middle East, especially the Arab-Israeli Yom Kippur war of 1973 and the consequential Arab oil embargo, came as blessing to Nigeria. Thus the country reaped increased foreign revenues during this period that witnessed expansion of production and increasing oil prices. (Dibua 2013: 104). The accruing revenues from oil paved the way for the adoption of a state-led development strategy such that ascribes economic growth to economic nationalism and interventionism (Federal Government of Nigeria 1975: 31). The oil wealth inspired the confidence behind the ambitious Third National Development Plan, 1975-80. However, poor leadership and gross mismanagement of the oil boom of the 1970s by successive military administrations resulted in a serious economic crisis in the 1980s. The oil boom promoted the rapid expansion of the state and its role in economic activities. Sudden growth in revenues from oil led to rapid expansion in public expenditure. However, without the appropriate structures and mechanism for fiscal responsibility and accountability, those in power used it to expropriate public resources. The result was an all-pervasive culture of corruption and rent-seeking across the country.
Nigeria returned to constitutional democracy in May 1999 with a government headed by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo that subsequently inaugurated an economic reform programme. The latter was the background to a country-branding project for Nigeria. In July 2004, the Nigerian government, through the Federal Ministry of Information and National Orientation (the supervising ministry), launched the Nigeria Image Project which had elements and components of country-branding. The project was later renamed Heart of Africa. The Obasanjo administration has been celebrated as one that helped restore Nigeria's status in the international system after a period of military authoritarian rule that earned the country a negative foreign image. But on the domestic front, the neo-liberal economic reform programme of the administration was not popular among Nigerians.
The two administrations after Obasanjo's continued with the reform programme, which is markedly sensitive to the demands and requirements of the international financial institutions. The local media has repeatedly reported that the 'dividend of democracy' has eluded the ordinary citizens. It was claimed that most of the promises made by the governments have not yet been realized. The state of the country's political economy has affected the level of social and political conflicts in the country. The country's rentier economy remains characterized by corruption, lack of accountability, and financial recklessness. As the economic and living conditions of the majority of Nigerians deteriorate, many have become more attached to primordial ties and less committed to supporting governments. For instance, poverty has continued to aggravate tension in the relationship among the various groups in some parts of Nigeria where the 'citizenship question' and 'nationality question' have degenerated into sectarian violence. Despite its vast natural resources, about half of the population in Nigeria lives in poverty (World Bank 2013). A closer look at the trends reveals regional differences, which partly explain the perception of inequalities and marginalization along regional lines.
Thus, while Nigeria's economic reform programme may have been applauded by some key players in the international economic system (World Bank 2014a), the ordinary Nigerians in their various social categories seem very distant and alienated from government policies and programmes. In a series of Afrobarometer surveys carried out in Nigeria between 2001 and 2012, a persistently high proportion of Nigerians (over 70 per cent) said that the "economic policies have hurt most people and only a few have benefited" (Lewis & Alemika, 2005). In the 2005 survey, 78 per cent of the respondents gave that response (Bratton & Lewis, 2005). On specific economic conditions of availability of goods, job opportunities, and reducing the gap between the rich and poor, there were also significant decline in the proportion of Nigerian respondents who said these were better now than in the past. A similar trend was obtained in the results from the 2007 survey, where 67 percent of the respondents said that the economic condition was "very bad" or "fairly bad", 11 percent said it was "neither good nor bad", and 31 percent said it was "very good" or "fairly good". The result of the 2012 Afrobarometer survey conducted in Nigeria with a question on citizens' assessment of the economic condition in the country shows a majority of Nigeria (67 per cent) describing the economic condition as "very bad" or "fairly bad". Only 8 per cent said the economy was "neither good nor bad", and 25 per cent said the economy was "very good" or "fairly good" (Afrobarometer, 2013). The consequence is a deep sense of grievance and agitation against the Nigerian government, which in turn has exacerbated identity conflicts along communal, ethnic, religious, and regional lines.
Although Nigeria has been reported to be making impressive progress in terms of economic growth rate, investment climate, and GDP, which is now the highest in Africa (AfDB, 2013), the country still presents some of the most daunting social, economic, and political challenges. Despite the increase in growth rates recorded for Nigeria, there is no corresponding reduction in the level of poverty. Despite its vast natural resources, 64.2 per cent of the population lived in poverty in 2013-2014 (World Bank 2013: 8-9). In the Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG), Nigeria is ranked 41st of 52 countries. With a GDP size that indicates growing economy and also supports the basis of Nigeria's claim as an emerging economy, the current poverty and unemployment levels within Nigeria is inexplicable, and may be a source of embarrassment to a country that claims to be a key player in regional and global politics. Notwithstanding the challenges in the Nigerian domestic environment, the country has consistently self-defined its status and role as a regional power.
Status and Role in Regional and Global Politics
The wealth of a country affects the management and projection of its interests and core values in the international environment. In this context a wide range of economic factors including trade, investment, working population, currency, etc. can influence the behaviour of states in the international system. Evidence of links between the national economy of a state and its role in global politics abound in the political history of post-independence Nigeria. Nigeria's influence in Africa increased significantly in the period of the 1970s and 1980s due in part to its economic power and also its relative political stability. The status and role of a country is, however, not determined by economic factors only. There are other factors in the domestic environment interplaying with external factors to shape the courses and directions of the behaviour of states in the international arena. The interplay of such variables as weak state capacity, mismanagement of economy, and absence of national consensus has limited the options for Nigeria in the conduct of its foreign relations, despite its claims as a regional power. The economic crisis of the 1980s and deteriorated domestic political environment checkmated Nigeria's growing influence and earned its poor foreign image until recently, when the country returned to civil rule.
During the tenure of Chief Obasanjo, Nigeria's foreign policy was implemented with serious consideration to the need to get the country out of the international isolation that came with the excesses of the authoritarian military regimes in the 1990s. The administration therefore invested in serious reputation management, extensive image diplomacy, and overt representation at international organizations (Adetula 2013). Nigeria's case for permanent membership at the Security Council was re-launched with vigour and since then the campaign has continued. Part of the efforts of the Nigerian government to enhance the country's representation at international organizations is the establishment of inter-ministerial forum to facilitate the nomination of Nigerian candidates for appointment in international/multilateral organizations. This mostly explains the harvest of elected positions and appointments for Nigeria in international organizations, which has translated to increased visibility for the country at both regional and international levels; Nigeria has continued to play major roles in the prevention and management of conflicts, and also leading the discourse on new paths of social and economic development within the African Union (AU), the New Partnership for Africa' Development (NEPAD), and the African Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group. Other platforms and fora where Nigeria is active are the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), the Group of 77 plus China (G77), Africa- EU, Africa-South America (ASACOF), Africa-China Forum, Africa-Turkey, Africa-Japan, and Africa-India. Others are the Group of 15 (G15), the Group of 4 (G-4), and the D-8.
The visibility that Nigeria enjoys both at the African continental level and the global level has been matched by corresponding leadership position in international organizations. For example, Nigeria was President of the UN Security Council in July 2010 and October 2011. Also, President Jonathan was the Chairman of the D-8 from 2010 to 2012, during which the new organization can be said to have been successfully nurtured and guided to pursue its vision empowering the private sector in members-state countries to be the driving force behind their respective development agendas in accordance with the 'Abuja Declaration of 2010'. Issues of particular interest and concern to continental Africa and other developing countries have equally been championed by Nigeria at the United Nations. Such include trade imbalance between the rich and poor countries and accessibility to the Northern markets, paucity of technical and financial assistance, illegal capital flight from Africa, and debt crisis. On the debt crisis, Nigeria wanted debt relief for developing countries as "an urgent matter of social and economic injustices" (Obasanjo 1999). Nigeria actively used multilateral diplomacy in its engagement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank on the issue of debt relief for poor nations. Nigeria has continued to demonstrate marked support for the reform of the UN Security Council. At the 68th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, President Jonathan re-echoed the need to accommodate the African continent in the permanent membership of the Security Council (Jonathan 2013).
In the past, Nigeria has sent troops to Congo as part of the UN peace-keeping Force (ONUC), and recently it has participated in several peace-keeping operations and promoted African perspectives to conflict resolution as defined in the AU and ECOWAS peace and security architecture. The resolution of the many ranging conflicts on the continent is an important element in the country's diplomacy. Nigeria sponsored resolutions 1962 (2011) and 1975 (2011), which ended the Ivory Coast conflict, worked for political and economic stability in Guinea Bissau through the UN Office in West Africa (UNOWA), and contributed to the renewal of the UN Integrated Peace Building office in Guinea Bissau (UNIOGBIS). The country has used the platform of the UN to solicit for "African solutions to African conflicts". In this regard, it has continued to popularize the essence and relevance of regional and sub-regional organizations in regional security and peace-building process, aligning its positions with those of regional bodies such as the ECOWAS and AU. While the UN represents the global system, the Commonwealth, though not a regional organization in the strict sense of it, is an important element to which Nigeria necessarily must respond. Since the return to civil rule and the eventual readmission of Nigeria to the Commonwealth, it has worked actively towards the evolution of a modern Commonwealth (see Adefuye 2004). Nigeria's intervention in the Zimbabwe crisis was a demonstration of its influence within the Commonwealth. Nigeria organized and chaired the discussion of the group of Commonwealth ministers from Australia, Canada, UK, Jamaica, Malaysia, South Africa, Zimbabwe, and Kenya to find amicable solutions.
Nigeria's support for democracy and good governance has been mostly promoted using regional bodies, notably the AU and ECOWAS. Within the ECOWAS, Nigeria stood by the relevant principles in the Revised Treaty of the Economic Community of West African States and other declarations in support of good governance. At the level of the AU, the relevant provisions of the Treaty establishing the AU and the NEPAD procedures and mechanisms have guided the country's diplomacy and its pursuit of its national interests. To this end, Nigeria has ratified and deposited the instrument of ratification of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance with the AU. Also, Nigeria has provided material and other forms of support to the democratic electoral processes in Guinea Bissau, Mali, Senegal, Liberia, Ghana, Niger, and other countries in Africa. Of greater importance is the country's leadership in providing ideas for the transformation and renewal of the continent, including Africa's engagements with the rest of the world (Adetula 2014).
Nigeria is the largest economy in the ACP group, and is the biggest single trading partner of the European Union (EU), both in exports and imports (Adetula, 2006). Today Nigeria is leading the ACP group in the negotiation with the European Union (EU) for the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA). Its prominent role in the ACP is historic and dates to the 1970s when it led the negotiations of the EC-ACP Convention (1975), fondly called the First Lome Convention (Lome I). Since then, Nigeria's development cooperation with the international community has been guided by the provisions of the Lome Conventions, and lately the successor agreement – the Cotonou Agreement. Its role in the ACP group is that of a leader, and it has helped in many respects to maintain the ACP countries as a unified group especially in view of the global economic currents that are not too favourable to the developing countries, marked by depressed world commodity markets, discriminatory protection, and debt crisis. These developments are already presenting African regional groupings such as the ECOWAS with challenges. There is an overwhelming fear among the ECOWAS countries about the effects of unrestricted access into their markets for products from the developed countries.
Under the Cotonou Agreement, preferential market access commitments are to be made on the basis of reciprocity, which is in contrast to what was obtained under the Lome Conventions. The terms and conditions of the reciprocal references are being negotiated between the EU and the ECOWAS. The negotiations are meant to produce 'WTO compatible' outcomes, which will serve to further consolidate the hegemony of the WTO. The EU, in its negotiations with the ECOWAS, is already espousing multilateral trade liberalization, and at the same time seeks free trade with West Africa. Nigeria is leading the ECOWAS countries to reject the unequal partnership under the proposed the EPA. Trade liberalization components of the EPA are not the same as those of ECOWAS in terms of goals, orientation, and focus. Under the EPA, trade liberalization is expected to move ECOWAS towards a WTO-compatible trade regime in its relationship with the EU. The establishment of a CET which is a key integration instrument is antithetical to WTO-compatible trade regime with emphasis on reciprocity.
From the time of Obasanjo's presidency to date there have been official declarations and claims that Nigeria's diplomacy in the international environment is focused on the advancement of economic development at home (Adetula, 2013). Thus, the country's foreign policy machinery has been saddled with the task of attracting foreign investment to the country. At the inception of the Jonathan administration, there was open commitment to economic diplomacy as part of the Nigeria's foreign policy goals without any prejudice to the primacy of Africa in the country's foreign policy (Adetula 2013). Since then, there has been a lot of sloganeering about the imperative of investment and economic diplomacy in the drive for economic development of Nigeria. Regularly Nigerian diplomats are reminded to include in their briefs the need to facilitate the flow of foreign direct investment into the country.
The Agenda for National Transformation of the Jonathan administration is aligned to the use of the administration's foreign policy to attract greater foreign direct investment to accelerate domestic growth and create jobs (Ashiru, 2013). The scorecards of the country's economic diplomacy and search for foreign investors, however, reveal only modest accomplishments. According to Ambassador Olugbenga Ashiru, former Minister of Foreign Affairs, "A prominent component of the country's economic diplomacy is the involvement of the organised private sector". In collaboration with the Ministry of Trade and Investment and the Organized Private Sector (OPS), Nigeria established investment centres in six zones of the World (Ashiru, 2013). This collaboration has led to Nigeria's co-operation with countries like Australia and Brazil in sectors such as mining, energy, agriculture, and others. Bilateral National Commissions (BNC) have come up as key instruments for managing some of the new partnerships with foreign investors, including Western states such as the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany. Within the BNC framework, investors have shown interest in sectors like energy, military, agriculture, food security, and many others.
Since the official announcement of the rebasing of the Nigerian economy, the authorities have scaled-up efforts to project the country to the outside world as a 'rising star'. On the basis of the new GDP and other economic indicators, the government and its agents now appear bold and confident to present the country's success stories with the support of new statistics and data. Thus, references are made regularly to Nigeria's impressive economic indicators, which include improved capital per income, an economic growth of 6-7 percent, and a modest debt-to-GDP ratio of below 20 percent at current levels. Available opportunities within and outside Nigeria are used to speak about Nigeria's human capital resources, market potentials, and young growing population as assets. The main concern in all this is the desire to improve the country's profile for the possibility of increased inflow of foreign capital. At the recently organized 20th Nigerian Economic Summit in Abuja on the theme of 'Transforming Education through Partnerships for Global Competitiveness', government officials took turns to showcase Nigeria as a haven for foreign investments. On that occasion, Jim O' Neill, a former chairman of Goldman Sachs, predicted that Nigeria could be the world's 15th largest economy if its large population is properly harnessed to participate actively in the economy (2014). One of the premises of his prediction on Nigeria is that the largest economies in the world also had large population growth, and that eleven largest economies in the world contributed 70 per cent of the world population. That O' Neil's prediction on Nigeria came after the rebasing of its economy cannot be easily ignored. Rather, it was an acknowledgement of the rising profile of Nigeria as emergent regional economic power.
The new global environment provides opportunity for the consolidation of neoliberalism and the dominance of the market forces. This has significant impact on the principles and practice of international relation including how diplomacy is now being conducted. For instance, the promotion of democracy and good governance, as well as commitment to neoliberal economic reform, have now become important criteria for assessing states in the international system. On the evidence of Nigeria, the liberal democratic system in the country is still in its infancy and it has not earned much respect from the United States and some other Western countries. However, while Nigeria's democratic experiment has not earned it the respect of the Western countries, the latter have maintained close economic relationship with the country, most arguably for its natural resources and large market. There are indications to suggest that the strong economic ties between Nigeria and Western countries have spilled over to the security sector, with both the United States and United Kingdom providing assistance and support to help Nigeria address security challenges. Nigeria's rising GDP and other impressive economic indicators have attracted the attention of key international institutions whose policies and programmes are often West-centric. Thus, it is understandable why the announcement of the rebasing of Nigeria's economy was received in the Western world as a welcome development with bright prospect for closer economic and diplomatic relations.
As Nigeria's problem of domestic insecurity continues to attract global attention, Western countries especially have shown marked interest in helping the country to overcome the challenge of terrorism and civil unrest the Niger Delta. As the activities and operations of the insurgents spread across Nigeria to other countries in West and Central Africa, the United States and some European powers, notably France and the UK, have pledged further assistance to Nigeria to enable the government combat terrorism (Goldsmith, 2014). The extent of support for Nigeria in its travail with terrorism and insurgency to some extent suggests global acknowledgement of Nigeria's status and role in regional and global politics. Although it is plausible to argue that the overwhelming support for Nigeria is security-related and may not be directly related to the growth in the Nigerian economy. While this is true, however, political-diplomatic engagements and economic development thrive better in a secured environment. The powerful states that have stakes in Nigeria would necessarily be interested in its domestic security. For example, the United States, France, United Kingdom, and other Western countries are interested in ensuring domestic security in Nigeria, which in turn help to secure Western capital in the country as well as reduce the risk of investment and international trade. Nigeria's participation at the recent US-Africa Leaders' Summit can be interpreted as an indication of growing recognition of Nigeria's status as a regional leader. While the United States and other European powers are positioning themselves for closer ties with Nigeria and Africa generally, the emergent global powers notably China and India have also demonstrated continued interests in the Nigerian economy.
Future Projection of Role in Global Politics
In what way are the current developments in Nigeria's national economy likely to affect its status and role as a regional power in the future? Are the recently reported impressive economic indicators and other related attributes likely to be sustainable and continue to provide the basis for Nigeria future role in regional and global politics? While it is plausible to argue that today there is a global recognition of Nigeria's importance in regional and global politics, is its new status as the biggest economy in Africa sustainable? In discussing the future of Nigeria's role in global politics, one must necessarily consider Nigeria's national interests, its self-perception, and capabilities alongside the pressures associated with the changes and developments in the international environment. Notwithstanding the constant of Nigeria's self-perception of its status and role as regional hegemon with the manifest destiny to lead Africa, several obstacles that are directly or indirectly linked to its domestic environment stand in its path toward actualizing self-definition of its role in regional and global politics.
First, the lack of adequate domestic support for Nigeria's self-perceived status and role as a regional power. The consequence of this limitation is grave for the future of Nigeria's role in regional and global politics. Nigeria has made significant contributions towards regional peace and security in West Africa. A case point is its continuous generous support for the ECOWAS peace-keeping operations. However, at home, successive governments have been criticized in the media for unjustified investments in the ECOWAS peace support operations. Nigeria has not been duly acknowledged for its roles in restoring peace and stability in war torn Liberia, Togo, Sierra Leone, and Sao Tome and Principe. Despite Nigeria's laudable contributions and assistance to African countries, its foreign image on the continent has suffered greatly. A case is in point is the recent Nigeria-led ECOWAS intervention in the Malian crisis. This foreign policy action was not favourably received by many Nigerians that felt the government of President Jonathan had no business sending troops abroad to fight while the country was facing serious national security threats, courtesy of the Boko Haram insurgency, Niger Delta youth militancy, and the sectarian violence in Central Nigeria (see Adetula 2014). The drastic reduction in Nigeria's force level in the Mali operations may not be unconnected with domestic pressures on the Nigerian government over its involvement in the Malian peace support operations.
Second, and closely related to the above, is the problem of fast-spreading armed conflicts and other threats to domestic security in the country. The activities and operations of Islamic terrorist groups in Nigeria and neighbouring countries, coupled with the problem of maritime insecurity in the Gulf of Guinea, make a huge joke of Nigeria's self-definition of its status and role as a regional power with capabilities to influence other actors in its region. Although there is no viable single-factor theory that explains the occurrence and consequences of armed violence in contemporary Africa yet. However, state failure continues to serve as a driver of many violent conflicts in Africa (Ohlson 2012). States that have become "ineffective, dysfunctional or non-existent" and are unable to carry out the functions of a state (see Bruck, 2013: 2) constitute security threats to their populations and the neighbouring states. While it is not easy here in this article to classify Nigeria as a failed state, its seeming failure to exercise monopoly over the use of violence within its borders, or prevent its use by non-state actors like insurgents and criminal groups and networks, somehow challenges her claim as a regional power.
Third, the prospect of the Nigerian economy is still not quite convincing to some within and outside the country, including a section of the international community that still interprets it as a paradox. Many ponder over why the prosperity of Nigeria is not reflecting on the daily life of the majority of its population. The opinion of The Economist is that "Nigerians are no richer than they were before the GDP figures were revised. The majority of its 170m-plus people live on less than $1.25 a day" (The Economist, 2014). Also, in a recently reported statement credited to the President of the World Bank, Nigeria is listed among the five countries where "two-thirds of the world's extreme poor are concentrated". These are India, China, Nigeria, Bangladesh, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (World Bank, 2014b). Although the report has been challenged by the Nigerian government (Jonathan, 2014). The irony however, is that President Jonathan, on his Facebook wall concerning the rebasing of the Nigerian economy, made what seemed like a confession when he said that "I personally cannot celebrate until all Nigerians can feel the positive impact of our growth. There are still too many of our citizens living in poverty." (Quoted in Alade, 2014). President Jonathan's confession merely alludes to the World Bank declaration that Nigeria is a very poor country.
Notwithstanding the above constraints, it is plausible to argue that Nigeria will continue to be reckoned with in the regional politics because of its status and influence as a regional power, and even in the global politics that are presently titled in favour of the Western powers that have closer ties with it. While the governments of the United States and European powers may have some concerns and reservations about Nigeria's governance-related challenges, especially as the 2015 national elections draw closer, they are not likely to out rightly retreat in their commitment to closer relationship without considering their stakes in the Nigerian political economy. Thus, Nigeria will continue to enjoy the support of the Western countries for its status and role in global politics. Similarly, Nigeria's relationship with the emergent powers is expected to experience remarkable growth. With the growing economy, and positive economic indicators, relationship with the emergent powers in the BRICS club is most likely to improve with the likelihood of Nigeria becoming a member of the club. It is also important to know that bilateral relationship with individual members of the BRICS club is most likely going to be driven by economic motives rather than political considerations. There is high prospect for band-wagon effect as many countries in the global South are likely to follow in the foot-steps of the emergent powers, either in the spirit of South-South cooperation or Southern solidarity.
Within the African continent, Nigeria will have to cope with a scenario of a mixture of support and pressure as a regional power. First, in the West African sub-region, Nigeria will continue to provide leadership on many fronts. Nigeria's prosperity has significant influence on the overall prosperity and stability in Western Africa. But there is a growing feeling among Nigerians that the country's relationship with its West African neighbours has created more burdens than opportunities to advance its self-interests. This claim, however, needs to be mediated by the objective reality that Nigeria's security needs are such that it cannot afford to ignore its neighbours or even any development in the sub-region. It is plausible, for instance, to argue that its membership in the ECOWAS has brought very minimal gains, despite the fact that Nigeria is the major power in the group. The question whether the country would not have done better without the burden of the ECOWAS is a hypothetical one and should not detain us here. The fact, however, is that it has always felt that West African unity is paramount and should always be taken into account in its relations with its West African neighbours. In discussing the future of Nigeria's relations with its West African neighbor's, one must necessarily consider its national interests alongside with its commitment to pan-Africanist stand. In this regard, the future of the country's foreign relations in West Africa will always weigh the implications of its options on national security imperative and other core national interests.
One recent foreign policy action of Nigeria is illustrative of this trend: the stand of Nigeria on the ongoing negotiation between the ECOWAS and the EU for the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) is one major development that is likely to affect the future of Nigeria's foreign relations in West Africa. Nigeria has opposed the fast-track liberalization agenda of the EU and asked to be included in the GSP+ scheme instead. It also expressed concerns over the actions of the two West African countries – Ghana and Ivory Coast – that signed interim agreements with the EU. The implications of the interim agreements for ECOWAS Trade Liberalisation Scheme (ETLS) is of special concern to Nigeria that feels that the interim agreements could become a conduit pipe for channeling goods originating from Europe to its markets under the guise of regional integration, and which might affect the future of up-growing industries.
Although geo-political realism dictates that Nigeria should remain within the ECOWAS, using its platforms in addition to bilateral diplomacy to conduct its policy of good neigbourliness in West Africa. However, if Nigeria is to remain committed to carrying the burden of its West Africa neighbors, attempts must be made to accommodate its special interests and long-term needs. It is obvious that the issue of Nigeria's national security must be treated as a special case and related to the security of West Africa. There are concerns in some circles that Nigeria has not received commensurate rewards from its investments in West Africa and Africa in general. Nigeria has worked hard to restore peace and stability in Liberia, Togo, Sierra Leone, Sao Tome and Principe, and Mali.
Several countries in Africa have enjoyed Nigeria's generosity, including the benefits of technical assistance through the Technical Aid Corp (TAC) scheme. But Nigeria has not been adequately rewarded in terms of commensurate respect from the beneficiaries of its assistance and support. On several instances Nigeria's capacity to represent African regional interests in international fora have been questioned by countries that benefited from Nigeria's actions and goodwill. Nigerians have also been subjected to humiliation and indignity in some African countries. In Gabon, for instance, Nigerians were subjected to torture by Gabonese security agents and subjected to xenophobic attacks in South Africa. And how does one explain Sierra Leone's declared interest to contest Nigeria's candidacy for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council? It was gathered that officials of the Sierra Leonean government demanded up to 300 million US dollars in financial assistance from the Nigerian government to stop Sierra Leone from contesting Nigeria's candidacy. It should be recalled that Nigeria made substantial human and material sacrifice to restore peace and stability in Sierra Leone.
Nigeria and Ghana enjoy very cordial and friendly relations. Ghana is one of Nigeria's foremost business partners in the West African sub-region. However, in recent times, there have been reports about hostile business practices against Nigerians in Ghana. For example, the Ghanaian government was reported to have imposed high tariffs on Nigerian movies and restricted Nigerian actors from shooting films in Ghana. Also, in 2012, many Nigerian businessmen operating in Ghana had their shops closed by the Ghanaians for allegedly operating illegally. The Ghanaian government was enforcing its policy which requires every foreigner who wants start business in Ghana to have an initial capital of $300,000 and must employ 10 Ghanaians to work with him regardless of the size of the business (Matthew & Odiogor, 2012). Why has Nigeria's diplomacy of cooperation, partnership, and goodwill on the continent generally, and in West Africa in particular, not been adequately reciprocated and rewarded?
Disappointed with the low level of gains and rewards from Nigeria's investments in its relations with other countries, some Nigerians are now inclined towards the adoption of the principle of reciprocity in conducting Nigeria's foreign relations. The responses and reactions of the Nigerian government to the maltreatment of Nigerian migrants by some South African officials best demonstrated elements of the new thinking on the essence of reciprocity in the conduct of Nigeria's foreign relations. On the other hand, some people have argued that Nigeria "have no right to gripe over unequal reciprocal treatment from other nations". In the logic of Ambassador Ignatius C Olisemeka, "Our problem is, essentially, one of lack of management, lack of capacity, lack of proper and effective coordination, and, above all, failure of our institutions" (Olisemeka 2010: 6). However, on the other hand, others feel that while Nigeria has its own challenges like any other country that should not prevent it from aspiring and concentrating efforts at creating a nation that commands respect.
In the opinion of many in Nigeria, there is a huge gap between the country's investments in Africa and the gains it acquires in respect of diplomatic capital and influence (see Eze, 2010). Thus, there is serious pressure on the Jonathan administration to be more Nigeria-centred in its foreign relations. While the re-evaluation of Nigeria's economy and its outcomes are likely to boost the ego of the country and help it gain acceptance and recognition among the key members of the international system, the 'gains' from the exercise are not likely to make a huge difference in Nigeria capacity to negotiate and compete with other players internationally.
Concluding Remarks
In concluding the discussion on the implications of the rebasing of Nigeria's economy for its status and role in the international system, I consider it appropriate to underscore the essence of the country's domestic environment. And in doing this, I align my thoughts with the wisdom in Richard Haass's proposition that that a good foreign policy needs to begin at home (2013). In this regard, the rebasing of Nigeria's economy will not make a dramatic impact on its status and role in the international system if the present challenges and contradictions in its domestic environment are not adequately addressed. Thus, it is recommended that Nigeria's foreign policy be urgently re-conceptualized to primarily address developmental needs of the country, including the national security and improved living conditions for the majority of the population. Also, there is need to pay adequate attention to the current global realities. The tasks here require re-examining a number of issues around Nigeria's foreign policy and globalization, which is a characterizing feature of 21st century international relations. Such a foreign policy must necessarily, in addition to a viable national economy, consider the importance of a strong political domestic base, identify, protect, and promote realistic, achievable, and sustainable national interest goals in the short, medium, and long terms.
The implications of current global trends and developments for Nigeria's foreign relations should be factored into the formulation and implementation of Nigeria's foreign policy strategy. In this regard, it is imperative to identify and analyze the character, contents, and dynamics of the current post-Cold World neoliberal global order to be able to come up with appropriate coping strategies and response mechanisms. Within this context, it is important for Nigeria to re-examine its national interests, and re-align them with the new realities of post-Cold War international relations. For instance, what should be Nigeria's response to the 'politics' of the emergent economic powers and other leagues and clubs such as the D-8 and N-11? One question to ask is whether Nigeria's fast growing romance with these new economic power blocs represents progressive movement towards the restructuring of the international division of labor. Also, the expanded interests of the Asian powers in Africa have serious implications for regional order in Africa, and Nigeria must not ignore this. For example, the increased presence of Chinese and Indian capital in Africa calls for concerns. How are the regional hegemons, like Nigeria and South Africa, responding to this and other related developments? Nigeria and other African countries must look beyond some of the cosmetics and rhetoric about support for African collective interests, such as the building of the Headquarters of the AU in Addis Ababa by the Chinese government. Africa needs strategies of engagement with the emergent powers that take into consideration the status and essence of regional integration and collective self-reliance in African development, and Nigeria and others key players in the region, especially South Africa, should support initiatives towards the development of such strategies.
While it is possible to argue that Nigeria's influence is gradually growing owning in part to its rising economy, its status and role in the regional and global politics are not likely to experience rapid growth. No doubt that with its wealth the country will continue to be a major player in all of Africa's political, economic, and military institutions, including regional peacekeeping missions. Also, Nigeria will be most influential in West Africa, just as South Africa will be the dominant player in the East and Southern Africa. The importance of Nigeria within Africa, both economically and politically, particularly within the AU, NEPAD, and other regional governance initiatives, as well as its influence outside the continent, will depend on its ability and capability to effectively address its internal contradictions. The country's leadership needs to tackle corruption, produce more electricity, transform the country's dilapidated infrastructure, and address unemployment. Thus, in addition to the gains of the rebasing of its national economy, the outcomes of its efforts at promoting good governance, tackling corruption, and improving the state of infrastructure in the country will go a long way in boosting its foreign image.
Adefuye, Ade (2004) "Obasanjo: Commonwealth Chairperson – Challenges and Strategy, 2004-2005" in Bola A. Akinterinwa, Nigeria's new Foreign Policy Thrust: Essays in Honour of Ambassador Oluyemi Adeniji (Ibadan: Vantage Publishers, pp. 402- 417.
Adekeye, Adebajo & Mustapha, Abdul Raufu eds. (2008) Durban: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press.
Adetula, Victor (2012) "Reciprocity in Nigeria's External Relations: Revisiting Bolaji Akinyemi's Doctrine of Consultation" in Nigeria and the World: A Bolaji Akinyemi Revisited Lagos: Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, pp.59-78.
Adetula, Victor (2014) Nigeria and her Neighbours: Burden and Blessings of Geography, Inaugural Lecture Series No. 60, University of Jos.
Adetula, Victor. (2013) "Impact of Liberal Democracy on Nigeria's External Relations: Analysis of gains, Opportunities and Challenges Nigerian Journal of International Studies Vol.38, Nos. 1 & 2, December, pp-201-229.
African Development Bank (2013) Federal Republic of Nigeria Country Strategy Paper, 2013-2017, African Development Bank Group.
Afrobarometer (2009) Popular Attitudes toward Democracy in Nigeria: A Summary of Afrobarometer Indicators, 2000-2008. Available online www.afrobaromer.org (Accessed 20/09/2013).
Afrobarometer (2013) Summary of Results Round 3.5 Afrobarometer Survey in Nigeria, 2007" compiled by Practical Sampling International. Available online www.afrobaromer.org (Accessed 20/09/2013).
Akinterinwa, A Bola (2014) "Nigeria's Foreign Policy Strategies and Techniques" in John A.A Ayoade et al (eds.) The Jonathan Presidency: The First Year University Press of America, pp.255-289.
Alade, Abiodun (2014) "Largest Economy: Why I can't celebrate – Jonathan" Vangard, April 07.http://www.vanguardngr.com/2014/04/largest-economy-cant-celebrate-jonathan/#sthash.YWtBx7np.dpuf. Available online (Accessed 20/09/2014)
Ascher, William and Mirovitskaya, Nathalia. (2013) "Development strategies and the evolution of violence in Africd4a" in Ascher, W and Mirovitskaya, N. (eds.) The Economic Roots of Conflict and Cooperation in Africa Palgrave Macmillan.
Bruck,Tilman (2013) "An economist's perspective on security, conflict and peace research" in SIPRI Yearbook 2013: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security Oxford University Press, pp. 1-13.
Dibua, Jeremiah I (2013) Development and Diffusionism: Looking Beyond Neopatrimonialism in Nigeria, 1962-1985 New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Haass Richard N (2013) Foreign Policy Begins at Home: The Case of Putting America's House in Order Basic Books.
Eze, C. Osita (2010) "Reciprocity in International Relations: Nigeria and the Economic Community of West African States" in Osita C. Eze (ed.) Reciprocity in International Relations, Lagos: Nigerian Institute of International Affairs NIIA. , p.45.
Federal Republic of Nigeria (1975) Third Development Plan Lagos: Government Printers.
Goldsmith, Belinda (2014) "Africa and West pledge more support in war against Boko Haram" Reuters US Edition 12 June 2014. Available Online (Accessed on 08/10/14).
Goodluck E, Jonathan (2014) "President Jonathan's Democracy Day Speech", May 29, 2014. Available Online (Accessed on 08/10/14).
International Monetary Fund (2007) "IMF Executive Board Completes the Third Review Under the Policy Support Instrument for Nigeria"Press Release No. 07/146 June 28.
International Monetary Fund (2013) Nigeria: Financial Sector Stability Assessment, Country Report No. 13/140 International Monetary Fund (IMF). Available Online (Accessed on 20/01/14).
Jonathan, E. Goodluck (2013) "Speech Made By Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, at the 68th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, United Nations Headquarters, 24 September 2013.
Kennedy, Paul (1987) The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers New York: Vintage Books.
Lewis, Peter and Etannibi Alemika (2005) "Seeking the Democratic Dividend: Public Attitudes and Attempted Reform in Nigeria." Afrobarometer Working Paper No.52.
Litwack, John (2013) Nigeria Economic Report; No. 1. Washington DC: World Bank. . Available Online ( Accessed 26/06/2014).
Matthew, Kayode & Odiogor, Hugo (2012) "Ghanaian govt chasing us out, lament Nigerian Bizmen", Vangaurd 04 July 2012. Available Online (Accessed on 20/01/14)
Michael Bratton and Peter Lewis (2005) The Durability of Political Goods? Evidence from Nigeria's New Democracy Afrobarometer Working Paper No. 48
National Bureau of Statistics (2014) "Measuring Better: Presentation of Preliminary Results of the Rebased Nominal Gross Domestic Product (GDP) Estimates for Nigeria 2010 to 2013 Delivered by the Statistician-General of the Federation & Chief Executive, National Bureau of Statistics, 6 April 2014", Abuja: National Bureau of Statistics.
O' Neil, Jim (2014) "From BRICS to MINT: Centrality of education and learning to nations building and economic development" Keynote Address delivered at the 0th Nigerian Economic Summit in Abuja on the theme of 'Transforming Education through Partnerships for Global Competitiveness', Abuja
Obasanjo, O (1999) "President Olusegun Obasanjo's Speech at White House Press Conference with President Bill Clinton". Available Online (Accessed on 24/10/ 2013).
Ohlson, Thomas (2012) ed."From intra-state war to durable peace: Conflict and its resolution in Africa after the Cold War" Dordrecht: Republic of Letters Publishing.
Okonko-Iweala (2014) "Transforming the Nigerian Economy: Opportunities and Challenges", Convocation Address By Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala Co-oordinating Minister for the Economy and Hon. Minister of Finance At Babcock University, Ilishan-Remu, Ogun State, Nigeria Sunday, 1 June, 2014.
Olisemeka C Ignatius (2010)"Opening Remarks" in Osita C. Eze (ed.) Reciprocity in International Relations, Lagos: Nigerian Institute of International Affairs.
Olugbenga Ashiru (2013) "Nigeria's Foreign Policy: New Realities In A Changing World" Thisday Live 16 April. Available Online (Accessed on 08/10/14).
Peter, M. Lewis and Michael Bratton (2000) "Attitudes to Democracy and Markets in Nigeria" Afrobarometer Working Paper No.3.
The Economist (20014) "Nigeria's GDP: Step Change", The Economist 12 April 2014.
Udo, Bassey (2014) "Nigeria: rebased GDP has no effect on welfare of Nigerians-NLC", Premium Times, 7 April 2014.
United Nations (2014) Contributors to United Nations Peace keeping Operations Monthly Summary of Contributions (Police, UN Military Experts on Mission and Troops) As of 31 August 2014. Available Online (Accessed on 10/09/2014).
World Bank (2013) Nigeria Economic Report.
World Bank (2014a) "Nigeria: World Bank Funds Nigeria's, Economic Reform and Governance Program" Press Release No. 2005/229/AFR World Bank, Washington, D.C, 14 December
World Bank (2014b) "Transcript of World Bank Group President Jim Yong Kim's Speech at the Council on Foreign Relations" (Accessed on 20/01/14).


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Description: Erect heath-like shrub, 0.5–2 m high, glabrous or minutely pubescent.
Leaves numerous, linear or ± terete, 5–20 mm long, 1–1.5 mm wide, thick, glabrous.
Flowers solitary or 2 or 3 together. Sepals broad-triangular, 1–1.5 mm long. Petals lanceolate, 6–12 mm long, pink to purple, darker below along the midline, both surfaces minutely hoary-pubescent except for the broad glabrous midline below.
Cocci oblong, compressed, 5–6 mm long, apiculate.
Distribution and occurrence: Widespread, in heath on rocky or sandy sites, inland on rocky outcrops in forest and woodland communities.
NSW subdivisions: NC

subset: commoncrawl


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Capital University offers competitive scholarships. All accepted full-time undergraduate international students receive a $13,000 annual scholarship to attend. Students are automatically considered upon submission of the university's undergraduate application, and there are no GPA requirements.
Colorado Mesa University recently released the International Student Merit Scholarship. It is awarded to accepted undergraduate international students with a grade point average (GPA) of 3.0 or higher. The scholarship grants $8,000 per year, which covers 42% of tuition. Bridge Pathways students are automatically considered for scholarships.
Husson University offers merit-based annual scholarships to first-year international students with a GPA of 3.0 or higher. The amount varies from $5,000 - $10,000 per year. If you apply to Husson, you are automatically screened for scholarship eligibility based on academic merit criteria.
Manhattanville College offers a variety of merit-based scholarships. Undergraduate international applicants with a 3.0 or higher grade point average are eligible for scholarships ranging from $12,000 - $22,000 per year. Additionally, Manhattanville offers the Duchesne Scholarship, which is $2,000 per year for students who complete community service hours every semester. All applicants are automatically screened for scholarship eligibility.
Consult with an admissions advisor for current scholarship availability.
Consult with an admissions advisor for current scholarship availability.
Undergraduate International Student Scholarships ranging from $9,000 to $17,000 are awarded to students with outstanding academic records. These are only partial scholarships, and they are offered to a limited number of students.


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Red Long Sleeve Homecoming Dress
7 Red Long Sleeve Homecoming Dress Found
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Red Long Sleeve Homecoming Dress
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A portrait of a Muay Thai kick boxer just moments before a big fight in Bangkok's famed Rajadamnern Stadium. Before entering the ring, he wears the mongkon, a sacred headband blessed by Buddhist monks. The sport of Muay Thai is dangerous but can propel Thai youth out of poverty.
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Minolta Bizhub 554e Copier: Konica Minolta 554e Printer
From copying to printing and also to scanning the Minolta Bizhub 554e Copier is a one-stop solution for all vital activities of a company. It functions as a printer, copier and scanner. Based on the latest technology, the Minolta 554e Copier has a number of easy to use features that lead to multiple advantages required by every business house in terms of productivity, convenience and security. The easy to use interface of the high-end copier makes it easily accessible for the user. With the in-built laser technology, the Bizhub 554e Printer can print up to 55 pages per minute.
Sporting an exceptional print resolution, the maximum number of pages that can be printed in a month is estimated to be around 150,000. The Konica Minolta Bizhub 554e Copier has a 250GB hard drive and can easily streamline critical business documents directly into the workflow processes. The critical paper driven tasks are also made easy with the cost-effective Minolta Bizhub 554e Copier. This easy to use copier is a must have for all big work houses.


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Mobile games are very rampant these days. Whatever your age is, you could find a great game for you. There are many game types to choose from, like war games, puzzle games, and so on. There are also Android and iOS versions for some games. Some may like casual games while others love challenging games. Gamers lose interest when a game is too difficult.
If gamers need extra coins and gold, they could get them from applications. Nevertheless, this will need real cash. Because so many people don't like spending their own money for games, hacks were made. One of the hacks that gamers use is Dream League Soccer free money Hack. Some hacks can let you progress in the game very easily while others could generate coins and gold in your profile.
The Dream League Soccer Hack might have a rooted or unrooted version. Rooted hack usually involves code modification in the device's operating-system. In iOS devices, this activity is known as jailbreaking. Starting the procedure needs you to download and install an executable file or apk. An unrooted hack follows the same procedure except no alterations on the codes are needed. You can just make use of the hack right after it is installed.
Hacking isn't a simple process, but instructions come with the best hacking tools. If you find the best source of a working hack, the next thing is installation. When the instructions weren't followed appropriately, problems with the tool could happen. Whether you pick a different hack or the usual hack for your game, you must consider the following general guidelines.
Download from a safe website
Ensure that the website where you will download the Dream League Soccer Hack is created to provide hacks. Be mindful not to end up downloading from a fake site. Observe caution when entering your information on websites. Be sure that the site you are accessing is reputable. If you feel that a website is fake, then chances are it's actually true, so better avoid it.
Select an updated hack tool
Old and new info are all found in the web. Consequently, it's also likely that you will end up downloading a hack tool that was created a years ago. Previous versions of a hack are pointless mainly because they can't get through the stronger security of the game. Hence, if the game is updated, the hack tool must be up-graded also. It will be best if the hack has auto-update feature since it can save the changes made in your account even if the game is updated.
Source: https://create.piktochart.com/output/31176320-dream-league-soccer-money-hack-unlimited-money-and-coins


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Jump to navigation Jump to search
This is so awesome. It works! It works! Hooray for meee! 220.127.116.11 ༠༤:༥༦, ༣༠ January ༢༠༠༧ (UTC)
- I might have misspelled "cagi" and "chimna" but I'm not sure. Also, I'd like someone to add a picture of khangche but it says I need to log in to upload pictures, and I don't have a wikipedia account. Also also, WOOT I just singlehandedly doubled the number of legitimate dzongkha-language articles!
- Hi and Welcome to Dzongkha Wikipedia! This site has been in a state of dormancy until your edits appeared. Please do not discouraged by all the difficulties that you are currently facing. Although I am not a native speaker of Dzongkha, I can still help you solve your problems because I had encountered the same difficulties before.
- To upload pictures, you need to Create an account first.
- If you have any further questions or queries, then feel free to ask me. --Jose77 ༠༨:༤༩, ༢༩ December ༢༠༠༦ (UTC)


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08 September 2007
S60 Symbian freeware Autolock
AutoLock is a "must have" freeware for all Symbian S60 devices (Nokia, Siemens, Motorola). Because it is automatic keylock application for S60 1st, 2nd and 3rd Edition smartphones. It turns key lock on after some of time of user inactivity. It automatic starts up when the device is turned on. You can change inactivity time. It run invisible to the user. And it's free because it's freeware. Download this application for your Nokia 7650, 3230, 3650, 6260, 6600, 6620, 6630, 6670, 6680, 6681, 6682, 7610, N-Gage, N70, N72, N90, 3250, 5500, 5700, 6110, 6120, 6290, E50, E61, E70, E90, N71, N73, N75, N76, N77, N80, N91, N92, N93, N93i, N95 or Siemens SX1 mobile phone here.
Posted by Spectator at 5:29 AM
Labels: 2nd Edition, 3rd Edition, autolock, Free, free Symbian, freeware, Nokia, S60
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As part of the Hammer Museum's public forums, a famous music artist and producer, an author and professor, and a legendary radio broadcaster came together to discuss issues pertaining to the complexity of the Internet's impact on the business and the morality of the entertainment industry, and more.
In front of a live audience in the Billy Wilder Theatre, each man began with an opening statement to introduce the topics in part to elaborate on their specific experiences as well as share ways that they have begun navigating through issues such as file sharing, fair use, piracy, copyright and transaction rights, and sharing revenues.
BBC- trained Australian born American broadcast journalist, author, and filmmaker Ian Masters, host of 'Background Briefing' and 'Daily Briefing' on KPFK-FM, opened the evening with initial background information on how our culture has evolved into an Internet dependent and wealth building society with digital media in the digital era.
Henry Jenkins is a USC professor and author of books such as 'Textual Poachers' and 'Convergence Culture.' He discussed what he calls 'participatory' culture, or more metaphorically speaking 'mashup' culture, a term usually associated with combining music files to create new works of art in the form of digital recordings. His focus has been primarily on visual arts and images from sources ranging from poster art to television and movie subject matter; the mashing together of pre-existing images and ideas into new forms using digital file sharing. A few examples that he sited was Sponge Bob and Aqua Man in an oil spill to protest BP, artist Shepard Fairey's combination of a promotional campaign that started with an Associated Press image of then Senator Obama which morphed into numerous images from Occupy Wall Street to the 2012 elections, Fiction Alley, a website for remixing ideas of existing works, and the HP Alliance, an online meet up group of Harry Potter fans sharing their stories based on characters and scenarios from author J. K. Rowling's creations.
T Bone Burnett is a multiple Grammy and Oscar winning musician and producer. His credits include playing with Bob Dylan's band in the Rolling Thunder Revue and producing Mr. Dylan a long with an impressive list of artists including Elvis Costello, Tony Bennett, Roy Orbison, Elton John, John Mellencamp, the Wallflowers, the Grammy award winning project with Robert Plant and Allison Krause, and the Oscar winning song from the movie 'Cold Heart.' He has also produced soundtracks for movies such as 'Oh Brother, Where Art Thou,' which also won him a Grammy, and more recently 'The Hunger Games.'
Burnett's spontaneous opening comments focused on the subject of how twenty billion dollars have been taken out of our culture through piracy from sites all around the world and compared the art of recorded music in America to fine wine in France. He made some interesting points from history how broadcasters have been sharing revenues with artists since the 1930's yet these issues have yet to be resolved with the search engines and the technology companies in the cyber world. Though copyright has worked well, he believes it is time to transition to what he referred to as 'transaction' rights, or in other words, figuring out what file sharing is when 'clicking' on the Internet.
As the discussion opened up between the three, the subject of fair use was introduced as a morality issue. According to Professor Jenkins, the idea of 'moral economy' is how capitalism is often perceived as it historically arose from feudalism and the belief that trust between people cannot be shredded. With the popularity of cease and desist letters based on opinions of what defines fair use, we are seeing more of these ethical and moral questions being raised based on conflict. Is it 'sharing is caring' or 'piracy is a crime?'
So, how do we establish common ground and find some solutions to these moral and cultural dilemmas? Professor Jenkins believes that it starts with artists and fans.
Mr. Burnett shifted the tone of the discussion more specifically to the changing music industry creating an analogy of how digital audio formats are inferior to the analog recordings on vinyl record formats. Mr. Masters added how instead of the middle men being a record company, the middle men have become the technical people who manage search engines, for instance, and most of the revenue seems to be concentrated there at the moment.
Professor Jenkins again reiterated the importance of the artist and fan relationships, and how part of the problem is the lack of better communication between the two and the inability to get the product directly from the source. Industry people became 'industrialists' without a historical appreciation of our recording industry.
T Bone concluded his thoughts by discussing the introduction of Internet 2, which supposedly is in the works, suggesting that this is perhaps the way to actually professionalize the industry and help to manage the problems created by piracy. This system would distinguish itself from the current Internet that would remain the experimental place for everyone to initially present and develop their ideas and skills.
Ian Masters brought to everyone's attention how media's traditional relationships with audiences were actually nutured through radio and that not all peer–to- peer relationships create piracy issues. He also sited how cities like Chattanooga, Tennessee in the U.S. and countries like France have already fully implemented very high speed fiber optics services, so it won't be long before we should see even more of the high tech community integrating into our arts and culture.
As a professional recording artist myself and even currently in the process of copyrighting my first book, I left the Billy Wilder Theatre with a wide array of observations and opinions.
At the end of the evening, Mr. Masters opened up the audience to questions and the subjects primarily focused on the music industry, the artists' positions, CDs and file sharing, and interactions with the online communities. Much of the discussion during the whole evening was focused on morality, but it was also focused on business and money, which is what seems to be on most people's minds; contemplating how to survive economically in our current world as so many problems continue to unfold and need to be resolved.
I got the last question of the night. After all was said and done, I felt that it was relevant to ask the question about a topic that for the most part wasn't really discussed.
In the broader sense of the current state of economic affairs, I saw a statistic recently indicating once again that corporate profits are at an all time high while most workers' wages are at an all time low. More and more people can't afford to buy music or art regardless of the various 'pay' formats or products that are available. It makes sense that file sharing would not only be very popular but a common occurrence especially in light of the accessibility to it which obviously is a very important factor. File sharing is not unlike the commons, a part of society even in past history that the original Shakespearean theater experience acknowledged. The so-called best seats in the Globe Theatre were available to the nobility while the remaining areas, in modern days similar to what has been called 'festival seating,' were available to everyone else regardless of their income. This way everyone was allowed to enjoy the theater experience. Perhaps Shakespeare would not be nearly as popular or have set the standard still used to this day had this not been the intention at his time.
I completely understand the importance of fairness in respecting and honoring the work of the artist. I have released two professional music albums and am preparing to self-publish a book. I don't want my work to be disrespected or misrepresented and we all want our work to be appreciated, to leave a positive and lasting impression and why not help to generate income.. even personally? I am writing this article about the evening's event instead of posting even a picture from the night let alone an audio or video recording because I respect the wishes of the artists present and of the museum.
There is much more to consider than even all of this that I have only just begun to elaborate on. How are we all connecting to the Internet and how can we address a better understanding of fairness and addressing the needs of all of our people? The Internet is a powerful tool and influence that should always be accessible as well as used responsibly. Even as protests in the streets of Europe and events of all kinds unfold around our changing world as I write this, artists and the purveyors of the online communities and technologies have tremendous responsibilities and can perhaps be the real shape shifters of our global economy and better world scenarios moving forward!
And the discussion continues……
Dan Nowman Niswander
Edutainment Contributor


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18 Minimalist Decor Ideas That Prove Less is More
Make It Work
Find unexpected satisfaction in your home's hardworking office with pretty wood beams. Refashioned oak and pine beams from a train station become floating shelves above a classic marble-top iron table. A painted white chair and neutral keepsakes joint the converted storage for a work zone that's cool, calm, and collected.
Streamlined Silhouettes
For sleek seating, look to iconic midcentury-modern chairs, which pop against a rustic farm table. White walls and trim create a gallerylike backdrop for contemporary artwork and an industrial chandelier. A pink suede rug softens the look.
Understated Orange
Spice up a black and white color scheme with hints of bright hues. Orange accent pillows and oversize artwork add visual interest to this otherwise neutral family room that features clean-line furnishings. White ceiling beams recede against identically painted walls and disguise recessed lighting.
Favorite Neutral Paint Colors
Enhance minimalist decor with clean neutral wall color. From rich gray to crisp white, discover our top paint picks for every room in your home.
Little Luxuries
Minimalist style doesn't have to stop with a small space. A platform bed with a basic headboard make the most of a tiny bedroom. Neutral accessories, including a painted deer head and vinyl-covered dresser, blend with white walls to keep the room uncluttered. A large pendant light spray-painted to give the illusion of copper provides a funky focal point.
Lofty Vision
Shiplap paneling painted pale gray runs the length of this minimalist kitchen. The absence of upper cabinets showcases high ceilings and allows for unobstructed window views. Oversize light fixtures frame a rustic island accented with uncomplicated metal-base bar stools.
Designed to Please
Whether used in an entryway, foyer, or dining room, tulip tables provide the perfect touch of minimalist style. Pair one with retro furniture for a quirky look or rush chair seats for a farmhouse twist. Modern accessories, including a ceramic urchin that sits within a glass terrarium, elevates this white laminate version.
Table for Ten
A creamy white laminate table balances graphic wallpaper and dark gray walls in this fashionable feast for the eyes. A rectangular chandelier and mod white built-ins mimic its angular silhouette. A plush rug keeps the contemporary dining room from feeling cold.
Personal Space
A cross-leg desk serves as a contemporary vanity perfect for pampering. Carefully curated accessories, like a geometric lamp base and simple wooden planter, fill the space with just enough visual interest. A molded seat with polished chrome hardware makes it easy to enjoy the view from floor-to-ceiling windows framed in black metal.
DIY Open Shelving
Create a minimalist kitchen that's open and airy by converting cabinets into open shelves. It's easy with our step-by-step instructions!
Gorgeous in Gray
A built-in headboard framed with floating nightstands anchors this master bedroom in unfussy yet sophisticated fashion. Painted drawer fronts add depth to the wall of wood, while both the rug and headboard boast a honeycomb pattern for continuity.
Simple Shelving
An elongated reclaimed-wood mantel and painted floating shelves provide a low-key alternative to built-ins. Display framed artwork and groups of mementos for a fresh and functional feature wall.
Casually Luxe
To build interest without cluttering your design, arrange just a few noteworthy furniture pieces from different periods and design styles. Here, rawhide-strap chairs partner with an antique plank-top table at the roomy banquette, while bamboo barstools add nature texture nearby. Built-in shelves exhibit a monochromatic collection of ceramics.
Dreamy Design
Simple furnishings, just a platform bed with skinny metal nightstands, keep this master bedroom seriously serene. An oversize black-and-white photograph creates a focal point under a vaulted ceiling, while bright textiles energize the cozy design.
Natural Elements
Warm up a minimalist space by contrasting the clean lines with one organic, over-the-top item, such as the showy peacock feathers in this midcentury entryway. A geometric print and brass-and-wood lamp serve as period-appropriate companions.
Room with a View
Contrast shapes to truly exude modern verve. A soft pair of chairs and a round tulip table beautifully juxtapose an angular sofa. A capiz shell chandelier sparkles in the space without distracting from expansive views.
Overhead Inspiration
Install a shallow shelf above the bed to let creativity flow. A simple sill acts as a perch for framed art and petite plants over this clean slatted headboard. Potted flowers and accent pillows continue the color scheme found in the artwork to keep the look clutter-free.
Mirror Image
Twice is especially nice when it comes to minimalist decor. Balance a room by framing matching artwork above the fireplace and mirroring surrounding midcentury furniture around a coffee table centerpiece. Square shelving and ceiling panels enhance the geometrical design.


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On behalf of our client Lingocruit is now recruiting German speaking Technical Support Advisor to Athens in Greece. Our client in Athens is a world leading service provider cooperating with well known companies across the world delivering competent and well trained personnel to their customer service departments.
As a Technical Support Advisor you have the opportunity to represent a company that are shaping our digital future! Sound interesting keep reading! Our client is currently offering remote onboarding from Greece and a relocation package to ensure a safe relocation process for new employees.
Travellers entering Greece during the Covid19 outbreak is obliged to spend 2 weeks in quarantine upon arrival until further notice. The role
The ideal candidate
The employer offers
Other conditions
The working hours are 40 flexible hours / week. The base salary is €1300 / month paid out in 14 instalments per year. Keep in mind that the living costs of Greece is lower than in Western Europe, with lower taxes, prices, and an average salary of €890 / month.
We interview candidates for this position on a regular basis. If you feel like you are the right person for this job do not hesitate to submit your application in English today!


text: Simple Regency Stool SKU: T16302 Wisteria Exclusive Handmade Pinit $244.97 Save 30% $350.00 Additional $10.00 delivery surcharge. In Stock and Ready to Ship! Order now! Limited quantities available. Quantity -+ Add to Cart This stool is handcrafted of iron with a brass finish, and features an upholstered white linen top.Upholstered, white cotton seatIron frame with brass finish20"w x 18"d x 21"h Inspiration This simple, square-framed stool gets its distinctive look from graceful Italian-inspired legs and a uniquely shaped base that uses half circles to soften its silhouette. Upholstered with simple white cotton, it adds a fresh look wherever you place it. Details & Dimensions 20"w x 18"d x 21"hWeight: 22 lbs Weight capacity: 242 lbs Leg Thickness: .75"w Distance Between Front/Back Legs: 18.5"w Distance Between Side Legs: 16.25"w Seat Height from Ground: 20"h Seat Dimensions: 20.5"w x 18"d x 1.75"hCare Instructions (PDF) Shipping Additional $10.00 delivery surcharge.In-stock standard parcel delivery items typically ship within 2 business days and should arrive within 5 to 7 business days.Your selected payment method will be billed at the time your order is placed.This item is not available for expedited shipping.Delivery OptionsReturn/Exchange Policy Share your unique #wisteriastyleSubmit a Photo View Gallery


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Universal Law of Attraction – Manifesting Your Desires With The Universal Law of Attraction
By Israel Goldman
Similar to the universal law of gravity, there is a universal law of attraction.
The universal law of gravity states: "Every mass attracts every other mass by a force heading along the line combining the two."
It's universal, because this law applies to everything in the universe.
The universal law of attraction could be described as: "I attract everything I express to the outside world based on my own self-image, feelings and emotions."
This one is universal too. It works always, whether you want it or not.
So, how can you use the universal law of attraction to your advantage?
Easy. Just work on your self-image, feelings and emotions.
While that's easier said than done, here are some tips to use the Universal Law of Attraction to your advantage.
1. Self-image.
They way you look upon yourself as a person is a combination of impressions you have about how others see you.
You are always influenced by others. Of course, the impression others have of you may be wrong! But they came to that conclusion based on a certain occasion where you acted in such a way that lead to that impression.
So, think about yourself, improve your strong points, work to avoid the weak ones. If you really want something, think positive about that desire and visualize that you are going to get it, no matter what.
2. Feelings and emotions.
You really should get rid of fear, anxiety, and stress. Start listing your problems and systematically get them done with. Make that a priority, so you can delete the bad habits in your thinking.
Keep watching your emotions, and catching negative thoughts. Write them down – and you'll find that you can instantly replace a negative thought with a positive emotion, and positive thoughts.
Be positive, give, smile and attract.
Positive feelings, emotions and appropriate thoughts make the law work faster on your behalf. They act like magnets, attracting physical reality!
Focus your thoughts and your energy on obtaining your goals. As you focus and achieve one success, then it will help you focus and lead to more success. Until, success has become a habit for you.
Your problems and turmoil and the obstacles you perceive will now start looking like stepping stones on the path to your goals.
Just remember like attracts like, so focus on your goals and being there as if it already happened and you are already there.
You're now ready to align yourself to the universal law of attraction!
Ancient Success Secrets Revealed: [http://www.instantlifehacks.com ]Sun Tzu's Art of War
Article Source: http://EzineArticles.com/?expert=Israel_Goldman http://EzineArticles.com/?Universal-Law-of-Attraction—Manifesting-Your-Desires-With-The-Universal-Law-of-Attraction&id=666707


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The City Clerk's chief functions are acting as Clerk to Maysville Board of Commissioners and serving as Records Custodian for the City, which includes organizing meetings and agendas, taking meeting minutes and maintaining the records of the board, including the meeting minutes, ordinances, resolutions, municipal orders, and correspondence.
Anyone wishing to be added to the City Commission agenda should contact the city clerk at 606-564-2718 or firstname.lastname@example.com.
The City Clerk is also the Alcoholic Beverage Control Administrator for the City of Maysville. She assists business owners with application for state licenses and determines approval as well as collection of alcoholic beverage fees, and issuance/denial of City of Maysville alcoholic beverage licenses.
In addition, the city clerk responds to open records requests, collects franchise taxes, schedules shelters at Maysville-Mason County Recreation Park, issues Senior Citizen Bus Passes, and provides Notary Public services.
The City Clerk also serves as staff liaison to the Maysville Commission on Human Rights, Ethics Commission, and Maysville-Mason County Arts Commission as well as assisting the comptroller in processing occupational taxes and gross receipts license fees.
Lisa R. Dunbar holds certifications through the International Institute of Municipal Clerks and the Kentucky Municipal Clerks Association. She was designated as a Kentucky Master Municipal Clerk by KMCA in 2017. She holds a B.A. in English and an M.S. in Writing from Illinois State University. She has worked for the City of Maysville since 2005, and became City Clerk in 2006. Prior to working for the City, she held the position of reporter and then copy editor at the Ledger Independent. She is on the organization committee for Pickers & Grinners Open-Air Markets and the interpersonal violence prevention program Green Dot Maysville. She is a founding member and has served on the board of the Humane Society of Buffalo Trace. She is also is a past board member of the regional Champions for a Drug Free Kentucky.


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Murphy talks school safety with New Haven high school students
Instead of talking at the heads of 100 teenagers in blue auditorium seats, U.S. Sen. Chris Murphy, D-Conn., was more interested in having a conversation with the students at James Hillhouse High School Wednesday during a forum on school safety and gun violence.
Murphy said he has been talking about gun violence for five years — ever since the shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School — but now that students all around the country have stood up, he said the country is finally paying attention. For him, he said, the heart of this issue comes down to gun control, despite all the overwhelming noise coming from both sides of the aisle.
"Yes, we should be doing more for kids, we should be helping law enforcement, we should be solving mental illness problems, but the problem in this country is our gun laws. We have illegal guns, powerful guns in the wrong hands, and we need to fix that sooner than later," Murphy said.
Zoe James, a senior at Hillhouse, said, "I think we have to keep pressuring our local government as teenagers because we're the most heavily affect group by violence. The more we keep protesting and resisting peacefully and doing everything we need to, I think change will happen."
James said her fellow students should take a cue from Murphy and use this opportunity to become leaders within their community.
"I've never seen this country more focused on the issues of guns than right now because young people are speaking, because of the walkouts, because of the rallies," Murphy said. "It's just more evidence that if you choose to speak up now, when you're young, you're going to be able to make change. If you choose to speak up, if you choose to get involved in elections, if you choose to talk to politicians and demand they do something, you will have a bigger impact than I will."
With the loose gun laws in the nation, Murphy said by making a couple of "commonsense" changes, such as banning assault weapons and implementing universal background checks, lawmakers could dramatically change the reality for people in this country.
One change Makayla Dawkins, a junior at Hillhouse, who organized the March 14 walkout for her school, and sits on the Board of Education as a student representative, said she would like to see is increased safety protocols in school. While Dawkins said she does feel safe going to school, she understands that in today's society anything can happen.
When another student then asked if one of those changes should include arming teachers, Murphy first had the students raise their hands if they thought that was a bad idea, before giving his opinion. Every single hand in the auditorium shot into the air, his included.
"If you were safer in places with more guns, then the United States would be the safest country in the world. It's not," Murphy said.
With more people dying every year from accidental shootings than school shootings, Murphy said arming teachers with weapons would only increase the number of shootings. However, that doesn't mean Murphy is against having more secure schools with locked doors and trained security guards.
What he's worried about is schools going too far and in the name of "school safety" arresting too many kids — most of them black — for behavior that used to be taken care of within the school, he said.
While not being able to speak about the specifics at Hillhouse, Murphy said the evidence shows "that it's black kids who are getting arrested at a rate totally different than white kids. In most states, if you are a black kid that commits the same offense in school as a white kid, you are twice as likely to get arrested or get suspended or get expelled."
Murphy said schools doubling down on suspending or expelling anyone who looks or seems like he or she may be trouble may have the opposite effect. By isolating some of these students, it could actually compound the problem, he said.
Murphy's candor, which was met with a round of applause from the students, surprised Principal Glen Worth.
"To come in and have an honest conversation about gun control, not only about gun control, but how it affects our students, especially when we talk about race and gun control," Worthy said. "Our kids face this every single day…. For him to acknowledge that, I think it was very good for our kids to have here him and have a chance to ask those difficult questions."


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My husband and I think weddings are so amazing, when it came time for us to get married we decided to have two of them! I know what you're thinking—why would the same couple have two different ceremonies? It happens more than you realize, although my husband and I didn't know it at the time. Fresh out of graduate school, we were both inundated with school loans and neither of our families had the means to pay for a large wedding, nor did we want to ask them to. Instead of taking out more loans, we opted for a smaller, much more intimate and less expensive wedding with plans for a larger ceremony later. For us, this was the perfect solution. We've since spoken with numerous couples who have done the exact same thing because, unsurprisingly, there are actually several benefits to waiting on the big ceremony.
Responsible Budgeting
Setting a budget for your wedding and sticking to it can be very difficult, but the younger you are when trying to get married, the harder it is. With so many people in their 20s and 30s sinking under student loan debt, having savings is almost unheard of, which makes it almost impossible to pay for a big wedding (especially when they're so expensive).
As I've already mentioned, the main reason my husband and I decided to have two weddings was financial. We set aside a small amount to pay for our first ceremony and scheduled the second one for a year and a half later. This allowed us plenty of time to then save up for and plan the much larger wedding of our dreams. Having a larger ceremony later, after saving together, is a great way for you to limit the financial burden when you're younger without having to wait on being married.
Sense of Accomplishment
Not only is saving up to pay for the big ceremony easier on the budget, it also creates a sense of accomplishment for you and your significant other. My husband and I made the very conscious decision not to ask for financial assistance. We were in it together and that meant paying for our wedding together. It wasn't easy, but once we established how much we wanted to spend the second go-around, we made a savings plan that ensured we had it when we needed it. Years later, we're still extremely happy with the decision. Even if your families can offer financial assistance, there's something very special about knowing that the two of you made the dream happen on your own.
Variety of Experiences
There are lots of options when it comes to planning your perfect wedding and it's sometimes hard to make the final decisions. Are you and your honey-to-be at odds about some of your details? Maybe you can't decide between a spring and a fall ceremony? Does one of you want a big wedding while the other prefers a small, intimate gathering? Well, maybe you don't have to choose. Another benefit of planning two ceremonies is that you can vary the experiences, especially since your first will usually be something very small. For example, my husband and I had a summer wedding followed by a winter wedding and an intimate gathering followed by a traditional celebration. You could also plan one of your ceremonies as an outdoor event and choose an indoor venue for the second one. If you plan properly, you can experience the best of all your wedding dreams!
Opportunity for More Guests to Be Involved
Unfortunately, not all of your closest friends and family can always make it to a single event. If there are two ceremonies, however, there's a significantly greater chance the people you want there the most can attend at least one of them. This was another contributing factor in our decision, as my uncle lives in another country and visits only once every five to ten years. We were able to have our first ceremony when he was in the country and, while we certainly missed him at the larger one later, he was still very much a part of our marriage. On a similar note, some older guests, like grandparents and great grandparents, may find it difficult to travel long distances. If your two families live in different cities or states, having one ceremony often means leaving someone important out. To ensure the involvement of all of your elderly loved ones, you can plan both your gatherings different locations that are more accessible for them.
Two Anniversaries!
Seriously, who doesn't like the idea of celebrating each other more? Double the dates means double the fun! If, for example, you're busy for the summer date, you can make sure to clear our calendars for the winter date. This also allows for more flexibility when planning celebratory travel. Some places simply aren't suited to winter visits, while others are too hot in the summer. Of course, you don't have to set two different dates; you can always choose to have your second ceremony on the same date as your first. This won't give you two anniversaries, but it can make that wedding/anniversary date extra special.


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Traveling through small towns often means you're hundreds of miles away from a big health food grocery store. Most "regular" grocery store chains carry little-to-no food choices for the food-allergy bunch. Many of us bring large quantities of food with us when we travel.
If you're traveling through Western Kentucky, particularly on I-24 and Paducah, there's a little health food store worth marking on the map should you find yourself traveling and in need of a loaf of GFCF bread or a GFCF "ice cream" treat or some other item.
I think someone should publish a book of stores that sell food items for the food allergy community. In the meantime, when I find something worth sharing, I'll put it here, on my blog. If you find something worth sharing, send it to me, and I'll host your tip as a guest entry on my blog.
Here's entry #1:
Heath Health Food Store is a little gem that is close to the interstate. They had three flavors of "ice cream" made from coconut milk by So Delicious and Udi's GFCF bread, among other items when I was there in June.


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March 12, 2020
Bigg's Killer Whales Hunting in Plumper Sound
Laura | M/V Sea Lion | 3/12/2020 | 12:00pm
It is always fun to report when passengers find whales from the sky as they arrive to San Juan Island via sea plane! Two passengers had an early morning flight to Friday Harbor and sighted four orcas from above while flying over the San Juan Channel. We boarded as quickly as possible to leave the dock with hopes of seeing these whales again!
M/V Sea Lion cruised up the channel and into Boundary Pass as everyone anxiously scanned for...Read more