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DOUTRE, JOSEPH (baptized Joseph-Euloge), journalist, writer, and lawyer; b. 11 March 1825 at Beauharnois, Lower Canada, son of François Doutre and Élisabeth Dandurand, dit Marcheterre; d. 3 Feb. 1886 in Montreal, Que.
Joseph Doutre spent his childhood in the village of Beauharnois which was in the seigneury of the same name. His father was a shoemaker and the sexton of the church of Saint-Clément there. That Joseph Doutre, the most determined adversary of the church in Quebec during the latter half of the 19th century, was brought up in the shadow of the altar is not the least paradoxical aspect of his eventful life. He probably attended primary school in Beauharnois before beginning classical studies at the Petit Séminaire de Montréal in September 1836. The principal of the seminary at that time was Joseph-Alexandre Baile, a French Sulpician. It is worth noting that even at the height of his anti-clerical campaigns Doutre never disparaged his former teachers in any way. At the seminary he met young people whom he would re-encounter later, such as Toussaint-Antoine-Rodolphe Laflamme*, his colleague at the bar, Magloire Lanctôt*, and William Oscar Dunn, father of Oscar Dunn, a journalist who was a follower of the French ultramontane author, Louis Veuillot. When he left the seminary in 1843, Doutre studied law under Norbert Dumas, Augustin-Norbert Morin*, and finally Lewis Thomas Drummond.
Doutre began to write and publish even before he was called to the bar on 30 April 1847. He contributed articles first to the Mélanges religieux and L'Aurore des Canadas, both published in Montreal. On 17 and 21 Nov. 1844 he had a short story entitled "Faut-il le dire! . . ." in Le Ménestrel (Quebec). The first two instalments of his novel, Les fiancés de 1812, were also distributed to subscribers at this time. Through Doutre, Montreal was suddenly exposed to the same literary currents as Paris in the field of the novel. On the banks of the St Lawrence, the law student was endeavouring to imitate Eugène Sue, whom Charles-Augustin Sainte-Beuve considered the novelist most in vogue in France and Europe. Sue owed his success to his "Mystères de Paris," first published in Le Journal des Débats (Paris) from 19 June 1842 to 15 Oct. 1843. The editor of Le Courrier des États-Unis, Théodore-Frédéric Gaillardet, republished Sue's novel in the Semaine littéraire; hence Montreal bookseller Édouard-Raymond Fabre* could deliver the episodes of "Mystères de Paris" to eager readers as they were printed in New York. Sue's novel had a truly seminal influence on Doutre. Reading it led him to self-knowledge; four years after the publication of Les fiancés de 1812 he recalled: "I responded to the vitality in me that rebelled against the indifference of the times." In 1844, at the age of 19, with Sue as his model, he began his struggle against the prejudices, ignorance, and apathy of French Canadians as well as against a religion too often degenerating into Pharisaism. He attacked religious intolerance, the hypocrisy of "those sanctimonious knaves, who spend their lives in a church or robed in a priest's cassock," but who were none the less shady in their business dealings. Hence for him the reading of novels such as "Mystères de Paris" provided "an enlightened school of private and public discipline," for it effectively revealed "the vices of the social system, [and] the lack of public institutions for the encouragement of virtue."
Doutre begged public indulgence for his work. His ambition was "to give some stimulus to literature amongst us." But the final product did not come up to the young man's aspirations; in expressing his ideas, which were very modern from the social point of view, he had to rely on his as yet undeveloped natural talent, and he offended many sensitive readers. The result was that the Mélanges religieux judged Les fiancés de 1812 to be "a sufficiently immoral work that fathers would forbid their children to read it, and that a woman who began reading it could not but blush and cast away such a production." Two years later, in 1846, Doutre published "Le frère et la sœur," a short story obviously inspired by Chateaubriand's René, but with the theme of incestuous temptation watered down. In it he looked back on his years at Beauharnois when he had "more than once trodden the shady paths of the seigneurial domain. More than once also its woods had echoed with the harmless sound of [his] inexpert gun." Doutre wasted no further time on purposeless experiments with the pen; the practice of law and the activities of politics were henceforth to demand all his attention.
Despite the assertions of a number of historians, he was not one of the young men who, on 17 Dec. 1844, had laid the foundations of the Institut Canadien. But he soon joined this group, became one of its acknowledged leaders, and in July 1847 was amongst the 13 young men who formed the initial nucleus of contributors to L'Avenir of Montreal. Doutre at first favoured the Reform party; indeed in April 1848 he and his friends were in a position to boast in their paper that they had helped Louis-Hippolyte La Fontaine* to get elected and they called themselves "the true friends of the government." But the next month the "Thirteen" rallied behind Louis-Joseph Papineau* who was attacking the union of Upper and Lower Canada and was bringing the revolutionary principle of "nationalities" (self-determination) to bear upon Canadian affairs. From that date Doutre stood out as one of the most persistent opponents of the ministerial party. When L'Avenir in August 1848 published "La tuque bleue," a satirical piece probably written by Louis-Antoine Dessaulles* but attributed to Charles Daoust* by George-Étienne Cartier*, it was Doutre who fought a duel with Cartier, the latter considering himself to have been ridiculed by this scurrilous document.
The clergy, convinced that L'Avenir was seeking "to spread revolutionary principles," as Bishop Ignace Bourget wrote in his pastoral letter of 18 Jan. 1849, began to support the party of La Fontaine and Robert Baldwin* in an increasingly open fashion. When L'Avenir advocated annexation to the United States and demanded the suppression of tithes, clerical opposition to the Rouges stiffened and became so marked that Doutre believed, or was determined to believe, that there existed a letter from Lord Elgin [Bruce*] to the bishops, asking them to suppress the annexationist movement. Doutre published a diatribe in L'Avenir on 24 Nov. 1849 with the provocative title "Proposition infâme! Le peuple au marché!" A year later, under the heading of "Chronique religieuse," he published a long screed in which he gave vent to his anticlericalism with a vehemence almost unparalleled in French Canadian literature. Doutre was getting even with the "mixed, politico-religious party," which counted on the people's ignorance stopping them from casting "every four years a disinterested vote for the management of our public affairs." He felt that the source of this ignorance was the religious instruction given in schools and colleges in the grip of the clergy: "it is the sole cause; for here in brief are the social guide-lines of the mass of our population: eat and pray to God. . . . They are taught to scorn and flee all the rest."
Clerical hostility to the arguments of L'Avenir accounts for the exasperated tone of this statement. The evolution of Canadian politics since 1848 had decisively influenced Doutre's thinking: in 1850 he had reached the point where he upheld the essential tenet of political liberalism, separation of church and state, and as a consequence supported the exclusion of the clergy from politics and non-denominational, secular education. At 25 years of age, Doutre had adopted the line of action from which he would never deviate.
On 17 Dec. 1850, at the sixth anniversary of the founding of the Institut Canadien, he gave a speech outlining the goal of a truly modern education. Pointing out that a young man leaving college had no understanding of real life and of words such as income, taxes, trade, politics, elections, and public law, or even of words relating to sport, fashions, dancing, and the theatre, he stressed that thanks to the Institut Canadien this same young man could henceforth find his place in society immediately. According to Doutre, the institute had opened to all, without distinction of class, "the prospect of human greatness and of the honours attaching to high rank in public life"; hence one saw young people engaged in technical trades competing with men from the liberal professions. The use of the spoken word was no longer the sole preserve of members of the bar, the art of writing was within the reach of all, "and everywhere," he added, "you will find the immense influence of the press in the hands of young men whose appearance in the world of politics only dates from the formation of our societies for meetings and discussions."
It was because the Institut Canadien was a lay creation, free of clerical domination, that it was on the road of progress. Doutre had given proof of this a contrario, when in L'Avenir of 6 April 1850 he condemned a "minor coup d'État" of the library committee of the Institut Canadien in Quebec City which had voted to cancel its subscription to L'Avenir. This committee included the abbés Louis Proulx*, Jean Langevin*, and Elzéar-Alexandre Taschereau*, representatives of the clerical party, and the "Reverend" Joseph-Édouard Cauchon, representative of the ministerial party: thus in composition it reflected what Doutre branded as "the mixed, politico-religious party." "The pulpits and the confessional," he protested, "were not enough for it; it has seized control of a public institution, founded on the example of the efforts of the youth of Montreal; it has done so in order to repress thought and opinion there, to forbid discussion and examination of them, to stop the spread of doctrines which are too sound not to be understood and accepted, finally to give [this institution] the appearance of a gathering of ignoramuses which they know so well how to do. "
When L'Avenir temporarily ceased publication in January 1852, Doutre began to take an increasingly prominent role in the Institut Canadien, whose president from May 1852 was "citizen" Pierre Blanchet. The progressives prevailed over the moderates; the latter finally decided to set up a rival association, the Institut National, for which they secured Bishop Bourget's patronage. This secession in no way stayed the progress of the Institut Canadien, if we are to judge by the Olympian detachment with which Doutre noted in the "eighth annual report," published in December 1852, that during the course of the year nine members had left the institute, two "to join a new society formed last spring."
Doutre was active in a variety of ways. On the occasion of a competition organized by the Institut Canadien in 1851, he had won a prize given by Legislative Councillor Pierre-Amable Boucher de Boucherville for an essay entitled "Du meilleur emploi qu'un citoyen peut faire de son existence tant pour la société que pour sa famille." The following year he published "Les sauvages de Canada en 1852," a talk on the Iroquois of Caughnawaga which he had given to the institute; he characterized this talk as "observations rather superficially assembled over two or three years, and tacked together in a twenty-four hour study carried out on the spot and copied from life." His forceful thinking and zeal for work so impressed his colleagues that in November 1852 they elected him president of the institute for a one-year term; it was under his presidency that the association was incorporated. At the beginning of 1854 it was able to acquire a large building on Rue Notre-Dame and a journalist and friend then claimed: "The Institut Canadien is now built on solid ground."
That year was to be particularly auspicious for the group. Although Doutre was not among the 11 members of the institute elected to parliament, he distinguished himself at its "convention" on the abolition of seigneurial tenure. Doutre had been urging the abrogation of tenure since 1849, and had clearly indicated in L'Avenir of 4 May 1850 that on this question he parted company with Louis-Joseph Papineau and Louis-Antoine Dessaulles, who were themselves seigneurs. He had lived in a village that was part of a seigneury, and this may have been the origin of his opposition to such a system. But it was in educational issues that he was particularly active. When bookseller Édouard-Raymond Fabre, a close friend of Papineau and a founder of the Liberal newspaper Le Pays (Montreal), died in July 1854, Doutre spoke in his praise to the members of the institute. He emphasized Fabre's strength of character in acquiring a businessman's training at a time when "commercial education establishments still had to be created." "Even today," Doutre went on, "the necessity for an education derived from sources other than Greek or Latin authors is barely appreciated."
Doutre wanted not only the practical training he had already demanded in the columns of L'Avenir but also non-denominational instruction in schools, as was being advocated by another "convention" of the institute, focused this time on education. However, it was an inopportune time to insist on non-denominational teaching. The bishop of Toronto, Armand-François-Marie de Charbonnel*, and the Catholics of Canada West were fighting fiercely for the de jure recognition of separate schools. Consequently Doutre, who probably foresaw that he would enter politics in the near future, deemed it prudent to ease off a little. Therefore, during the sessions at the "convention," he showed admirable moderation; while supporting the principle of non-denominational schools, he prudently decided to shelve the thorny question of existing denominational schools and wait "until the public complains about the present system."
Doutre no doubt had his eye on a seat in the Legislative Council, now that it was an elective body. In September 1856 he ran in the division of Salaberry, but lost to the ministerial candidate, Louis Renaud*. He tried his luck again in 1863, running in Laprairie County for election to the Legislative Assembly. He met with another defeat, this time at the hands of Conservative candidate Alfred Pinsonnault. Doutre then gave up the attempt at elective office, but now harboured a much stronger hatred for the clergy, to whose opposition he attributed his successive defeats.
Meanwhile the bishops had come down hard on the Institut Canadien. Following the publication of Bishop Bourget's three pastoral letters on 10 March, 30 April, and 31 May 1858, 138 members resigned from the institute to set up a rival society, the Institut Canadien-Français. The bishop of Montreal vigorously rejected the free-thinking opinions of the leading members of the Institut Canadien, singling out Doutre and his brother-in-law Charles Daoust in particular.
At a banquet given in February 1858 by political friends of Daoust, who was editor of Le Pays and Liberal representative for Beauharnois County from 1854 to 1857, Doutre had returned to the question of non-denominational schools, stating that "the principle of mixed schools" seemed to him "the most rational, and the one that must some day prevail." But the right moment for attaining this objective was not at hand; "I do not think," Doutre continued, "that the state of our public education is such that one should apply this principle as an absolute rule, or as the main basis of our system." This was a public declaration, printed in Le Pays of 16 Feb. 1858, but Doutre had revealed what he really thought in a letter written to George Brown* five days earlier: the Catholics were overly excited and the "Jesuits must be met with their own arms – diplomacy." Doutre was certain that one day it would be possible to give Canada the nondenominational system advocated by Brown, for, he added, the success the Jesuits were enjoying was nearing its end.
Bishop Bourget obviously was unaware of the contents of this letter, but Doutre had shown his hand sufficiently in his public speech for the bishop to detect the obstinate champion of the liberal tenet of separation of church and state. If there had been the slightest ambiguity, Daoust dispelled it on this same occasion by declaiming "that the church and the state ought to have a separate existence, each live its own life, and not identify with each other in a common action." The bishop quoted this extremely explicit declaration; he indignantly called it "impious language," and to stigmatize his liberal opponents more effectively he resorted to arguments elaborated a quarter of a century earlier in Gregory XVI's encyclical Mirari vos.
Ostracized by the clergy and unable to enter politics, Doutre concentrated almost exclusively on his legal practice. One of his first partners was Joseph Lenoir*, dit Rolland, a talented poet. Among the lawyers who subsequently became his partners were his brother-in-law Charles Daoust, his brothers Gonzalve* and Jean-Baptiste, his cousin Raoul Dandurand*, and Médéric Lanctot*; others trained under his direction, notably Wilfrid Laurier*.
His competence and passion for work placed him in the forefront of his profession. He was made a qc on 15 Aug. 1863, under the administration of George Brown and Antoine-Aimé Dorion*, and was often a member of the council of the bar and of its library committee; from 1864 to 1866 he was an examiner and from 1867 to 1868 bâtonnier. He was a corresponding member for the Société de Législation Comparée of Paris from 1872, and contributed regularly to legal publications such as the Lower Canada Jurist and the Legal News in Montreal. In 1880 John Lovell and Son published his Constitution of Canada: the British North America Act, 1867, its interpretation, gathered from the decisions of courts, the dicta of judges and the opinions of statesmen and others; to which is added the Quebec Resolutions of 1864, and the constitution of the United States; the contents of its 414 pages are clearly indicated by the title.
Doutre argued a number of important cases. In 1857 he had become counsel for the censitaires appearing before the court established to settle the consequences of the abolition of seigneurial tenure. Three years later he agreed to defend a French bank cashier by the name of Lamirande who was guilty of misappropriating funds and who had taken refuge in Canada. But the case that brought him most sharply to public attention was undoubtedly the Guibord affair, to which his name is still attached.
From 1858 the rift between the Institut Canadien and the bishopric of Montreal had continued to widen. Despite the archbishop of Quebec's counsel of prudence, Bourget in that year rigorously applied to the library of the Institut Canadien the rules of the Index, the violation of which ipso facto entailed excommunication; in so doing he clashed with liberal opinion which denied any one the right of surveillance and prohibition in respect of books and reading materials. Liberals held that every individual had the right to choose his own intellectual fare; the cases of poisoning that might result were only accidental inconveniences, amply compensated for by the superior blessing of liberty.
Doutre, whose literary career had begun under the aegis of Eugène Sue, and who, because of his liberalism, found himself barred from the political office to which his talents and aspirations entitled him, must have felt this act of episcopal authority as a stinging blow. Hence it is perhaps surprising to find him on the committee appointed in October 1863 to "inquire into the means best suited to smooth out the difficulties that have arisen between His Lordship the Bishop of Montreal and the Institut." This encounter, which took place under the bishop's roof, proved fruitless and although Doutre and 16 other members of the institute applied to Pius IX on 16 Oct. 1865 to have the censure removed, the Institut Canadien, of which Doutre again became president in May 1867, saw its 1868 Annuaire put on the Index by the Holy Office on 7 July 1869.
Shortly after sending to Rome a second appeal, signed by Doutre, the Institut Canadien lost one of its members, printer Joseph Guibord*, who died suddenly on 18 Nov. 1869. Confronted with the refusal of the ecclesiastical authorities to grant the deceased a Catholic burial, his widow, through Adolphe and Joseph Doutre, as well as Toussaint-Antoine-Rodolphe Laflamme, instituted proceedings in the Superior Court of Montreal against the parish council of Notre-Dame. The case gave Doutre, one of the two counsel for the plaintiff, the opportunity not only to arouse national interest in the Liberal opinions he had been proclaiming for nearly a quarter of a century, but also to mount a violent, occasionally truculent, verbal attack against his ultramontane enemies, represented by the Jesuits whom he, and in Raoul Dandurand's view many influential Liberals, suspected of being the instigators of Bishop Bourget's attack. Had not the Jesuit Firmin Vignon set up the Union Catholique at the Collège Sainte-Marie in September 1854 to thwart the Institut Canadien?
Doutre carefully excluded from the Guibord affair "the venerable priests of Saint-Sulpice, among whom was the parish priest then in office"; he poured his concentrated venom into tirades reminiscent of the most famous anti-Jesuit diatribes. "There is in the world," he exclaimed, "a circle of men who are in permanent conspiracy against all that constitutes the material and spiritual happiness of humanity, a circle of men who call themselves Catholics and who have been proscribed thirty-seven times by the Pope and the princes of all Catholic countries." Rising to further heights, he burst into an invective worthy of Michelet: "Let honour be rendered to the Indians of this continent, who had begun to rid the land of Canada of the first seed of the holy Society of Jesus!" And what was the result of the Jesuits' influence since their return to Canada? "A few years sufficed to condemn our population to the most abject ignorance. They seized possession of everything, with the most innocent air possible. The Bishop of Montreal enrolled in their service. As a Jesuit? As a blind tool? We do not know. Through the Bishop of Montreal, they controlled the Board of Public Instruction, the choice of school texts [and] that of institutions, the direction of studies and courses in the primary and model schools." Against the advancing conquest of the ultramontane troops in the field of education, and, more generally, in secular structures, there remained one dyke, one bastion which "alone" was left "standing": the Institut Canadien. Therefore upon it alone "all efforts" had been "concentrated" for years.
Thus, in his argument as counsel, Doutre pinpointed the central problem beneath the antagonism between the Liberals and the Ultramontanes – the attitude that should be adopted to a world born of the intellectual and political revolution of the 18th century, and especially of the programme of civil and religious liberties proclaimed in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. If Guibord, the target of ecclesiastical censure, received burial in a Catholic cemetery, it would be a victory for the Institut Canadien, and the liberalism it embodied, over religious authority; if he did not, his burial would be a variant of the custom of "burial in unconsecrated ground," which at this same period liberals in Belgium saw as further confirmation of the political domination of the clergy.
The rest is well known. Guibord's widow, or more precisely the Institut Canadien, won its case in the Superior Court on 2 May 1870 with Judge Charles-Elzéar Mondelet* presiding. This judgement was reversed by the Court of Revision and the Court of Appeal, but was upheld on 21 Nov. 1874 by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. On 16 Nov. 1875 Guibord's remains, which had been in the vault of the Protestant cemetery at Mount Royal since November 1869, were solemnly transported to the Catholic cemetery of Côte-des-Neiges with an escort of cavalry and foot-soldiers.
It was a Pyrrhic victory for Doutre. In fact the Institut Canadien, which he saw as the last rampart of radical liberalism, was slowly breaking up under the irresistible force of the mounting tide of ultramontanism. Several of its best-known members had died or made their submission to the church, so that by the beginning of 1886 La Presse could claim that the Institut Canadien no longer existed except "in name."
But Doutre did not surrender. According to the testimony of Laurent-Olivier David*, he was one of the few liberals who, having withdrawn from the church, did not recover the faith of his childhood. "I had ambition," he admitted to his colleague Rodolphe Laflamme, "I thought I had enough talent and energy to make my way; I saw [others] pass in front of me and my friends, and rise to honours, men who were of no merit; we were ostracized as a result of political opinions and reforms that were very questionable; I cannot pardon the clergy for the wrong it has done us."
On 28 Sept. 1858, at Montreal, Doutre had married Angéline, the daughter of Jean-Baptiste Varin and Hermine Raymond. Widowed the following year, he married Harriet Green, a native of Vermont, and they had six children, three boys and three girls. He died on 3 Feb. 1886 in Montreal, and was buried in the Protestant cemetery at Mont-Royal. When one considers his life, marked by so much activity and conflict, one notes with surprise that Doutre was but 60 years old.
Less than a year earlier his unbending ultramontane opponent, Bishop Ignace Bourget, had passed away. "With a little more conciliatory spirit on both sides," Doutre confided to his cousin Raoul Dandurand and to Honoré Mercier*, "perhaps we would have found some common ground." To be sure, but, even when the characters and intractable convictions of the two men are left out of account, it must be noted that a diehard ultramontanism and an uncompromising radicalism had clashed. If these two ideologies were in such opposition, it was not, essentially, because their religious or non-religious principles were contradictory but because each wanted to impose itself on the community.
Joseph Doutre was the author of Constitution of Canada: the British North America Act, 1867, its interpretation, gathered from the decisions of courts, the dicta of judges and the opinions of statesmen and others; to which is added the Quebec Resolutions of 1864, and the constitution of the United States (Montreal, 1880), and of a speech printed in Cour supérieure, Montréal; plaidoiries des avocats: in re Henriette Brown vs. la fabrique de Montréal, refus de sépulture (Montréal, 1870), 35–64. He is known to have written one novel, Les fiancés de 1812; essai de littérature canadienne (Montréal, 1844), and some novellas: "Le frère et la sœur" and "Faut-il le dire! . . . ," printed in Contes et nouvelles du Canada français, 1778–1859, John Hare, édit. (1v. to date, Ottawa, 1971– ), I: 168–92. Doutre also wrote "Du meilleur emploi qu'un citoyen peut faire de son existence tant pour la société que pour sa famille," published in L'Institut canadien en 1852, J.-B.-É. Dorion, édit. (Montréal, 1852), 144–92; "Les sauvages du Canada en 1852; Caughnawaga; les Iroquois; leur constitution politique et sociale; leur langue; usages, coutumes, superstitions," and "Notice biographique sur le feu Édouard R. Fabre, Esr. . . ." in L'Institut canadien en 1855, J.-L. Lafontaine, édit. (Montréal, 1855), 190–225 and 117–49 respectively.
AP, Saint-Clément (Beauharnois), Reg. des baptêmes, mariages et sépulture, 11 mars 1825. Arthur Buies, Une évocation: conférence faite à la salle de "La Patrie" jeudi, le 6 décembre 1883 ([Québec, 1883]). L. C. Clark, The Guibord affair (Toronto and Montreal, 1971). Raoul Dandurand, Les mémoires du sénateur Raoul Dandurand, Marcel Hamelin, édit. (Québec, 1967). L'Avenir, 16 juill. 1847–janv. 1852. La Patrie, 4 févr. 1886. La Presse, 3 févr. 1886. La Vérité (Québec), 13 févr. 1886. Bernard, Les Rouges. Pierre Beullac et Édouard Fabre Surveyer, Le centenaire du barreau de Mont(1861–1942)réal, 1849–1949 (Montréal, 1949). Thomas Chapais, Mélanges de polémique et d'études religieuses, politiques et littéraires (Québec, 1905), 93–94. L.-O. David, Histoire du Canada depuis la Confédération (Montréal, 1909). Achille Erba, L'esprit laïque en Belgique sous le gouvernement libéral doctrinaire (1857–1870), d'après les brochures politiques (Louvain, Belgique, 1967), 677–78. J.-T.-D. Fortier, "La seigneurie de Beauharnois et la famille Ellice" (a talk given to the Soc. hist. de Rigaud, Rigaud, Qué., 21 mars 1958). Lareau, Hist. de la littérature canadienne, 281–82. Augustin Leduc, Beauharnois; paroisse Saint-Clément; 1818–1919; histoire religieuse, histoire civile; fêtes du centenaire (Ottawa, 1920). Olivier Maurault, Le collège de Montréal, 1767–1967, Antonio Dansereau, édit. (2e éd., Montréal, 1967). Léon Pouliot, Mgr Bourget et son temps (5v., Montréal, 1955–77), IV: 26, 94. N. S. Robertson, "The Institut Canadien; an essay in cultural history"
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Philippe Sylvain, "DOUTRE, JOSEPH," in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 11, University of Toronto/Université Laval, 2003–, accessed October 1, 2023, http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/doutre_joseph_11E.html.
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text:
Ken and Mary of the Pokémon Mystery Club (PMC) are once again looking for a Pokémon from outer space, checking the site of a meteor crash. A Lunatone emerges and zaps them, erasing their memories of the encounter.
Meanwhile, Ash and friends reach Volley Town, finding it strangely deserted. They walk into the Pokémon Center for assistance but Nurse Joy is zoned out and unhelpful. Brock doesn't believe it's the real Nurse Joy.
Team Rocket sneaks into the Pokémon Center, but bump into Ash and friends. When Nurse Joy approaches, they all run, and hide in a storage room. There, they run into the frightened Lunatone. It tries to use Psychic on them, but passes out instead.
Nurse Joy returns to normal and treats Lunatone. It needs moonlight to survive, so they decide to take it up to nearby Camerupt Point where the full moon shines. They hide the Pokémon from the PMC in a cart and pull it up the hill, but are cut off by Team Rocket. Team Rocket gets into a fight with the Pokémon Mystery Club.
The PMC sends Team Rocket blasting off. Pikachu, Mudkip, and Beautifly team up to drive off the PMC, but they won't be defeated. The full moon rises and Lunatone charges up and send the pair off with Hidden Power. The kids then bid farewell to Lunatone.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
I was told by a few members here that splitting up my unit tests into different assemblies for different components is the best way to structure unit tests. Now, I have a few questions about that idea.
- What are the advantages of this? Organization, and isolation of errors?
- Let's say I have a component named "calculator", and I create an assembly for the unit tests on "calculator". Would I create a separate assembly for the integration tests I want to run on "calculator"? Or is the definition of an integration test a test across multiple components, like "calculator" and whatever else, which would require a separate assembly to test both of them together? In that case, would I have one assembly to do all of the integration testing for every component combination?


text:
A Langley parent says other kids were told not to play with her child, due to fears her husband might have caught the coronavirus on a recent trip to China.
The issue began earlier this week, said the woman, who asked to remain anonymous.
She told the Langley Advance Times by email that although her husband had no symptoms of illness, some parents contacted her on WeChat, a Chinese-language social media app, and asked that she quarantine herself at home and keep her child away from school.
She says she refused, and some other parents told their children not to play with hers. Some students were kept at home, she believes to avoid her child. She is worried there are other children who may be being kept at home because of similar pressure to self-quarantine.
"I believe there more families are suffering from the same discrimination and bullying in Langley," the woman said.
The mother hasn't talked to her child's teacher, saying she's worried she'll be identified as speaking out.
She did send a letter to the school district, and was hoping a public notice could help the situation.
A request for comment to the Langley School District was forwarded to B.C.'s Ministry of Education, which issued this statement:
• The Provincial Health Officer is advising that the risk of spread of this virus within British Columbia remains low at this time and that all necessary precautions are being taken to prevent the spread of infection.
• We ask that people do not make assumptions about a person's potential risk based on their ethnicity or travel history.
• The Ministry of Health has confirmed that individuals returning from affected regions do not need to be isolated at home or kept home from school.
The coronavirus has infected almost 10,000 people, most of them in China, and only three confirmed cases have been announced as of Friday in Canada, all among people who recently traveled to China.
READ MORE: B.C. reports first coronavirus in Vancouver region
More than 200 people have died in total, all in China, with the disease having a fatality rate of around two per cent, with older people and those with previous health issues making up most of the deceased.


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A new lawsuit against JPMorgan Chase & Co. relied on a jailhouse interview with Bernard Madoff to bolster claims that top executives at the nation's largest bank for many years confronted Madoff about significant concerns in filings with a regulatory agency regarding his private investment business but always backed off because he earned the bank so much money.
In the lawsuit filed Thursday in Manhattan federal court, lawyers for two pension funds quoted Madoff from an in-person interview conducted last fall in Butner, N.C., where Madoff is serving a 150-year prison sentence, as well as telephone interviews conducted with him.
They said Madoff told them that the former chief executive officer at two banks that preceded the formation of JPMorgan and a former JPMorgan board member confronted Madoff in the 1990s and through the next decade, too.
But the lawsuit said they usually raised their concerns "as an after-thought" at the end of luncheon meetings as they passed along concerns raised every quarter by relationship managers at the bank, including the chief risk officer at JPMorgan's Investment Bank.
Madoff told the lawyers that the meetings often were attended by one of his longtime customers, the late real estate maven Norman Levy, whose accounts raised concerns for the bank because he was also one of JPMorgan's important customers, the lawsuit said.
The lawsuit said JPMorgan reviewed Levy's brokerage accounts showing billions of dollars in debit balances and margin accounts with Madoff, but noticed that Madoff's filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission showed no customer receivables or payables from Levy or any other customers, revealing that Madoff was not investing Levy's money or lending him money on margin.
Madoff said he told Chase executives he would not discuss information about his clients with them and that they should ask Levy for answers, the lawsuit said. It added that Madoff said he told Levy not to answer the bank's questions.
"As Madoff explained, this was theater to Levy, which he got a kick out of doing," the lawsuit said.
According to the lawsuit, Madoff said the bank's executives "would 'cower' because Levy was such an important customer of JPMorgan's Private Bank. Thus, faced with the choice of shutting down Madoff's account and losing lucrative profits, or turning a blind eye to the troubling and unanswered questions presented by Madoff, JPMorgan — at its highest level — chose to turn a blind eye."
Madoff told the lawyers that his motivation to now discuss JPMorgan's role in his fraud was to help his victims recover assets that he stole, the lawsuit said.
The lawsuit also said Madoff recalled that the bank's ability to review the banking activities in Levy's accounts and its handling for more than 20 years of the account for Madoff's private investment business gave it better insight into what he was doing than even the SEC could achieve.
Madoff also told lawyers that he believes the bank was intimidated by him as it earned hundreds of millions of dollars from his business, the lawsuit said.
Chase spokeswoman Tasha Pelio said the bank had no comment on the lawsuit, which sought unspecified damages and changes in bank policies to prevent similar frauds.
Last month, JPMorgan agreed to pay $1.7 billion to settle criminal charges stemming from Madoff's fraud and said it would reform its protections against major frauds. The $1.7 billion is part of $2.6 billion the bank has agreed to pay to settle legal actions brought as a result of the Madoff fraud.


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SARASOTA, Fla. - At the Senior Friendship Center, a bustling hub tucked amid palm fronds and azaleas where elders gather to socialize, exercise, and seek medical care, political banter is interwoven with gentle ribbing and flagrant flirting.
When talk turned to Medicare and Social Security in the days leading up to tomorrow's Florida Republican primary, this critical voting bloc voiced disappointment that the issues disproportionately affecting seniors have been notably absent from debates and candidates' stump speeches here. Most older voters say they don't know what distinguishes the GOP contenders from each other when it comes to the future of the two programs.
"I think the candidates want to stay away from it, keep it quiet until after the primaries,'' said Ralph Lawson, a 71-year-old retired financial planner from Dracut, Mass., in between dancing to live jazz. "They don't want to upset seniors, the majority of the voters here.''
Sarasota County, where Newt Gingrich drew more than 4,000 in a campaign appearance last week and Rick Santorum has set up his Florida headquarters, has one of the highest proportions of seniors in the country, with nearly a third of the population aged 65 or older, according to 2010 Census figures.
The GOP candidates might be surprised that many seniors do not reject out of hand two major proposals made earlier in the campaign: raising the age of eligibility for Medicare - the health insurance plan for the elderly - and its full or partial privatization. This might reflect the fact that most would be grandfathered into the existing program. Some say privatizing Medicare makes sense because something drastic has to be done to slice the nation's debt.
This view echoes the finding of a Kaiser Family Foundation poll last spring reporting that 61 percent of Republicans 65 or older favored gradually raising the age of Medicare eligibility from 65 to 67 for future retirees.
It's been nearly three months since Mitt Romney announced his plan to rein in skyrocketing costs by increasing the eligibility age and allowing seniors to choose between traditional Medicare or federal vouchers to buy private insurance. His plan was light on politically sensitive details, such as how much more seniors would be expected to pay, and he has not elaborated.
Medicare was a politically combustible issue last year, and Democrats are threatening to make it so again in this year's general elections. House Republicans last spring passed a budget that included a radical prescription, one that would privatize Medicare and restrict the value of vouchers to the general inflation rate. Early in the campaign, Gingrich characterized the plan as "right-wing social engineering,'' and the Senate rejected the budget, with some Republicans backing away from the Medicare transformation.
The author of that plan, Representative Paul Ryan of Wisconsin, developed a new proposal last month with Senator Ron Wyden, an Oregon Democrat. The plan, similar to Romney's, would preserve government-run Medicare as an option alongside a gamut of private insurance programs. Romney and Gingrich have endorsed it.
Elders who are supporters of the Tea Party divide sharply on proposals for reducing Medicare and Social Security, said Theda Skocpol, a Harvard government professor who coauthored a book about the movement. She said the Tea Party, which preaches limited government and fiscal restraint, draws lifelong conservatives who are mostly older, white, and middle-class Americans.
The well-funded national Tea Party organizations pushing for lower taxes strongly support Medicare privatization, yet grass-roots supporters worry about losing benefits they feel they have earned by working hard their entire lives, said Skocpol.
"When it comes to Social Security and Medicare, politicians playing to the Tea Party have a tricky task,'' Skocpol said. "The person who strikes me as understanding that the most is Gingrich. He has been trying to attract votes by walking a very careful line.''
Many Florida seniors who support the Tea Party believe that Congress could easily find enough money to keep Social Security and Medicare afloat by cutting waste and abuse instead of benefits, said Steve Vernon, vice president of the Manatee Tea Party.
While Gingrich was lambasted by some in the Tea Party movement for his critique of the original Ryan plan, Skocpol said, the former House speaker's sentiments did not hurt him with the grass-roots movement. And his move during last Monday's debate in Tampa to show his support for the Medicare prescription drug benefit - despite its expense and amid Romney's accusations he was guilty of influence peddling in promoting the proposal in 2003 - may have won him even more favor with Florida seniors, she said.
But Francis Kendrick, an 85-year-old retired oral pathologist for the National Institutes of Health, believes every option should be considered to drive down costs.
"My feeling is half a loaf is better than none,'' Kendrick said. "If we don't take some prudent action, we're going to lose the whole thing.''
In the airy atrium of the Senior Friendship Center, Paul Huff, 88, set down his pool cue to weigh in: "We should be going after the aliens getting free health care instead.''
In an adjoining room, Red White, an 82-year-old retired photo engraver and former nightclub owner from Dorchester, said it would be reasonable to delay Medicare benefits by several years, given how much longer people are living.
"The younger generation is going to have it tough because there will be nothing for them,'' said White, while playing a game of pinochle.
Even some younger Republican seniors say it makes sense to consider increasing the eligibility age. Jay De Feo, a 57-year-old home repairman who visited the senior center's health clinic last week, said he supports the premise of Romney's Medicare plan even though that would probably mean at least two more years he will be without insurance.
With his business slowing down, De Feo, who has liver disease, said he has had to forgo health insurance, saving $250 a month. On this day, he paid $15 at the senior clinic, staffed by volunteer doctors who have retired from their practices.
"I have worked my whole life to get to 65. But I feel as an American we're all going to have to do our part and if that's what it takes to lower the deficit, I'm going to make the sacrifice and wait two more years,'' said De Feo, who is undecided about whom to vote for tomorrow but is leaning toward Romney because of his business background.
Dr. Thomas O'Malley, an 80-year-old physician at the clinic, said he switched from Republican to Democrat two years ago because of his belief in universal health care. "Privatizing Medicare would be an unmitigated disaster,'' he said. Those who support it, including some of his patients, are deeply mistaken he said, because private enterprise would only increase the costs of care. "They're nuts,'' O'Malley said. "They don't know what's good for them.''
Tracy Jan can be reached at firstname.lastname@example.com.


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Change Theme
Zoho Books provides a variety of colorful themes for your organization. To change the theme of your organization:
- Go to Settings > Preferences.
- Select Customer Portal in the left menu.
- Click the Branding tab on top of the page.
- Scroll down to Themes and select the theme of your choice.
If you have multiple organizations, you can add a different theme for each of them.


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Okay, so Tara Reid didn't marry her boyfriend Michael Lilleund, as previously reported, and it came as a shock to her own publicist. Reid's weekend/whirlwind romance confused even the most reliable of sources (and there are surely many a reliable source when it comes to the matter of Tara Reid), so she took to twitter to reveal her new hubby's name: Zack Kehayov. He's handsome and rich and all that. But Radar reports that Reid must register the big, fat, Greek wedding she had because when you get married in Greece, it's not recognized in the United States. Oops. Photo of the happy couple at the source. [Life and Style, Radar]
Alyssa Milano had a baseball-themed baby shower at Dodger Stadium over the weekend. There were Dodgers-themed cupcakes from Crumbs Bakery, attendees included Colin Hanks, Holly Robinson Peete, and Twitter's Jack Dorsey. Here's hoping the kid, due mid-September, turns out to be a sports fan. [US Magazine]
Adam Levine is shirtless on the cover of OUT magazine. Though he says he's not gay, his brother is. Whatever. Pecs. [OUT]
Lauren Conrad's new boyfriend is supposedly Teen Wolf's Colton Haynes. Though they've been spotted out at clubs and out to dinner, Haynes told Ryan Seacrest, "I've known Lauren for about four-and-a-half years now, we're really good friends." Translation: We're doing it. [US]
Jimmy Fallon was spotted belting out show tunes in a West Village piano bar until about 1am. He was dressed in a "sharp black suit" and sang songs like "Maybe" and "Annie" along with the crowd. [Page Six]
- Lady Gaga will be taking over the windows at the Madison Avenue Barney's come Winter, as she "reinterprets" Santa's workshop. Her face will also be plastered all over the company's bags, packaging, and website. [Yahoo]
- Taylor Swift had a Marilyn Monroe-style wardrobe malfunction while performing on stage in St. Louis, but "handled it like a pro." [Huff Po]
- It's possible that Leah Remini and Holly Robinson Peete will exit The Talk. Not that you were watching. [Deadline]
- Another day, another celebrity lap dance: this time it was Nicki Minaj on top of Drake. [US]
- More speculation on the upcoming cast of Dancing With The Stars: Snooki and Queen Latifah? [E!]
- Sofia Vergara's boyfriend, Nick Loeb, is considering a run for Florida's U.S. Senate seat in 2012. [Just Jared]
- Courtney Stodden, America's favorite married sixteen year old, donned a red swimsuit and posed like Baywatch era Pam Anderson. [Radar]
- Just because Michaele and Tareq Salahi are moving to Beverly Hills, it doesn't mean they'll join the cast of RHOBH. (Plus, that season has already been filmed. Give it a year.) [TMZ]
- Jay-Z spent over $250,000 on champagne at the club last night in celebration of Watch The Throne. He left a $50,000 tip. (We're so glad that he never stopped big pimpin' and spending' g's, as advertised.) [People]
- Eric Dane is out of rehab and still looks as McSteamy as ever, thank goodness. [Pop Sugar]
- Jill Zarin says she's not leaving Real Housewives: "Everything that has been reported is simply rumors, gossip and speculation. I personally have been busy with my shapewear line, Skweez Couture and am still very much part of the Bravo family." [US Magazine]


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Point Reyes: Olema Valley Trail, Photo Gallery, San Francisco: Marin Headlands - Mt Tamalpais - Point Reyes, California
Point Reyes: Olema Valley Trail
San Francisco: Marin Headlands - Mt Tamalpais - Point Reyes
For those seeking to escape the more crowded trails of Point Reyes, there is the Olema Valley Trail. Leaving from the Five Brooks Trailhead in the Five Brooks Stables area, the Olema Valley Trail heads up and over the Point Reyes 'high country' taking you deep into lush canopied forest and through Olema Valley. The Olema Valley Trail is rife with flora and plays home to mountain lion, bobcat, deer, coyote and fox. Keep watch for Turkey Vultures and Golden Eagles, both of whom hunt regularly in this area. As the trail can be overgrown towards the Olema Valley Trailhead, long pants are always recommended.
|Related Trails:
|Olema Valley Trail
The Olema Valley Trail begins in a dense forest canopy
Quail are commonly seen near the Five Brooks Trailheadand on the Olema Valley Trail
More than half the hike runs through a cool, moist forest canopy
As the trail opens up into Olema Valley, Red Columbine wildflowers line the path
The final stretch of trail cuts through open meadows ending at the Olema Valley Trailhead in Dogtown
A large pond adjacent to the Five Brooks Trailhead is a popular birding destination
The trail opens up to reveal Olema Valley
At times, the trail can be dense and overgrown - long pants should always be worn on the Olema Valley Trail
A small creek must be crossed before entering the final stretch to Dogtown
Beautiful wide open meadows near the Olema Valley Trailhead
At the Five Brooks Trailhead, birders enjoy viewing great blue herons, turkey vultures, pileated woodpeckers, swallows, warblers, and thrushes
A Blue Jay rests on a pine branch just off trail


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The tax law provides a unique planning opportunity for retirees who have to take required minimum distributions (RMDs). You're allowed to transfer funds directly from your traditional IRA to a qualified charitable organization without paying any federal income tax on the distribution. Although the contribution isn't tax deductible, it does count toward your RMD for the year.
This tax break—sometimes called a "charitable rollover"—had expired and been reinstated several times. Thanks to the Protecting Americans from Tax Hikes (PATH) Act of 2015, however, the tax provision is now permanent.
Under the PATH Act, someone who's at least age 70½—the age at which RMDs must begin—can instruct an IRA custodian to move up to $100,000 of funds from that person's IRA to a favorite charity. A married couple can transfer up to $200,000, assuming they're both old enough to begin taking RMDs.
Can't you accomplish the same result by taking a taxable IRA distribution and then donating that amount to charity? Not exactly. There are several other factors to consider, including annual limits on deductions for donations to charity, plus potential tax return complications. What's more, the direct rollover is valuable to non-itemizers who aren't eligible to deduct charitable contributions. And this method is simpler.
There are, however, a few more details to attend to with this approach. To qualify for the tax exclusion, the distribution must be made directly from the IRA trustee to a qualified charitable organization. You're not allowed to use the funds temporarily before transferring them to the charity's coffers.
In addition, the contribution must otherwise qualify as a charitable donation. If the deductible amount decreases because of a benefit received in return — for example, the value of a dinner at a fundraiser — or the deduction would not be allowed due to inadequate substantiation, you can't take the exclusion.
A bonus is that you're required to start taking RMDs in the year after the year in which you turn age 70½. If you take a charitable rollover, you can meet this obligation without paying the usual tax on an IRA distribution.
This tax law provision also applies to Roth IRAs, though it may not be advisable to take this approach with a Roth. Roth IRA distributions to account holders over age 59½ are usually tax-free, and it doesn't make sense to use money that isn't taxed to make a donation that isn't deductible. But a portion of a distribution may be taxable if your Roth hasn't been in existence for at least five years. In that case, it might be reasonable to transfer the taxable amount directly to a charity.


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Are Sunspots Disappearing?
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September 3, 2009: The sun is in the pits of the deepest solar minimum in nearly a century. Weeks and sometimes whole months go by without even a single tiny sunspot. The quiet has dragged out for more than two years, prompting some observers to wonder, are sunspots disappearing?
"Personally, I'm betting that sunspots are coming back," says researcher Matt Penn of the National Solar Observatory (NSO) in Tucson, Arizona. But, he allows, "there is some evidence that they won't."
Penn's colleague Bill Livingston of the NSO has been measuring the magnetic fields of sunspots for the past 17 years, and he has found a remarkable trend. Sunspot magnetism is on the decline:
Above: Sunspot magnetic fields measured by Livingston and Penn from 1992 - Feb. 2009 using an infrared Zeeman splitting technique. [more]
"Sunspot magnetic fields are dropping by about 50 gauss per year," says Penn. "If we extrapolate this trend into the future, sunspots could completely vanish around the year 2015."
This disappearing act is possible because sunspots are made of magnetism. The "firmament" of a sunspot is not matter but rather a strong magnetic field that appears dark because it blocks the upflow of heat from the sun's interior. If Earth lost its magnetic field, the solid planet would remain intact, but if a sunspot loses its magnetism, it ceases to exist.
"This work has caused a sensation in the field of solar physics," comments NASA sunspot expert David Hathaway, who is not directly involved in the research. "It's controversial stuff."
The controversy is not about the data. "We know Livingston and Penn are excellent observers," says Hathaway. "The trend that they have discovered appears to be real." The part colleagues have trouble believing is the extrapolation. Hathaway notes that most of their data were taken after the maximum of Solar Cycle 23 (2000-2002) when sunspot activity naturally began to decline. "The drop in magnetic fields could be a normal aspect of the solar cycle and not a sign that sunspots are permanently vanishing."
Penn himself wonders about these points. "Our technique is relatively new and the data stretches back in time only 17 years. We could be observing a temporary downturn that will reverse itself."
Right: Zeeman splitting of spectral lines from a strongly-magnetized sunspot. [more]
Astronomers have been measuring sunspot magnetic fields in this general way for nearly a century, but Livingston added a twist. While most researchers measure the splitting of spectral lines in the visible part of the sun's spectrum, Livingston decided to try an infra-red spectral line. Infrared lines are much more sensitive to the Zeeman effect and provide more accurate answers. Also, he dedicated himself to measuring a large number of sunspots—more than 900 between 1998 and 2005 alone. The combination of accuracy and numbers revealed the downturn.
If sunspots do go away, it wouldn't be the first time. In the 17th century, the sun plunged into a 70-year period of spotlessness known as the Maunder Minimum that still baffles scientists. The sunspot drought began in 1645 and lasted until 1715; during that time, some of the best astronomers in history (e.g., Cassini) monitored the sun and failed to count more than a few dozen sunspots per year, compared to the usual thousands.
"Whether [the current downturn] is an omen of long-term sunspot decline, analogous to the Maunder Minimum, remains to be seen," Livingston and Penn caution in a recent issue of EOS. "Other indications of solar activity suggest that sunspots must return in earnest within the next year."
Whatever happens, notes Hathaway, "the sun is behaving in an interesting way and I believe we're about to learn something new."
Author: Dr. Tony Phillips | Credit: Science@NASA
|more information
Deep Solar Minimum -- (Science@NASA)
NASA's Future: US Space Exploration Policy


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Washington (CNN) -- In a graphic example of election-year politics at work, a defense bill that would repeal the military's "don't ask, don't tell" policy got blocked Tuesday in the U.S. Senate by a Republican-led filibuster.
The bill stalled on a 56-43 vote, four short of the 60 votes needed to overcome the Republican opposition. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nevada, changed his vote to "no" as a tactical move, allowing him to bring the measure up later.
Reid and other Democrats accused Republicans of stalling the National Defense Authorization Act, which traditionally passes with bipartisan support, to undermine the "don't ask, don't tell" repeal and an immigration provision offering a path to citizenship for students and soldiers who are children of illegal immigrants.
Republicans countered that Democrats were trying to use defense policy act that authorizes $725 billion in military spending to force through provisions popular with their political base ahead of the November 2 congressional elections.
White House Press Secretary Robert Gibbs expressed disappointment at the vote but said "we'll keep trying" to get Congress to approve the repeal of the "don't ask, don't tell" policy barring openly gay and lesbian soldiers from the military.
A federal judge recently ruled that the "don't ask, don't tell" policy was unconstitutional, and the uncertainty of congressional action after Tuesday's vote further complicated the issue
What's your take on "don't ask, don't tell"?
The Human Rights Campaign, a gay rights advocacy group, said in response to the vote that the Justice Department should let the court ruling stand instead of filing an appeal.
"We still have a fighting chance to repeal DADT through congressional action, but in the meantime, the best interests of our men and women in uniform -- as well as the country -- are served by doing everything we can do to get rid of this discriminatory law," said Joe Solmonese, the group's president.
Debate on the defense bill was rancorous in the run-up to the vote. Republicans accused Reid of trying to prevent them from proposing amendments to the bill and criticized his plan to tack on the immigration provision, known as the DREAM Act.
"I've never seen such a cynical use of the needs of the men and women of the military," said GOP Sen. John McCain of Arizona, the top Republican on the Armed Services Committee, calling the expanded bill "a cynical act for political reasons as the election nears to try to salvage what appears to be a losing campaign."
Reid countered that the Republican opposition was a blow to gay and lesbian Americans, as well as those born to illegal immigrants, who want to serve their country.
"The Defense Department¹s strategic plan explicitly states that passage of the DREAM Act is critical to helping the military shape and maintain a mission-ready all-volunteer force," Reid said in a statement.
McCain and other Republicans "should know better than anyone that patriots who step up to serve our grateful nation should be offered a path to citizenship, and that anyone who volunteers to serve should be welcomed regardless of their sexual orientation," Reid's statement said.
Republican opponents included some GOP senators who favor lifting the Pentagon's requirement that gays and lesbians keep their sexuality a secret.
However, they expressed concern that Democratic leaders could limit GOP amendments to the broader National Defense Authorization Act that includes the "don't ask, don't tell" provision.
Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the chamber's top Republican, proposed an agreement for the chamber to consider 20 amendments on a rotating basis, but none could include adding the DREAM Act to the bill.
Reid rejected the proposal, saying such an agreement was too great a departure from how the Senate normally conducted its business. Another of the chamber's Democratic leaders, Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois, said McConnell's proposal was intended to "stop the DREAM Act."
With 59 seats in the chamber, Senate Democrats and their allies needed at least one Republican vote to reach the 60 needed to overcome a GOP filibuster.
However, none of the moderate Republicans who in the past have voted with Democrats crossed the aisle this time.
"I find myself on the horns of a dilemma," Sen. Susan Collins of Maine said before the vote.
Collins explained that she supported repeal of the "don't ask, don't tell" policy but "cannot vote to proceed to this bill under a situation that is going to shut down debate and preclude Republican amendments."
She called for an agreement that guarantees "full and open debate," adding: "Now is not the time to play politics simply because an election is looming in a few weeks."
On Monday, pop star Lady Gaga held a rally to call on both Collins and fellow Maine Republican Sen. Olympia Snowe to join Democrats in overcoming the expected GOP filibuster attempt.
Both Snowe and Collins oppose the "don't ask, don't tell" policy, and Collins was the sole Republican vote in the Senate Armed Services Committee in support of getting rid of it.
However, both joined the GOP filibuster after Reid refused to change his approach.
Reid had said he wanted the Senate to take up the bill now, but no final vote would take place until after the November 2 elections. He rejected the GOP calls for an agreement on how the amendment process would proceed, citing what he called a pattern of Republicans obstructing debate on important policies.
The legislation, which is a broad defense policy bill, would rescind "don't ask, don't tell" after the Pentagon completes a review of the repeal's impact on the military.
The review is due in December and would serve as the basis for certification by the president, defense secretary and chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff that the military could handle repealing the policy.
On Tuesday, the general nominated to head the Marine Corps told a Senate committee that he believes responses from Marines on repealing the "don't ask, don't tell" policy have been mostly negative so far.
Gen. James Amos said he had heard that at Marine bases and in Marines' responses to an online survey, the feeling "is predominantly negative." He added, however, "I don't know that as a fact."
In written answers to the Senate Armed Services Committee, Amos said he opposes repeal of the "don't ask, don't tell" policy now because it could disrupt cohesion due to "significant change during a period of extended combat operations." At the same time, Amos made clear that he would oversee a repeal if ordered to do so.
"The Marine Corps is probably one of the most faithful services you have in our country," Amos said. "And if the law is changed by Congress and signed by the president of the United States, the Marine Corps will get in step and do it smartly."
Many Republicans complain that Congress should not step in until after that military review is completed.
McCain, the top Republican on the Armed Services Committee, said that approving a repeal provision before finishing the review process would amount to an insult to military personnel.
"The most fundamental thing we could do to honor the sacrifice of our troops is to take the time to hear their views," McCain said Tuesday.
McCain also cited statements by the heads of the four military branches opposing congressional action on the issue before the review process is completed.
Democrats noted that Defense Secretary Robert Gates and Adm. Mike Mullen, the Joint Chiefs chairman, have said publicly that they support repealing "don't ask, don't tell."
The military has working groups looking at how to implement the change if ordered. The groups are looking at issues such as housing to entitlements and even personal displays of affection.
CNN's Chris Lawrence, Matt Smith and Tom Cohen contributed to this report.


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Thomas Mann once said, "A writer is someone for whom writing is more difficult than it is for other people."
I believe the same applies to mathematicians doing arithmetic.
It's a running joke among mathematicians that they're bad with numbers. This confuses outsiders, like hearing surgeons plead clumsiness, or poets claim illiteracy, or Rick Astley confess that actually he is going to give you up and let you down, maybe even run around and desert you.
Does it come from some false modesty? A skewed sense of humor?
No, some mathematicians insist: it's really true, we're bad at arithmetic.
I'm choosing my words carefully: "mathematics" and "arithmetic" are not interchangeable. "Arithmetic" refers to calculations with numbers: 17.9 + 18.32, for example. "Mathematics," meanwhile, is far broader: it tackles shape, structure, change, and all kinds of quantities.
The reality is that mathematicians aren't professional arithmetic-doers, any more than musicians are professional players of scales.
I've heard mathematicians lament that their ability with arithmetic peaked sometime in grade school. That sounds overblown, but they're probably not wrong.
As early as high school, specific numbers start taking a back seat to patterns among numbers. You stop working with 7 and 9 and 22, and start working with an x or an n that can refer to all of them at once. As you move into more abstract realms, your arithmetic gets rusty.
And the more math you study, the more extreme this gets.
When I began to teach 3D vectors two years ago, I realized I first had to teach it to myself, because I'd never actually learned it. My college courses skipped straight to "n-dimensional vectors."
This is how mathematicians approach things: why discuss the 2D or 3D case when you can just climb the ladder of abstraction and cover all cases at once? Surely you can figure out the 3D specifics when you need them, right?
Well… maybe.
But going from abstract to concrete isn't always as easy as you'd think.
I'm not a professional mathematician, but I'm proud to say I have all the bad habits of one. To wit: my students are often surprised at my clumsiness with arithmetic. Just today I casually said "40,000" when I meant "400,000."
This happens a lot.
Now, are mathematicians actually that bad at arithmetic? Compared to engineers and accountants, perhaps. Compared to the average person on the street, of course not. The "bad at arithmetic" thing is probably overplayed. So why do mathematicians love to bring it up? Here's one reply:
Imagine you're an artist, and people are convinced that your job consists of rolling and unrolling canvasses. That's it.
Week after week, people ask: How fast you can roll a canvas? What's the biggest canvas you've ever unrolled? Can you come over and unroll my canvas for me this weekend? And so on, and so on.
You keep trying to clarify – to talk about the actual paint you put on the canvas – but they don't really get it. They just laugh and say, "Oh, you artists!"
Wouldn't you start pretending to be bad at canvas-rolling, just to change the subject?
That's one answer. But I have to admit there's another possibility:


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