text:
Mises Daily Articles
Punishment and Proportionality
This article is excerpted from chapter 13 of The Ethics of Liberty.1
Few aspects of libertarian political theory are in a less satisfactory state than the theory of punishment.2 Usually, libertarians have been content to assert or develop the axiom that no one may aggress against the person or property of another; what sanctions may be taken against such an invader has been scarcely treated at all. We have advanced the view that the criminal loses his rights to the extent that he deprives another of his rights: the theory of "proportionality." We must now elaborate further on what such a theory of proportional punishment may imply.
In the first place, it should be clear that the proportionate principle is a maximum, rather than a mandatory, punishment for the criminal. In the libertarian society, there are, as we have said, only two parties to a dispute or action at law: the victim, or plaintiff, and the alleged criminal, or defendant. It is the plaintiff that presses charges in the courts against the wrongdoer. In a libertarian world, there would be no crimes against an ill-defined "society," and therefore no such person as a "district attorney" who decides on a charge and then presses those charges against an alleged criminal. The proportionality rule tells us how much punishment a plaintiff may exact from a convicted wrongdoer, and no more; it imposes the maximum limit on punishment that may be inflicted before the punisher himself becomes a criminal aggressor.
Thus, it should be quite clear that, under libertarian law, capital punishment would have to be confined strictly to the crime of murder. For a criminal would only lose his right to life if he had first deprived some victim of that same right. It would not be permissible, then, for a merchant whose bubble gum had been stolen, to execute the convicted bubble gum thief. If he did so, then he, the merchant, would be an unjustifiable murderer, who could be brought to the bar of justice by the heirs or assigns of the bubble gum thief.
But, in libertarian law, there would be no compulsion on the plaintiff, or his heirs, to exact this maximum penalty. If the plaintiff or his heir, for example, did not believe in capital punishment, for whatever reason, he could voluntarily forgive the victim of part or all of his penalty. If he were a Tolstoyan, and was opposed to punishment altogether, he could simply forgive the criminal, and that would be that.
Or — and this has a long and honorable tradition in older Western law — the victim or his heir could allow the criminal to buy his way out of part or all of his punishment. Thus, if proportionality allowed the victim to send the criminal to jail for ten years, the criminal could, if the victim wished, pay the victim to reduce or eliminate this sentence. The proportionality theory only supplies the upper bound to punishment — since it tells us how much punishment a victim may rightfully impose.
A problem might arise in the case of murder — since a victim's heirs might prove less than diligent in pursuing the murderer, or be unduly inclined to let the murderer buy his way out of punishment. This problem could be taken care of simply by people stating in their wills what punishment they should like to inflict on their possible murderers. The believer in strict retribution, as well as the Tolstoyan opponent of all punishment, could then have their wishes precisely carried out. The deceased, indeed, could provide in his will for, say, a crime insurance company to which he subscribes to be the prosecutor of his possible murderer.
If, then, proportionality sets the upper bound to punishment, how may we establish proportionality itself? The first point is that the emphasis in punishment must be not on paying one's debt to "society," whatever that may mean, but in paying one's "debt" to the victim. Certainly, the initial part of that debt is restitution. This works clearly in cases of theft. If A has stolen $15,000 from B, then the first, or initial, part of A's punishment must be to restore that $15,000 to the hands of B (plus damages, judicial and police costs, and interest foregone).
Suppose that, as in most cases, the thief has already spent the money. In that case, the first step of proper libertarian punishment is to force the thief to work, and to allocate the ensuing income to the victim until the victim has been repaid. The ideal situation, then, puts the criminal frankly into a state of enslavement to his victim, the criminal continuing in that condition of just slavery until he has redressed the grievance of the man he has wronged.3
We must note that the emphasis of restitution-punishment is diametrically opposite to the current practice of punishment. What happens nowadays is the following absurdity: A steals $15,000 from B. The government tracks down, tries, and convicts A, all at the expense of B, as one of the numerous taxpayers victimized in this process. Then, the government, instead of forcing A to repay B or to work at forced labor until that debt is paid, forces B, the victim, to pay taxes to support the criminal in prison for ten or twenty years' time. Where in the world is the justice here? The victim not only loses his money, but pays more money besides for the dubious thrill of catching, convicting, and then supporting the criminal; and the criminal is still enslaved, but not to the good purpose of recompensing his victim.
The idea of primacy for restitution to the victim has great precedent in law; indeed, it is an ancient principle of law which has been allowed to wither away as the State has aggrandized and monopolized the institutions of justice. In medieval Ireland, for example, a king was not the head of State but rather a crime-insurer; if someone committed a crime, the first thing that happened was that the king paid the "insurance" benefit to the victim, and then proceeded to force the criminal to pay the king in turn (restitution to the victim's insurance company being completely derived from the idea of restitution to the victim).
In many parts of colonial America, which were too poor to afford the dubious luxury of prisons, the thief was indentured out by the courts to his victim, there to be forced to work for his victim until his "debt" was paid. This does not necessarily mean that prisons would disappear in the libertarian society, but they would undoubtedly change drastically, since their major goal would be to force the criminals to provide restitution to their victims.4
In fact, in the Middle Ages generally, restitution to the victim was the dominant concept of punishment; only as the State grew more powerful did the governmental authorities encroach ever more into the repayment process, increasingly confiscating a greater proportion of the criminal's property for themselves, and leaving less and less to the unfortunate victim. Indeed, as the emphasis shifted from restitution to the victim, from compensation by the criminal to his victim, to punishment for alleged crimes committed "against the State," the punishments exacted by the State became more and more severe. As the early twentieth-century criminologist William Tallack wrote,
It was chiefly owing to the violent greed of feudal barons and medieval ecclesiastical powers that the rights of the injured party were gradually infringed upon, and finally, to a large extent, appropriated by these authorities, who exacted a double vengeance, indeed, upon the offender, by forfeiting his property to themselves instead of to his victim, and then punishing him by the dungeon, the torture, the stake or the gibbet. But the original victim of wrong was practically ignored.
Or, as Professor Schafer has summed up: "As the state monopolized the institution of punishment, so the rights of the injured were slowly separated from penal law."5
But restitution, while the first consideration in punishment, can hardly serve as the complete and sufficient criterion. For one thing, if one man assaults another, and there is no theft of property, there is obviously no way for the criminal to make restitution. In ancient forms of law, there were often set schedules for monetary recompense that the criminal would have to pay the victim: so much money for an assault, so much more for mutilation, etc. But such schedules are clearly wholly arbitrary, and bear no relation to the nature of the crime itself. We must therefore fall back upon the view that the criterion must be: loss of rights by the criminal to the same extent as he has taken away.
But how are we to gauge the nature of the extent? Let us return to the theft of the $15,000. Even here, simple restitution of the $15,000 is scarcely sufficient to cover the crime (even if we add damages, costs, interest, etc.). For one thing, mere loss of the money stolen obviously fails to function in any sense as a deterrent to future such crime (although we will see below that deterrence itself is a faulty criterion for gauging punishment).
If, then, we are to say that the criminal loses rights to the extent that he deprives the victim, then we must say that the criminal should not only have to return the $15,000, but that he must be forced to pay the victim another $15,000, so that he, in turn, loses those rights (to $15,000 worth of property) which he had taken from the victim. In the case of theft, then, we may say that the criminal must pay double the extent of theft: once, for restitution of the amount stolen, and once again for loss of what he had deprived another.6
But we are still not finished with elaborating the extent of deprivation of rights involved in a crime. For A had not simply stolen $15,000 from B, which can be restored and an equivalent penalty imposed. He had also put B into a state of fear and uncertainty, of uncertainty as to the extent that B's deprivation would go. But the penalty levied on A is fixed and certain in advance, thus putting A in far better shape than was his original victim. So that for proportionate punishment to be levied we would also have to add more than double so as to compensate the victim in some way for the uncertain and fearful aspects of his particular ordeal.7 What this extra compensation should be it is impossible to say exactly, but that does not absolve any rational system of punishment — including the one that would apply in the libertarian society — from the problem of working it out as best one can.
In the question of bodily assault, where restitution does not even apply, we can again employ our criterion of proportionate punishment; so that if A has beaten up B in a certain way, then B has the right to beat up A (or have him beaten up by judicial employees) to rather more than the same extent.
Here allowing the criminal to buy his way out of this punishment could indeed enter in, but only as a voluntary contract with the plaintiff. For example, suppose that A has severely beaten B; B now has the right to beat up A as severely, or a bit more, or to hire someone or some organization to do the beating for him (who in a libertarian society, could be marshals hired by privately competitive courts). But A, of course, is free to try to buy his way out, to pay B for waiving his right to have his aggressor beaten up.
The victim, then, has the right to exact punishment up to the proportional amount as determined by the extent of the crime, but he is also free either to allow the aggressor to buy his way out of punishment, or to forgive the aggressor partially or altogether. The proportionate level of punishment sets the right of the victim, the permissible upper bound of punishment; but how much or whether the victim decides to exercise that right is up to him. As Professor Armstrong puts it:
[T]here should be a proportion between the severity of the crime and the severity of the punishment. It sets an upper limit to the punishment, suggests what is due. ... Justice gives the appropriate authority [in our view, the victim] the right to punish offenders up to some limit, but one is not necessarily and invariably obliged to punish to the limit of justice. Similarly, if I lend a man money I have a right, in justice, to have it returned, but if I choose not to take it back I have not done anything unjust. I cannot claim more than is owed to me but I am free to claim less, or even to claim nothing.8
Or, as Professor McCloskey states: "We do not act unjustly if, moved by benevolence, we impose less than is demanded by justice, but there is a grave injustice if the deserved punishment is exceeded."9
Many people, when confronted with the libertarian legal system, are concerned with this problem: would somebody be allowed to "take the law into his own hands"? Would the victim, or a friend of the victim, be allowed to exact justice personally on the criminal?
The answer is, of course, Yes, since all rights of punishment derive from the victim's right of self-defense.In the libertarian, purely free-market society, however, the victim will generally find it more convenient to entrust the task to the police and court agencies.10
Suppose, for example, that Hatfield1 murders McCoy1. McCoy2 then decides to seek out and execute Hatfield1 himself. This is fine, except that, just as in the case of the police coercion discussed in the previous section, McCoy2 may have to face the prospect of being charged with murder in the private courts by Hatfield2. The point is that if the courts find that Hatfield1 was indeed the murderer, then nothing happens to McCoy2 in our schema except public approbation for executing justice. But if it turns out that there was not enough evidence to convict Hatfield1 for the original murder, or if indeed some other Hatfield or some stranger committed the crime, then McCoy2 as in the case of the police invaders mentioned above, cannot plead any sort of immunity; he then becomes a murderer liable to be executed by the courts at the behest of the irate Hatfield heirs.
Hence, just as in the libertarian society, the police will be mighty careful to avoid invasion of the rights of any suspect unless they are absolutely convinced of his guilt and willing to put their bodies on the line for this belief, so also few people will "take the law into their own hands" unless they are similarly convinced. Furthermore, if Hatfield1 merely beat up McCoy1, and then McCoy kills him in return, this too would put McCoy up for punishment as a murderer. Thus, the almost universal inclination would be to leave the execution of justice to the courts, whose decisions based on rules of evidence, trial procedure, etc. similar to what may apply now, would be accepted by society as honest and as the best that could be achieved.11
It should be evident that our theory of proportional punishment — that people may be punished by losing their rights to the extent that they have invaded the rights of others — is frankly a retributive theory of punishment, a "tooth (or two teeth) for a tooth" theory.12 Retribution is in bad repute among philosophers, who generally dismiss the concept quickly as "primitive" or "barbaric" and then race on to a discussion of the two other major theories of punishment: deterrence and rehabilitation. But simply to dismiss a concept as "barbaric" can hardly suffice; after all, it is possible that in this case, the "barbarians" hit on a concept that was superior to the more modern creeds.
Professor H.L.A. Hart describes the "crudest form" of proportionality, such as we have advocated here (the lex talionis), as
the notion that what the criminal has done should be done to him, and wherever thinking about punishment is primitive, as it often is, this crude idea reasserts itself: the killer should be killed, the violent assailant should be flogged.13
But "primitive" is scarcely a valid criticism, and Hart himself admits that this "crude" form presents fewer difficulties than the more "refined" versions of the proportionality-retributivist thesis. His only reasoned criticism, which he seems to think dismisses the issue, is a quote from Blackstone:
There are very many crimes, that will in no shape admit of these penalties, without manifest absurdity and wickedness. Theft cannot be punished by theft, defamation by defamation, forgery by forgery, adultery by adultery.
But these are scarcely cogent criticisms. Theft and forgery constitute robbery, and the robber can certainly be made to provide restitution and proportional damages to the victim; there is no conceptual problem there. Adultery, in the libertarian view, is not a crime at all, and neither, as will be seen below, is "defamation."14
Let us then turn to the two major modern theories and see if they provide a criterion for punishment which truly meets our conceptions of justice, as retribution surely does.15 Deterrence was the principle put forth by utilitarianism, as part of its aggressive dismissal of principles of justice and natural law, and the replacement of these allegedly metaphysical principles by hard practicality. The practical goal of punishments was then supposed to be to deter further crime, either by the criminal himself or by other members of society. But this criterion of deterrence implies schemas of punishment which almost everyone would consider grossly unjust. For example, if there were no punishment for crime at all, a great number of people would commit petty theft, such as stealing fruit from a fruit-stand. On the other hand, most people have a far greater built-in inner objection to themselves committing murder than they have to petty shoplifting, and would be far less apt to commit the grosser crime. Therefore, if the object of punishment is to deter from crime, then a far greater punishment would be required for preventing shoplifting than for preventing murder, a system that goes against most people's ethical standards. As a result, with deterrence as the criterion there would have to be stringent capital punishment for petty thievery — for the theft of bubble gum — while murderers might only incur the penalty of a few months in jail.16
Similarly, a classic critique of the deterrence principle is that, if deterrence were our sole criterion, it would be perfectly proper for the police or courts to execute publicly for a crime someone whom they know to be innocent, but whom they had convinced the public was guilty. The knowing execution of an innocent man — provided, of course, that the knowledge can be kept secret — would exert a deterrence effect just as fully as the execution of the guilty. And yet, of course, such a policy, too, goes violently against almost everyone's standards of justice.
The fact that nearly everyone would consider such schemes of punishments grotesque, despite their fulfillment of the deterrence criterion, shows that people are interested in something more important than deterrence. What this may be is indicated by the overriding objection that these deterrent scales of punishment, or the killing of an innocent man, clearly invert our usual view of justice. Instead of the punishment "fitting the crime" it is now graded in inverse proportion to its severity or is meted out to the innocent rather than the guilty. In short, the deterrence principle implies a gross violation of the intuitive sense that justice connotes some form of fitting and proportionate punishment to the guilty party and to him alone.
The most recent, supposedly highly "humanitarian" criterion for punishment is to "rehabilitate" the criminal. Old-fashioned justice, the argument goes, concentrated on punishing the criminal, either in retribution or to deter future crime; the new criterion humanely attempts to reform and rehabilitate the criminal. But on further consideration, the "humanitarian" rehabilitation principle not only leads to arbitrary and gross injustice, it also places enormous and arbitrary power to decide men's fates in the hands of the dispensers of punishment. Thus, suppose that Smith is a mass murderer, while Jones stole some fruit from a stand. Instead of being sentenced in proportion to their crimes, their sentences are now indeterminate, with confinement ending upon their supposedly successful "rehabilitation."
But this gives the power to determine the prisoners' lives into the hands of an arbitrary group of supposed rehabilitators. It would mean that instead of equality under the law — an elementary criterion of justice — with equal crimes being punished equally, one man may go to prison for a few weeks, if he is quickly "rehabilitated," while another may remain in prison indefinitely. Thus, in our case of Smith and Jones, suppose that the mass murderer Smith is, according to our board of "experts," rapidly rehabilitated. He is released in three weeks, to the plaudits of the supposedly successful reformers. In the meanwhile, Jones, the fruit-stealer, persists in being incorrigible and clearly un-rehabilitated, at least in the eyes of the expert board. According to the logic of the principle, he must stay incarcerated indefinitely, perhaps for the rest of his life, for while the crime was negligible, he continued to remain outside the influence of his "humanitarian" mentors.
Thus, Professor K.G. Armstrong writes of the reform principle:
The logical pattern of penalties will be for each criminal to be given reformatory treatment until he is sufficiently changed for the experts to certify him as reformed. On this theory, every sentence ought to be indeterminate — "to be determined at the Psychologist's pleasure," perhaps — for there is no longer any basis for the principle of a definite limit to punishment. "You stole a loaf of bread? Well, we'll have to reform you, even if it takes the rest of your life." From the moment he is guilty the criminal loses his rights as a human being. ... This is not a form of humanitarianism I care for.17
Never has the tyranny and gross injustice of the "humanitarian" theory of punishment-as-reform been revealed in more scintillating fashion than by C.S. Lewis. Noting that the "reformers" call their proposed actions "healing" or "therapy" rather than "punishment," Lewis adds:
But do not let us be deceived by a name. To be taken without consent from my home and friends; to lose my liberty; to undergo all those assaults on my personality which modern psychotherapy knows how to deliver ... to know that this process will never end until either my captors have succeeded or I grown wise enough to cheat them with apparent success — who cares whether this is called Punishment or not? That it includes most of the elements for which any punishment is feared — shame, exile, bondage, and years eaten by the locust — is obvious. Only enormous ill-desert could justify it; but ill-desert is the very conception which the Humanitarian theory has thrown overboard.
Lewis goes on to demonstrate the particularly harsh tyranny that is likely to be levied by "humanitarians" out to inflict their "reforms" and "cures" on the populace:
Of all tyrannies a tyranny exercised for the good of its victims may be the most oppressive. It may be better to live under robber barons than under omnipotent moral busybodies. The robber baron's cruelty may sometimes sleep, his cupidity may at some point be satiated; but those who torment us for our own good will torment us without end for they do so with the approval of their own conscience. They may be more likely to go to Heaven yet at the same time likelier to make a Hell of earth. This very kindness stings with intolerable insult. To be "cured" against one's will and cured of states which we may not regard as disease is to be put on a level of those who have not yet reached the age of reason or those who never will; to be classed with infants, imbeciles, and domestic animals. But to be punished, however severely, because we have deserved it, because we "ought to have known better," is to be treated as a human person made in God's image.
Furthermore, Lewis points out, the rulers can use the concept of "disease" as a means for terming any actions that they dislike as "crimes" and then to inflict a totalitarian rule in the name of therapy.
For if crime and disease are to be regarded as the same thing, it follows that any state of mind which our masters choose to call "disease" can be treated as crime; and compulsorily cured. It will be vain to plead that states of mind which displease government need not always involve moral turpitude and do not therefore always deserve forfeiture of liberty. For our masters will not be using concepts of Desert and Punishment but those of disease and cure. ... It will not be persecution. Even if the treatment is painful, even if it is life-long, even if it is fatal, that will be only a regrettable accident; the intention was purely therapeutic. Even in ordinary medicine there were painful operations and fatal operations; so in this. But because they are "treatment," not punishment, they can be criticized only by fellow-experts and on technical grounds, never by men as men and on grounds of justice.18
Thus, we see that the fashionable reform approach to punishment can be at least as grotesque and far more uncertain and arbitrary than the deterrence principle. Retribution remains as our only just and viable theory of punishment and equal treatment for equal crime is fundamental to such retributive punishment. The barbaric turns out to be the just while the "modern" and the "humanitarian" turn out to be grotesque parodies of justice.
Image source: iStockphoto.
- 1. This chapter appeared in substantially the same form in Murray N. Rothbard, "Punishment and Proportionality," in Assessing the Criminal: Restitution, Retribution, and the Legal Process, R. Barnett and J. Hagel, eds. (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger Publishing, 1977), pp. 259–70.
- 2. It must be noted, however, that all legal systems, whether libertarian or not, must work out some theory of punishment, and that existing systems are in at least as unsatisfactory a state as punishment in libertarian theory.
- 3. Significantly, the only exception to the prohibition of involuntary servitude in the Thirteenth Amendment to the US Constitution is the "enslavement" of criminals: "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction."
- 4. On the principles of restitution and "composition" (the criminal buying off the victim) in law, see Stephen Schafer, Restitution to Victims of Crime (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1960).
- 5. William Tallack, Reparation to the Injured and the Rights of the Victims of Crime to Compensation (London, 1900), pp. 11–12; Schafer, Restitution to Victims of Crime, pp. 7–8.
- 6. This principle of libertarian double punishment has been pithily described by Professor Walter Block as the principle of "two teeth for a tooth."
- 7. I am indebted to Professor Robert Nozick of Harvard University for pointing out this problem to me.
- 8. K.G. Armstrong, "The Retributivist Hits Back," Mind (1961), reprinted in Stanley E. Grupp, ed., Theories of Punishment (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1971), pp. 35–36.
- 9. We would add that the "we" here should mean the victim of the particular crime. H.J. McCloskey, "A Non-Utilitarian Approach to Punishment," Inquiry (1965), reprinted in Gertrude Ezorsky, ed., Philosophical Perspectives on Punishment (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1972), p. 132.
- 10. In our view, the libertarian system would not be compatible with monopoly State defense agencies, such as police and courts, which would instead be privately competitive. Since this is an ethical treatise, however, we cannot here go into the pragmatic question of precisely how such an "anarcho-capitalist" police and court system might work in practice. For a discussion of this question, see Murray N. Rothbard, For a New Liberty, rev. ed. (New York: Macmillan, 1978), pp. 215–41.
- 11. All this is reminiscent of the brilliant and witty system of punishment for government bureaucrats devised by the great libertarian, H.L. Mencken, In A Mencken Crestomathy (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1949), pp. 386–87, he proposed that any citizen, "having looked into the acts of a jobholder and found him delinquent may punish him instantly and on the spot, and in any manner that seems appropriate and convenient — and that in case this punishment involves physical damage to the jobholder, the ensuing inquiry by the grand jury or coroner shall confine itself strictly to the question whether the jobholder deserved what he got. In other words, I propose that it shall be no longer malum in se for a citizen to pummel, cowhide, kick, gouge, cut, wound, bruise, maim, burn, club, bastinado, flay or even lynch a jobholder, and that it shall be malum prohibitum only to the extent that the punishment exceeds the jobholder's deserts. The amount of this excess, if any, may be determined very conveniently by a petit jury, as other questions of guilt are now determined. The flogged judge, or Congressman, or other jobholder, on being discharged from the hospital — or his chief heir in case he has perished — goes before a grand jury and makes complaint, and, if a true bill is found, a petit jury is empanelled and all the evidence is put before it. If it decides that the jobholder deserves the punishment inflicted upon him, the citizen who inflicted it is acquitted with honor. If, on the contrary, it decides that this punishment was excessive, then the citizen is adjudged guilty of assault, mayhem, murder, or whatever it is, in a degree apportioned to the difference between what the jobholder deserved and what he got and punishment for that excess follows in the usual course."
- 12. Retribution has been interestingly termed "spiritual restitution." See Schafer, Restitution to Victims of Crime, pp. 120–21. Also see the defense of capital punishment for murder by Robert Gahringer, "Punishment as Language," Ethics (October 1960): 47–48: "An absolute offense requires an absolute negation; and one might well hold that in our present situation capital punishment is the only effective symbol of absolute negation. What else could express the enormity of murder in a manner accessible to men for whom murder is a possible act? Surely a lesser penalty would indicate a less significant crime." (Italics Gahringer's) On punishment in general as negating an offense against right, cf. also F.H. Bradley, Ethical Studies, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1927), reprinted in Ezorsky, ed., Philosophical Perspectives on Punishment, pp. 109–10: " Why … do I merit punishment? It is because I have been guilty. I have done "wrong" ... the negation of "right," the assertion of not-right. ... The destruction of guilt ... is still a good in itself; and this, not because a mere negation is a good, but because the denial of wrong is the assertion of right. ... Punishment is the denial of wrong by the assertion of right." An influential argument for retributivism is found in Herbert Morris, On Guilt and Innocence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), pp. 31–58.
- 13. For an attempt to construct a law code imposing proportionate punishments for crime — as well as restitution to the victim — see Thomas Jefferson, "A Bill for Proportioning Crimes and Punishments" in The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, A. Lipscomb and A. Bergh, eds. (Washington, D.C.: Thomas Jefferson Memorial Assn., 1904), vol. 1, pp. 218–39.
- 14. H.L.A. Hart, Punishment and Responsibility (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968), p. 161.
- 15. Thus, Webster's defines "retribution" as "the dispensing or receiving of reward or punishment according to the deserts of the individual."
- 16. In his critique of the deterrence principle of punishment, Professor Armstrong, in "The Retributivist Hits Back," pp. 32–33, asks: "[W]hy stop at the minimum, why not be on the safe side and penalize him [the criminal] in some pretty spectacular way — wouldn't that be more likely to deter others? Let him be whipped to death, publicly of course, for a parking offense; that would certainly deter me from parking on the spot reserved for the Vice-Chancellor!" Similarly, D.J.B. Hawkins, in "Punishment and Moral Responsibility," The Modem Law Review (November 1944), reprinted in Grupp, ed., Theories of Punishment, p. 14, writes: "If the motive of deterrence were alone taken into account, we should have to punish most heavily those offenses which there is considerable temptation to commit and which, as not carrying with them any great moral guilt, people commit fairly easily. Motoring offenses provide a familiar example."
- 17. Armstrong, "The Retributivist Hits Back," p. 33.
- 18. C.S. Lewis, "The Humanitarian Theory of Punishment," Twentieth Century (Autumn 1948–49), reprinted in Grupp, ed., Theories of Punishment, pp. 304–7. Also see Francis A. Allen, "Criminal Justice, Legal Values, and the Rehabilitative Ideal," in ibid., pp. 317–30.


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- 16" x 16"
- 41 cm x 41 cm
- 10 holes to the inch
Designer Candace Bahouth
One of Candace's earliest medieval designs and one of her most popular. Strawberries, primrose and field daisy are surrounded by a rich border inspired by a patterned brocade gown which Candace saw in the 'Lady and the Unicorn' tapestry.
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- The kits include a 100% cotton canvas printed in full colour, all the yarns required (100% pure new wool), a needle and an easy to follow guide to get you underway.
- Kits do not include backing materials or cushion pads
Candace Bahouth
Candace Bahouth's tapestries are the balanced work of a true artist, whether it's her medieval patterns with their glorious borders or her stunning series based on the paintings of Gustav Klimt. Relatively few colours are used in these kits. They are quick to stitch and look good in any setting.
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text:
Getting poster data...
Ummul H Mohamad and Puteri NE Nohuddin (Institute of Visual Informatics, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 43600 UKM, Bangi, Selangor, Malaysia)Advances in informatics technology has contributed towards a rapid increase in biological data and publications. However, one cannot possibly read through all the literatures to depict the current trend of certain biological topics. In this pilot study, we carry out a text mining approach using Voyant tools to visualiza an overview of molecular-related personalized medicine research in the past five years. The data include 25 abstracts obtained from PubMed database. This proof-of-concept is presented in the form of word cloud, word trends and terms linked.


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Solid start by Villanueva
Even though he's been back in the Cubs' rotation for just 2 starts, Carlos Villanueva feels like he has his starter's groove back.
Villanueva was the losing pitcher in Friday's 3-2 loss to the Cardinals at Wrigley Field, but he pitched 6 solid innings, giving up 4 hits and 2 runs, both coming in the first inning.
He started the season in the rotation but was bumped to the bullpen in late May when Matt Garza came off the disabled list. When Scott Feldman was traded to Baltimore recently, Villanueva found his way back into the rotation.
"I felt pretty good," said Villanueva, who is 2-5 with a 3.59 ERA. "Even when I'm in the bullpen, I'm never out of it. If I'm in the bullpen, I can always go back, (like) the hundreds of times I've done it before.
"You don't want to say it's like a light switch, but when it comes to that at least, I feel like I can adapt real well and quick. I'd say 'quick' is more accurate."
The Cubs came within a run in the third. St. Louis scored a big insurance run in the seventh against reliever Matt Guerrier. But as far as Villanueva goes, manager Dale Sveum was more than happy.
"It was perfect," said Sveum, whose team fell to 41-50. "Six innings, right at 90 pitches. Obviously, he settled down after the first inning, and everything got much sharper. He did a great job."
Castro finding it again:
Shortstop Starlin Castro hit a solo homer in the eighth inning to bring the Cubs within 3-2. Castro appears to be out of a prolonged hitting funk.
He went 2-for-3 Friday and has six multihit games in his last 16 overall, going 20-for-67 (.299) in that stretch.
"I feel very good," he said. "I feel aggressive. I'm working hard. I'm looking for fastballs every time and trying to hit the ball the other way. Stay closed. Don't open."
Dale Sveum said he notices a couple of things.
"He has the leg lift, but now I think he's using the leg lift for the purpose it's meant to be," Sveum said. "He's getting on his back side now. His knee is getting over his back foot. He's not front forward. It gives you the ability to use your hands and get to a fastball."
Trade chatter:
The Cubs say they will open up the post-all-star break portion of the season with Jeff Samardzija, Carlos Villanueva and Edwin Jackson starting the three games in Colorado. When the Cubs travel to Arizona after that, Matt Garza and Travis Wood will start the first two games, respectively.
It's always possible Garza (who starts Saturday night against the Cardinals) will be traded by then. Team president Theo Epstein addressed the trade talks Friday, but without getting specific.
"Obviously, he's throwing extremely well and he's very healthy and there are teams out there looking for pitching who are going to call and try to acquire him," Epstein said. "He's helping us win games now. There's a chance to possibly retain him beyond this year, so we'll just balance all that out and do what's best for the organization.
"There's a lot of (trade) chatter going on right now. I wouldn't say anything major is imminent. There's a lot of talk, and we'll continue to stay abreast with what other teams are trying to do as their situation changes."


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By: Fiamma Straneo, Associate Scientist, Physical Oceanography, Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution
Mass loss from the Greenland ice sheet between 1992-2011 resulted in a net contribution to sea-level rise of approximately 7.5 mm, roughly twice the Antarctic contribution (Shepherd et al. 2012). Half of this loss is associated with increased melt and run-off caused by rising air temperatures over the ice sheet, and is well reproduced by models (van den Broeke et al. 2009). The remaining loss was caused by the accelerated retreat of marine-terminating glaciers located in southeastern and western Greenland, which began in the late 1990s (Howat et al. 2007; Rignot and Kanagaratnam 2006) and continues today (Moon et al. 2012) (see Figure 1). This accelerated retreat is neither well understood nor fully captured by models (Vieli and Nick 2011). Beyond the challenges of understanding the complexity of the glacial dynamics that lead to the retreat (Price et al. 2008), one important issue yet to be resolved is identifying the external climate forcing that triggered the initial retreat, and the mechanisms through which it acted. The emergence of oceanic forcing as a lead candidate for a possible mechanism (Vieli and Nick 2011) makes ice sheet-ocean interactions a research frontier that is critical to understanding the Greenland ice sheet's evolution and its contribution to global sea level rise (see reviews by Straneo et al. 2013; Joughin et al. 2012; Vieli and Nick 2011).
Understanding ice sheet-ocean interactions in Greenland is far from trivial. Investigating the extent to which oceanic forcing triggered glacial retreat poses major observational challenges. Greenland's largest glaciers terminate in deep, long fjords that are remote, inaccessible, and choked with large icebergs whose calving and drift pose a major challenge to scientists and instrumentation (see Figures 2, 3, and 4). The records of oceanic changes near the glaciers—or even on the Greenland shelves where the fjords terminate—are almost non-existent, especially from the period preceding the glacier acceleration. Furthermore, the processes through which the ocean may impact the glacier (e.g., submarine melting or a weakening of the ice mélange or sea-ice in front of the terminus) are complex, involving a wide range of time and space scales as well as multiple components including the ocean, the atmosphere, the sea ice, and the glacier itself. Progress on this complex topic will require a cross-disciplinary and multi-faceted approach involving the broad international community.
The Workshop
A first successful effort in assembling such a community and in making progress on this topic was a workshop held 4-7 June 2013, in Beverly, Massachusetts, entitled: 'Understanding the Response of Greenland's Marine Terminating Glaciers to Oceanic and Atmospheric Forcing.' The workshop brought together approximately 100 oceanographers, glaciologists, and atmospheric and climate scientists; it also included observationalists, modelers, and theoreticians; plus interested program managers from NSF and NASA (see Figure 5). A whitepaper initiated by the U.S. CLIVAR Working Group on Greenland Ice Sheet Ocean (GRISO) interactions (Straneo et al. 2012) served as background to this workshop.
The workshop was structured around review talks by invited speakers that laid the foundation for the ensuing discussions, science presentations in the form of brief oral introductions, and posters and moderated discussions. The sessions were organized around themes ranging from 'Evidence of glacier variability' to 'What can the paleo record teach us?' and ended with a half-day discussion on identifying the prioritized questions. Key recommendations on future collaborative observational, analysis, and modeling needs and opportunities were identified. Many of these different communities met at the workshop for the first time, underlining the importance of fostering cross-disciplinary exchange through specialized events. The workshop was also particularly successful in engaging early career scientists (including graduate students), who made up over one-third of the participants and who benefited from travel support. Funding for the workshop was provided by U.S. CLIVAR and the NSF Division of Polar Program; the U.S. CLIVAR and UCAR/JOSS staff were instrumental in organizing the workshop. A report containing the recommendations that emerged from the workshop's discussions will be made available in December and presented at the 2013 Fall AGU Meeting in San Francisco.
Howat, I., I. Joughin, and T.A. Scambos, 2007. Rapid changes in ice discharge from Greenland outlet glaciers. Science, 315, 1559-1561.
Joughin, I., R. Alley and D. Holland, 2012. Ice-Sheet Response to Oceanic Forcing, Science 338, 1172. Doi:10.1126/science.1226481.
Moon, T., I. Joughin, B. Smith and I. Howat, 2012. 21st-Century Evolution of Greenland Outlet Glacier Velocities. Science, 336, 576-578.
Price, S.F., H. Conway, E.D. Waddington, and R.A. Bindschadler, 2008. Model investigations of inland migration of fast-flowing outlet glaciers and ice streams. J. Glaciol., 54, 49–60.
Rignot, E. and P. Kanagaratnam, 2006. Changes in the velocity structure of the Greenland Ice Sheet. Science, 311, 986–990.
Shepherd, A., and IMBIE team, 2012. A reconciled estimate of ice sheet mass balance. Science, 338, 1183-1189.
Straneo, F., P. Heimbach, O. Sergienko, G. Hamilton, G. Catania, S. Griffies, R. Hallberg, A. Jenkins, I. Joughin, R. Motyka, W. T. Pfeffer, S. F. Price, E. Rignot, T. Scambos, M. Truffer, and A. Vieli, 2013. Challenges to Understand the Dynamic Response of Greenland's Marine Terminating Glaciers to Oceanic and Atmospheric Forcing. Bull. Amer. Meteor. Soc., doi:10.1175/BAMS-D-12-00100, 94, 1130-1144.
van den Broeke, M., J. Bamber, J. Ettema, E. Rignot, E. Schrama, W. Jan van de Berg, W.E. van Meijgaard, I. Velicogna, and B. Wouters, 2009. Partitioning recent Greenland mass loss. Science, 13, 326(5955), 984-986, DOI: 10.1126/science.1178176.
Vieli, A. and F.M. Nick, 2011. Understanding and modeling rapid dynamical changes of tidewater outlet glaciers: issues and implications. Surv. Geophys. 32(4-5), 437–458, doi:10.1007/s10712-011-9132-4.
For further information, see the U.S. CLIVAR website, or contact Fiamma Straneo (fstraneo [at] whoi.edu).
Fiamma Straneo is a tenured scientist in the Physical Oceanography Department of the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution. Her research focuses on the polar oceans and their role in climate and climate variability.
Motivated by the rapid and ongoing ice loss from the Greenland Ice Sheet, much of Straneo's most recent work is aimed at understanding the interaction between ice sheets and the ocean. Measurements she and her colleagues collected indicated, for the first time, the widespread presence of warm waters of tropical origin at the margins of Greenland's glaciers.


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The US Real Estate Market is arguably the largest financial market in the world. For the past several years there have been over $2 trillion of new mortgages. Further, for the majority of people in the U.S. their house, and the equity they have in it, represents their single largest investment and the vast majority of their wealth. As a result, changes in housing prices can have enormous impact on the economy resulting in changes in credit, wealth, purchasing patterns, employment and most major aspects of the economy.
Given the size of the market and the significant impact that it has on the economy, it is surprising that there does not exist a definitive measure of housing prices. Currently, the two primary indices of residential prices which are often referenced in the press are the House Price Index produced by the Federal Housing Finance Agency (FHFA) and the S&P; Case-Shiller Index™. The FHFA index is the same index that was previously produced by the Office of Federal Housing Enterprise Oversight (OFHEO). The other marker of residential price changes that is often referenced is the median sales price by region during the most recent period. It is produced by the National Association of Realtors (NAR). All of these indexes are based on the houses that have sold in the most recent period and ignore the houses that are not sold.
The challenge facing anyone attempting to produce a residential property index is that houses, unlike securities or consumer products, are each unique and are traded infrequently. For example, the often quoted advice as to the three most important factors to consider when buying a house, location, location and location, is generally ignored when the above indices are computed. Houses from undesirable areas are lumped with houses from desirable areas and no adjustment to the makeup of the pool is made to the indexes. As a result, it is often unclear whether the change in the index is a result of a true change in price or rather a change in the mix of properties sold.
When an index such as the consumer price index (CPI) is created, the prices for the same basket of goods is compared from one period to the next so that the price change observed is not impacted by the mix of products being purchased. This cannot be done for housing since the same house is not sold repeatedly every month. Therefore, alternative approaches must be used. The FHFA and S&P; Case-Shiller indexes are both repeat sales indices1. This approach tries to measure the overall price changes by looking at all of the houses sold in each time period and matching them with their previous sales price. That will create a ratio of price change for each house that sells. Then, an estimate is made of what overall price change best fits all of the ratios for each period and those estimates become the index.
There are numerous well documented problems with this approach. The most obvious is that it assumes that the house does not change over time. In other words, if a house purchased ten years ago sells this month, the underlying assumption is that it has not been modified, that the location is equally desirable to what it was ten years ago, that financing is equally available, that the seller's financial condition is similar, that all aspects of the house are in equally good condition, and that tastes for that type of house are unchanged in ten years. These are obviously very strong and generally incorrect assumptions. It may be that, across many properties with a large enough geographical area, things may average out. However, as the geographical region becomes more focused, that becomes less likely.
Another problem with this type of index is that it does not take into account the mix of properties. For example, when the recent collapse of the secondary market significantly reduced the number of jumbo mortgages that lenders were able to offer, the mix of properties selling in any higher home value region was suddenly impacted. In communities where most homes met conforming limits there was much less impact. This results in over or understating the price changes for the region.
Finally, even assuming that the above issues were not significant, there is another feature of a repeat sales index that makes it undesirable as a basis for a tradable derivative. Since the only houses that are used to compute the index are ones that sold in the current period, these only represent a small percentage of the total housing stock and, therefore cause the index to be somewhat volatile. This often results in estimates that are unstable in that an index reported in the current period is subject to significant revision in the next period and, in fact, for several periods in the future2. Therefore, it is difficult to clear a market against an index that may be significantly revised in the future.
The NAR median price report also provides an ambiguous measure of the market since it is simply the median price of the properties that sold in the current period in a particular geographical region. There are many market and institutional reasons why the houses that sold in a particular period are not representative of the market as a whole.
This all leads to confusion about what is going on in a market. Different indexes even result in contradictory conclusions. These discrepancies result from the issues mentioned above, along with the fact that each of the indexes uses different data to compute their measures. For example, the FHFA index has historically restricted itself to data from conforming mortgages that Fannie Mae or Freddie Mac purchased while the S&P;/Case-Shiller index includes data for a broader range of mortgages by using public record data. The NAR data comes from the data reported by their realtor network.
One possible approach to address this dilemma is to consistently use all of the housing stock for each period. To do this it is necessary to have a market price for each house in each period. Since all the properties do not sell, a model must be created to price all of the major attributes of a house (i.e. location, gross living area, age, lot size, bedrooms, bathrooms, etc.) and then compute an estimated market price for each property. The value of each of the attributes is estimated based on the observed properties that do sell over an extended window. This approach allows all of the properties to be included in the index which then provides a stable broad based index for each period. Models of this type are referred to as hedonic models3 and have been used for many decades to estimate the value of a property. The limitation to using this approach for an index has been the general lack of availability of characteristic information about residential properties4.
FNC has developed a hedonic index based on the data collected from public records and blended with data from appraisals. The addition of the appraisal data provides the physical property characteristic data that is often missing from public records. The procedures used to create the index are described in, Dorsey, Hua, Mayer, and Wang (2010) " Hedonic versus repeat-sales housing price indexes for measuring the recent boom-bust cycle" Journal of Housing Economics 19 (2010) 87–105.


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The New iPhone 5
The iPhone 5 is rumored to be coming later this year, with an official announcement expected in June around Apple's Worldwide Developer Conference (WWDC).
Rumor has it that the next version of the iPhone will be made of LiquidMetal. A mix of several different metals, LiquidMetal could allow the phone to be more durable. Light like plastic but durable like aluminum, it would also allow the phone to weigh less and have a thinner profile.
While I dont normally put much stock in concept pictures this is quite good. See more at Mashable.


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Addicted2014 Drama | Suspense/Thriller
Based on the best-selling novel by Zane, ADDICTED is a sexy and provocative thriller about desire and the dangers of indiscretion. Successful businesswoman Zoe Reynard appears to have attained it all - the dream husband she loves, two wonderful children and a flourishing career. As perfect as everything appears from the outside, Zoe is still drawn to temptations she cannot escape or resist. As she pursues a secretive life, Zoe finds herself risking it all when she heads down a perilous path she may not survive.


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Clay Matthews ruled out for wild card round game with 49ers
If the Green Bay Packers hope to get Clay Matthews back on the field this season, they need to have their season extend beyond this weekend's game with the San Francisco 49ers.
According to Jason Wilde of ESPNWisconsin.com, Packers head coach Mike McCarthy said Monday that Matthews will not be available for the Packers this week in their playoff opener.
"I really don't have a feel for Clay as far as where he is. I really haven't even seen him to talk to him," McCarthy said. "You're always cautious with players after surgery.
"Right now he's out for this week and that's really what we're focused on."
Matthews injured his right thumb on a sack of Ben Roethlisberger in Green Bay's Week 16 game against the Pittsburgh Steelers. McCarthy called it "a repeat injury" of the injury suffered by Matthews against the Detroit Lions on Oct. 6. That injury forced Matthews to miss four games for the Packers. Matthews did not play against the Chicago Bears on Sunday.
Matthews has posted 7.5 sacks with 41 tackles and three forced fumbles for the Packers this season.
Matthews did play for the Packers in their season opening 34-28 loss to the 49ers in San Francisco. Colin Kaepernick threw for a career-high 412 yards and three touchdowns against the Packers that day. It was the only 300-yard game of the season for Kaepernick before Sunday's season finale against the Arizona Cardinals.
With Kaepernick's dominant performance against the Packers last year in the playoffs as well, Green Bay will need to find someway to slow the 49ers' offensive attack and do so without Matthews in the lineup.


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List of Keto Restaurant Food in Cupertino
Find the most suitable Keto food items at restaurants in Cupertino for delivery & pickup! We are doing our best to improve the system daily, however you may find a few items unsuitable for this particular selection. We hope you enjoy some great new dishes!
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Menu items at these restaurants have not been verified with the restaurant staff unless they show a Verified tag above the restaurants name. Unverified Menu item recommendations are automated and are subject to inaccuracies in content, pricing and availability. Always confirm menu item ingredients and preparation methods with restaurant staff upon ordering.
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Coconut's Fish Cafe
20010 Stevens Creek Blvd, Cupertino, CA 95014
Pacific Catch (Cupertino)
19399 Stevens Creek Blvd, Cupertino, CA 95014
Yoshinoya Restaurants
19825 Stevens Creek Blvd, Cupertino, California 95014
Tandoori Oven (Stevens Creek)
19590 Stevens Creek Blvd, Cupertino, Ca 95014, Usa,
10700 S De Anza Blvd, Cupertino, CA 95014
Royal Cuisine
10477 S De Anza Blvd, Cupertino, CA 95014
Liang's Village Cupertino
19772 Stevens Creek Blvd, Cupertino, CA 95014
Shang Cafe - San Jose
6154 Bollinger Rd, San Jose, CA 95129


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Full-Scale War in Syria
Washington has no business being involved in Syria
Former Russian Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov calls it "full-scale civil war." It's full-scale but not civil. Syria's been invaded. Civil war implies two internal warring sides. That's very much not the case. Primakov said, "Mercenaries and volunteers from other states are fighting (Assad) jointly with violent internal forces."
Most Syria opponents are nonviolent. They want peaceful conflict resolution. Washington has other ideas.
"President Obama has given a direct order to the CIA to support the Syrian opposition." "That is flagrant interference in internal affairs of a sovereign state, which does not endanger the United States or anyone else." "Saudi Arabia and Qatar are funding militants. Turkey is giving them active support." [So are other regional countries.] "Russia holds the only correct position," he added. "We have a moral position: we care for life and security of millions of people and for stability of the huge and important region."
Syria is strategically important for Moscow. Tartus is its only Mediterranean base. Protecting it is key. Assad is a valued regional ally. It's in Russia's interest to support him. Moscow backed Annan's peace plan dependent on keeping him in power and having Syrian sovereignty be respected. Its strategy also lets other global allies know it's committed to back them if needed. Some have their own internal problems and need reassurance.
Regional economic interests are also important. Much more is involved than weapons. Russia constructed Iran's Bushehr nuclear facility and agreed to build three more. Both countries have strategic ties. They also have other economic relations. Russian Federation regions have additional ones. Both countries cooperate on oil and gas interests.
Russian expertise and technology helped build Syrian infrastructure. It's also responsible for dozens of industrial facilities. It includes about one-third of its electrical power capacity, another third of its oil-related operations, and help building the Euphrates dam.
Maritime interests are important. Linking Latakia, Syria with Novorossiysk, Russia on the Black Sea facilitates cargo shipments. Gazprom has oil and gas development operations. Both countries have nuclear energy ties. They also cooperate on other commercial, scientific, military, and environmental issues.
Russia and Syria enjoyed strategic relations for decades. Patrick Seale called Moscow Hafez Assad's main ally. Given Washington's regional ambitions, both countries serve each other strategically.
Greater Washington Eurasian control threatens Moscow directly. Preventing it is key. Standing firm on Syria and Iran is vital.
America infests the region with military bases. Offensive missile shield installations target Russia and China. Both countries partnered with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan in a Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) alliance. India, Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan, and Mongolia have observer status. Belarus and Sri Lanka are dialogue partners. Expanding the organization is planned. SCO supports economic cooperation, peace, and national sovereignty. Member states are a potential bulwark against Washington-led NATO aggression.
On June 6 and 7, members met in Beijing. Security and economic cooperation issues were discussed. Washington's missile shield was condemned. Its North Africa/Eurasian militarization threatens Russia, China, Iran, and other countries. Syria is ground zero. Holding the line is vital. Odds of succeeding are uncertain. Washington doesn't quit once strategic plans are implemented.
Assad promises to try. On August 8, SANA state media said he's determined to defeat terrorists responsible for mass killings and atrocities.
He spoke during a meeting with Iran's Supreme National Security Council Secretary Saeed Jalili. They met on issues affecting both countries. They agreed that resolving Syria's crisis depends on internal solutions.
Separately, SANA reported Iranian Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi warning about:
"plots which aim at destabilizing peace and stability in the region, instigate conflicts among the minorities and sects which lived together in peace in order to change the situations in the region."
Salehi met with Turkish officials in Ankara. They discussed 48 Iranian visitors abducted by Syrian insurgents. At issue is ensuring their safety and release. Reportedly three were killed.
Syrian captors said one was a Russian general. They identified him as Major General Vladimir Kuzheez. Moscow's Defense Ministry called the claim "complete lies." An official statement added:
"The goal of broadcasting such statements is not just to cause a sensation, but a clear attempt at a slur toward the Russian Army."
Kuzheev is very much alive. He met with journalists and dismissed reports of his death, saying:
"I want to express thanks to the media for their attention to my person....I want to confirm that I am well and alive in Moscow....I realize that this information is a provocation not only against me but against my country."
Saudi controlled Al Arabiya broadcast a video featuring Free Syrian Army representatives claiming Kuzheev was killed. They showed what they called his photo ID identity card. It was fake.
The battle for Aleppo continues. Government forces cleared insurgents from Salaheddin. They're gaining the upper hand. Reports are the city is surrounded. Five Saudi and two Turkish military officers were captured. One was a Turkish general. Earlier insurgent claims about controlling most of the city were false. They're outmanned, outgunned, and outmaneuvered. They're being defeated. Nonetheless, clearing them from neighborhoods takes time.
Press TV cited reports about insurgents supplied with chemical weapons. It said Turkey gave them surface-to-air Stinger missiles. They came with "thermal rockets and sophisticated weaponry."
"More than 100 Turkish troops backed with armored vehicles and helicopters entered the Syrian border town of Cerablos in the Kurdish region of Kobani on Tuesday." "A spokesman for the Kurdish militias in the border towns of Kobani and Efrin accused the Turkish forces of supplying arms and ammunition to insurgents fighting Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's government." "NBC News also reported on July 31 that nearly two dozen MANPADs (man-portable air-defense systems) have been delivered to the insurgents in Syria by Turkey."
Rick Rozoff also said Turkey has troops in Syria. They threatened to use them to protect a site agreed to in 1921.
Ankara was guaranteed the right to station forces at the Suleyman Shah mausoleum. He's the grandfather of Ottoman Empire founder Osman I (Osman Bey). Turkey considers the site and surrounding area sovereign territory. A small military contingent protects it. Whether it's a wedge for larger numbers and planned belligerency remains to be seen. Rozoff said the site was "proclaimed a NATO outpost in Syria." Developments ahead warrant close monitoring. Incrementally they head toward Western and/or regional intervention.
On August 6, Ron Paul warned about more war, saying:
"The administration seems determined to fight yet another war in Syria that has nothing to do with American national interests." "Neoconservatives have long demanded that we overthrow the Syrian government before moving on to war against Iran. This bellicosity continues regardless of which party is in the White House." "In Syria we see once again we see how our interventionist policies backfire and make us less secure."
Washington has no business being involved in Syria, he added.
"When will we learn our lesson and stop intervening in conflicts....having nothing to do with American national interests?"
Republican and Democrat hawks way outnumber Paul and other congressional doves. Obama heads toward war. Electoral politics dictate timing. Post-election may be planned. He and Romney are like-minded. It doesn't matter who wins. Both men support war. Expect it. Only its timing is unknown. Catastrophic consequences look certain.
Stephen Lendman: I was born in 1934 in Boston, MA. Raised in a modest middle class family, attended public schools, received a BA from Harvard University in 1956 and an MBA from the Wharton School at the University of PA in 1960 following 2 years of obligatory military service in the US Army. Spent the next 6 years as a marketing research analyst for several large US corporations before becoming part of a new small family business in 1967, remaining there until retiring at the end of 1999. Have since devoted my time and efforts to the progressive causes and organizations I support, all involved in working for a more humane and just world for all people everywhere, but especially for the most needy, disadvantaged and oppressed. My efforts since summer 2005 have included writing on a broad range of vital topics ranging from war and peace; social, economic and political equity for all; and justice for all the oppressed peoples of the world like the long-suffering people of Haiti and the Palestinians. Also co-hosting The Global Research News Hour, occasional public talks, and frequent appearances on radio and at times television. I also am a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization. I live in Chicago and can be reached at email@example.com. Also visit my blog site sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to The Lendman News Hour on RepublicBroadcasting.org Monday - Friday at 10AM US Central time for cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on world and national issues. All programs are archived for easy listening. My new book "How Wall Street Fleeces America: Privatized Banking, Government Collusion and Class War" can be ordered HERE.
Photo: Reuters/Shaam News Network/Handout
URL: http://www.a-w-i-p.com/index.php/2012/08/09/full-scale-war-in-syria


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Nineteen kids and campaigning: TV's ever-growing Duggar family visited Woodbridge, Va., Wednesday in support of gubernatorial candidate Ken Cuccinelli.
The Duggars, stars of TLC's "19 Kids and Counting," are wrapping up a three-day bus tour from in support of the Republican candidate.
On Wednesday afternoon, they met with fans and snapped pictures at the Heritage Baptist Church and School in Woodbridge for abour an hour before beginning the rally shortly before 2:30 p.m.
Cuccinelli's wife, Telro Cuccinelli, was also due to at the rally.
The appearance came after a morning spent at a Fredericksburg church.
"We are so excited to be here in Virginia to endorse Ken Cuccinelli and E.W. Jackson," said Michelle Duggar, mom to 19, earlier. "...Ken Cuccinelli has consistently stood up for women and their unborn children, fought for lower taxes and less government."
Cuccinelli, himself the father of seven, joined the Duggars at the Values Bus Tour's Richmond stop Tuesday, snapping a picture with Jim Bob and Michelle Duggar; 10 of their children, including 25-year-old Josh; Josh's wife, Anna, and their baby son.
The family also appeared at Liberty University Monday and Regent University in Virginia Beach Tuesday.
The tour is sponsored by the Family Research Council Action, which employs Josh Duggar as their executive director. Josh and Anna Duggar and their three small children recently moved to the D.C. area for the new gig, a transition chronicled on the family's show.
"We are excited to travel across Virginia and express our enthusiastic support for Ken Cuccinelli for governor and E.W. Jackson for lieutenant governor," Josh Duggar. "Both of these men are deeply concerned about the issues impacting the family and our broader culture.... Virginians have an opportunity to send a message at the ballot box that will be heard across the entire country."
Washington, D.C., Maryland and Virginia local news, events and information
The Duggar family lands in Woodbridge to campaign for Ken Cuccinelli @nbcwashington pic.twitter.com/1woZeTIbad — Sean Casey (@CaseyNBC) October 16, 2013
The Duggars are hardly strangers to the campaign trail.
They publicly campaigned for former Sen. Rick Santorum in the 2012 presidential election, and family patriarch Jim Bob Duggar served two terms as an Arkansas state representative. He lost a primary bid for the U.S. Senate in 2002.
Jim Bob and Michelle Duggar have 19 children ranging in age from three to 25, and three grandchildren.
"Our goal is to encourage faith, family and freedom," said Josh Duggar in a video released by FRC Action.


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Orgonite Teardrop Pendant Lapis Lazuli & Copper Starburst Leaf
Beautifully handcrafted wearable Orgonite to protect you while you are not at your home. Countless testimonials' worldwide attest to the effectiveness of Orgonite for personal protection. Well designed and effective Orgonite mitigates the ever increasing harmful effects of our environment.
EMF Protection – harmonising negative influences from electro-smog/Electro Magnetic Frequency (EMF) radiation
• Enhances relaxation and reduces stress
• Better sleep with more vivid dreams
• Has a calming effect on children and pets
• Promotes improved well-being
• Convenient to use
• Enhanced vitality
Ingredients: All African Goddess Creations Orgonite contains base ingredients: Resin, Clear Quartz, Selenite, Black Tourmaline, Brass Copper and Aluminum Shavings.
Additional crystals are added for their own unique properties.
Pendant Size: 35 x 15 x 10mm with free cotton cord necklace 60cm in length.