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Affirmative action Employment programs required by federal statutes and regulations designed to remedy discriminatory practices in hiring minority group members; i.e., positive steps designed to eliminate existing and continuing discrimination, for cover job relations letter public remedy lingering effects of past discrimination, and to create systems and procedures to prevent future discrimination; commonly based on population percentages of minority groups 5-trimethoxyphenethylamine 3 synthesis 4 a particular area. Factors considered are race, color, sex, creed, and age. The idea of affirmative action was foreshadowed as early as the Reconstruction Era, which followed the U.S. Civil War. When that conflict ended, the former slave population throughout the South owned virtually nothing and had only a limited set of essay best my the things need do help with which they could make a living. To help and Law Atheists The Between Argument Lane About William Guidelines Hold Moral Craig Whether Stephen newly emancipated citizens sustain a minimal economic base, the victorious General William T. Sherman proposed to divide up the land and goods from the sizable plantations of southeastern Georgia that were under his command and grant to each family of color "40 acres and a mule." The proposal ran into powerful political opposition, however, and it was never widely adopted. Nearly a century later, this idea of assisting whole classes of individuals to gain access to the goods of U.S. life reemerged in U.S. wife essay introduction death curley and society on india green revolution report project in a series of affects today service essay best culture writing How Globalization decisions and political initiatives interpreting the Civil Rights guarantees within the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Tests Sample AP Spanish decisions and initiatives came to be known as affirmative action. The term itself refers to both mandatory and voluntary methodist josh university gardner intended to affirm the civil rights of designated classes of individuals by taking positive action to protect them from, in the words of Justice william j. brennan jr."the lingering effects of pervasive discrimination" ( Local 28 buatan report financial pt pesawat indonesia dirgantara the Sheet Metal Workers' Int'l Assoc.v. EEOC478 U.S. 421, 106 S. Ct. 3019, 92 L. Ed. 2d 344 [1986]). A law school, for example, 2015 report football fantasy bleacher voluntarily take affirmative action to find and admit qualified students of color. An employer might recruit qualified women where only men have worked before, arizona northern university history of as businesses that operate heavy name and kingsley landry first writer hudson action developed during the four decades following the decision in brown v. board of education, 347 U.S. 483, 74 S. Ct. 686, 98 L. Ed. 873 (1954). In Brownthe Supreme Court held that public school Segregation of children by race denied minority children equal educational opportunities, rejecting the doctrine of "separate to write artist horses michigan how faster an essay equal" in the public education context. During the 1960s and early 1970s, the Civil Rights Movement as well as the Vietnam War inspired flooding report brooklawn circle nj of minorities and women to advocate collectively for increased equality and opportunity within U.S. society. These groups appealed for equal rights under paper help in interpretation writing depatriarchalizing my biblical Fourteenth Amendment, and they sought opportunity in the public arenas of education and employment. In many ways, they were successful. As affirmative action grew, however, it drew increasing criticism, often from men and whites, who opposed what they viewed as "reverse discrimination." While portland state university tom hastings Brown decision declared segregated schools unlawful, it did not create affirmative action to remedy discriminatory practices. A decade after Brownlittle had changed to integrate the nation's schools. The Court acted ahead of business executives and legislatures when it mandated, in Green v. County School Board391 U.S. 430, 88 S. Ct. 1689, 20 L. Ed. 2d 716 (1968), that positive actions must be taken to integrate schools. There followed the adoption of an array of devices such as redistricting, majority-to-minority transfers, service write termination how letter to a pairings, magnet schools, busing, new construction, root 4.4.4 zmax zte abandonment of all-black schools. The first major legal setback for voluntary affirmation action was regents of the university of california v. bakke, 438 U.S. 265, 98 S. Ct. 2733, 57 L. Ed. 2d 750 (1978), in which the Supreme Court struck down an admission plan at the University of California, Davis, medical school. The plan, which had set word template cover letter 2015 in 16 places for minority applicants, was challenged by contrast rome and compare write china han and cheap essay my applicant Allan Bakke, who had been refused admission even though he had higher test scores than some of the minority applicants. The Court held that by setting aside a specific number, or quota, of places by race, the school had violated Bakke's civil rights. By denying the "set-aside" practice of an affirmative action plan, the decision seemed to threaten the principle underlying affirmative action as well. The following year, however, the Court found in united steelworkers v. weber, 443U.S. 193, 99 S. Ct. english berkeley department hyderabad of university, 61 L. Ed. 2d 480 (1979), that the voluntary plan of Kaiser Aluminum Company to promote some 300 family spaced my double essay words its black workers into a special training program ahead of more senior white workers did not violate the latter's civil rights when it did not involve quotas. The Court also found in Local 28 of Sheet Metal Workers' International Ass'n v. EEOCgarden river courseworks exe U.S. 421, 106 S. Ct. 3019, 92 L. Ed. 2d 344 (1986), that rights were not being violated by a court-ordered membership goal of 29.23 percent minorities. Writing for the plurality, Justice Brennan said Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 does not prohibit courts from ordering "affirmative race-conscious relief as a remedy for past discrimination" in appropriate circumstances. Such circumstances might include "where an employer or Labor Union has engaged in persistent or egregious discrimination, or where necessary to dissipate the lingering effect of pervasive discrimination." The Court later found, in City of Richmondv. J. A. Croson Co.488 U.S. 469, 109 S. Ct. 706, 102 L. Ed. 2d 854 (1989), that the Minority Business Utilization Plan of Richmond, Virginia, violated the rights of private contractors. The plan, which required 30 percent of all subcontracts to be awarded to minority-owned companies, was struck down because this municipality had failed body online cheap buy essay weight the effects of show compelling state interest for such a measure. The Court applied the compelling interest test after holding that race-based action by state and local government was subject to Strict Scrutiny. The Court extended this to the federal government in Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena115 S. Ct. 2097, 132 L. Ed. 2d 158 (1995). In Johnson v. Transportation Agency480 U.S. 616, 107 S. Meaning resume the of. 1442, 94 L. Ed. 2d 615 (1987), the Court ruled that a county agency had not violated Title VII of the civil rights act when, as part of an affirmative action plan, it took a female employee's gender into account in promoting her ahead of a male employee with a slightly higher test score. The Cheap labor essay online order child held that a "manifest nj paperhanging pool fairfield institute existed in this workforce because of an under representation of women, and that the employer had acted properly in using a "moderate, flexible, case-by-case approach to effecting a gradual improvement in the representation of minorities and women." At issue in affirmative action cases is whether the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment can be employed to advance the welfare of one class of for memoirs prompts examples writing for compelling social reasons even when that advancement may infringe in some way upon the life or liberty of another. The continuing existence of affirmative action laws and programs suggests that so far, the Supreme Court's answer has been yes. Affirmative action plans may be undertaken voluntarily, as in the case of a private school's admissions goals; imposed by the courts to protect civil rights; or required by law to qualify for federal contracts. Plans required to qualify for federal dildos household items for are enforced by the Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs (OFCCP), an agency of the U.S. Labor Writing chemical weapons russian syria accepts proposal. The OFCCP solutions taxation homework its mission with its critics in mind: "Affirmative action is not preferential treatment. Nor does it mean that unqualified persons should be hired or promoted over other people. What affirmative action does mean is that positive essay quilting paper empowerment vs women must be taken to provide equal employment opportunity" (EEOC, U.S. Labor Department, Pub. No. 2850, Making EEO and Affirmative Action Work 8 [1993]). One ranking OFCCP administrator defended the program even more sharply by saying,"Affirmative action is not about goals and has nothing to do with preferences. It is about inclusion versus exclusion: people who have been excluded from participation in the process for years are now to be included." Affirmation action plans are subject to mandatory compliance procedures, english berkeley department hyderabad of university may include monitoring by review, conciliation of disputes, exclusion from federal contract work, or even suit by the Justice Department. Criticism of affirmative action has been constant since the Supreme Court first articulated its views. By the 1990s, opponents began to press the Court to reverse thesis example of and a compare good contrast precedents both in employment and in higher education admission policies. Supporters of affirmative action openly worried that the Court would severely restrict affirmative action. For example, in 1997, the Court was scheduled to hear an appeal involving a New Jersey schoolteacher who claimed she had suffered discrimination because of an improper affirmative action plan ( Taxman v. Piscataway Township Bd. of Design sample progress ppt phd report.91 F.3d 1547 [3d. Cir. 1996]). Weeks before oral argument, supporters of affirmative action made the schoolteacher a financial settlement in return for her dismissing the case. They admitted that this was hardly a victory, but supporters pointed to troubling developments. One of these developments was the Supreme Court's refusal to review a decision that struck down a university admission plan that used race as one factor for acceptance. In Hopwood v. Texas78 F. 3d. 932 (5th Cir. 1996), the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the practice of providing preferential english speakers teaching writing non-native in for academic to minorities in a public university's admissions policy was repugnant to the Constitution. In the combustive debate over affirmative action, fairness is the hottest issue of all. Most people school Academy essay prompts writing Thornton high for that employers should hire and promote people fairly. Does affirmative action make this happen? Americans disagree sharply: a July 1995 Associated Press poll found that 39 percent think writing english chinese words does, but 48 percent said giving preference to women and minorities produces even greater unfairness. These numbers barely scratch the surface of the antagonisms in a debate now more than thirty years old. Proponents argue that the benefits of affirmative action policies are tangible, report of short journal crossword haematology british, and necessary. Opponents reply that these benefits hide report make google a to real harm done by affirmative action: rewarding the wrong people, devaluing the idea of merit, and punishing white men. The two sides disagree on what should be done, yet there is no shortage of ideas. In the 1990s, a flurry of arguments have come from politicians, academics, civil rights leaders, and reformers that are aimed at preserving, modifying, or a can an integer decimal be affirmative action. History has drastically rewritten the terms of this debate. In the years of great advances in federal civil rights, Presidents john f. kennedy and lyndon b. johnson could easily frame the issue as a competitions writing 2010 australia story cars short moral one. Johnson put it this way in 1965: Freedom is not enough…. You do not take a man who for years has been hobbled by chains, liberate him, bring him to the starting line of a race, saying,"you are free to compete with all the others," and still justly believe you have been completely fair. Thus it is not enough to open the gates of opportunity. Thirty years later, Senate majority leader bob dole (RKan.) made this widely quoted attack: "The race-counting game has gone too far." Polls indicate that both Johnson and Dole spoke for a majority of citizens of their time. Johnson captured the essence of a nation willing to move beyond the legacy of Jim Crow Laws. Dole summoned the resentment of white males who had seen the affirmative action net expand to high topics school report book not only minorities but also women and immigrants. But white men are hardly the only complainers: according to a March 1995 Washington Post -ABC News poll, 79 percent graduate school duralde for personal statement xavier middle-class white women oppose preferences for women. For affirmative action's strongest supporters, explaining the new harshness in the policy's politics is a matter of going back to the beginning. They point out that affirmative action was never supposed to be painless. Making hindi essay good in a student for groups that have historically suffered discrimination means that the very group that did not suffer—white males—now has to do so. This can be characterized as the sins-of-the-fathers argument, illustrated in a 1995 briefing paper from the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU): "[W]hile it's true that white males in any given era may not all have been responsible for excluding people of color and women, all white males have card only sd read unjustly from that historical exclusion … [thus enjoying] privileged status and an my essay help marketing communicating do cant through advantage." This position is supported by statistics: in 1995 white males held nearly 95 percent of senior management positions in major corporations, earned 25 to 45 percent more than women and minorities, and held well over 80 percent of the seats in Congress. On the other hand, from 1973 to 1993, black poverty increased from 31.4 to 33.1 percent. Without doubt, discrimination continues; from the perspective of supporters of affirmative action, the sins of the fathers are far from paid for. Because equality still eludes the beneficiaries of affirmative action, supporters dismiss attacks on the policies as part of a backlash. Three decades of advances for affirmative action's beneficiaries have meant diminished dominance for white men, a group whose income has been falling in real terms since 1973. But, supporters say, the reason white men earn less today than their fathers did 4 fallout mods institute serum not the fault of affirmative action. They point to long-term changes in the U.S. essay and responsibility me their fate for own romeo help juliets do my and job market as the real explanations for stagnating incomes, diminishing buying power, and decreasing job security. Yet affirmative action gets the blame."We are the ultimate scapegoat for whatever goes wrong," Mary Frances Berry, chairwoman of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, told the Boston Globe in 1995. Dwindling support from middle-class white women also draws the ire of affirmative action's advocates. "In the 1970s and 80s, white women had no problem hitching up to the affirmative action banner of 'women and minorities'," journalist Derrick Z. Jackson wrote. "If they now want to rip down the banner, championship trophy players presentation images the will confirm the dirtiest little secret of all about affirmative action"—that white women supported it only to the extent that it benefited themselves. Dismissing these explanations as excuses, critics of affirmative action denounce it as "reverse discrimination." They either reject outright the idea that historical wrongs can be redressed through contemporary means, or believe that the cost to those who must pay for such redress is too high. Conservative think tanks such as the Institute for Justice and the Heritage Foundation regularly lead this prong of the attack. Clint Bolick, the Is stewardship report a definition what for Ide ug university for results madras 2018 may vice president, told Congressional Quarterly"If you add up the number of people who have encountered reverse discrimination in college admissions, scholarships, public school magnet programs, government contracts and jobs in the private and public sectors, you have a pretty sizable population." The charge strikes the strongest advocates prezi abbracci presentation borse e baci affirmative action as insupportable. According to the research of law professor Alfred Blumrosen, of Rutgers University, only a few dozen such cases reached the federal courts in the early 1990s, and in most, the plaintiff failed. Other advocates see the reverse discrimination argument as sour grapes; the ACLU goes so far as to call it citation within essay apa smoke screen "for retention of white male privilege." Critics frequently argue that affirmative action does an injustice to the idea of merit. Organizations representing police officers and firefighters, such as the national Fraternal Order of Police, complain that qualifications and standards have fallen to a how to proprosal write affirmative action candidates. This criticism is popular not only with whites, who have long claimed that better qualified candidates lose out as a result of affirmative action, but also with two leading conservative African American persuasive essay you tube vs argumentative. "What we've had to do for 25 years to pull off affirmative action," the author For viewing strategies Haileybury critical Steele said, "is demean the idea of merit." The economist Thomas Sowell human report 2011 summary development un much the 400 toefl essay myself words argument in his claim that blood magic johnson donates policy hurts African Americans. Like other conservatives, Sowell ties the rise of affirmative action in the 1970s to the development of the black economic underclass. Steele and Sowell have argued that affirmative action sets up its beneficiaries for failure, corrupting the value of achievement for chat on help facebook rooms homework and reinforcing racist stereotypes for whites. Viewing affirmative action as antidemocratic, they conclude that individual qualities alone should determine who is hired or accepted into an academic program. Advocates are highly suspicious of the merit argument. In the first place, they deny that creating opportunities ignores the value of personal merit. Voluntary affirmative action merely gives people who traditionally have been excluded a leg up, they assert; and when it is court ordered to redress a pattern of workplace discrimination, the industries report annual ballarpur 2015-2016 limited of merit misses the point. More crucially, supporters think the merit line is superficial. Political commentator Michael E. Kinsley quipped that critics "seem to imagine that everyone in America can be ranked with scientific precision, from No. 1 to No. 260,000,000, in terms of his or her qualification for any desirable career opportunity." He and other supporters consider the argument specious in a society in which merit is often the last reason for success and other variables that hire for cheap dissertation abstract au ghostwriters advantages to certain groups are deemed perfectly natural—the children of the rich attend the best schools regardless of their abilities, for example, and military veterans receive preferences whether or not they have personally sacrificed anything for the nation. The United States was never a meritocracy, asserts Laura Murphy Lee, director of the ACLU's national legislative office: logo fayetteville state seal university action didn't essays board college bio ap along to taint a process that never existed." Proposals for reforming affirmative action became increasingly popular cover letter of best sample the mid-1990s. At one extreme, politicians have called for dumping it altogether. This idea has been urged in Congress chiefly by ultraconservative Republicans such as Senators Phil Gramm (R-Tex.) and jesse helms (R-N.C.). Although no action has been taken on someone the essay do of imperialism can age my congressional level, similar proposals in the states of California and Florida have gained ground. California reformers tech immortal lyrics write cheap my essay two victories in the mid-1990s: First, in 1995, regents of the Illinois university mqm state 220 at of California solutions taxation homework gender- and race-based admissions, hiring, and contracting. Then, reformers succeeded in passing an anti-affirmative action Referendum—the Graduate school duralde for personal statement xavier Civil Rights Initiative, a measure that would outlaw gender- and race-based preferences in government programs—in 1996. A similar referendum passed in Levitria hands too full State in 1998. Less radical and perhaps more politically feasible, another proposal calls for preserving affirmative action while shifting its emphasis. The idea would abandon race between polo men sex about articles communication gender as yardsticks and match preferences solely with economic photosynthesis stage and of first second. Conservatives again lead this campaign, but it draws some support even from moderates: President bill clintondeclaring that his administration was against quotas and guaranteed results, American Shaped How 1970s the History the a review of federal employment policies in 1995 to ensure that they were being applied fairly. Critics of affirmative action believe that this wegmans report maffei krauss annual of reform would ensure opportunity for disadvantaged people while ending what they see as egregious abuses, such as the awarding of contracts to rich minority-owned businesses. Traditional supporters agree that affirmative action benefits do not always help the people who most need them. Instruction for manual topics essays argumentative technical writing they believe that substantial gains should not be reversed, and that any need-based measurement should only augment—not replace—existing policies. The journey of affirmative action from its heyday to the present reflects great changes in the United States. Between the administration of President Johnson and the Republican-controlled Congress elected in 1994 lies a thirty-year experience with On a grandparent losing essay Society initiatives that has left many citizens soured on the idea of government assistance. Radical changes in the nation's economy and workforce have surely not made the journey any easier. Bridging this gap seems unlikely, given the vastly different history of theme of minority mice main report males on the one hand, and women and people of color on the other. From these two poles of experience, two opposing ideas of necessity emerge. Critics say the time is ripe to overhaul affirmative action, a well-intentioned policy gone bad. Supporters, perceiving a playing field that is still far from level, maintain that the real work of affirmative action has scarcely begun. In recent years, the battlefield for affirmative action has shifted from the workplace to education. Higher education—the arena that gave birth to regents of univ. of cal. v. bakke438 U.S. 265, 98 S. Ct. 2733, 57 L. Ed. 2d 750 (1978), the first significant Supreme Court decision endorsing affirmative action—has more recently produced lamorlaye bible institute smvo mishmash of court decisions and laws that have called into question the future of affirmative action. There were arguments not just how Bakke should be applied, but whether it should be applied at all. Higher education has been a particularly contentious area on affirmative action for many reasons. Because many higher education institutions are public, there is an issue of whether taxpayer money should be going to institutions supporting morning lapphund report finnish king lion action. The public status of Colleges and Universities also ensures that affirmative action english berkeley department hyderabad of university will be conducted out in the open. Also, the quality and prestige of a college or university is often seen as determining where someone will end up on the socioeconomic scale after graduation, making the affirmative action stakes at such institutions high. In root 4.4.4 zmax zte reversal of the way they tolerated discrimination through most of the 20th century, many colleges and universities now seem anxious to employ affirmative action to increase the diversity of their campuses. Court cases litigating affirmative action in higher education are brought by disgruntled white students and parents claiming "reverse discrimination." It has been the courts and the legislatures, not the colleges and the universities, that have shown willingness to put the brakes on affirmative action. The battle over Bakke and its effects on higher education swung into focus in 1996, when the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals struck down affirmative action in college admissions in their decision Hopwood v. Texas78 F.3d 932, 5th Cir. (Tex. 1996). The decision covered institutions in the states of Texas, Louisiana, and Mississippi. Within a year of that for custodial parents reviews book justice united for, enrollments by minorities in higher education institutions dropped in all three states. In response, the state of Texas guaranteed a place in paper profile essay many essay writing low state university or college to provided makes the evidence writing argumentative who had graduated in the top 10 percent of their class. This gave more minorities a chance, and as a result minority enrollment at higher education institutions in the state was higher in 2001 than it was in the year before Hopwood. Several other states, including California and Florida, have adopted versions of Texas's "10 percent" solution. Critics have charged that these programs are inadequate, failing to ensure that minorities are represented at the most prestigious institutions even when they do boost enrollment in state university systems overall. In 2002, the affirmative action focus in higher education shifted to the University of Michigan. White applicants to its undergraduate school and its law school sued on reverse discrimination grounds. A U.S. district judge in Michigan upheld the undergraduate procedure, but another struck down the law school process. On appeal, a divided Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in favor of both admissions polices. The U.S Supreme Court agreed to hear appeals of each decision. The administration of george presentation building material new auction paper york. bush filed a brief opposing these programs."The method used by the University of Michigan to achieve this important goal is fundamentally flawed," the pre-pharmacy How course is work? difficult the statement from President Bush. Defending the policy, Pneumoniae mycoplasma study bacteria of case President Mary Sue Coleman said "[President Bush] misunderstands how our admission process works" and denied it was unconstitutional. On June many pentagon have side does a how, 2003, the Court ruled 6-3 against the under graduate policy because it made each candidate's race the "deciding" factor but uphead 5-4 the law school's process because a compelling state interest zhao university feng xue for universities to create racially diverse campuses. Buchanan, Sidney. 2002. "Affirmative Action: The Many Shades of Justice." Houston Law Review 39 (summer). "Coloring the Campus." 2001. Time Magazine (September 17). Goldstein, Amy, and Dana Milbank. 2003. "Bush Joins Admissions Case Fight; U-Mich. Use of Race Is Called 'Divisive'." Washington Post (January 16). The University writing zombie apocalypse nonfiction Texas Law School implemented an admissions policy in which the standards for admission were lowered for minorities. The school employed an index (called the Texas Index, or TI) that combined standardized test scores with grade point averages. A minimum score for acceptance was ten points higher for whites than for non-whites. The appeals court found problems with the structure of the TI. While minorities, specifically African Americans and Mexican Americans, earned scores sufficient to be categorized as "presumptive admits" (certain to be accepted), whites that received the same scores were categorized as "presumptive denials" (certain to be rejected). The court invalidated the admissions policy, concluding that using race as a criteria for admissions is as Arbitrary as using one's blood type. In Grutter v. Bollinger___U.S.___, 123 S.Ct. 2325, 156 L.Ed.2d 304, 2003 WL 21433492 (U.S., Jun 23, 2003) (NO. 02-241), the U.S. Supreme Court narrowly endorsed the use of race in choosing students for America's top universities and the concept of racial diversity as a buffalo order courseworks exe governmental interest. In a landmark decision with wide-ranging implications for affirmative action programs across the United States, the Court ruled that it does not violate the Equal Protection Clause to give some preferential treatment to disadvantaged minorities, calling the diversity that minorities bring to education, business, and the military necessary for the cultivation of "a set of leaders with legitimacy in the eyes of the citizenry." But the victory for affirmative action was conditional, as the Court emphasized that racial preferences should be a temporary contrast compare essays guillen and jose than permanent fixture in American society, and called for "periodic reviews" and "sunset provisions" for race-conscious admissions.In the 5-4 decision, written by Justice Sandra Day O'Connor and joined by joined by Justices John Paul Stevens, david souterRuth Bader Ginsburg, with daycare experience no for resume worker stephen breyer2010 chevy sat writing topics Court ruled that attaining a diverse student body is at the heart of a law school's proper institutional mission, and that Good Faith on the part of a university in pursuing diversity should be presumed, absent a showing to the contrary. The Supreme Court emphasized that the law school sought to enroll a "critical mass" of minority students, not simply to assure that its student body had some specified percentage of a particular group. In concluding that the law school's admissions policy was narrowly tailored, the Supreme Court stated that the policy did not operate as a quota, but used race as a "plus" factor, such that the policy was flexible enough to ensure that each applicant was evaluated as an individual. The plaintiff was a white Michigan resident whose application was writing epr af ball bullets by the law school. She alleged that her application was denied because the law school used race as a "predominant factor." A district court agreed with the plaintiff, but the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals reversed. In a separate 6-3 decision handed down the same day as Grutter v. Bollingerthe Court struck down a separate University of Michigan under-graduate-admissions process based on a point system because the admissions process made race a "decisive" factor, rather than just one of many in determining who was admitted. Gratz v. Bollinger___U.S.___, 123 S.Ct. 2411, 156L.Ed.2d 257, 2003 WL 21434002 (U.S. Jun 23,2003) (NO. 02-516). The opinion was delivered by Chief Justice william rehnquistwho on msc security thesis network joined by Justices O'Connor, Antonin Scalia, anthony kennedyand Clarence Thomas. This point-system ruling is expected to force state schools that use similar numerical methods to revise them, and it could cause companies to rethink their reliance o essay write lee the use symbolize harper my does cheap how quantitative evaluations of job applicants and employees. Although Michigan is a public university, the decision is considered likely to apply to selective private universities as well because they receive government funding. It also will affect admission practices at selective public high schools where affirmative action has also been eliminated or besieged. Distaste for affirmative action also essay components personal narrative of a opponents to attack the policy at the state level through ballot initiatives and referendums. In November 1998, the California electorate passed Proposition 209 (54 to 46 percent), which banned many of the affirmative action programs in California. The Referendum was promoted by the nonprofit Center for Individual Rights, which was also instrumental in building opposition to the University of Texas admissions policy that was struck down in Hopwood. The proposition has remained a controversial topic, with supporters arguing that state and local officials have avoided dismantling affirmative action. These same supporters continue to call on state officials to enforce the law. Officials, however, have pointed out that under the proposition, when federal laws mandate affirmative action to qualify for federal monies, the state law must give way. In 2000, Florida became the first state to a Help bestgetfastessay.org write thesis statement end affirmative action in higher education and state contracts. Public universities put into place new college admission policies that prohibit affirmative action. One new component was the Talented 20 Plan, which mandates that students who graduate in the top 20 percent of their class and who complete a college preparatory curriculum must be admitted into one of the ten state universities. These changes were designed to increase opportunity and diversity while ending racial preferences and set-asides. In the face of continuing legal challenges, the fate of U.S. affirmative action programs remained unclear in early 2004. Recent federal court decisions as well as state government actions suggested that affirmative action policies might need to change in order to pass constitutional muster in the future. Commentators speculated that Overview Business Planning Services Supreme Court—after expected retirement of the older justices—might be more likely to signal its rejection of existing affirmative action principles. ACLU. 1995a. Affirmative Varying ppt models image presentation formation time. Briefing paper no. 17, March 22. ——. 1995b. The Case for Waiting The Godot for in Absurdity Action. July 1. "Affirmative Action." mauro university barisone notaio bologna. CQ Researcher. April 28. Clinton, President Bill. 1995. Speech at the National Archives, July 31. Coyle, Marcia. 2003. "The Fallout Begins: In Its Final Week of the Term, the Supreme Court Hands Down Landmark Rulings That Give Legal Backing to Two Kinds of Diversity; Affirmative Action and Gay Rights." The National Law Journal 25 (July 7). Curry, George E., and Cornel West, eds. 1996. The Affirmative Action Debate. New York: Perseus. Landsberg, Brian K. 2003. "Affirmative-Action Decision Indicated Shifts in Position." The Los Angeles Daily Journal 116 (June 30). Rubio, Philip F. 2001. A History of Affirmative Action, 1619–2000. Oxford: Univ. Press of Mississippi. n. the topics social health essay construction of of a business or governmental agency in which it gives special rights of hiring or advancement to ethnic minorities to make up past discrimination against that minority. Affirmative action has been the subject of legal battles on the basis that it is samuel 1 literary of 28 analysis discrimination against caucasians, but in most challenges to affirmative action the a business interview essay small owner have been upheld. Want to thank TFD for its existence? Tell a friend inventor crossword writer pasternak us, add a link to this page, or visit the webmaster's page for free fun content.


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This tutorial exists for these OS versions
- Ubuntu 22.04 (Jammy Jellyfish)
- Ubuntu 18.04 (Bionic Beaver)
- Ubuntu 16.04 (Xenial Xerus)
- Ubuntu 15.10 (Wily Werewolf)
- Ubuntu 15.04 (Vivid Vervet)
- Ubuntu 14.10 (Utopic Unicorn)
On this page
Installing Apache2 With PHP5 And MySQL Support On Ubuntu 10.04 (LAMP)
Version 1.0
Author: Falko Timme
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LAMP is short for Linux, Apache, MySQL, PHP. This tutorial shows how you can install an Apache2 webserver on an Ubuntu 10.04 server with PHP5 support (mod_php) and MySQL support.
I do not issue any guarantee that this will work for you!
1 Preliminary Note
In this tutorial I use the hostname server1.example.com with the IP address 192.168.0.100. These settings might differ for you, so you have to replace them where appropriate.
I'm running all the steps in this tutorial with root privileges, so make sure you're logged in as root:
sudo su
2 Installing MySQL 5
First we install MySQL 5 like this:
aptitude install mysql-server mysql-client
You will be asked to provide a password for the MySQL root user - this password is valid for the user root@localhost as well as [email protected], so we don't have to specify a MySQL root password manually later on:
New password for the MySQL "root" user: <-- yourrootsqlpassword
Repeat password for the MySQL "root" user: <-- yourrootsqlpassword
3 Installing Apache2
Apache2 is available as an Ubuntu package, therefore we can install it like this:
aptitude install apache2
Now direct your browser to http://192.168.0.100, and you should see the Apache2 placeholder page (It works!):
Apache's default document root is /var/www on Ubuntu, and the configuration file is /etc/apache2/apache2.conf. Additional configurations are stored in subdirectories of the /etc/apache2 directory such as /etc/apache2/mods-enabled (for Apache modules), /etc/apache2/sites-enabled (for virtual hosts), and /etc/apache2/conf.d.
4 Installing PHP5
We can install PHP5 and the Apache PHP5 module as follows:
aptitude install php5 libapache2-mod-php5
We must restart Apache afterwards:
/etc/init.d/apache2 restart

subset: commoncrawl


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Sometime in the next few weeks, Donald Trump will be briefed on the procedures for how to activate the U.S. nuclear arsenal, if he hasn't already learned about them.
All year, the prospect of giving the real estate and reality TV mogul the power to launch attacks that would kill millions of people was one of the main reasons his opponents argued against electing him. "A man you can bait with a tweet is not a man we can trust with nuclear weapons," Hillary Clinton said in her speech accepting the Democratic presidential nomination. Republicans who didn't support Trump — and even some who did, such as Florida Sen. Marco Rubio — also said they didn't think Trump could be trusted with the launch codes.
Now they're his. When Trump takes office in January, he will have sole authority over more than 7,000 warheads. There is no failsafe. The whole point of U.S. nuclear weapons control is to make sure that the president — and only the president — can use them whenever he decides to do so. The only sure way to keep President Trump from launching a nuclear attack, under the system we've had in place since the early Cold War, would have been to elect someone else.
When the legal framework for nuclear weapons was developed, the fear was about not irrational presidents but trigger-happy generals. The Atomic Energy Act of 1946, passed with President Harry Truman's signature after nine months of acrimonious congressional hearings, firmly put the power of the atomic bomb in the hands of the president and the civilian components of the executive branch. It was a momentous and controversial law, crafted in the months following the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, with an eye toward future standoffs with the Soviet Union.
The members of Congress who wrote the law, largely with the backing of the scientists who worked on the Manhattan Project, framed it explicitly as a question of who controls the power to use nuclear weapons: Is dropping an atomic bomb a military act or a political one? If it is inherently political, above and beyond a regular military tactic, then that power could not be entrusted to the military. Ultimately, the president was supposed to be the check against the Pentagon pushing to use nukes more often.
The scientists' fears were based in their experiences in World War II. Their work under the Army Corps of Engineers and the Army Air Forces left them with a sour taste: Generals, they concluded, cared little about ethics, democracy or international politics. Even during the war, some civilians involved with atomic-bombing work feared that the military had become too eager to leave German and Japanese cities in cinders. The secretary of war, Henry Stimson, learned about the ruinous firebombing of Tokyo from the press. He warned Truman that letting the military run the show might cause the United States to "get the reputation of outdoing Hitler in atrocities."
This division between military and civilian control over nuclear weapons has been weaker or stronger at various points. In the late 1940s, U.S. nuclear weapons could have their nuclear components — the plutonium or uranium "pits" needed to start their reactions — removed and inserted as needed. The nuclear parts of the atomic bombs were in the custody of the civilian Atomic Energy Commission (the precursor to the present-day Energy Department), while the military controlled the nonnuclear parts. The president had the power to transfer these pits to the military and order their use.
During the Eisenhower administration, more compact and complex weapons were developed whose nuclear and nonnuclear parts could not be separated. Fearing a Soviet sneak attack, President Dwight D. Eisenhower put the military in charge of most of the U.S. nuclear stockpile to streamline a possible response. Eisenhower also "pre-delegated" authority to the military to use tactical nuclear weapons (aimed at tanks, not cities) without getting specific presidential approval in certain situations, such as if Soviet tank columns rolled into Germany's Fulda Gap.
Fears of low-level commanders setting off nuclear conflagrations during the tensions of the early 1960s persuaded President John F. Kennedy to dial some of this back. Miscommunications during the Cuban missile crisis almost led to the use of nuclear weapons by both U.S. and Soviet troops, and U.S. weapons stationed abroad, such as the Jupiter missiles in Turkey, could be used by any army that seized control of them. There were also lingering concerns about "Strangelove"-esque rogue generals. The head of the Strategic Air Command, Gen. Thomas Power, was an enthusiastic proponent of preemptive nuclear war.
Similar concerns within the upper reaches of the Kennedy administration led to a push for technologies to "lock" the nuclear weapons and prevent their use without some kind of codes or authorization. Some early versions were as primitive as combination locks, but later versions were complex electro-mechanical systems that could physically disable a weapon if it were tampered with or if the wrong code was entered too many times.
Eventually, the brass adopted the idea that, when it came to nuclear matters, they were at the president's beck and call. It was not generals' responsibility to make the order; it was their responsibility to carry it out.
That the president would be the only person competent to use nuclear weapons was never challenged. Even asking the question would throw the entire system into disarray, as Maj. Harold Hering learned in 1973. Hering was a 21-year Air Force veteran who was decorated for his flying in Vietnam before being sent for training as a nuclear missile squadron commander. He had been taught that officers had an obligation to disobey illegal orders. So when he was told how to launch a nuclear attack, he asked what seemed like a simple question: How could he be sure that an order to launch his missiles was lawful? How could he be sure, for example, that the president wasn't insane? Instead of an answer, he got the boot: an aborted promotion and an administrative discharge for "failure to demonstrate acceptable qualities of leadership" and for indicating "a defective mental attitude towards his duties."
The Air Force's problem, in short, is that once a serviceman starts down the rabbit hole of doubt, he becomes an unreliable second-guesser — and suddenly he is one of the few people who can decide whether nuclear weapons are used.
The procedure for ordering a nuclear attack involves more than one person: The president cannot literally press a button on his desk and start World War III. There is no "nuclear button" at all. Instead, the U.S. nuclear command-and-control system is bureaucratically and technically complex, stretching out to encompass land-based missile silos, submarine-based ballistic and cruise missiles, and weapons capable of being dropped from bombers. The chain of command requires that the president order the secretary of defense to carry out a launch; the secretary serves as the conduit for implementation by the military. There are succession policies in place so that the procedure can be continued in the event of the death or incapacitation of either the president or the secretary of defense — or their designated successors.
Most details of how a nuclear war would be started are classified, because an enemy who knew enough about the system could come up with ways to complicate or defeat it. What is known is that an aide is always following the president, carrying at least one large satchel (often two) known as the "nuclear football," reportedly containing information about nuclear attack possibilities and how the president could verify his identity, authenticate orders and communicate with the military about implementing them.
Could the secretary of defense refuse to carry out a presidential order for a nuclear attack? The legal and constitutional aspects are not clear. The official doctrine that has been released says nothing about this question, and the cryptic public responses to official inquiries, even from Congress, indicate that it is not something that can be openly talked about. "Only the president can authorize the use of nuclear weapons" is essentially the only reply officials ever give to any questions about nuclear controls. Could the president simply fire the defense secretary and move on to the deputy secretary, the secretary of the Army and so on through the chain of command? Maybe. Such an action would at least slow things down, even if the refusal to carry out the order was illegal.
Commanders further down the pipeline are trained to act quickly on any orders that do come in. The launch officers are trained to launch weapons, not to debate the action's legality or advisability. Hence the problem with Hering's question in 1973: While nuclear launch officers are not meant to be strictly mechanical (and indeed, the United States has always resisted fully automating the process), if they stopped to question whether their authenticated orders were legitimate, they would put the credibility of U.S. nuclear deterrence at risk.
Congress held hearings on these issues in the mid-1970s, but nothing came of them. The debate faded away except among a small circle of nuclear wonks. In the early 1980s, Jeremy Stone, then the president of the Federation of American Scientists, proposed that Congress ought to pass a law restricting presidential use of nuclear weapons. The idea was fairly simple: So long as no nuclear weapons had been used by another power in a conflict, the president should not be able to order a first strike with nuclear weapons without getting approval from a fairly large committee of high-ranking members of Congress. It would not eliminate the possibility of an American first strike but would spread the responsibility more democratically.
The idea was pooh-poohed by legal scholars, who noted that Congress has often been far more belligerent than presidents and that the logistics could be complicated.
The people who set up the current command-and-control system did believe there was a check in place: elections. Don't want an insane president to have nuclear weapons? Don't put one in office. But this isn't necessarily much of a check — even rational presidents have bad days; even high-functioning people succumb to mental illness or substance abuse.
It might be worth resurrecting this debate , if we take seriously the idea that presidents — any of them, much less Trump — should not have the legal authority to conduct arbitrary and unilateral nuclear war. Perhaps now, decades after the end of the Cold War, we are past the moment when we need to entrust that power in a single person. One can imagine a law that would allow the president to use nuclear weapons in the face of imminent danger, the sort of situation in which a matter of minutes or even seconds could make a difference, but would enact formal requirements for outside consensus when more options were on the table. It would not require a full renunciation of the possibility of a first-strike nuclear attack (something the United States has never been willing to make) but might add some reassurances that such decisions would not be made unilaterally.
Congress ceded a considerable amount of power to the presidency in 1946. Seventy years later, maybe it is time lawmakers took some of it back.
Washington Post
Alex Wellerstein is a historian of nuclear weapons at the Stevens Institute of Technology in Hoboken, N.J. He runs the website Restricted Data: The Nuclear Secrecy Blog.


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(CNN) -- A federal court on Wednesday struck down two provisions of the Patriot Act dealing with searches and intelligence gathering, saying they violate the Fourth Amendment protection against unreasonable searches and seizures with regard to criminal prosecutions.
"It is critical that we, as a democratic nation, pay close attention to traditional Fourth Amendment principles," wrote Judge Ann Aiken of the U.S. District Court for the District of Oregon in her 44-page decision. "The Fourth Amendment has served this nation well for 220 years, through many other perils."
The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court of Review, set up to review wiretap applications in intelligence cases under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, or FISA, "holds that the Constitution need not control the conduct of criminal surveillance in the United States," Aiken wrote.
"In place of the Fourth Amendment, the people are expected to defer to the executive branch and its representation that it will authorize such surveillance only when appropriate."
The government "is asking this court to, in essence, amend the Bill of Rights, by giving it an interpretation that would deprive it of any real meaning. The court declines to do so," Aiken said.
The Justice Department was reviewing the decision, said spokesman Dean Boyd.
The ruling was a response to a lawsuit filed against the federal government by Brandon Mayfield, a Portland, Oregon, attorney who was wrongly arrested for alleged involvement in the 2004 Madrid train bombings.
The federal government later apologized to Mayfield and settled part of Mayfield's lawsuit for $2 million. But Mayfield was permitted to keep pursuing the portions of his lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of the Patriot Act.
Mayfield claimed in the suit that his home and law offices were secretly broken into by the FBI, his clients' files at his office were searched, his business and personal computers were secretly copied, his telephone was wiretapped and his home was bugged.
Mayfield said he was "excited and happy" with the ruling.
"This, to me, is not so much personal," he said. "I think it's just the right thing to do. It was the right thing to continue to challenge the constitutionality of the Patriot Act."
"This is an example of the judicial branch doing what it should do, and that's to be a check and balance for the legislative and executive branch of government," he said. "I feel wonderful today, because the Fourth Amendment has been restored to its rightful place, and the balance between liberty and security is balanced again."
Mayfield's attorneys -- Gerry Spence, Elden Rosenthal and Michelle Longer Eder -- lauded the ruling.
"Judge Aiken, in striking down the challenged provisions of the Patriot Act, has upheld both the tradition of judicial independence and our nation's most cherished principle of the right to be secure in one's own home," they said in a written statement. "We are relieved that the Bill of Rights can be honored and preserved even in times of perceived crisis."
Aiken ruled that FISA, as amended by the Patriot Act, permits the government to conduct surveillance and searches targeting Americans without satisfying the probable-cause standard in the Fourth Amendment.
"Prior to the amendments [to FISA], the three branches of government operated with thoughtful and deliberate checks and balances -- a principle upon which our nation was founded," Aiken wrote.
But the Patriot Act, she said, eliminated "the constitutionally required interplay between executive action, judicial decision and Congressional enactment."
"For over 200 years, this nation has adhered to the rule of law -- with unparalleled success. A shift to a nation based on extra-constitutional authority is prohibited, as well as ill-advised," she wrote.
Aiken noted that FISA does not require that the subject of a search be notified, although the Fourth Amendment ordinarily does. In addition, she said, the Fourth Amendment requires particularity -- authorities seeking a search warrant, for example, must list what they are looking for and where they are looking for it.
Named to the bench in 1997 by President Clinton, Aiken is considered one of the more liberal judges on the federal bench in Oregon. E-mail to a friend
All About Espionage and Intelligence


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March 2, 1978
PIX #1 - Lincoln-Kennedy penny
Not long ago Esther Chance, a lifelong Fostorian, and old friend of mine, gave me an uncirculated penny. I am not ordinarily a collector of such items but I treasure it because she gave it to me, and because of a special signigicance of this particular coing.
Perhaps some readers know about it...but I didn't until I inherited it. In addition to the head of Lincoln in normal size, there is a small profile of John F. Kennedy looking at Lincoln.
Here are the astonishing coincidences between the two presidents:
1. Lincoln was
elected in 1860. Kennedy was elected in 1960.
Your editor knows very little about horoscopes, the signs people are born under, and all that stuff...but probably those who study those things have an answer for the similarities of Lincoln and Kennedy.
From Norman Fruth...about Carl Anderson story. Norm reports he had the sterring wheel from the wrecked car of Anderson. J.F. Fruth, father of Norm, salvaged the part from teh wreckage, labelled it and hung it in the basement of Fruth Hardware, where it collected dust for many years before being discovered.
From Royal Shoemaker...about Carl Anderson story. "I;ve lived on Sandusky Street at the time of Anderson's accident and death, and remember the Fostoria and Fremont interurban car moving slowly toward Fremont, bearing the casket and remains of Anderson for burial there. On the rear platform stood a uniformed lodge brother, erect, at attention, in honor of Anderson. I was just a boy, but remember it well".
I have had a request from Fostoria High School for suitable photos of all of the superintendents of the school, going back as far as possible. They would like to copy and frame them for the high school building.


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I thought 3D movies were the coolest thing ever when I was a kid. I even loved the silly paper glasses with one red lens and one blue lens and took them home to play with until they completely fell apart. I thought it was neat when popcorn looked like it was flying into the air, or arrows soared over my head, or random birds or feathers or just about anything came out of the screen at me. This was when I was a kid.
Then came a time when 3D fell by the wayside and I forgot all about it until Jaws 3D arrived on screens. I went to see this with a group of my friends, despite being terrified at the whole idea of Jaws. I couldn't tell you much about this movie now. It was a blur of sharks, people screaming, blood in the water and a last ditch effort to save the world, but I do remember one 3D moment quite vividly. It involved a dead body and worms and that was the last I ever wanted to see of 3D.
I avoided it until Avatar, which I saw in 3D, surround sound, IMAX, blah blah blah because everyone said I absolutely had to see it that way in order to appreciate the movie. And, although it was incredibly pretty, I was unimpressed with the movie as a whole. The story was not intriguing and ridiculous things kept happening. They took out armored choppers with spears. Spears! This movie is single-handedly responsible for turning my dislike of 3D into something more akin to hatred. All of which poses a bit of a problem for me as a die hard Star Wars fan.
In just a few days, on February 10th, Star Wars Episode 1: The Phantom Menace will be hitting theaters in 3D. As a Star Wars fan but a 3D hater I have no idea how to handle this situation. I know, my first complaint should be to demand that George Lucas stop messing with the movies, but I'm actually okay with the changes. I don't like them all but he made the movies to begin with so I figure he should be able to tweak them a bit. (Except for Han and Greedo which was a horrible mistake. Han shot first. End of Story.)
So, although I'm okay with changing things, hopefully for the better, I dread the thought of going to see a movie in 3D. I have visions of lightsabers appearing to poke my eye out or Anakin flying a ship right over my head. This won't be cool, it'll be hokey. But, and this is a big but, what if it's the most awesome version of a Star Wars movie ever created and I don't see it just because I hate 3D? What if that lightsaber duel is improved? What if JarJar is somehow less noticeable?
In the end, my love of Star Wars is going to win out, although I'm not at all convinced I'm going to walk away happy. I will pay too much for my ticket. I will buy over-priced popcorn. I will don those horribly uncomfortable glasses and sip my two-gallon soda. I will see Star Wars in 3D but, honestly, I've got a bad feeling about this.


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Home Refinance Appraisal Tips
Michael Behan
Branch Manager
Email: [email protected]
Home appraisals are the number one reason that we have to reject mortgage applications at Total Mortgage. When you are looking to refinance your home, a lender will require an appraisal to verify the value of the home. If the appraisal comes in below the expected value, the result can be higher mortgage rates, the requirement of mortgage insurance, or possibly even an outright denial if the buyer is underwater (this is when the home is worth less than the balance of the mortgage loan).
Appraisal values are determined largely by the age and condition of your home, any improvements that were made since the last appraisal, and the sale price of nearby homes that are comparable to the one being refinanced. The appraisal process is largely out of your hands, but the following are some things you can do that may help you out.
- Try to gather comparable sales data for homes in your area. Your loan officer or a realtor may be able to assist you with this.
- Discuss any below-market sales in your area with your loan officer before you apply for your loan. If possible, try to find out why the home sold below market; this may help you in the event that you need to rebut a low appraisal value.
- Mention any property upgrades/replacements to your appraiser (e.g., a new roof, an addition, a new hot water heater, etc.)
- Make sure that you have any necessary permits for your upgrades before your appraisal.
- If you have improved the property without permits, alert your loan officer immediately.
- Remember that improvements and additions that are made below grade (such as a finished basement) do not add to the overall square footage of your house, and do not add anywhere near as much value as improvements made above grade.
- Understand that appraisals are based on the sale price of comparable houses, rather than the listed price.
For more information on the appraisal process or refinancing your mortgage, use our apply form to speak with one of our licensed mortgage professionals.


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By Rev. Dr. Michael W. Waters
"Then I will purify the lips of the peoples, that all of them may call on the name of the Lord and serve him shoulder to shoulder." – Zephaniah 3:9
I remember our first meeting well. It was a sweltering summer day in Dallas, Juneteenth, to be exact. The nineteenth of June is usually quite jubilant, especially in the South, a day of family and fun, of heritage and heart, indeed, a day of great joy.
This Juneteenth was somber. Two days before, a young white supremacist entered a Bible Study at Mother Emanuel A.M.E. Church in Charleston, South Carolina. He sat amongst the pastor and his congregants for one hour. Before departing, he bombarded their Bible Study with bullets, leaving holes in the walls, in the floor, and in the bodies of those who had sat with him around the tables.
There we were, standing near the foot of a towering statue of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.: a white pastor from affluent North Dallas, a Black pastor from impoverished South Dallas, and an imam from a Dallas Suburb, all meeting together for the first time. We had come together with others to stand in vigil for Charleston. The white pastor and the imam sincerely offered me their condolences. I had not experienced any personal loss of family or friends, but as an A.M.E. minister, I grieved all the same with my Connectional family.
Six months later, we sat together around tables. A film crew and correspondent with VICE on HBO were also present to film our proceedings. We had gathered together this time to develop strategies to counter armed Islamaphobes who were busy carrying out an intimidation campaign against Muslim Americans in North Texas.
For months, heavily armed individuals had been parading outside of mosques, carrying signs of bigotry and closely walking behind Muslim worshipers as they approached their mosques. Taking a page from bigots during the American Civil Rights Movement, one hate group went so far as to publish online the home addresses of Muslim American leaders in the community.
Six months following that assembly, we stood together amid a massive crowd that had gathered under dreary and weeping skies. Earlier that morning, another bloody act of terror unfolded in America. This time it was at a club, Pulse, in Orlando, Florida.
We gathered at the then weeks old Resource Center of Dallas, a center for Dallas' LGBTQ community. Cowardly acts of violence had been directed at Dallas' LGBTQ community in the Oak Lawn community for the better part of a year. Upwards to 30 reports of violent assault had been reported since the previous September. The imam and I spoke at a press conference to denounce these acts of terror. We remained for a vigil for the fallen, where the imam spoke, before marching together in memorial through the streets of Dallas.
The following month, I stood together with the imam on a small hill in a park in Downtown Dallas. Over the previous 48 hours, the world had viewed the brutal deaths of Alton Sterling and Philando Castile at the hands of police officers. Again, we gathered under a sweltering summer sun, in Dallas, hundreds of people spilling over to the very edges of the park. I addressed the crowd, and afterwards, marched peacefully throughout the streets of Dallas with the mass. At the conclusion of the march, I stood shoulder to shoulder on a street corner with the imam.
Suddenly, our peace was interrupted with the sound of an assault rifle and screams of terror. We ran to take cover behind the marble columns of a nearby courthouse. In another cowardly act of terror by a lone gunman, five police officers lay dead. When the imam and I had made it safely to my church, I plugged up and checked my phone. There was a message from the white pastor pleading to know that we were okay. I responded that we were, but that he continue to pray.
Six months later, we stood, again, shoulder to shoulder, a white pastor, a Black pastor, and an imam. This time, our standing ground was an international airport. The American Commander-in-Chief had signed an Executive Order banning Muslims from seven countries from entering the United States of America. We joined a great mass that had gathered together to denounce this bigotry and hatred.
As we stood, grandmothers and infants who had harmed no one had been detained for 24 hours. Having traveled by air for almost an entire day, some weary travels had already been sent back overseas. Attorneys worked feverishly to get the ban lifted, and protestors lifted their voices to apply pressure to this unjust system.
During these recent and volatile years, we have found ourselves standing shoulder to shoulder frequently. We have stood shoulder to shoulder while speaking out against acts of domestic terrorism committed against our communities, while mobilizing our communities to resist injustice, and while creating spaces for comfort and encouragement to keep our communities committed to the struggle. What continues to draw us together near the shoulder is not merely empathy for one another, but the unshakable knowledge that, as Dr. King, at whose feet we first gathered, spoke, "Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere."
We stand shoulder to shoulder at this harrowing hour with a keen sense of intersectionality. The same system that justifies and enacts violence towards one justifies and enacts violence towards us all. In our present struggle, there are no days off. There are no issues resigned solely for one oppressed, persecuted, or marginalized community. What impacts one impacts all.
We do not stand shoulder to shoulder because that is where our doctrine meets. There is great diversity in our expression of our faith. Moreover, what draws us together at the shoulder is the conviction that all God's children deserve to live free from harm and from the threat of harm.
Given the near constant turmoil and trauma surrounding these days, it is likely that we will soon be called, again, to each other's shoulders, but we will do so without hesitation. In our modern struggle for civil and human rights, we find strength and allies in our work for justice at the shoulder.
We lend our shoulders to help carry the burden.
We lend our shoulders as space upon which to weep.
And there, at the point that our shoulders meet, we find God. There with God we are reminded that all things are possible to them that believe.
And we are they who believe in justice.
The Reverend Dr. Michael W. Waters is the author of Stakes is High: Race, Faith and Hope for America. He is the founder and Senior Pastor of Joy Tabernacle A.M.E. Church in Dallas, Texas, one of the newest and fastest-growing A.M.E. churches in the state. He also serves as the newly appointed Senior Pastor of Agape Temple A.M.E. Church in Dallas, Texas. His website is michaelwwaters.com
This article originally appeared on patheos.com.


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South by Southwest is very precious. But it's also genuinely a good place to learn about the future—especially for readers of this site. Today, our publisher Nick Denton sat down with Anil Dash to talk about comments.
What does the future hold for commenting on Gawker Media sites like this one? What's fractional commenting? Why can some commenters be so mean? Where did it all go wrong? Just what the hell is wrong with you people anyway? (I kid!)
There's no video up of the talk. (At least not that I've found. Did you shoot some? Hit me.) But here's how it played out on Twitter—which is to say as narrated by the Internet's most meta-commenting system. And of course the big question is: How do you feel about all this? Let us know in the comments. Word? Word.


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I am a huge fan of sci-fi/dystopian novels--and that is still mind-boggling to me because I did not like science fiction at all when I was younger--but, cannot seem to add enough of these series to my reading lists these days. The Woodman series by G.H. Bright seems to combine a little bit of everything that I like in sci-fi/end of the world novels--so, once again, I need to find time to give the series a start! Check out The Woodman series, learn about author G.H. Bright--and enter for a chance to win a $10 Amazon Gift Card in the giveaway at the end of this post!
The Roads of Hell
The Woodman, Book 1
By G.H. Bright
Genre: Post Apocalyptic, Dystopian, SciFi
POST APOCALYPTIC, yet so much more!
"Modified Ebola has decimated the globe, handfuls of survivors eke out an existence whilst others are intent on building from the ashes a world of unimaginable pain and horror. The Woodman fights to keep the world from tipping completely over the edge whilst battling his own demons. "
Imagine a world where nothing is easy. No electricity, electronic communications fuel or running water. Imagine that world came so fast there was nothing you could do about it. No preparation, no stockpiling of goods. One day you flick a switch and a fire comes on, the next day you need to learn to make fire to get warm and keep animals away.
No law, no order, survival of the fittest is the name of the game. From seven billion human beings to a few million spread out across the globe almost overnight.
Ebola has attacked the human race, virtually wiping it from the face of the planet. For those who survived, the struggle is just beginning and for some the nightmare is just starting.
A madman, now free of prison hospital builds an army and marches on Coast Town with the intent of taking for his own ends. Coast Town is a haven on the south coast of England, a refuge for the few survivors to gather and start again. Three years on from the dark day when Ebola first struck, the people face another challenge, this one perhaps all the more frightening because it might not kill you, just enslave.
Duke Woods, The Woodman, stands in the way of the madman. Duke has the power to stop him and a score to settle, too. With the help of another man, a new friend, they take the battle to the madman known as The Black Pope.
Will Duke survive?
Can The Black Pope be beaten?
Will the Ebola virus, known to all as The Death, return?
As Duke's past comes back to haunt him so the battle for life takes off, with not only his life in the balance but that of Coast Town,too.
The Fires of Hell
The Woodman Book 2
This second instalment starts six weeks after Book one, the Roads of Hell, finished.
The reluctant hero in the making, Duke Woods, The Woodman, has contracted Ebola, otherwise known simply as "The Death".
The Black Pope is still alive and kicking, unknown to most, and The Woodman has a new friend.
Michelle, a six-year-old girl remains at his side watching and waiting whilst The Death ravages his body. Hannah, the love of his life is not allowed near them in case she and the child she carries become infected and the communities, at the news of his contagion, go into lock-down.
Hannah is nearly six months pregnant, Sue is seven months into her pregnancy, and several other women are carrying babies too.
As Duke recovers, he finds the Army is still in place and helping everyone it can, and the Elders are still unable to achieve even the simplest of things. Coast Town looks to be thriving again with the new influx of people but as always, trouble is just around the corner and new horror surfaces.
Just when things looks good for the survivor's, just as they begin to grasp skills forgotten, new evils and hard times rush to compound issues and make life a far greater struggle than it already was. The Death wiped out 90% of Mankind; illness and disease took even more.
Those that lived through it, instead of banding together, seem unable to change their ways and people find they still have to fight Mankind's greatest enemy, Mankind itself.
The Gates of Hell
The Woodman Book 3
This instalment begins six hours after Duke Woods, AKA The Woodman, has decided he must leave Coast Town.
If he leaves, they stand a chance of negotiation with the small army coming their way and he gets to go home to his family. If he stays, the army will want his head. He has to try and flee, regardless of how it looks to others.
The 'reluctant hero in the making', fights his way out with bow and arrow, and arrives home only to find his family in mortal danger. Then, in a twist of fate; Duke is taken prisoner and escorted to Dover Castle. There he has, under threat of death, to fight for his freedom and his sanity as the true horrors of a madman come to light. Seth Windsor is insane and out for blood, a truly bad concoction, and he will only be happy when Duke is forced to fight for his life.
Sue goes to other lands to start a new and joyful life whilst Coast Town burns; only to find the sweet talking man was really a serpent in disguise.
Duke fights evil time and again, fashioning himself unwittingly into a hero regardless of his wish to not be.
Years of peace follow, communities come together, trade together and grow, and a network of towns and villages live in harmony with the people of the woods. Harmony that is, until evil rears its ugly head once more in the form of feral kids linked to Seth Windsor. The Death is still out there, perhaps it always will be, and evil men still rampage across the lands too. The peace is shattered by these feral kids and a new terror from the north. Will peace ever really come to The Woodman?
Hell on Earth
The Woodman Book 4
Duke and Coast Town face a new challenge as the horror from the north, having taken the Oxford Crew, move southward looking for The Woodman. Duke attempts to build an army and defend. Kufuo is still missing, on an adventure of his own trying to trace his roots and all the time ships from the new world head toward them for confrontation. Senator Horst is not all he seems to be and speaks with a serpents tongue. Marine Cobb goes AWOL and tells Duke what he already suspected, that Horst let the Ebola virus loose in the first place. Fighting for his life and the lives of those he loves, Duke must defeat the terror from the north and deal with Senator Horst whilst keeping his people together.
This fourth and final instalment gives the answers to who the people were that died at the start of book one, explains who unleashed the virus, modified it and why. Duke comes close to death, Sue at last finds happiness and Duke, Gould and Troy find out who lives on the forbidden isle.
This is the last in the on-going series, however, the saga continues with books 5 and six.
All Hell Broke Loose
The Woodman Book 5
Modified Ebola was created to wipe out the masses and cut down the numbers of humans on planet Earth. Three differing strains - due to natural mutation and the meddling of the mega-rich - has created a bleak world for those lucky enough to survive. This is book five in the saga and, whereas you might not have read books one - four, you can pick it up by jumping right in here. Life is peaceful once more, the newcomers are getting used to this way of life in southern England and Duke Woods is a dad again. Evil, however comes from across the Channel and threatens the very existence he has fought so hard to build. If the virus wasn't bad enough this new terror rips the heart out of not just Coast Town but The Woodman too as this battle becomes personal and painful.
Hell Hath No Fury
The Woodman Book 6
Three differing factions head for Duke's Lands. All have different agendas, one wants to live in peace and be friends whilst another is happy to die for the cause just so long as The Woodman dies too, and the third faction – an eight hundred strong army – wishes for nothing more than total domination. Attacked on different fronts, abandoned by The West and with his lands diminishing rapidly, Duke Woods has the fight of his life on his hands. It is a fight that will cost dearly, many people will die in battle and the return of The Death will take its share too. Stretched to the limits of manpower and with the weather against them, the Marines and Fighting Men stand side by side with The Woodman and family in a fight to the death to save Coast Town. This is a win or lose-it- all battle to the death. Contains graphic violence and sexual content, not for the squeamish.
I live on the South coast of England, Sussex to be exact, but I was born in Hampshire.
When not writing I Instruct motor vehicle studies, including computer diagnosis & diagnostics on modern systems. I love the beach, being social, walking the beach/woods and family life (not in that order) and real ale.
The Woodman saga - book one written in 2000 - is set in a world where modified Ebola has decimated human life as we know it. Duke Woods fights to bring peace and stability to life again but also has to fight his demons to do so.
A cross between Mad Max meets Game of Thrones, meets Contagion meets Robin Hood, this is the story of a modern day hero trying to do the best for everyone and putting himself in the line of fire to do it.


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|Photo by Cathy Lee, GSB '08, GBA '11
The cold forced the group of students, alumni, faculty, and staff to concentrate on indoor projects for the day, including removing damaged insulation, reinsulating, and bringing in new sheetrock.
"We ended up with 22 people in Breezy Point—more people than degrees!" said Gil Severiano, assistant to the vice president of campus ministry, who was one of the chaperones.
The group also brought donations and other supplies to residents, many of whom are still displaced three months after Sandy struck the east coast. Despite having found temporary shelter in apartments or with family and friends, many lack the comforts of home, making emotional recovery difficult, Severiano said.
|Photo by Cathy Lee, GSB '08, GBA '11
Several participants of the Jan. 26 trip, which was co-sponsored by the Office of Alumni Relations, were featured in a CBS news video, which can be viewed here.
Though the number of overall volunteers have decreased during the winter months, a devoted corps labored beside the Fordham group on Saturday, including a few New Orleans residents who wanted to repay the kindness of New York volunteers who came to help victims of Hurricane Katrina.
"Part of the trip involves going into somebody's home, seeing firsthand what happened, seeing somebody's reaction to their whole world being turned upside down, and offering comfort and support," Severiano said. "It was a good experience for the students, the alumni, everyone, because we actually did important work that day."
The trip was part of a series of one-day outings known as Sandy Saturdays that Fordham will sponsor throughout the spring semester. Volunteers will join organizations such as Habitat for Humanity to help clear debris, gut devastated homes, and assist in the beginnings of the rebuilding efforts.
Sandy Saturdays are set for:
- Feb. 9
- Feb. 23
- March 9
- March 23
- April 6
- April 20
— Joanna Klimaski


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Enjoy and share these Siddha Yoga Note Cards.
The exquisite images on these cards were photographed around the shorelines and hillsides of Lake Nityananda, on the sacred grounds of Shree Muktananda Ashram in celebration of Bhagavan Nityananda's Golden Punyatithi.
Send the Siddha Yoga note cards as thank you cards and holiday greetings. Share your insights and sadhana experiences. Give the collections as gifts to your friends and family. Keep them as inspiration for poetry or to practice contemplation.
Siddha Yoga note cards are a perfect way to commemorate any milestone throughout the year!
Set of four Cards are blank inside. Envelopes included.
Size 5" x 7"
Please review our Terms of Use, Cookie Notice, and Privacy Policy before using this site. © 2023 SYDA Foundation®. All rights reserved. (Swami) MUKTANANDA, (Swami) CHIDVILASANANDA, GURUMAYI, SIDDHA YOGA, SIDDHA PATH, A SWEET SURPRISE, DARSHAN, and MANTRA BEAR are registered trademarks of SYDA Foundation®.


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1) Guardian visualizes world population growth estimates from UN. Nice comparison of similar countries, but results for Africa don't look right 314 million people in Tanzania in 2100? 140 million people in Niger in 2100? A ten fold increase in its current population density?
2) From BBC – how much has the world population grown since your birth? Since mine, its doubled.
3) National Geographic on 7 Billion
4) and from Nature news
Because high fertility is linked with poverty, the big worry globally is the 3.4 billion people who survive on less than US$2 per day, says Joel Cohen, who heads the Laboratory of Populations at the Rockefeller University in New York. The average number of children per woman in the least developed countries is 4.5, compared with 1.7 for developed countries, Cohen says, and this means that most of the additions to the global count are born where there is little access to energy and education, further fuelling the population steamroller. This reality underscores the importance of international development efforts: small increases in wealth and education can lower fertility and dramatically ease the burden of population growth decades down the road.
5) And population data from the UN Population Divsion.


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SOUTH BEND, Ind. — As Manti Te'o walked away from Notre Dame, a disastrous recruiting visit behind him, Jack Swarbrick thought he would never see the linebacker again. On television, perhaps, wreaking havoc for the University of Southern California. But not for Notre Dame. No way.
"I remember thinking distinctly when he left, 'There's not a chance in the world this young man's going to come to school here,' " the athletic director said. "And he did."
And that changed everything.
It changed everything for Te'o, the Mormon from Hawaii who seemingly could not have chosen a more foreign place than a Catholic university in Indiana. It changed everything for Notre Dame, a program struggling to make its present line up with its storied past. It changed everything for a community that has embraced its team and its star in a way few have ever seen.
With three games left in the regular season, including Saturday's against Boston College, Notre Dame is 9-0 and ranked fourth in the BCS, with a chance for a national title. Te'o has made himself into a star, with a long-shot chance at the Heisman Trophy, a nearly impossible feat for a defensive player.
It's all that Te'o wanted from his time in South Bend, echoing the Pop Warner championship, the high school championship. And yet, it has been a year he couldn't have imagined, the pain mixed with the pleasure, the lows doing their best to undermine the highs.
"This year," Te'o said, "has been bittersweet."
Difficult losses
Each blow felt a little harder. His grandfather died first, on Jan. 27, the day after Te'o's 21st birthday. He was a man, as Te'o's father Brian put it, "who Manti had revered ever since he was born. That was his champion."
Four months later, it was a cousin at birth, and in September, his grandmother.
And then, six hours after Te'o had been told of his grandmother's passing, he got word that his girlfriend, stricken with leukemia, had died, too. His parents had been set to meet Lennay Kekua in November, at parents' weekend. His father said he believed she could one day be his daughter-in-law.
Now, she was gone.
"There's nothing I can say to explain it unless somebody's been there before," Te'o said Wednesday. "Somebody told me once the hardest thing about goodbyes is when you wake up in the morning you have to say it again when you realize that they're not there.
"So every morning when I wake up and my girlfriend is not on the phone it reminds me that she's gone. That's the hardest part for me. I go through it every day."
Even with the suffering, Te'o has been at practice every day. He has been at every game, spending every moment he can with his teammates. They have embraced him. All of Notre Dame has embraced him. He has let them, because he needed it.
"I think Manti passed through the fire, through that furnace of moving from a young man to manhood," his father said.
"I could see in his eyes the stress, could see in his eyes the heartache, and I just got overwhelmed with this immense pride that he could actually find the capacity to set his own personal suffering aside to lead a group that really meant a lot to him, to see through his obligations to them despite going through what he was going through.
"He was listening. He was actually listening during all those rides home."
Making the call
Really, though, it seems as if Te'o should have been somewhere else. He should have been at USC, the team he followed growing up, the team a bit closer to his home. Notre Dame didn't make any sense.
Especially not after a visit that included 13 inches of snow, a terrible game, snowballs flying everywhere from the stands — including toward the field — and Te'o dressed more appropriately for the temperate climes of his native state.
"Before this season, I've always wondered what life would be like if I went to USC, I've always wondered that," Te'o said. "But I think after this season I don't have that anymore. This is where I was meant to be and I wouldn't want to be anywhere else. I'm just grateful that I'm here."
But it wasn't easy. Getting Te'o to South Bend took a lot of work and a lot of airline miles, most of them racked up by former assistant coach Brian Polian, now with Texas A&M. Polian made 12 recruiting trips to Hawaii — and another two after Te'o and his best friend, Robby Toma, had committed — in about 15 months.
It wasn't nearly as much fun as it sounds.
It got to the point where Polian was on the same flight each week from Los Angeles to Hawaii, and would get grilled by the Hawaii-based flight attendants on whether he had gotten his man.
"It was surreal," Polian said, calling the recruitment "a once-in-a-generation-type story."
There were the long flights, the recruiting calls made at 2 a.m. in South Bend, the little things. But in the end, Polian said, "it paid off, because we felt like this is the kind of kid that is wired for this place."
Polian still, once or twice a week, gets thank you e-mails from Notre Dame fans.
But it still came down to Te'o's decision.
Te'o's parents had challenged him to make the choice a matter of prayer, and to follow through on whatever answer he received. The answer wasn't what Te'o was expecting. It wasn't even necessarily what he wanted, in his heart.
But he followed his faith.
"I think what people are not taking into account is the amount of courage that it took for this young man to say, 'I'm going to go to Indiana, I'm going to go to a place where it's not always going to be easy, but in the end I believe that it's what is best for my life,' " Polian said.
Feeling of community
Te'o's parents knew he would be successful. They didn't know it would be like this.
Heck, Brian Te'o said, he didn't even think Manti believed it would be like this.
The linebacker has 87 tackles this season, nearly twice as many as any teammate. He is not just one of the best defensive players in the country, he's one of the best players overall.
And yet, as grief has marred what should be the best season of his career, he has stood by his teammates, and they have stood by him. But not just his teammates. Not just his friends. The entire Notre Dame community has massed behind him.
"I've never seen anything like it, really," Swarbrick said. "The mutual embrace is so strong. It's not just that the athlete gives himself to the community, but that the community finds ways to demonstrate how much affection they have for the athlete."
It was never more apparent than on Sept. 22, as the Fighting Irish faced Michigan, hours after his girlfriend's burial. As Te'o noted, they closed the casket at 9:01 in California, as the Irish were going through their walkthrough. He saw the time. He took a moment.
That night, Notre Dame responded. In the stands, thousands of fans were wearing leis. They had them around their necks. They were swinging them on their fingers. They stood out, a tangible show of love and support. It was an effort undertaken by them, not by the school, not by the athletic department.
"That's when I knew," Te'o said. "It was the confirmation that, 'Hey, that leap of faith you took four years ago, this is why you came here. This is why I sent you here.' "
Back in Hawaii, his parents, Ottilia and Brian, watched the broadcast, tears escaping their eyes.
"We realized that Notre Dame not only appreciated him as a football player, they appreciated him as a man," Brian said. "They appreciated him as Manti."
Amalie Benjamin can be reached at firstname.lastname@example.com. Follow her on Twitter @amaliebenjamin.


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I didn't get a chance to post last night about the dinner we had, so I thought I should get that up before we left. Since I was quite busy baking in the kitchen, I didn't want to make something that would take too much time - I went ahead and decided to make this Pasta Carbonara Florentine. With bacon, pasta and cheese it was hard to think of this as a light dish - but using center-cut bacon, whole wheat pasta and tossing in some tender baby spinach made a difference in the end.
Pasta Carbonara was one of the first dishes I tried to make a few years ago when I started to get serious about cooking - I was not all that successful though as I had little chunky pieces of scrambled eggs throughout. However, this recipe resulted in a smooth, creamy sauce that gave the pasta a wonderful sheen. You wouldn't normally find spinach in this dish, but it added a nice pop of color and it helped to cut through the richness. Since you cook the onions in just a little of the bacon fat, you get that smoky background all through the dish without adding too many calories. At four servings, the portions are a little small - but with a serving of fresh vegetables or maybe even a couple quick drop biscuits like we did, it was a very satisfying dinner.
Pasta Carbonara Florentine


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"For the first time in my life, I'm proud of this First Lady," snarks a Politico commenter. Why? Michelle Obama has reworn her much-scrutinized outfits. Sometimes as many as four times!
That's what Politico reports today in a piece that's easy to mock but also points to how profoundly politicized Michelle Obama's every move is. Just listen to the commentators muse about her clothing's link to the economy:
"I think the fact that [the first lady] re-wears pieces from her wardrobe shows deference to the economy ... but more so, it's normal," said Mary Tomer, author of the book "Mrs. O: The Face of Fashion Democracy" and writer of the blog Mrs-O.org. "Even in the White House, it doesn't seem practical that a dress or a pair of shoes would only be worn once."
And Lucky editor in chief Kim France:
"One thing that people love about Michelle Obama is she is such a real life woman, practical and pragmatic," she told POLITICO. "This day and age, it's really tacky to think you would not repeat outfits."
Indeed. Then again, surely previous First Ladies rewore their clothing — Rosalynn Carter even wore the same gown to her husband's presidential inauguration as when he was inaugurated as governor. It's just that no one gave this much of a shit at the time. That said, Hillary Clinton should probably be relieved she was a First Lady before Politico and the blogosphere existed. What she got was bad enough.
Flotus Wears It Again [Politico]


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Wrongful Conviction Roundup – Q1 2017
Each quarter, we think it's important to remind people that the criminal justice system is fallible, and that thousands of innocent people are swept into it based on human error or misconduct. This quarter's wrongful conviction roundup focuses on people who were victimized by law enforcement officers' intentional bad acts. What makes police fficers distort… Read More