text:
Services on Demand
Related links
- Cited by Google
- Similars in Google
SA Journal of Industrial Psychology
On-line version ISSN 2071-0763
Print version ISSN 0258-5200
SA j. ind. Psychol. vol.38 n.2 Johannesburg Jan. 2012
Humour as defence against the anxiety manifesting in diversity experiences
Olga Coetzee; Frans Cilliers
Department of Industrial and Organisational Psychology, University of South Africa, South Africa
ORIENTATION: Using humour in diversity contexts may relieve tension temporarily, but it happens at the expense of someone and indicates a defence against an unconscious anxiety dynamic.
RESEARCH PURPOSE: The purpose of this research was to describe the manifestation of humour as a defence mechanism against diversity anxiety.
MOTIVATION FOR THE RESEARCH: In working with diversity dynamics in South African organisations, consultants and participants often do not take humour seriously, let alone interpret the accompanying dynamic aspects. Working below the surface with humour may elicit much more and typical diversity dynamics worth investigating.
RESEARCH DESIGN, APPROACH AND METHOD: The research design was qualitative and descriptive, using multiple case studies and content analysis.
MAIN FINDINGS: Humour is used as a defence against the anxiety experienced in diversity contexts caused by fear of the unknown within the self and the projection of the fear onto another identity group.
PRACTICAL/MANAGERIAL APPLICATION: Diversity consultations interpreting humour as defence mechanism can provide added opportunities for exploring dynamics below the surface.
CONTRIBUTION/VALUE-ADD: Deeper understanding of the unconscious dynamics of diversity humour could lead to meaningful interventions in organisations.
The use of humour in diversity contexts is often defended as breaking the ice because the laughter relieves tension and participants feel more at ease. The question is whether everyone feels more at ease - even the person(s) at whose expense the joke was made? In one of the case studies discussed in this study, the statement was made, 'we have made so much progress with diversity that we can now openly joke about our differences.' It could be argued that this is not progress, but a (unconscious) defence against the anxiety provoking work with the real deep-seated stereotypes and prejudices that underlie the joke. What is really below the 'racist joke', the 'blonde joke', the 'gay joke' and the 'gender joke'?
The global human rights drive has led to the emancipation of previously oppressed race, gender, religious and sexual orientation groups. This, together with the post-apartheid era in South Africa, has necessitated ongoing diversity interventions in organisations to enable performance in the face of the diversity challenge (Coetzee, 2007). The challenge is to create unity in contexts in which people from different identity groups such as race, gender, generation or sexual orientation are expected to work together in heterogeneous teams (Cilliers, 2007). This is amplified in South African work groups because employees come from a vast array of cultural backgrounds and religions (Maier, 2002), have different dietary laws, dress codes and cultural taboos (Elion & Strieman, 2002), and they are also economically split between very rich and very poor (Chasing the rainbow, 2006). Employees often carry complex unresolved emotions such as anger and guilt from the apartheid era (Booysen, 2005; Pretorius, 2003). Coetzee (2007) developed and tested the face validity of the Community Building Model (CBM) for diversity consultation by means of which the conscious and unconscious interpersonal and intergroup dynamics occurring in diverse organisational settings can be explored. Humour was one of the diversity themes in Coetzee's (2007) work.
The chosen research paradigm and theory, and systems psychodynamics is based on psychoanalysis, systems theory and object relations theory (Cilliers & Koortzen, 1996). As a consulting stance, systems psychodynamics refers to the notion of group-as-whole which becomes the unit of organisational analysis (Stokes, 1994; Thelen, 1998). This thinking was linked to systems theory with its focus on relatedness and relationship issues between systems with the focus on the reciprocity, recursion and shared responsibility in a dynamic manner (Becvar & Becvar, 2000). An organisation is conceptualised as an open system in exchange with its environment, consisting of various physical and psychological sub-systems, the latter being influenced by phenomena suchas individual behaviour, status and role relationships, group dynamics, beliefs, values, expectations, anxieties and defence mechanisms (Stapley, 2006). The object relations theory focuses on the need of human objects to be attached, related and connected to other objects (Czander, 1993). Individuals develop the psychological capacity to relate to external (real) and internal (fantasy) objects including people, organisations, groups, ideas, and symbols (Cashdan, 1988). The worker enters the work situation with unfulfilled unconscious attachment needs and fantasies (Pick, 1992). Because the work group is not the family and does not fulfil those needs, the individual experiences conflict and frustration (Czander, 1993). The resulting anxiety may mobilise regression to infantile coping defences such as paranoid-schizoid behaviour, implying the splitting off of feelings into differentiated elements such as good and bad, and projection of the bad feelings onto others (Klein, 1997).
Le Bon theorised that a person becomes influenced when joining a group and will often act on the will of the group (Fraher, 2004). The behaviour of a group member may therefore be either the expression of own needs, or the needs of the group (Sandigo, 1991). Bion (1961) believed that most groups have a more primitive culture when they have just formed, a phase in which they resist dealing with painful emotions. Group development is about the struggle between the group's primitive instincts to avoid the pain and its need to deal with the feelings of coming together in the first place (Schulman, 2010). Bion (1961) hypothesized that any group therefore has two modes of operation that it may use: the work group is preoccupied with the formal task, whereas the basic assumption group is preoccupied with survival and the use of defence mechanisms to ease the group's anxiety (Fraher, 2004; Halton, 1994). Bion (1961; 1970) identified three basic assumptions. In fight-flight, the group is in fight against, or flight from an enemy. In pairing, the group fantasises about a connection between two members (or equivalents) to generate a saviour or saving idea. In dependence, the group is dependent on a leader, experienced as omnipotent, but at the same time set up to take the blame if the group should fail. A fourth assumption introduced by Turquet (1985), is oneness, where members are joined in a powerful union or bigger cause and they have surrendered self for passive participation and the feeling of wholeness. A fifth assumption is me-ness, where the individual who experiences engaging and connecting with the group as too threatening, retreats into self-reliance (Lawrence, Bain & Gould, 1996). A basic assumption group functions on group defences and uses its energy to relieve its anxiety instead of achieving any effective output (Huffington, Armstrong, Halton, Hoyle & Pooley, 2005).
The systems psychodynamic paradigm was chosen for this research because of its capacity to give the researcher access to the study of the manifestation of anxiety around diversity and the unconscious defence mechanisms used in a group setting to cope with this anxiety.The purpose of this research is to describe the manifestation of humour as a defence mechanism against diversity anxiety. Thus, the research addresses the gap in the literature around how diversity consultants can work effectively with manifesting humour. The research also addresses the notion mentioned in the literature that consultants may use (sometimes funny) icebreakers to relieve stress. In this research it is argued that it is the consultant's stress which is in need of relief and is being projected onto the client. Seeing and interpreting humour as a serious dynamic could help in understanding the unconscious anxiety being covered up.
The systems psychodynamic literature contains little evidence of its application in studying diversity in organisations. Research by Foster, Dickinson, Bishop and Klein (2006) has applied its thinking to psychotherapy. Other international studies illustrated its application towards the understanding of cultural differences, racism and racial dynamics as phenomena and their influence on leadership, authority and power (see McRae & Short, 2010; Morgan-Jones, 2010; White, 2006). These studies were theorising about diversity, not based on experiential events such as workshops or coaching. The outcome of South African diversity dynamic experiential events is documented in various studies (Cilliers, 2007; Cilliers & May, 2002; Cilliers & Smit, 2006). The research suggested that such events have significant impact on the understanding of diversity dynamics for individuals, groups and the organisation. Humour has never been studied in this context, although Coetzee (2007) did refer to humour as a dimension which influences diversity dynamics. Her Community Building Model (CBM) (see Figure below) was chosen as reference point in this research.
Coetzee (2007) documented the following on diversity dynamic behaviour:
Individuals tend to attach themselves to sameness to form identity groups in order to reduce the anxiety resulting from diversity and the fear of the unknown. Each individual is a member of a multitude of identity groups, depending on the sameness observed in a given context. Behaviours between identity groups include projection, stereotyping and prejudice which may deteriorate into conflict between identity groups, manifesting themselves in exclusion and discrimination. The conflict is often maintained by collusion on the part of those against whom the exclusion and discrimination is aimed. The sense of community is destroyed by these dynamics, impairing performance of the individual, group and organisational levels.
On the individual level, intra- and interpersonal dynamics which may result from the human response to diversity, are based on splitting and projection as defences against anxiety, which is why the bottom half of the model is identified as happening in the paranoid-schizoid position of the individual. On the group level, intra- and inter-group dynamics are based on group defences against anxiety, which is why the bottom half of the model is identified as 'assumption group functioning'.
According to Coetzee (2007) the work of valuing diversity (top half of the model - moving upwards) relates to how destructive interpersonal and inter-group diversity dynamics can be replaced by constructive dynamics:
The crossing of identity group boundaries, although anxiety provoking, leads to the exploration of sameness, differences and the realities of diverse groups. Individuals and groups develop a better understanding and trust of each other, laying the foundation for attachments across identity-group boundaries and the formation of task-group boundaries. The compassion which people inevitably feel for one another when they become acquainted with each other, leads to the desire to include everyone into the task group. This desire to include others builds an organisational community which enables performance by the individual, group and on organisational levels.
On the individual level of functioning, intra- and interpersonal dynamics which may result from diversity interventions and are based on the taking back and giving back of projections and prejudices, as well as integrating opposite feelings, which is why the top half of the model is identified as the 'depressive position' of the individual. Similarly, on the group level of functioning, taking back and giving back projections and prejudices and discarding basic assumptions are the basis for engaging in the task at hand, which is why the top half of the model is identified as the 'work group'.
Coetzee (2007) explored humour in diversity contexts as one of the themes that emerged from the data of the qualitative research procedure. The interpretation of humour across racial boundaries was that it was based on fight-flight assumption group functioning to reduce the anxiety of the group in the diverse setting. Coetzee (2007) points out that such humour perpetuates stereotypes and destroys the sense of community in groups.
Literature on the psychology of humour (Barron, 1999; Carr, 2004; Lemma, 2000; Martin, 2007; Morreall, 1983) proposes and explores different theories. These theories can broadly be grouped into the following:
1. superiority theory in which the amused party feels a sense of triumph over the subject of amusement and/or the people that they are threatened by
2. incongruity theory in which humour is seen as an intellectual reaction to something unexpected, illogical or inappropriate
3. relief theory in which humour is seen as tension relief and a means of coping with adversity
4. arousal theory which sees humour as the result of people seeking to enhance their level of arousal for pleasure's sake
5. reversal theory which positions humour as a playground or safety zone in which humans can isolate themselves from the serious concerns of the real world.
Although some of these theories include systems psychodynamic thinking, they represent different paradigms.
Psychoanalytic and systems psychodynamic thinking on humour include the following. Freud (1960) distinguished between innocent jokes which intend only pleasure and tendentious jokes that run the risk of reaching people who do not want to listen to them. Tendentious jokes are either hostile (aggressive) or obscene (the purpose is exposure). Tendentious jokes require three parties: the person who makes the joke, the person who is used as the object of the hostility, and a third person who will be enlisted in the hostility if the joke succeeds in its purpose. So-called blonde jokes are clearly tendentious in nature because there is the joke teller, the blonde person (usually a woman) who is the object of the hostility and often present when the joke is being told, and the third person who is enlisted to support the projection of stupidity onto the blonde person. Blackman (2004) provides support for Freud's view that humour is not always a defence against anxiety, but sometimes simply the injection of inappropriate meanings, exaggerations, condensed illusions, drive-related fantasies, sadistic symbols, and grammatical inversion for the purpose of producing pleasure.
Grotstein (1999) provides an analytic description of the differences between humour in the paranoid-schizoid position and humour in the depressive position. Humour in the paranoid-schizoid position often takes the form of mocking and sarcasm which is indicative of projecting some negative issue 'out there', whereas humour in the depressive position, which allows the individual to view situations from different perspectives, is broader, more forgiving and more philosophical and appreciative of paradoxes and ambiguities.
Schulman (2010) described humour as a fight-flight basic assumption functioning in primitive groups to avoid painful feelings. Group members unite in an unconscious process to form the fight-flight group acting from the basic assumption that the group's objective is to avoid pain. An example would be of the group clown, who will use humour as a distraction just when difficult situation is emerging. The role of the group clown is one that therefore expresses the needs of a group and not necessarily that of the individual (Sandigo, 1991). This interpretation of humour is similar to Coetzee's (2007) interpretation of humour across racial boundaries in diverse settings.
The research problem was formulated as follows: Is humour used in diversity contexts as an innocent relief of tension or does it have a hostile, obstructive side similar to what Freud found in psychotherapy? In doing so, the question was asked whether the findings could be explained by Coetzee's (2007) CBM.
The research objectives were as follows:
To achieve a better understanding of the manifestation of humour as unconscious defence against anxiety in diversity experiences;
To use the CBM as a theoretical reference point to ground the findings in literature.
Next, the research design is described, detailing the approach, strategy and method. The setting, the role of the researcher and the method of sampling are given and the data collection and data analysis are described. This is followed by the research findings. Lastly, the discussion is presented consisting of the interpretation of the findings integrated into the research hypothesis, the conclusion, recommendations, limitations and suggestions for future research.
Research design
Research approach
Qualitative and descriptive research (Terre Blanche, Durrheim & Painter, 2006) was chosen as a process of inquiry towards obtaining an in-depth picture on how humour manifests itself as a phenomenon in a natural setting in the words and actions of clients (Stake, 2005). An interpretive paradigm was used, engaging the how's and what's of the social reality of humour as a defence against anxiety in diverse settings, following a process of apprehension, understanding, organising and conveying of this social reality (Holstein & Gubrium, 2005). This enabled the researchers to ensure the three tenets of the qualitative method, namely describing, understanding, and explaining (Tellis, 1997).
Research strategy
Multiple (three) cases forming a collective case study were used (Chamberlayne, Bornat & Apitzsch, 2004). The cases were treated individually and then integrated into the construction of the research hypothesis (Rosenwald, 1988), theory building and reflection of the data (Creswell, 1998; Yin, 1994) compared to a diversity community-building model.
Research method
Research setting
The research setting was individual and group diversity consultations in different organisations. Case study 1 was a feedback presentation after a qualitative survey that assessed the manifestations of racism and sexism in a work setting made up of mostly blue-collar employees. Case study 2 was a leadership and diversity workshop at a conference venue with participants from the Netherlands. Participants had just completed a three-day field tour of their industry in South Africa becoming aware of the diversity in this country. Through experiential-learning events they were invited to work with their own intra- and inter-group diversity behavioural manifestations. Case study 3 was an individual coaching session in which the coachee brought his need to work with his own offensive humour, which frequently brought him into regarding diversity dimensions. The purpose of the session was to reflect on the process and to understand the triggers that lead to humour.
Entrée and establishing researcher roles
The first researcher took up the roles as organisational development consultant and executive coach. In case study 1 the organisation invited her to give feedback to employees and facilitate a discussion on the findings of the survey which she had conducted. In case study 2 she was contracted by a service provider to facilitate the workshop. In case 3 she acted as executive coach in an individual coaching session. The second researcher took up the role as research supervisor (Clarke & Hoggett, 2009). Both researchers used the orientation of self as instrument of analysis (McCormick & White, 2000).
Purposeful sampling (Terre Blanche, Durrheim & Painter, 2006) was used for information-rich cases (Patton, 1990) that entailed work in diversity settings, and in which humour manifested itself either as behaviour or as conversation content. The three case studies were chosen by scrutinising the professional consulting notes of the first researcher.
Data collection method
Data was collected by observation of verbal and non-verbal behaviour (Clarke & Hoggett, 2009).
Recording of data
Hinshelwood and Skogstad's (2005) guidelines were followed, namely: the data was electronically recorded accompanied by researcher comments after each session on the behavioural processes and the researcher's subjective experiences during and after the event.
Data analysis
Content analysis was conducted (Patton, 1990) on the cause-effect relationships of the descriptive data relating to humour of the interpersonal and inter-group dynamics of the respondents. Thus, primary patterns of behaviour manifested themselves, which were related to the literature on symptoms of unconscious group dynamics as the cause of humour. Finally, the data was interpreted in the context of the CBM as a theoretical reference point to ground the findings in literature.
Strategies employed to ensure quality data
Ethicality (Terre Blanche, Durrheim & Painter, 2006) was ensured by obtaining the consent of the participants to use and interpret the data and for keeping their identities confidential. In terms of the integrity of the analysis (Patton, 1990), care was taken to look for rival or competing themes and explanations (Patton, 1990), specifically attempting to interpret the patterns of humour first as tendentious, then as innocent (Freud, 1960), before using the tendentious interpretations. Trustworthiness was ensured through triangulation (Patton, 1990). Both researchers analysed the data. They are both psychologists with doctorate degrees and specific training, theoretical knowledge and experience in systems psychodynamic consulting and research (conforming to the requirements set by Brunner, Nutkevitch and Sher, 2006). The data analysis was assessed favourably by two psychologists and/or consultants familiar with the methodology. The researchers acknowledge the existence of subjective experience and that there may be more than one interpretation for the same experience by different researchers (Holstein & Gubrium, 2005).
The research findings are reported per case study. In the discussion, the three cases are interpreted and integrated into the research hypothesis. This is followed by the conclusions, recommendations, limitations and suggestions for further research.
Case study one
At the beginning of the survey feedback-session it was striking to observe that employees sat separately, divided into race and gender identity groups (Black men, Black women, and White men). There was one exception: in the fifth row from the front a Black man (P1) and White man (P2) sat side by side, having a friendly conversation with each other before the presentation started. During the feedback presentation the consultant shared several observations of manifested racism. The tension was building in the room until the consultant was interrupted by P2. He said: 'There is not as much racism as you are talking about. We have made a lot of progress. This man next to me is my friend.' This was met by several remarks from the audience such as, 'Hello sweetheart!' and 'I love you, darling!' followed by thunderous laughter. The Black man (P1) put his arm around P2's shoulders and gave him a hug. More laughter followed. Once the laughter died down P2 said:
'The guys are just joking. We are not like that. We are just good friends. We have made so much progress with diversity that we can now openly joke about our differences.' (Particant 2, White male)
The anxiety in the setting was already visible as participants entered the room to take their seats. They seated themselves in identity groups, holding seats open to accommodate sameness and not diversity, indicating how they unconsciously acted out the basic assumption group fight (Stapley, 2006) as symptom of the anxiety in the system. The Black men were seated on the left-hand side, the White men on the right-hand side of the room, and the Black women in one row. The atmosphere was tense with no verbal participation, even when the consultant offered the opportunity for questions. Body language (nodding and head shaking) indicated strong disagreement or agreement by different individuals with the content of the findings of the research. Once P2 spoke people started making fun of the two men and their cross-cultural friendship, the tension was relieved. The humorous remarks implied that the two men were romantically involved with each other. The topic under discussion at the time was racism and not sexual identity. The change in content seemed to place the cause of the tension - the pair who dared to have an inter-cultural friendship - 'out there' and away from the group. The flight response was interpreted as a defence away from the anxiety of everybody's racism (as per the consultant's feedback) towards the sexual innuendo of two people of opposite race.
Exploring the behaviour by means of the CBM indicated that the participants who made the humorous remarks seemed to form a new identity group which indicated that the two men in question must be so different from the rest of the group that they projected another 'taboo', that of homosexuality, onto the men. The reaction of P2 ('we are not like that') indicated that, although he was now included in the new dyad, he was also excluded from the bigger group, claiming compassion and inclusion that didn't exist at that point in time. The defences at play were the denial of the seriousness of the racial matters, followed by the projection of the anxiety onto the new identity group consisting of the pair, and the pair's identity with the projection in taking on the anxiety, denying the content, but owning the anxiety.
Case study two
The Dutch participants addressed diversity in a cognitive manner, about how it manifests in South Africa (as something 'out there') as well as in the Netherlands with increasing numbers of Turks and Moroccans in the workplace. On the other hand, their anxiety levels were raised when they started to experience their own intra- and inter-group diversity. During their feedback after a small-group conversation, one participant (P3) gave feedback. He was struggling to express himself in English (the workshop language) about his realisation around the diversity issues of which he became aware. He was a Dutch-speaking Moroccan. Another participant (P4) who was fluent in English started mocking him about his 'Dutch-like English'. The group found that very humorous and laughed so much that they did not see the humiliation their laughter caused P3. It was only once he insisted to give the rest of his feedback in Dutch and the situation was analysed in more depth, that his humiliation became clear to the group.
The consultant facilitated the group's awareness of their heterogeneous nature in every sense, and pointed out that diversity exists in each individual and group. The system could use the humorous event as a potential space (Diamond & Allcorn, 2009) where their own diversity could be embraced before they could embrace the diversity of the other. The interpretation based on the CBM was that the group assumed that space because he was Dutch-speaking and he was of Dutch origin (one of them). Their humour about his Dutchlike English could be interpreted as an attempt to attach to sameness and not to explore the differences and the reality of other identity groups, keeping the Moroccans 'out there'. The group was functioning in its 'oneness', using humour as a defence against the anxiety they experienced when they realised that they were not homogeneous in every respect (Huffington, Armstrong, Halton, Hoyle & Pooley, 2005).
Case study three
In the individual coaching session, the coach provided opportunities for the coachee to reflect on incidents to ascertain his triggers which could assist in developing a strategy to change his behaviour. He cited various incidents which revealed his ideology of being superior to diverse others. He was a conservative Afrikaner who grew up in the apartheid era in South Africa in a family where women were subservient. Although he spoke about his transformation to an open-minded person who is committed to 'the new South Africa' and to the equality of women in the workplace, his sense of humour revealed his deep-seated, unconscious belief system of superiority. His jokes were degrading to females (reducing them to sex objects); to people of other race groups (insinuating that Black people were less intelligent, people of mixed race had no culture or pride, Indian people had no integrity); to the youth (revealing the belief that they needed absolute domination); and to gay people (reducing them to sex-offenders in terms of paedophilia and rape). Situations in which he was required to treat diverse people as equals made him anxious and resorted to offensive humour to break the ice.
At the beginning of the coaching session the coachee experienced the problem as being 'out there', that people who were different from him were too sensitive and overreacted when he was trying to be friendly through joking.
Seeing the problem as 'out there', is typical of the paranoid-schizoid position (Stapley, 2006) indicated on the CBM and the stereotyping content of his jokes confirmed this position. It was only once he faced a few of his own sensitivities through the revision of situations in which he was being stereotyped as a racist, as conservative, and as a coloniser through offensive jokes made by others, that he realised the effect of his behaviour on others. He realised that the intention of his jokes was to keep him in a superior position by belittling others. He discovered that, although he thought he had adapted to political democratisation and the human rights movement, he still had a deep-seated ideology of superiority. He realised that he kept that ideology intact by projecting his weakness 'out there' onto people who were different from him. He started the very difficult work of taking back projections and getting to know people from different identity groups on a much more meaningful level, which allowed him to see strengths in diverse others, and to develop compassion and the desire to value diversity and include people from diverse identity groups in functional teams.
The humour that manifested itself in all three cases was not innocent in nature. It seemed to reduce the anxiety for some participants in the diversity context, whereas at least one person was humiliated or offended by the humour. The humour was used to exclude diversity in case 1, to deny the existence of diversity in case 2, and to exclude diversity again in case 3. In the cause-effect relationships that were found in these descriptive case studies, the cause was anxiety-provoked by the diversity setting, the moderator was humour, and the effect was a reduction in anxiety for some people, whereas others, at whose expense the humour was had, were humiliated or offended.
The purpose of this research is to describe the manifestation of humour as a defence mechanism against diversity anxiety.
Diversity dynamics events are associated with high levels of anxiety which are often dealt with through humour. Consultants often collude with the group's defence of denying the significance of the humour and seeing it as a stress release. This research focussed on the significance of attending to the dynamics of the humour as a potential space to enter the unconscious defences against the diversity issues.
In case 1 the paranoid anxiety (Armstrong, 2005) was probably caused by the fear of respondents to be identified and victimised as racists and sexists. It was also interpreted as their defence against guilt and shame (Mollon, 2004). This may explain why employees sought the comfort of identity groups in deciding where to sit, which was indicative of the fight-flight defence to reduce the experienced anxiety (Klein, 2005). The anxiety prevailed, however, evidenced by the tense, quiet atmosphere. The next attempt at reducing the anxiety was the friendly conversation between the Black and White men which was interpreted as a pairing defence unconsciously orchestrated by the group in the hope that such pairing would give birth to a saviour that would relieve the anxiety of the group (Campbell & Groenbaek, 2006). During the presentation anxiety may have been caused by the guilt and fear dynamics that are often found in South African diversity settings (Booysen, 2005; Pretorius, 2003). The White man's statement of denial of racism was an attempt at using a oneness as a defence against the anxiety. The humour that followed, which implied that the cross-cultural friendship was in effect a homosexual relationship, was interpreted as flight - an attempt to place the friendship 'out there', in a reality that is denied in this very conservative setting (Campbell, 2007). The topic under discussion at the time was racism and not sexual identity and the change in content provided evidence for the flight dynamic. The bottom part of the CBM (Coetzee, 2007) can be used to further explain the humour dynamics. The split caused by the humour between the two men and the rest of the group, created identity groups that were not based on reality (because sexual identity seemed a taboo topic in this group, the assumption was that the men were heterosexual). The group's unconscious fantasy was that this was a homosexual relationship. The White man's response of denial to the group's projection ('we are not like that') indicated his victim position in the humour, which provided evidence for the tendentious nature of the humour. Anyone present who might have been a homosexual person could be seen as the real victim because of the experience of alienation of an identity group that is 'out' in that community.
Case 2 participants were confronted with their own internal diversity. Until that point, they experienced diversity to be 'out there' in society. The moment they started giving feedback about their own diversity, it became visible how carefully and tentatively they expressed themselves. This was interpreted as their anxiety as a result of their threatened identity as a homogenous group (Vansina & Vansina-Cobbaert, 2008). The humour in that situation (see Coetzee, 2007) caused a split between participants who spoke fluent English (first identity group) and participants who struggled to speak English (second identity group). It seemed easier to deal with language through projective humour that seemed innocent on the surface, but obviously caused humiliation for the person who was the victim thereof. The denial of racial differences in the group was interpreted as a flight against the anxiety of dealing with the realisation that the group was not homogenous but heterogeneous (Campbell & Huffington, 2008).
These two cases have something interesting in common. There was a dynamic of super-imposing identity groups created by the humour over the identity groups that were denied because it became too painful to deal with them. In the first case the sexual-identity groups were super-imposed over the Black and White race groups. In the second case the language identity groups were super-imposed over the Netherlander versus Moroccan race groups. On the surface the made-up identity groups may look like the playground or safety zone mentioned in reversal theory, in which humans can isolate themselves from the serious concerns of the real world (Barron, 1999; Carr, 2004; Lemma, 2000; Martin, 2007;
Morreall, 1983). When the humiliation of someone present is taken into consideration though, the humour can no longer be seen as innocent, instead its dark and aggressive projective nature has to be recognised.
Case 3 was somewhat different in that the behaviour (offensive humour of the individual) was not taking place on behalf of a present group. The behaviour was driven by an individual's need placed in the bottom half of the CBM model (Coetzee, 2007), in the paranoid-schizoid position. The individual is splitting off bad parts of the self and projecting these onto identity groups that were previously oppressed by the identity group to which he belongs (Afrikaner male). The bad parts being split off related for example, to sexuality (projected onto females) and intellect (projected as the lack thereof onto Black people). The coaching intervention was aimed at providing an opportunity for empathy for the underdog, in the hope that he might move to the depressive position, own his projections and integrate the bad parts with superiority into a more realistic, balanced self.
In case 1 the group chose fight-flight and used humour to avoid diversity issues. In case 2 the group chose oneness and humour to deny the existence of diversity in the group -which was a more indirect way of excluding diversity by not valuing it. In case 3 the individual related to identity groups through splitting and projection as defences accompanied by humour. He projected his weaknesses onto diverse others and therefore excluded these from his own life. In all three cases there was a victim at whose expense the humour was had, someone who was humiliated or offended by it. This is congruent with Freud's (1960) statement that tendentious jokes require a person as the object of hostility. In the third case the individual leader underscored Grotstein's (1999) analytic description of humour in the paranoid-schizoid position as mocking and sarcasm.
The three case studies provided insight into humour as an unconscious defence against the anxiety experienced in diversity settings. Basic assumption defences include the splitting off of the parts different from the self, followed by the denial of its existence to avoid shame (because of the failure to do what is expected (Mollon, 2004), namely to include all people as a democratic activity) and its associated feelings of weakness. This is followed by guilt in response to the felt harm done to the other. In order to cope with social difficulty, reaction formation (Blackman, 2004) is used by turning the situation into something humorous for the self. As such the humour becomes a potential space (Diamond & Allcorn, 2009) where the system lives between the fantasy of uniting the group in humour to avoid the pain (Schulman, 2010) and the reality of the anxiety created by the shame and guilt.
The research hypothesis is formulated as follows: tendentious humour is used to relieve the anxiety experienced by groups in diverse settings. This defence can at most provide temporary relief, since the cause of the anxiety originates from the group's basic assumption functioning. Humour, which manifests itself in diverse settings, should therefore be observed and interpreted by diversity consultants to provide significant opportunities for awareness around the cause of anxiety towards inclusion and community building.
The conclusion was made that through the investigation and understanding of the nature of humour in diversity contexts, significant evidence exists that destructive humour is used to split, avoid and deny the anxiety around difference and to avoid community building. When consultants bring this dynamic into awareness, the group is offered the opportunity to explore these dynamics and thus integrate their unconscious fears into their group functioning.
It was recommended that human resources professionals, Organisational Development (OD) consultants and psychologists working in diversity settings, should be aware of the dynamic significance of manifesting humour. The humour may not be innocent and deeper exploration may be useful towards uncovering covert dynamics.
A limitation of the research was that the case studies were not recorded as case studies at the time, but taken from cryptic professional notes and reconstructed into case studies. Thus, some of the content of the sessions may have been lost. Further, two of the case studies were based on the functioning of the group, whereas only one was based on the functioning of the individual. More of the same (either group or individual) may have provided much richer data.
It was suggested that future research should focus on more group cases, based on the systems psychodynamic assumptions that the micro system (individual) acts on behalf of the meso (group) and macro (organisational) system. It was also suggested that the CMB be explored in the application of more and varied diversity scenarios.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationship(s) which may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this paper.
Authors' contributions
O.C. (University of South Africa) was the project leader and performed the empirical work. F.C. (University of South Africa) was the supervisor of the project and assisted in the interpretations and academic editing.
Anderson, R. (Ed.). (1992). Clinical lectures on Klein and Bion. London: Routledge [ Links ]
Armstrong, D. (2005). Organisation in the mind. Psychoanalysis, group relations and organisational consultancy. London: Karnac. [ Links ]
Barron, J.W. (1999). Humor and psyche: Psychoanalytic perspectives. Hillsdale: Analytic. [ Links ]
Becvar, D.S., & Becvar, R. (2000). Family therapy: A systemic integration. New York: Allyn & Bacon. [ Links ]
Bion, W.R. (1961). Experiences in groups. London: Tavistock. http://dx.doi. org/10.4324/9780203359075 [ Links ]
Bion, W.R. (1970). Attention and interpretation. London: Tavistock. [ Links ]
Blackman, J.S. (2004). 101 Defenses: How the mind shields itself. New York: Brunner-Routledge. [ Links ]
Booysen, L. (2005, 23rd June). Social identity changes in South Africa: Challenges facing leadership. Inaugural lecture, Graduate School of Business Leadership, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa. [ Links ]
Brunner, L.D., Nutkevitch, A., & Sher, M. (2006). Group relations conferences: Reviewing and exploring theory, design, role-taking and application. London: Karnac. [ Links ]
Campbell, D. (2007). The socially constructed organisation. London: Karnac. [ Links ]
Campbell, D., & Groenbaek, M. (2006). Taking positions in the organisation. London: Karnac. [ Links ]
Campbell, D., & Huffington, C. (2008). Organisations connected. A handbook of systemic consultation. London: Karnac. [ Links ]
Carr, A. (2004). Positive psychology: The science of happiness and human strengths. New York: Brumer-Routledge. [ Links ]
Cashdan, S. (1988). Object relations therapy: Using the relationship. New York: Norton. [ Links ]
Chamberlayne, P., Bornat, J., & Apitzsch, U. (2004). Biographical methods and professional practice. An international perspective. Bristol: Policy Press. [ Links ]
Chasing the rainbow. (2006). The Economist, April 06. Retrieved January 09, 2007, from http:/www.Economist.com. [ Links ]
Cilliers, F. (2007). A systems psychodynamic exploration of diversity management. The experiences of the client and the consultant. South African Journal of Labour Relations, 31(2), 32-50. [ Links ]
Cilliers, F., & Koortzen, P. (1996, September). The psychodynamics of organisations. Paper presented at the 2nd annual PsySSA Congress at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa. [ Links ]
Cilliers, F., & May, M. (2002). South African Diversity Dynamics: Reporting on the 2000 Robben Island Diversity Experience: A group relations event. South African Journal of Labour Relations, 26(3), 42-68. [ Links ]
Cilliers, F., & Smit, B. (2006). A systems psychodynamic interpretation of South [ Links ]
African diversity dynamics: A comparative study. South African Journal of Labour Relations, 30(2), 5-18. [ Links ]
Clarke, S., & Hoggett, P. (2009). Researching beneath the surface. Psycho-social research methods in practice. London: Karnac. [ Links ]
Coetzee, O. (2007). Exploring interpersonal and inter-group diversity dynamics in South African organisations by means of a theoretical model. Unpublished D Com Thesis. University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa. [ Links ]
Colman, D., & Geller, M.H. (Eds.). (1985). An A.K. Rice Institute series group relations reader 2. Jupiter: A.K. Rice Institute. [ Links ]
Creswell, J.W. (1998). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five traditions. Thousand Oaks: Sage. [ Links ]
Czander, W.M. (1993). The psychodynamic of work and organisations: Theory and applications. New York: Guilford. [ Links ]
Denzin, N.K., & Lincoln, Y.S. (Eds.). (2005). The Sage handbook of Qualitative research (3rd Edn.) Thousand Oaks: Sage. [ Links ]
Diamond, M.A., & Allcorn, S. (2009). Private selves in public organizations. The psychodynamics of organisational diagnosis and change. New York: Palgrave. [ Links ]
Elion, B., & Strieman, M. (2002). Clued up on culture: A practical guide for all South Africans. (2nd Edn.). Camps Bay: One Life Media. [ Links ]
Foster, A., Dickinson, A., Bishop, B., & Klein, J. (2006). Difference: An avoided topic in practice. London: Karnac. [ Links ]
Fraher, A.L. (2004). Systems psychodynamics: The formative years of an interdisciplinary field at the Tavistock Institute. History of Psychology, 7(1), 65-84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/1093-4510.7.1.65, PMid:15025060 [ Links ]
Freud, S. (1960). Jokes and their relation to the unconscious. London: W.W. Norton. [ Links ]
Grotstein, J.W. (1999). Humor and its relationship to the unconscious. In J.W. Barron (Ed.) Humor and psyche: Psychoanalytic perspectives (pp. 61-93). Hillsdale: Analytic Press. [ Links ]
Halton, W. (1994). Some unconscious aspects of organisational life. In A. Obholzer & V.Z. Roberts (Eds.), The unconscious at work (pp. 11-18). London: Routledge. [ Links ]
Hinshelwood, R.D., & Skogstad, W. (2005). Observing organisations. Anxiety, defence and culture in health care. London: Routledge. [ Links ]
Holstein, J.A. & Gubrium, J.F. (2005). Interpretive practice and social action. In N.K. Denzin & Y.S. Lincoln (Eds.), The Sage handbook of Qualitative research (3rd Edn.) (pp. 483-505). Thousand Oaks: Sage. [ Links ]
Huffington, C., Armstrong, D., Halton, W., Hoyle, L., & Pooley, J. (2005). Glossary. In C. Huffington, D. Armstrong, W. Halton, L. Hoyle, & J. Pooley (Eds.), Working below the surface: The emotional life of contemporary organizations (pp. 223-229). London: Karnac. [ Links ]
Huffington, C., Armstrong, D., Halton, W., Hoyle, L., & Pooley, J. (Eds.). (2005). Working below the surface: The emotional life of contemporary organizations. London: Karnac. [ Links ]
Klein, L. (2005). Working across the gap. The practice of social science in organisations. London: Karnac. [ Links ]
Klein, M. (1997). Melanie Klein: Envy and gratitude and other works 1946-1964. London: Vintage. [ Links ]
Lawrence, W.G., Bain, A., & Gould, L. (1996). The fifth basic assumption. London: Tavistock. [ Links ]
Lemma, A. (2000). Humour on the couch: Exploring humour in psychotherapy and everyday life. London: Whurr. [ Links ]
Martin, R.A. (2007). The psychology of humour: An integrative approach. London: Elsevier. [ Links ]
Maier, C. (2002). Leading diversity - a conceptual framework. Bamberg: Difo-Druck. [ Links ]
McCormick, D.W., & White, J. (2000). Using one's self as instrument for organisational diagnosis. Organisational Development Journal, 18(3), 49-62. [ Links ]
McRae, M.B., & Short, E.L. (2010). Racial and cultural dynamics in group and organisational life. Crossing boundaries. Los Angeles: Sage. [ Links ]
Mollon, P. (2004). Shame and jealousy. The hidden turmoils. London: Karnac. [ Links ]
Morgan-Jones, R. (2010). The body of the organisation and its health. London: Karnac. [ Links ]
Morreal, J. (1983). Taking laughter seriously. Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press. [ Links ]
Obholzer, A., & Roberts, V.Z., (Eds.). (1994). The unconscious at work. London: Routledge [ Links ]
Patton, M.Q. (1990). Qualitative evaluation and research methods. (2nd Edn.). Newbury Park: Sage. [ Links ]
Pick, I.B. (1992). The emergence of early object relations in the psychoanalytic setting. In R. Anderson (Ed.), Clinical lectures on Klein and Bion (pp. 24-33). London: Routledge. [ Links ]
Pretorius, M. (2003). An exploration of South African diversity dynamics. Unpublished M.A. dissertation. University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa. [ Links ]
Rosenwald, G.C. (1988). A theory of multiple-case research. Journal of personality, 56, 239-264. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6494.1988.tb00468.x [ Links ]
Sandigo, C.A. (1991). Theories and models in applied behavioural signs. Vol 2: Group. New York: Pfessen. [ Links ]
Schulman, L. (2010). Dynamics and skills of group counselling. Belmont: Brooks/Cole. [ Links ]
Stake, R.E. (2005). Qualitative case studies. In N.K. Denzin & Y.S. Lincoln (Eds.), The Sage handbook of Qualitative research (3rd Edn.). (pp. 443-466). Thousand Oaks: Sage. [ Links ]
Stapley, L.F. (2006). Individuals, groups, and organizations beneath the surface. London: Karnac. [ Links ]
Stokes, J. (1994). The unconscious at work in groups and teams: Contributions from the work of Wilfred Bion. In A. Obholzer & V.Z. Roberts (Eds.), The unconscious at work (pp. 19-29). London: Routledge. [ Links ]
Tellis, W. (1997). Introduction to case study. The qualitative report, 3(2). Retrieved March 31, 2011 from http://www.nova.edu/ssss/QR/QR3-2/tellis1.html. [ Links ]
Terre Blanche, M., Durrheim, K., & Painter, D. (2006). Research in practice. Applied methods for the social sciences. Cape Town: UCT Press. [ Links ]
Thelen, H.A. (1998). Reactions to group situations test. [CD-Rom]. The Pfeiffer Library, 12(2), 133-135. [ Links ]
Turquet, P.M. (1985). Leadership: The individual and the group. In D. Colman & M.H. Geller (Eds.), An A.K. Rice institute series group relations reader 2 (pp. 71-87). Jupiter: A.K. Rice Institute. [ Links ]
Vansina, L.S., & Vansina-Cobbaert, M. (2008). Psychodynamics for consultants and managers. From understanding to leading meaningful change. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell. [ Links ]
White, K. (2006). Unmasking race, culture, and attachment in the psychoanalytic space. What do we see? What do we think? What do we feel? London: Karnac. [ Links ]
Yin, R. (1994). Case study research: Design and methods (2nd Edn.). Beverly Hills: Sage. [ Links ]
Correspondence to:
Frans Cilliers
PO Box 392, UNISA 0003,
South Africa
Email: email@example.com
Received: 31 May 2011
Accepted: 24 Oct. 2011
Published: 19 Mar. 2012


text:
NA-SEC1 chromax.black
The NA-SEC1 chromax.black is a fan accessory set consisting of four NA-EC1 30cm extension cables. The NA-EC1's 4-pin connectors are compatible with both 3-pin and 4-pin PWM fans and the cables can be daisy-chained in case more than a 30cm reach is required when installing fans in larger enclosures. Thanks to the black sleeving, the cables are ideal for creating PC builds with neat, focused aesthetics and are a perfect match for Noctua's chromax edition fans.
Scope of delivery
- 4x NA-EC1 chromax.black 30cm extension cables
6 years
You can either buy from our local sales partners or directly from us via our official Amazon stores:
As an Amazon Associate, we earn from qualifying purchases.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
In Morocco, there is also a certain amount of evidence of Muslims converting to Christianity. While the majority of Christians are foreigners, the organisation known as the Voice of the Martyrs, founded to help persecuted Christians round the world, claims that there are at least 45,000 native Moroccans who have converted to Christianity, particularly in rural areas, often baptized in secret in various Moroccan churches. However, the International Religious Freedom Report published by the United States Department of State gives a much smaller figure, citing the estimates given by Moroccan Christian leaders, of 8000 Moroccan Christians out of a population of 34.8 million. [1]
An article published in 2006, on the Moroccan website, Ya-biladi, gives the reason for this modest but nonetheless remarkable movement towards Christianity: "The Arab press has been quick to accuse the US evangelists for the massive conversion numbers, therefore playing into the hands of the Islamists who advocate an end to the semi-freedom of religion in Morocco. But this assumption is wrong because as many observers emphasized, some Muslims are disillusioned by the crimes committed in the name of Islam, especially in Algeria by the Islamists and al-Qaida's terrorist acts and are looking for something else." [2]
Perhaps the first truly in depth study of conversions to Christianity in recent years comes from David Garrison and his colleagues, the results of which he recounts in his book, A Wind in the House of Islam, published in 2014. [3] He conducted two studies. The first took six years. The second, in greater depth, he conducted over a period of two and a half years, between 2011 and 2014. He writes, "With the assistance of numerous on-site collaborators, interviews have been collected from 45 movements in 33 Muslim people groups in 14 countries". He defines a "movement" as "a movement of Muslims to Christ to be at least 100 new church starts or 1,000 baptisms that occur over a two-decade period". Garrison's conclusion is that "Today, in more than 70 separate locations in 29 nations, new movements of Muslim-background followers has crossed the threshold of at least 100 new church starts or 1,000 baptized believers, all of whom have come to Christ over the past two decades. In some countries the numbers within these new movements have grown to tens of thousands. Though the total number of new Christ followers, between two and seven million, maybe a statistically small drop in the vast sea of Islam, they are not insignificant". [4]
The interviews were conducted in the languages of the converts and then translated with the help of bilingual assistants. Garrison and his co-workers isolated nine distinct geo-cultural clusters or complexes of Muslim people groups.
Defined initially by geography, these clusters have been further shaped by shared history, languages, trade, conflict and thus, destiny. Following Arab Muslims' description of their world as "The House of Islam", we called these nine geo-cultural clusters "Rooms", Rooms within the House of Islam: (1) West Africa, (2) North Africa, (3) East Africa, (4) The Arab World, (5) The Persian World, (6) Turkestan, (7) Western South Asia, (8) Eastern South Asia, and (9) Indo-Malaysia. [5]
Garrison is careful not to sound triumphalist; on the contrary, as he points out with due modesty, the figure of two to seven million converts to Christianity comes to "less than one-half of one percent of the Muslim world's population, hardly a cause to gloat". [6] A little further on, he admits, "As an evangelical Christian, I come to this study with biases, I submit my own faith and practice to the authority of the Bible and the unique and exclusive salvation claims of Jesus Christ as revealed in the Bible. But as a phenomenologist, I have attempted to hold my personal convictions at bay until I accurately described the phenomenon in question." He finds much to admire in Islam and Islamic civilization; he has studied Arabic, and lived among Muslims in India, Egypt and Tunisia. His Muslim friends are described by him as "the most hospitable, generous and gracious people" he has ever known. [7]
Iran is one of the most interesting of all the "rooms" that Garrison studied.
He observes that, "Of Iran's population 64 percent were born after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, and have little affection for it. While Christianity is growing rapidly in the country, so too are many other worldviews as Muslim Iranians seek a respite from the state religion. It is common to find Iranian young adults walking away from Islam and turning to atheism, secularism, hedonism, drugs, and even ancient pathways such as Zoroastrianism and Buddhism." [8]
I shall be discussing Iranian atheists in a later section, but I can personally vouch for Garrison's latter conclusion. Over the last twenty years, I have given talks to Iranian groups in Paris, Stockholm, Chicago, Washington, D.C., Los Angeles, and New York; they have all been anti-Khomeini, and most have been atheists, and certainly secularists — thus, evidently, their flight from Iran. Garrison also points out, quoting journalist Scott Peterson, "'hidden behind the mullah's mask is the most unashamedly pro-American population in the Middle East'. The sentiment was expressed spontaneously after the 9/11 terrorist attacks in America, when 60,000 Iranians gathered on Tehran's football stadium dressed in black to hold a candlelight vigil." [9]
House churches are the most common place for Muslim converts to Christianity to worship. The House Church movement may have, as a conservative estimate, 100,000 followers, but "data from interviews with Iranian Christian refugees, and the number of correspondents to satellite Christian television programs give reason to believe that figure could be as high as a few million". [10]
Garrison refers to Mark Bradley [11], who wrote, "If the figures from the survey carried out by Mohabbat TV were translated nationally, it would mean that 8 million people are interested in Christianity and nearly 3 million would actually want to become Christian". The German online journal, Deutsche Welle [DW], cites other figures: "It is said that between 250,000 and 500,000 Iranians have converted, though the actual number is impossible to know." [12]
DW then explains the reasons for conversions: "They are turning away from Islam primarily because they are disappointed in their government, which has tied politics and religion together so as to make them inseparable, and has curtailed many civil rights in the name of Islam." [13]
Persecution of Iranian Muslim converts to Christianity has led many to flee to the West. The U.K. daily newspaper, The Guardian [14], describes the journey of these asylum seekers in Germany: mainly Iranian, and occasionally Afghan, émigrés who have given a new lease of life to the religious life of Germany. Many have paid as much as to $30,000 to be smuggled into the country with fake passports. Once in Germany they have usually adopted western names, and have added greatly to congregation numbers in several independent Lutheran, Evangelical and Presbyterian churches. They are now waiting for their baptism ceremonies as they rebuild their lives.
The last time Germany saw so many Iranians seeking entry was just after the 1979 revolution. The number of Iranian refugees has doubled every year for the last five years, from less than 1,000 in 2008 to 4,348 in 2012. Official figures from the federal office for migration and refugees confirm this trend. Over 3,500 Iranians were granted asylum last year, and Iran was one of the countries from which Germany saw a steep rise in asylum applications.
The Guardian gives the reasons for this exodus: "Spread across multiple churches and asylum camps, Muslim-to-Christian converts from Iran make up a noticeable population of asylum seekers who say a growing crackdown on Muslim-born Christian converts back home, and disillusion from decades of living under Islamic law, have led them to Germany. Though Iranian converts can be found in The Netherlands, Sweden and Austria, Germany's economic stability and reputation as a major refugee hosting country has made the European country the most desirable destination."
In the past, most of Iran's Christians were ethnic Armenians and Assyrians who are allowed to practice their religion freely as long as they did not proselytize. Thanks to Christian satellite television broadcasts, in the last five to ten years, Iranian Diasporan Christian pastors have had an enormous influence over their fellow Iranians back home. Even ethnic Armenians and Assyrians have taken to spreading the gospel to their Muslim neighbours. The combined result is that the religion is taking hold throughout Iran. The Guardian tries to give estimates of the numbers involved, but notes: "The underground nature of the Christian conversion movement has made numbers impossible to determine accurately. Estimates range from 300,000 to 500,000 by various sources. Though these statistics cannot be independently verified, converts and pastors both in and out of Iran say the movement is strong and widely spread. Some converts have also been reported to travel to neighboring Armenia to become baptized."
Perhaps one of the most astonishing statistics thrown out comes from a Muslim cleric, Sheikh Ahmad al-Katani, in an interview conducted by Al-Jazeera television [15] in 2000. Al-Jazeera quickly deleted the interview, but intrepid Christian evangelicals have managed to retrieve it [16], and even have the link to the original Arabic transcript [17]. Sheikh Ahmad Al Katani, the president of The Companions Lighthouse for the Science of Islamic Law in Libya, claimed that in Africa (by which he means essentially Black Africa), "On the other hand, the number of Christians has increased from one million in 1902 to 329,882,000. Let us round off that number to 330 million in the year 2000 [18]. …In every hour, 667 Muslims convert to Christianity. Every day, 16,000 Muslims convert to Christianity. Every year, 6 million Muslims convert to Christianity. These are huge numbers…." [19]
Al Katani does not tell us how he arrived at those extraordinary numbers.
Pew Research Center's figures tell us that, "the number of Muslims living between the Sahara Desert and the Cape of Good Hope has increased more than 20-fold, rising from an estimated 11 million in 1900 to approximately 234 million in 2010. The number of Christians has grown even faster, soaring almost 70-fold from about 7 million to 470 million [emphasis added] Sub-Saharan Africa now is home to about one-in-five of all the Christians in the world (21%) and more than one-in-seven of the world's Muslims (15%)." [20] And yet the following Pew conclusions contradict the Sheikh's contention that Muslims in Black Africa are converting to Christianity at, to him, an alarming rate: "Neither Christianity nor Islam is growing significantly in sub-Saharan Africa at the expense of the other; there is virtually no net change in either direction through religious switching." [21] Who is right?
- Like
- Digg
- Del
- Tumblr
- VKontakte
- Buffer
- Love This
- Odnoklassniki
- Meneame
- Blogger
- Amazon
- Yahoo Mail
- Gmail
- Newsvine
- HackerNews
- Evernote
- MySpace
- Mail.ru
- Viadeo
- Line
- Comments
- Yummly
- Viber
- Telegram
- Subscribe
- Skype
- Facebook Messenger
- Kakao
- LiveJournal
- Yammer
- Edgar
- Fintel
- Mix
- Instapaper
- Copy Link


text:
Local Storage seems to be disabled in your browser.
For the best experience on our site, be sure to turn on Local Storage in your browser.
Show size in
€450 €340
60 x 90 CM
In stock
(only 1 left)
- Colour: Pink
- Style: Damask
- Age: 0-20 years (not used)
- Condition: In very good condition
- Pile: Bamboo silk/wool
- Manufacturing: Handknotted
- Origin: India
- Knot Density/Pile Weight (per sqm): 150-250.000 knots per sqm.
- Square Meters: 0.54
- Warp/Backing Material: Cotton
- Brand: Rezas
- Suitable for Underfloor Heating: No
Combining classical patterns with modern trends, this elegant black rug features a transitional damask design that will harmoniously blend with your current decor. From Kashmir in India, this is a genuine hand-knotted Oriental rug, woven from a luxurious blend of wool and bamboo silk. Delightfully soft underfoot, the wool grants this rug durability and high stain resistance, while the bamboo silk lends a lustrous shine. Perfect for breaking up living rooms and bedrooms, this rug will imbue any interior with a sense of opulence.


text:
With the unexpected snow, that obviously doesn't have its alarm clock set for 'Winter,' falling all over New York I though it was about time to look at silly road signs yet again and I promise you on my travels researching my latest book buster of a book 'The Cat's Travelogue' I saw loads.
Oops I nearly forgot you can get a copy of my latest unputdownable book 'The Cat's Travelogue' here The Cat's Travelogue Paperback Edition or if you are more than a little wired the ebook here The Cat's Travelogue ebook.
It seems that people who erect 'drive safely' signs are causing havoc with innocent motorists and here is the very latest example.
I bet the poor driver was too busy reading the sign in heavy snow to watch the road and a dangerous piece of ice that started this accident. I do wish that people who are responsible for safety signs would be more responsible don't you?
Still I suppose the old saying is true, "where you get motorists you get accidents!"A saying that is also true if you replace the word 'motorist' with human in this Cat's experience!
I am so sorry I can't resist the urge to show you the cover of my latest book!
There it's better to get these sorts of urges over and done with isn't it?
Technorati Tags:
accidents, Amazon, Cat, Drive Safely, Drive Safely Signs, latest book, motorists, New York, Signs, Snow, The Cat, The Cat's Travelogue, www.amazon.com, Unexpected


text:
|9 / 10
|December 23, 2016
|Pedro Almodóvar
|Agustín Almodóvar, Esther García, Pedro Almodóvar
|Mongrel Media
|Adriana Ugarte, Rossy de Palma, Michelle Jenner, Emma Suarez, Darío Grandinetti, Daniel Grao, Inma Cuesta, Joaquin Notario, Priscilla Delgado, Blanca Parés
|96 minutes
Just as Julieta (Emma Suarez) and her partner, Lorenzo (Dario Grandinetti) are planning to leave Madrid for Portugal, she has a chance encounter with Bea (Michelle Jenner), her daughter's best friend. The unexpected meeting is a shock to Julieta, who hasn't seen her daughter Antia since she was 18 and leaving for a religious mountain retreat.
When Antia was never heard of again, Julieta reported her daughter missing and even hired private detectives to find her. However, Bea tells her she recently saw Antia vacationing with her children at Lake Cuomo. She reveals that Antia knows her mother is in Madrid, so Julieta decides to stay put, hoping her daughter will contact her.
Adapted from three short stories by Canadian writer and Nobel Prize-winner Alice Munro.
Copyright ©
Tribute Entertainment Media Group
Canada Movies | Calgary Showtimes | Halifax Movie Listings | Horaire Montreal | Montreal Movies | Vancouver Movies
Toronto Restaurants | Toronto movies powered by Tribute.ca


text:
This problem is related with encryption, steganography and digital watermarking. Please anybody give me any idea how to solve this problem ? problem is listed below
1- What is the message embedded in the text below?
3rd March
Dear George,
Greetings to all at Oxford. Many thanks for your
letter and for the Summer examination package.
All Entry Forms and Fees Forms should be ready
for final dispatch to the Syndicate by Friday
20th or at the very latest, I'm told, by the 21st.
Admin has improved here, though there's room
for improvement still; just give us all two or three
more years and we'll really show you! Please
don't let these wretched 16+ proposals destroy
your basic O and A pattern. Certainly this
sort of change, if implemented immediately,
would bring chaos.
Sincerely yours,
i hope i will get the reply from java experts soon... i am waiting for ur replies ..thank you


text:
Pick a word, any word.
Inept. Pathetic. Grotesque. Embarrassing. Lackluster.
Schein: Why Rex will get a ring
Rex Ryan is truly the perfect coach to lead the New York Jets to a Super Bowl title. Adam Schein explains why. **More ...**
Yet, the most foolish thing you can do is blame Mark Sanchez, or the Sanchez and Tim Tebow insanity.
You could also call him the human turnstile, or simply, the worst right tackle in the league last year. They would all apply. On Saturday night in a preseason game against the New York Giants, it was if Jason Pierre-Paul, Osi Umenyiora and Justin Tuck were playing against air. Sanchez was treated like a tackling dummy. Hunter was bulldozed, pancaked, and confused. Hunter was the main culprit the four times Sanchez was chucked to the ground. Pierre-Paul is a great player, but it was like the end was matched up with a lamp post. It was that bad.
Yes, Sanchez threw an interception that was returned for a touchdown, a trait that plagued and doomed both him and the team in the regular season last year. Yes, it was a poor decision, made worse by poor fundamentals. But Sanchez was spooked by a couple of quarters of being treated like a ragdoll because of Hunter's wretched play.
When Damien Woody got injured at the end of the 2010 season, Hunter stepped in and did a fine job. This includes playoff games against Dwight Freeney and the Indianapolis Colts, a huge upset over the New England Patriots, and the AFC title game against the Pittsburgh Steelers. The Jets rewarded him with a new deal. From there, it was downhill. Hunter was a punch line in New York, giving up double digit sacks last season, as the once mighty Jets offensive line fell apart.
The Jets smartly parted ways with offensive coordinator Brian Schottenheimer. Offensive line coach Bill Callahan was passed over for the coordinator job and he scooted to the Dallas Cowboys. I loved the appointment of new offensive coordinator Tony Sparano. He would run the ball. He would give the Jets an identity. And as an old offensive line coach, the theory would read, he along with new line coach Dave DeGuglielmo, would fix Wayne Hunter. The "Wayne Watch" (#waynewatch on Twitter) was officially on.
In fact, when talking to the news media in mid-May, DeGuglielmo told reporters, "This guy (Wayne Hunter) is the starting right tackle. Until they tell me otherwise, until they ship him out of this building or until they shoot me dead in my office, that son-of-a-gun is going to be the starting right tackle. And he's going to play well."
In a related story, DeGuglielmo is no longer speaking to the media.
I feel for Mark Sanchez. He earned the criticism last year. But he has handled himself with aplomb in every way this calendar year. Sanchez has been the first guy in the building and last one to leave. He hasn't succumbed to the omnipresent questions about Timothy Richard Tebow. He has shown more leadership during practice. Sanchez has an edge to him. He needs help.
The Jets acquired Jeff Otah to compete with Hunter. Otah failed his physical. Austin Howard started for Hunter in Week 1 of the preseason when Hunter was hurt. If Austin Howard is the answer, I'd like to know the question. Santonio Holmes has barely practiced and has yet to play. That's a problem. The last time we saw the pair on a field, Holmes was literally kicked off of it during a meltdown in Week 17 against the Miami Dolphins. The Jets' receiver core is paper thin. The Jets did the right thing by changing the bulk of the offensive staff, but they should've also jettisoned quarterback coach Matt Cavanaugh. They openly flirted with Todd Haley and David Lee. They needed to bring someone else in.
Now, there is no quarterback controversy. If you watched the game on Saturday night, you were reminded, in case you forgot, Tim Tebow can't hit water if he fell out of a boat. Tebow has all the intangibles, just not the tangibles at quarterback.
The Jets didn't game plan for the Giants or the Cincinnati Bengals. The preseason truly means absolutely nothing unless you suffer an injury. As I've been saying since the Jets traded for Tebow, the plan is for him to run the ball six to 20 times a game. Sparano believes in the Wildcat offense.
You don't want to push the panic button. I still believe the Jets will have a top three defense this year and be in the mix for the playoffs.
The "Wayne Watch" is on in New York.


text:
When the time comes for the compilation of a detailed history of the progress of British sculpture during the nineteenth century, a special chapter will have to be devoted to the part played by the famous French sculptor, Dalou, in the development in this country of the art of which he was so distinguished an exponent. He came to us some thirty years ago, as so many of his countrymen have at various times, to escape the consequences of his over-strenuous participation in political agitations, and the opportunity of his presence here was seized upon" by our more enlightened leaders in art education as one which could be most advantageously turned to account. Soon after his arrival in England he was appointed teacher of modelling in the National Art Training School at South Kensington, on the initiative of Sir Edward Poynter, who was then the head of that institution; and his services as an adviser were also secured" by other art schools. Indeed, he became at once a very active worker in the field of art education, a worker, who," by both precept and example, was able to exercise an immense influence over a large number of students, and to direct in a very effective manner their training in the particular form of practice on which, as a consummate master, he was peculiarly able to speak with authority.
What was the effect of the intervention of a man of his vigorous personality and splendid powers in the rather conventional routine of English art teaching can well be imagined. He awoke in his pupils an amount of enthusiasm and a degree of keen interest in their work far beyond anything that the adherents to the older methods were capable of exciting. There was not only a stimulating novelty in his manner of presenting the dry technical facts of the sculptor's craft, but there was, as well, in his belief in the mission and purpose of sculpture a firmness of conviction that was eminently satisfying to youthful aspirants who were seeking the right direction for the future expression of their own ideas. They found themselves, for once, in the closest association with a master mind, in contact with an individuality which was unlike any to which they had hitherto been accustomed; and they were taught to see the traditions of their art in a new light.
As a consequence there came quickly into existence a group of young students of sculpture who, under Dalou's direction, began to show a high sense of artistic responsibility and a firm grasp of executive essentials. Inspired" by his example and guided" by his instruction, these students brought into British art a fresh note, of which the significance could not be mistaken. As years have gone" by they have one" by one risen to deserved prominence in their profession, and upon the teaching which they received from the great Frenchman they have built up a notable amount of sterling achievement which has done much to raise the repute of the sculpture of this country all over the world. Each one of them has developed a manner personal to himself; Dalou's training did not produce merely a school of copyists, nor did it lead to unintelligent repetition of certain processes of execution which he prescribed. He sought rather to induce each of his pupils to think out the problems of his art with real independence, and to realise how the vital principles which underlie all memorable accomplishment could best be applied. That he succeeded is evident enough to us to-day, for we can refer to the work which these men have been doing for nearly a quarter of a century, and we can see in it how appropriately each one has applied the master's precepts.
One of the most distinguished members of this group is Mr. Alfred Drury, who had a longer and in many ways a more definite association with Dalou than any of the other students who were brought under the great Frenchman's influence. Mr. Drury at the time of Dalou's advent in England was working in the South Kensington school. He had come there on the advice of Mr. Thomas Brock, late in the seventies, to continue the artistic training which he had commenced some time previously in the Oxford School of Art; and he had even then fixed upon sculpture as his particular subject. This decision was, no doubt, due in great measure to the inspiration of his surroundings at Oxford: to the stimulating of his aesthetic inclinations" by the atmosphere of a place full of splendid examples of architectural design; but the more immediate cause was his study of the collection of works by Sir Francis Chantrey in the University Galleries. With this collection he became familiar very early in his life, while he was engaged as a choir-boy at New College, and it seems to have aroused in him an ambition which grew steadily stronger as years went on. That he had not mistaken his vocation was sufficiently proved" by his career at South Kensington. He had not long been there before he was recognised as one of the most promising and indefatigable students in the school and as a man for whom a brilliant future could be safely prophesied. His progress was punctuated" by many successes; he took the highest award in the National Competition three years running and he gained a number of other prizes during the period of his studentship. From Dalou, who was quick to perceive the reality of his enthusiasm and the greatness of his capacities, he received a full measure of attention, and he knew well how to profit" by the hints of a master who was ready to give him just that thorough drilling he desired in both the refinements and the fundamental principles of the art in which it was his intention to excel.
So convinced was he of the importance of his fortunate association with Dalou, and so eager was he to continue it as long as possible, that when his master returned to France he went with him as an assistant and remained for four years in Paris working in Dalou's studio and helping him in the carrying out of some of his most ambitious creations. In this way Mr. Drury secured a wider and more practical experience than mere school training could possibly have given him, and he had the special advantage of commencing his actual career as a worker under the supervision of the same accomplished craftsman who had directed the whole course of his earlier study. He escaped that intermediate period between the routine work of the school and the blossoming out into independent production, a period that to many young artists is a dangerous one because in the first emancipation from the dictation of his teacher the inexperienced practitioner is about to attempt flights which are impossible to him and to become disheartened" by failures which had he known himself better he would have seen to be inevitable. Many men have wrecked a promising career" by extravagance of effort in their first few years of independence, and others have seriously delayed their efficient progress" by wasting their youthful energies upon ill-considered strivings to achieve impossibilities it shows no deficiency of restraint and no tendency which in their maturity they would have had the towards the extravagance of manner which an artist discretion to avoid.
But Mr. Drury fortunately escaped all these temptations. Instead of being thrown on his own resources before he was sure of himself he was privileged to serve an apprenticeship in a studio where some of the greatest examples of modern sculpture were being brought to completion. Dalou at that time was occupied with several of the works on which his reputation most securely rests &mdash things like his great group The Triumph of the Republic and the Mirabeau relief &mdash and his young assistant was able to take an actual part in the shaping of these evidences of his master's genius. That all this implied a great deal of strenuous labour is obvious enough, but labour of this kind accustomed him to the rough side of his profession and taught him what to expect if he was to put his own ambitious conceptions later on into a shape that would be impressive.His conspicuous success in recent years with works on a large scale, and constructively of an exacting order, is assuredly due in no small degree to the thorough experience which he obtained at this early stage of the mechanism of a craft which makes very considerable demands upon the physical powers of the men who follow it, as well as upon their inventive ingenuity.
His first appearance as an exhibitor at the Royal Academy was made in 1885, when he showed there a group, The Triumph of Silenus, which he had executed during his spare moments at Paris. This group, which is half life-size, bears very evidently the stamp of Dalou's influence, but it is" by no means lacking in the more personal qualities of style and method which have since been developed so distinctively in Mr. Drury's maturer productions. It has a certain richness of treatment which is unusual in the work of English sculptors, a robustness of sentiment and an opulence of form which suggest the youthful exuberance of the designer, but technically it shows no deficiency of restraint and no tendency towards the extravagance of manner which an artist less soundly trained might have displayed in rendering a subject so susceptible of exaggeration. The material he chose for The Triumph of Silenus, was terra-cotta, one which presents some exceptional difificulties in management and needs a particular type of technical experience. But these difficulties, as the success of his work proves, he overcame quite efficiently, and he mastered then a medium which which has since served him usefully in the execution of many important pieces of decorative sculpture.
The year of his appearance at the Academy saw also the completion of his term of work and study in Paris. He came back to London and for a while was engaged as one of the large staff of assistants in the studio of Sir Edgar Boehm. But this was only a kind of interlude in his career, a temporary expedient for bridging over the intermediate time between his return and the establishing of his reputation as a sculptor to whom important commissions could safely be entrusted. He had not long to wait for the full recognition of his claims, and step" by step he has advanced until now he is regarded as one of the chief leaders of a movement which has brought almost unprecedented prosperity to the profession which he follows.
Meanwhile he took care to make the customary appeals for attention" by sending works, always interesting and often ambitious, to the periodical exhibitions. In 1886 he had at the Academy two terracotta busts, Fred. Isham, Esq., and James Campbell, Esq.; in 1887 a bust of George Cowell, Esq. and in 1888 a statuette, The Genius of Sculpture, and an ideal bust, Penseroso. In 1889 he exhibited three things, a bust of Madame Nordica, another of Solomon S. Cohen, Esq., which is now in the Westminster Town Hall, and a terra-cotta group, The First Reflection, which nine years later he sent to the Dresden Exhibition and sold to Queen Carola of Saxony. Another terra-cotta group. The Evening Prayer, appeared at Burlington House in 1890, and was bought for the Manchester Corporation Gallery; and in three following years he was represented" by life-sized statues, Echo, Harmony, and Circe, and in 1892 and 1893" by pictures as well, two oil paintings with the titles He loves me, he loves me not, and Daffodils.
Left: Three views of Circe by Alfred Drury, RA. Park Square, Leeds. Bronze. Middle: One of several versions of Griselda. Right: The marble version of The Age of Innocence; Drury also produced it in bronze. [Click on thumbnails for larger images.]
His principal work in 1894 was the Circe statue in bronze &mdash he had shown it the year before in plaster &mdash and with it he sent a bronze head of St. Agnes. Both these were acquired" by the Leeds Corporation for the City Art Gallery. An ambitious piece of sculpture, a large relief. The Sacrifice of Isaac, followed in 1895; and in 1896 and 1897 two delightful ideal busts, Griselda and The Age of Innocence, the first of which was bought" by the Council of the Royal Academy for the Chantrey Fund Collection.
Left three: Joseph Priestly as illustrated in Baldry's article and as cast in bronze. Middle three: Eve (or Evening) as illustrated in the 1906 studio and as installed in Leeds. Right: The Age of Innocence; . [Click on thumbnails for larger images.]
Special mention must be made of one of his contributions to the 1898 Academy, for it was an important example of his work in decorative sculpture, or rather in sculpture which was to be applied to decorative purposes. This was the colossal female figure Eve, one of a series of electric light standards to be erected in the city square at Leeds as part of the scheme of decoration which has been carried out there with such marked success. Two more pieces of sculpture for the same place were exhibited in the following year &mdash an elaborately ornate and finely proportioned Base and Column for Electric light and a statue of Joseph Priestley. Before the next exhibition came Mr. Drury had been elected an Associate of the Royal Academy, a distinction he had well earned. His admission to the ranks of the Academy made, however, no difference in the character of the works which he continued to show there. He still kept to comparatively small things, and used his privileges with commendable moderation.
Left: The Little Duchess as illustrated in Baldry's article. It also exists in bronze. Middle: Queen Victoria). Right: Bust of His Majesty King Edward VII. [Click on thumbnails for larger images.]
In 1900 he showed only a bronze bust, The Prophetess of Fate, and a small marble relief, The Little Duchess; in 1901, three busts of Mrs. John Maddocks, Alexander McLeod, Esq., and The Hon. Sir John Alexander Cockburn, K.C.M.G.: in 1902, portrait busts of T. B. Wood, Esq., and Professor Arthur Schuster, an ideal bust in marble, Innocence, and a model for the Queen Victoria memorial at Bradford; in 1903, a bust of the King for the Town Hall at Warrington, and another of The late Sir William [], K.C.B.; in 1904 a bust of Lord Masham, a silver plaquette [Grade?] and a bold and effective Keystone for the Building of the Royal London Friendly Society; and last year a bust of The late Dr. John Hopkinson, a bronze head, The Spirit of Night, a Study for the Statue of St. George, the head of a full-length figure designed for erection at Clifton College, and a panel symbolical of The Fine Arts for the pedestal of the Queen Victoria Memorial at Wellington, New Zealand.
Left: Keystone for the Building of the Royal London Friendly Society. Middle: Study for the Head of Saint George). Right: The Fine Arts. [Click on thumbnails for larger images.]
Besides these Academy contributions there have been at other galleries many things which can be counted among his greater successes. At the New Gallery he has been represented continuously since the first exhibition there, and always" by work which has done him justice &mdash for instance," by such memorable efforts as the Gipsy Maiden (1889), Inspiration, and Guido (1890), and the bronze relief My Queen (1896).
Left: Inspiration. Right: My Queen. [Click on thumbnails for larger images.]
Even as an exhibiting artist society's offices, he has shown a great amount of industry and has been responsible for quite a large series of productions which have a right to be remembered. The quality of his work has always been excellent, and as his powers have ripened the beauty and dignity of his style have become more evident, and the fertility of his invention has been displayed more and more persuasively.
And yet what he has exhibited is" by no means the greater part of what he has done. Indeed, it would be almost true to say that the bulk of his exhibition pieces have been executed in the spare moments of an exceptionally busy career. For a long while past his studio has been full of big things, memorials, decorative objects on a large scale like the Leeds lamp standards, and vast groups of sculpture destined to occupy prominent positions in buildings the architectural importance of which has made necessary the provision of special ornamental features. In the decorative direction he has found ample occupation for his rare faculties as a designer and for his exceptional skill in dealing with sculptured ornament that has to take its right place in association with architecture. He has an admirably correct instinct for what is needed to make the alliance between the sculptor and the architect of advantage to both, and to the recognition of this instinct has been due the steady and still increasing demand for his services. Moreover, he is known to have an expert knowledge of the way in which different materials should be handled &mdash his early insight into the somewhat complicated technicalities of terra-cotta modelling, for instance, has been of great value to him &mdash and the architect naturally feels confidence in the sculptor who can vary his methods to meet particular exigencies.
Quite a long time has elapsed since he produced his first notable effort in architectural sculpture, a set of terra-cotta spandrils with figures in high relief for the front of a coach-builder's establishment in the Hammersmith Road, and it is some eight years since he executed the much-praised series of allegorical terminal figures, representing The Months, for the terrace of a garden in the West of England. More recently he has done much more work of the same type, and always with the happiest combination of sterling originality and dignified taste. Perfunctoriness or careless concession to stock conventions have never marred his achievement; there is nothing in the series of his decorative essays which his admirers could regret or condemn as unworthy of him. Even when the work in hand may have seemed comparatively unimportant he has kept consistently to a really high standard, and has done his best with what other men, less capable or less con.scientious, might have despised as indifferent opportunities. Now he is reaping his reward for all his devotion to the higher principles of his art, for he has gained a real mastery over the vital essentials of the branch of decoration in which he finds his best chances, and when he is confronted with a great possibility he does not fail to profit" by it to the utmost.
Left: Truth and Justice as illustrated in Baldry's article. Right: The Peace Group. [Click on thumbnails for larger images and recent photographs.]
Nothing shows this better than the series of colossal groups of figures which he has just completed for the new War Office building in Whitehall. Here, indeed, he has had an opportunity that would have been hailed with enthusiasm" by one of the great mediaeval sculptors, an opportunity which would induce the man with a high sense of responsibility to put forth his fullest energies to attain a monumental result that future generations would acclaim as the achievement of a master. Mr. Drury, as might have been expected, has risen to the occasion and has gone further than he ever has before both in thought and practice. He has, with a discretion that cannot be too heartily commended, avoided the merely obvious without falling into the mistake of being too abstruse in his symbolism. The figures tell their story frankly enough, but the story they have to tell is no triviality, but something with dramatic force and a convincing moral. The dignity of the artist's conception is as impressive as the strength with which he has attacked the technical problems presented" by a piece of work so complicated and so exacting in its demands upon his knowledge of construction and his capacity for overcoming mechanical difficulties. Nowhere can he be said to have failed to show himself equal to a task which was calculated to test him severely, and his success is all the greater because it has been attained under conditions which might well have excused many deficiencies.
One thing that is very evident in these War Office groups is the manner in which he has given free rein to his imagination in selecting the subjects which the figures have been designed to illustrate. For this type of symbolical sculpture there are rules prescribed" by custom and long usage, fixed conventions which are not infrequently held to be good enough to guide the modern worker, simply because they have served his predecessors for many generations. He is supposed to confine himself to recognised formalities, and in a large number of instances he is not, it must be admitted, any too anxious to put himself to the trouble of seeking out new forms of expression. For one thing, his clients who claim his services are quite disposed to be satisfied with the sort of work to which they are accustomed, and ask only that the stock things he gives them should be executed with sufficient skill. For another, the repetition of the old ideas, with, perhaps, some slight modifications which will pass as new readings of the familiar stories, is easy to manage, and imposes no tax upon his inventive capacities. Only the conscientious artist who finds pleasure in thinking things out for himself and rebels against stereotyped modes of expression would exert himself to do for his own satisfaction what the people for whom at the moment he is working do not specially demand of him.
But Mr. Drury happens to be a conscientious artist, and a man with ideas besides. So he has sought, not with any wilful intention to be unlike everyone else, but sincerely and in fulness of conviction, to prove that departures from ancient tradition can be made without straying into extravagance or losing the monumental quality which should be his special aim. He has avoided the theatrical taint with memorable discretion, and yet he has found in the subjects suggested" by the purpose to which the building he has adorned will be applied ample inspiration for sculpture which embodies the vital points in the drama of Peace and War. Each of the figures and each of the groups signifies something that is nobly imagined and finely thought out; each is an independent and original conception; and yet each one takes its proper place in the story which the whole series sets forth, and takes it as rightly as the work itself agrees with the architectural design
Indeed, this is, perhaps, the greatest merit of Mr. Drury's achievement here : that in producing magnificent sculpture he has not forgotten that the object of his effort was to be the completing and enhancing of a piece of well-proportioned and impressive architecture. He has sacrificed none of his own individuality, none of his personal sentiment about his art, and certainly none of his admirable vigour of technical practice; but he has not forced his contribution to the general effectiveness of the building into an excessive prominence which would be inartistic because it would imply on his part a lack of a due sense of proportion. His discretion as a designer is not more worthy of praise than his strength of craftsmanship. The large and certain modelling of the heads and limbs; the breadth and firmness of the draperies, magnificent in their quality of massive light and shade, and yet perfectly elegant and easy in their flow of line; the rhythmical adjustment of forms and masses &mdash all are imposing in their masculine power, and yet all are restrained and kept in proper subjection" by a sense of refinement and a love of beauty which deserve no ordinary degree of commendation.
But, after all, Mr. Drury's success is but the logical outcome of his use of his temperament and his training. He has progressed stage" by stage, building always upon the knowledge which he has steadily gathered in many directions, and using his successive experiences to widen his view, and to enlarge the scope of his activity. There has been no turning back in his career, no slackening of his determination to obtain a grasp of those vital matters which count for so much in the equipment of an artist. He has never worked simply for the moment; whatever he has done has been invariably in the nature of a preparation for something later on. In this, his latest and, in many respects, his most ambitious effort, we see the result of years of consistent striving to realise ideals which were implanted in his unusually receptive mind at the most receptive period of his life; and we see, too, the development of capacities, always great, which have been guided constantly by an influence that has never waned. And even more can we perceive what we are justified in expecting in years to come from an artist who already has attained such a mastery over his craft.
Baldry, A. Lys. "A Notable Sculptor: Alfred Drury, A.R.A." The Studio. 37 (1906): 3-18. Internet Archive digitized from a copy in the University of Toronto Library.
Last modified 17 July 2011