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Physical Dimensions
Length Overall: 76 feet
Length on Deck: 56 feet
Length at Waterline: 51 feet
Beam: Overall 17 feet
Draft: 7 feet
Tonnage: 42 tons burthen
Height of Main Mast: 64 feet
Sail Area (approximately):
1,965 square feet
Power: 2 Lehman 4-cylinder, Super 90 engines
William Avery Baker (deceased) of Hingham, Massachusetts. Mr. Baker was the designer of several historic vessels, including Adventure, a trading ketch of the 1670s; the 1776 whaleboat Middlesex; and Mayflower II. Mr. Baker served as curator of the Francis Russell Hart Nautical Museum at MIT.
James B. Richardson (deceased) of Cambridge, Maryland. Then 70, Mr. Richardson was coaxed out of retirement in 1977 to begin construction on Maryland Dove. A lifelong resident of the Eastern Shore, Mr. Richardson came from a long line of shipwrights. He and five assistants worked for 15 months on Maryland Dove at his boatyard off the Choptank River on Lecompte Creek. Richardson died in 1991.
Launch Date: August 14, 1978
Commissioned: October 8, 1978
The Current Maryland Dove
Maryland Dove, a tall ship built in 1978, is Historic St. Mary's City's floating ambassador and one of its most popular exhibits. The ship design is based on the small merchant vessel that sailed to the Maryland colony in the 1600s. The ship is the same size and type as the 42-ton Dove, which escorted Ark to bring the first colonists to Maryland in 1634. Dove was used in shallow waterways along the coast while the first capital of the colony was being established. Visitors to the ship experience what it was like traveling by water by the first European settlers. They also learn about 17th century technology, and how colonists lived for three months as they traversed the Atlantic Ocean.
In 17th-century Maryland, travel was a necessity for communication and trade, and water transportation was the best or only choice. At Historic St. Mary's City waterfront, visitors can climb onboard the Maryland Dove, chat with the ship's crew, and learn the hardships and benefits of life aboard a trading vessel. Discover how sailors navigated by the stars, what they ate during a long voyage, and how waterways linked Maryland's colonists to the rest of the world.


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|Version 3 (modified by bruno, 7 weeks ago) (diff)
REDFISH WORKSHOP Europe 2019
- Thursday, October 31, 2019 | 9:00am – 5:00pm
- Lyon Convention Centre
The Redfish Workshop is a one day event, with live demos that puts you in direct contact with Redfish Project technical experts. Its primary aim is to show sysadmin, architects and developers how to use the Redfish standard in their environments to benefit from a standard management layer for their deployments, configuration and management of systems. More information at Redfish on https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Redfish_(specification)
It is a co-located event of the Open Source Summit Europe 2019 that we encourage you to attend as well.
Our knowledgeable and engaging speakers will help you better understand topics like using DMTF tools for system configuration, using the REST API to perform Redfish operations from python, learning latest news on the standard and its future evolution. Through interactive sessions, demos and labs, you'll have a chance to network and better understand and practice the concepts presented.
This is a free of charge event, sponsored by Hewlett Packard Enterprise and SUSE.
Who can benefit:
- System & Software Developers
- Tech Leads / Development Leads
- Software Architects
- Chief Engineers
- System Engineers
- Development Engineers
- DevOps / System Administrators
- Application Engineers
- Open Source Technologists
The detailed agenda will be soon available just below, with one of our key speaker being Jeff Autor, HPE Distinguished Technologist and Redfish Forum Co-Chair who will be able to answer all your nasty (or more simple :-) questions about the standard and cover for us the latest news.
We have a limited number of seats available for this event so please register

subset: commoncrawl


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65 year old Dr. Mark Hausknecht was the man who passed away. This is a photo of him with the former president.
He was shot and killed as he and the shooter encountered each other on bicycles. According to the official narrative, the doctor was riding north when he passed the shooter going the opposite direction. The shooter turned after passing him, and fired two shots at him, before riding away on his bike.
The doctor was rushed to a nearby hospital, before passing away from his injuries.
According to CNN:
"Finner said investigators didn't know if the shooting was targeted, random or caused by road rage. He said a few people witnessed the shooting and video may become available.
In an updated description, the suspect is said to be a white or Hispanic male, about 30 years old, wearing a tan baseball cap, gray warmup jacket, khaki shorts and riding a light-colored mountain bike bicycle."
That certainly fits the definition of an assassination. Further increasing the odds that this was a targeted hit, in Houston, Texas random civilians don't get shot nearly as often in even the worse neighborhoods, compared to a city like Chicago or Oakland for example.
Southwest Houston indeed is one of the less safe areas, like the 3rd and 5th Wards, or the South Park area, but the odds that this was a random act of violence are extremely low in Houston.
Views: 596
Definitely a hit job!
They wanted to make sure that he did not reveal that old man Bush was replaced with a clone!!!!
Lori, we picked this up from https://themindunleashed.com/2018/07/george-h-w-bushs-cardiologist-...
Interesting info too, I imagine there may be security cams all around Rice University.
I greatly appreciate your site and your covering this event, but I need to flesh something out. I lived in "Southwest Houston" for 35 years. It is mostly a nice area, not the blanket "less safe" you mention in the article. It generally costs more to live in southwest Houston due to the distance from down town and the medical center. This shooting took place on the corner of Main and Holcomb which is smack dab in the big middle of the medical center, across and down the street from Rice University. All the big hospitals are there in an area of a few blocks. This did not happen in a residential area. Here's a follow up from the Houston Chronicle, they have a sketch. https://www.chron.com/news/houston-texas/article/Wife-of-Houston-do...


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Report of Warehouse Vehicles Market provides all study material concerning summary, growth, demand and forecast analysis report altogether across the globe. Warehouse Vehicles market is projected to grow at a gradual rate during the forecast period. Additionally, report includes a brief on marketing research methodology as well as opportunities offered by the market.
It is well-informed and an in depth report specializing in primary and secondary drivers, market share, leading segments and regional analysis. Moreover, it highlights ratio, capacity, production, revenue and consumption in terms with geographical areas. It shows absolute study about major drivers boosting this market along with restraining factors that can hamper the growth of market. It also projects opportunities that will show substantial growth rate in near future. This study demonstrates the market dynamics and trends altogether the five regions that influence the present nature and future standing of Warehouse Vehicles market. It discusses the key regional trends conducive to growth of the Warehouse Vehicles market. Further, it analyzes the market potential for every nation.
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Douglas Equipment Company
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• History Year: 2013-2017
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Tow Trucks
Pallet Trucks
Narrow Aisle Trucks
Counterbalance Trucks
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Discover everything Scribd has to offer, including books and audiobooks from major publishers.
three decades. Its contribution to poverty alleviation was rst noted in the 1970s, but this focus was increasingly blurred in theoretical debates over development in the 1980s and 1990s. It resurfaced at the end of the 1990s with the emergence of pro-poor tourism (PPT), dened as tourism which brings net benets to the poor. In this paper the emergence of PPT is described, its main features outlined, and several conceptual and substantive criticisms are discussed. It is concluded that, while PPT is based on a worthwhile injunction to help the poor, it is distinctive neither theoretically nor in its methods, and has become too closely associated with community-based tourism. Rather than remain on the academic and development margins, it should be reintegrated into and reinform mainstream studies of tourism and development, and focus more on researching the actual and potential role of mass tourism in alleviating poverty and bringing development.
Pro-poor tourism in context After the Second World War economic growth and development were considered vital for the Third World, and debates over the most appropriate theoretical frameworks, ideologies and policies continued for three decades. In the 1970s, for instance, the satisfaction of basic needs was linked to the recognition that economic growth alone did not solve the problems of the poor,1 and Seers argued strongly that development was best achieved by alleviating poverty, reducing unemployment and inequality and, later, by increasing cultural independence and self-reliance.2 Such ideas were incorporated into the programmes of many international organisations, including the International Labour Organisation and the World Bank, both of which advocated bottom-up approaches to development,3 while both the 1980 Independent Commission on International Development Issues (the Brandt Report) and the 1987 World Commission on Environment and Development (the Brundtland Report) considered poverty alleviation a major development objective.4 It was soon recognised that international tourism, which had increased rapidly between 1950 and 1970, as indicated in Table 1, could play a key role in poverty alleviation. The World Bank led the way in the 1970s, nancingDavid Harrison is in the Department of Hospitality and Tourism, University of the South Pacic, Suva, Fiji. Email: firstname.lastname@example.com. ISSN 0143-6597 print/ISSN 1360-2241 online/08/05085118 2008 Third World Quarterly DOI: 10.1080/01436590802105983
TABLE 1. International tourist arrivals and receipts, selected years, and percentage share by regionAfrica Year 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 1995 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2005 Total arrivals (million) 25 69 160 285 439 540 687 680 700 694 765 807 Total receipts (US$billion) 680 Average receipt per arrival (US$) 840 change over the period 2 1.5 1.8 2.5 3.5 3.8 4.1 4.3 4.2 4.5 4.4 4.6 Americas Asia/Pacic Europe Middle East
Percentage share of international tourist arrivals 30 24 23 19 21.1 20.2 18.6 18.0 16.7 16.2 16.5 16.6 0.1 0.3 0.6 7.8 12.8 15.3 16.1 17.8 18.7 16.3 18.9 19.2 66 72 70 69 60.5 58.3 57.6 56.4 56.3 58.7 55.5 54.8 2 2.2 2.5 3.5 3.7 4.2 4.3 4.8 4.9
Percentage share of international tourism receipts 3.1 21.3 20.4 51.2 4.1
Regional average receipt per arrival 590 1080 890 790 710
Source: World Tourism Organization (WTO), Current Travel and Tourism Indicators, Madrid: WTO, 1991, p 11; WTO, Tourism Highlights, Madrid: WTO, 2006, p 2; and United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO), Compendium of Tourism Statistics, Data 20012005, Madrid: UNWTO, 2007, pp 23.
infrastructural projects and providing credit for foreign investment, only later moderating its involvement through concerns about tourisms social and environmental impacts.5 And Agenda 21, formulated by the Earth Council in 1996 and adopted by the United Nations in 1999, also led to an increased focus on tourism, especially as a means of involving community members as participants in local development projects. The adoption in 2000 of the Millennium Development Goals, the rst of which is the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger, further reinforced the programmes of numerous multilateral and bilateral institutions in promoting tourism as a way of alleviating poverty. Among the former are regional development banks, including the Asian Development Bank (ADB), which devotes considerable funds to tourism development, especially in the Greater Mekong region,6 and such UN agencies as the UN World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO), while the latter include many national aid agencies. In addition, despite the closure of its Tourism Projects Department in 1979, the World Bank continues to have a crucial role in advising on (some would say imposing) structural adjustment programmes (SAPs), now Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs), in developing countries and, with the International Monetary Fund, in promoting tourism as one feature of private sector development, an approach which is largely laissez-faire.7 852
Academic inputs When de Kadts path-breaking collection of papers was published, with nancial assistance from the World Bank, he was a colleague of Seers at the Institute of Development Studies, Sussex, where basic needs approaches were much discussed. His 1979 summary, as valid now as three decades ago, lays out the pros and cons of tourism as a development tool.8 Recognising tourisms contribution to employment, economic growth, entrepreneurship and inter-sectoral linkages, he also noted it could exacerbate inequalities at international and local levels. And, anticipating later debates, he queried how far mass tourism would really contribute to poverty alleviation:More than ever before, the development community is searching for means that will enable the poor to provide for their basic needs through more productive work, more widely available social services, and increased participation in political decision making. It needs to be considered whether the deliberate and large-scale development of tourism, conceived as a major net earner of foreign exchange, leads to results consistent with this newly identied goal of development.9
Contributors to his volume were divided over how far the poor beneted from tourism, as were several of those involved in an equally important collection of papers on the anthropology of tourism.10 In fact, many academics continue to doubt tourisms role as a development tool,11 with their views often coloured by their commitment to a range of theoretical (and fashionably changing) perspectives, including modernisation and dependency theory, liberalism, statism and globalisation. A linked tendency, also apparent since the early 1980s, has been to emphasise the contribution to sustainable development of alternative, small-scale, community-based or ecotourist ventures, characterised by high levels of local participation, which reportedly epitomise genuinely sustainable tourism development.12 While such approaches have undoubtedly broadened the debate, they have also tended to deect attention away from the more specic question of how far tourism does alleviate poverty. Indeed, empirical evidence on this topic is rare and, where assessments have been made, conclusions are contradictory.13 It is in this context, at the end of the 1990s, that the movement for pro-poor tourism (PPT) emerged. The emergence of pro-poor tourism Since the end of the 1990s a loose alliance of several individuals, largely outside the academic mainstream of tourism studies, has successfully refocused attention in some quarters on the need to consider tourism as a means of alleviating poverty. There are several accounts of how this association emerged but the outlines are clear.14 In 1998 the UK Department for International Development (DFID) commissioned DeLoitte and Touche, along with Dilys Roe of the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED) and Caroline Ashley of the Overseas Development 853
Institute (ODI), to report on the extent to which outbound tourism from the UK could contribute to poverty alleviation in destination societies. The ensuing report suggested that, while tourism already helped poor countries, more could be done with a specic focus on the poor; the criteria for the success of pro-poor tourism were clearly specied:Pro-poor tourism strategies are concerned specically with impacts on poor people, though the non-poor may also benet. Strategies focus less on expanding the overall size of tourism, and more on unlocking opportunities for specic groups within it (on tilting the cake, not expanding it). However, these strategies have to be integrated within general tourism development for two reasons: mainstream activities (such as tourism planning) need to be inuenced by pro-poor perspectives; and pro-poor tourism cannot succeed without successful development of the whole tourism destination.15
After the 1999 Report Roe and Ashley were joined by Harold Goodwin, of the International Centre for Responsible Tourism, and the Pro-poor Tourism Partnership (PPTP) was formed. In the ensuing years they and associates in their respective institutions, along with collaborators elsewhere, produced a range of case studies, often funded by DFID, designed to show how (largely small-scale) tourism could alleviate poverty by stimulating local involvement, partnerships and procurement in numerous destinations, including Southern Africa, Uganda, The Gambia, Nepal, the Caribbean and the Czech Republic. In particular, the case studies focused on partnerships of the private sector, communities and community-based tourism enterprises, including NGOs, and showed how companies, including package tour operators in The Gambia, and local communities might benet when the latter were brought into direct trading relationships with the former. These were followed by other Working Papers that reviewed methods followed in PPT studies and a range of other topics relevant to PPT, including coping mechanisms of Kenyans when tourism was in decline, international statistics, literature reviews, international codes of conduct and standards, and local sourcing and enterprise development in the Caribbean.16 PPTP personnel also made important contributions to other initiatives, including the high-prole Sustainable TourismEnd Poverty (ST-EP) campaign of the then World Tourism Organization (the UN appellation was added later).17 Launched at the World Summit for Sustainable Development, Johannesburg, in 2002, the campaign has three dimensions: rst, the incorporation of a poverty component in the UNWTOs technical assistance programme; second, the ST-EP Foundation, which nances research and cooperation with other organisations to promote poverty alleviation through tourism; and, third, the ST-EP Trust Fund, which nances technical assistance projects specically geared to poverty alleviation.18 In line with the focus on poverty, UNWTO followed up the 2002 publication with a series of recommendations on how major stakeholders in tourism could work together to ensure that tourism development was increasingly focused on benets for the poor.19 854
Publications (with very similar recommendations) arising from a conference organised by the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacic (ESCAP) in 2003 also reveal PPT inuence. The of key issues in sustainable tourism with a initial background paper, a resume pro-poor gloss, and practical questions for workshop participants,20 was supported by country case studies purportedly showing how (mainly smallscale) tourism alleviated poverty.21 More formal collaboration is evident in another summary of key ideas and discussion of possible initiatives and indicators for poverty alleviation through tourism.22 Clearly, the focus on tourism as an alleviator of poverty is not new. It was implicit in the early emphasis on tourism as a stimulator of jobs and economic growth, in the work of the World Bank and other agencies, including in the development of strategies and policies centred around the concept of basic needs, and has never been entirely absent from the academic literature on tourism and development. Nevertheless, specically PPT approaches, promoted in the UK by a small group of researchers and consultants since the end of the 1990s, to some extent by others elsewhere,23 and implemented by numerous aid agencies,24 seem to have led to a popular, simple, sharper and more appealing moral focus on the links poorer residents in destinations have with tourism enterprises. Key features of pro-poor tourism Using numerous publications of PPT practitioners as a basis,25 and the various Working Papers produced by the Pro-Poor Tourism Partnership,26 the characteristics of PPT can be summarised fairly succinctly, as indicated in Table 2. First, and perhaps most importantly, proponents of PPT are not anticapitalist. Rather, strategies derived from a PPT perspective are formulated to incorporate the poor into capitalist markets by increasing the employment and entrepreneurial opportunities, and more collective benets, available to them. In this respect PPT resembles fair trade, in that it is a form of market intervention. Whereas the latter attempts to build in added value to the product on sale, thus creating a qualitatively better product,27 the former attempts to change market conditions and inuence the demand for labour, services and goods provided by the poor. Secondand cruciallyPPT relies on and must be integrated into, wider tourism systems. It is not a stand-alone option. As Ashley et al indicate, when reviewing the results of case studies of PPT nanced by the UKs DFID, successful PPT depends on the poor having access to markets, on the commercial viability of PPT projects, on a policy framework that provides a secure investment climate (including access to land), and on eective stakeholder co-operation and strategy implementation, categorised as implementation issues.28 Third, PPT is not a specic theory or model, and is not tied to any theories or models. It is not reliant on any such perspective as modernisation or underdevelopment, statism or neoliberalism. Rather, it is an orientation, an 855
is not
focus on incorporating the poor into capitalist markets by increasing job and entrepreneurial opportunities and collective benets. Like fair trade, it is a form of market intervention, which relies heavily on the private sector depend on existing tourism structures and markets orientate research to the net benets from tourism that can or could accrue to the poor apply to any kind or type of tourism, including large- and small-scale tourism, even if the non-poor also benet. Can be from regional or national policies or private sector involvement use numerous methods, none of which are specic to PPT, including value chain analysis, to collect data and show how the poor are and can be further involved in tourism recognise that the non-poor may also benet from tourism, even disproportionately. It is less concerned with the relative than the absolute (net) benets received by the poor have a broad denition of poverty, including lack of freedom, opportunity, power, skills and education. It is about development focus on community benetseg water, sanitation, health, education, infrastructure, etc. require wide stakeholder co-operation and commitment, including national and local authorities, planners, the private sector, etc, ideally combining to ensure the poor benet from tourism
separate from wider tourism systems a theory or model a niche type of tourism, eg CBT a specic method
just about hunger and no/ inadequate incomes only about individual benets only for those occupying the moral high ground
approach to any form of tourism which focuses on the net benets accruing to poor people in tourist destination areas. Fourth, and as a consequence, the issue is not so much the kind of tourism involved, but the extent to which the poor do or could receive net benets from it. PPT is not a niche type of tourism, like, for example, communitybased tourism (CBT) (where, in any case, the benets from tourism accruing to the poor may be secondary to conservation or other priorities). And there is no reason why PPT need be associated only (or even at all) with small-scale tourism. Mass tourism, even in its most extreme forms, can potentially be considered a form of PPT. Fifth, no methods of data collection, targeting or analysis are appropriate only to PPT. As Goodwin notes, statistics of tourist arrivals and expenditure, and tourism satellite accounts, tell little, in themselves, about tourisms impacts at destination level, and he advocates measuring remittances from tourist areas and household income from tourism enterprises, and assessing the results of improved market access.29 Such methods are clearly relevant to PPT, but they, too, are no more specic to it than examining leakages from destination areas, comparing the relationship of tourism to pre-existing or new small and medium-size enterprises (SMEs), detailing the new employment opportunities tourism creates, assessing the impacts of capacity building and improvements in welfare, or outlining more general changes, for good or ill, 856
in culture and values.30 All these approaches have long existed in mainstream tourism. Similarly, while value chains (known inter alia as global commodity chains, value systems, production networks and value networks31) have sometimes been analysed by proponents of PPT, value chain analysis (VCA) is well established in examinations of dierential market relationships of developing country rms in other economic sectors.32 When specically used in collecting and categorising tourism-related economic activities, probably because of funding and time constraints, VCA has been applied somewhat simplistically. In particular, attention has focused primarily on linkages within tourism destinations, rather than on the wider global context.33 This is not to deny its usefulness as a framework for organising data collection, but VCA is not a specic feature of PPT, as indicated by papers on VCA and tourism that make no reference to poverty at all.34 It is also worth noting that VCA in tourism was preceded by numerous less comprehensive but nevertheless relevant attempts to assess tourisms relationship with other market sectors, for example agriculture in the Caribbean,35 and that some VCA in tourism contexts has tended to cover much the same ground as standard tourism master plans.36 While none of the above methods and concerns apply only to PPT, together they can be brought to bear in developing an understanding of how far tourism does or could contribute to poverty alleviation. The same can be said of other well established tourism policies and planning approaches, including co-ordination of ministries, development zones, special assistance to SMEs, demonstration projects, investment, capacity building, and so on, all of which have been claimed as essential to PPT.37 Sixth, PPT may not be focused on the very poorest of society. As Ashley notes, PPT is not an appropriate tool for reaching the poorestthose with fewest assets and skills who are least able to engage in the commercial economy.38 Indeed, it is also accepted that non-poor residents of destination areas too may benet from tourism, even to a disproportionately greater extent than the poor: Only occasionally is PPT a matter of transferring gains. . .from one group to a poorer group. Thus helping the poor can mean directly helping the better-o clients or employers. Trying to avoid beneting the non-poor is usually counter-productive.39 And again: as long as poor people reap net benets, tourism can be classied as pro-poor (even if richer people benet more than poorer people).40 Seventh, PPT practitioners dene poverty in such a way as to include noneconomic benets. PPT strategies are thus considered to includeinfrastructure gains, capacity building and training, and empowerment. Whilst the main focus is generally on direct employment, and indirect employment through micro-enterprise development, it is important to look at the range of potential benets (and possible negative impacts) and to look at livelihood diversicationthe focus on pro-poor tourism is on additional and supplementary livelihoods at the individual and household level. It is far less risky for communities to engage in tourism if that engagement complements their existing livelihood strategies rather than competes with or replaces them.41
Eighth, and despite the above reference to individual and household levels, PPT also focuses on wider collective benets. For this reason the ADB, as well as having a US$13.5 million pro-poor and equitable tourism component in its Greater Mekong Subregion Tourism Sector Strategy, primarily to develop community-based tourism, also has a budget of more than $373 million, aimed at specic priority development zones, to improve tourism-related infrastructure, feeder roads, piers, and jetties leading to tourist attractions and poor communities, to spread the benets of tourism more widely and to reduce poverty.42 Such infrastructural development, along with provision of potable water and ecient sewage systems, is a way of spreading benets as widely as possible. Finally, and following from the previous point, optimism, high-mindedness and concern for the welfare of the poor are not enough. PPT is not a case of NGOs and other representatives of civil society working against exploitative capitalism, or of the promotion of small-scale, community-based tourism against mass tourism. Rather, it is an orientation, covering nearly all forms of tourism, that requires commitment to assisting the poor, commercial viability of projects, and co-operation across all stakeholders national and local authorities, public and private sectors, government, international organisations and NGOsto achieve the aim of PPT, namely, to ensure that tourism brings net benets to the poor. Pro-poor tourism: the problems At rst sight, criticising PPT might appear somewhat perverse. It seems so evidently morally correct and, after all, who could oppose the interests of the poor? However, some criticisms that can be levelled at PPT have already been made and, indeed, even its major proponents are careful to emphasise its limitations. More specically, however, criticisms can be made on both conceptual and substantive grounds. Conceptual objections Three basic theoretical objections can be made to PPT. The rst, and most mentioned, is that, in eect, its advocates are too comfortable with the status quo and thus miss the big picture. Rather than attending to the need for structural change, redistribution of wealth and resources, and addressing international and national power structures, they tacitly accept a neoliberal approach to development and tinker with the capitalistic international tourism system at the edges, eking out a few resources for small, selected groups of the poor (or relatively poor) in destination areas.43 This criticism is correct in so far as advocates of PPT accept that the approach works best in development destinations where, rst, a business case can be made, second, there is already a formal sector involving other tourism stakeholders and, third, conditions are right for capitalist development. However, this is less a theoretical objection than a statement of fact and, as Harrison and Schipani have indicated elsewhere, amounts to 858
little more than a crude repackaging of 1970s and 1980s underdevelopment perspectives.44 That PPT advocates operate within a capitalist context is valid as a statement but not as a criticism. They make no claim to be theorists, and see themselves rather as practitioners attempting to improve the benets that tourism brings to the poor, irrespective of their own beliefs, supportive or otherwise, about varieties of capitalism as political systems. Indeed, a similarly awed argument could be directed at critics of PPT who voice their objections in books and journals which are part of prot-oriented enterprises. Second, it can be argued that PPT approaches are conceptually blurred and/or ideologically or even morally indiscriminate, in that any kind of tourism (including sex tourism) that demonstrably increases net incomes of the poor or relatively poor would qualify as PPT. Logically this does seem to be the case, as the denition of pro-poor tourism focuses on the results of tourism as they have an impact upon the poor, rather than on the type of tourism under investigation. However, current practice is rather dierent. PPT has no obvious record of supporting sex tourism andwith echoes of debates from the 1960s and 1970s about the extent social scientists should be partisan and, if so, whose side they should take45its implicit commitment seems to be the development of business opportunities for the poor or the nearly poor, with little attention paid to, and even some hostility towards, big business, from which (unsurprisingly) PPT seems to attract little but token support. There are exceptionsfor example the co-operation of some large UK companies with the UKs Travel Foundation, an independent charity, and the positive ndings of GTZ, the German Aid Agency, concerning PPT features of Sandals Resorts, Jamaica46but they are rare and miniscule in scale. That said, the extent to which support for local (as opposed to international) capital should be an explicit priority for PPT adherents might well be a subject for serious consideration Third, as with sustainable tourism development, the situation of PPT within debates over sustainability is theoretically imprecise and, generally, little discussed. As Chok et al indicate, the focus on poor people in the South reects a strong anthropocentric view . . . and . . . environmental benets are secondary to poor peoples benets.47 Echoing the critique that PPT favours capitalism, they suggest that it is reformist rather than radical, and epitomises a weak sustainability position.48 This is largely correct but (again) it is irrelevant. As indicated earlier, PPT practitioners make no claims for theoretical expertise or sophistication. Their concerns are more practical. Fourth, PPT proponents tend to develop close links with NGOs and international NGOs (INGOs) and, like consultants generally, expend much time and eort obtaining external funding, largely from national and international aid agencies. Unfortunately, as a consequence, the theoretical marginality of PPT as an orientation and a series of practices is reinforced and reected in the personal marginality of its practitioners, both to the business world of tourism and to academia. Lacking permanent academic posts and (relative) nancial security, they rarely submit their work to academic peer 859
review and recognised academic journals, thus making future advancement in the academic sphere unlikely. They also tend to remain outside (and largely ignorant of) academic debates, with the added result that a huge body of academic writing is more or less ignored by PPT, for example, on enterprises and entrepreneurship, and the insights of adherents of PPT are similarly ignored or underrated in academic circles. Substantive issues Some substantive problems arise from the conceptual issues outlined above, and are summarised in Table 3. First, PPTs focus on residents of destination areas is conceivably too narrow and parochial. By treating destinations as bounded communities, only the poor or near poor within the boundaries are considered suitable beneciaries. By contrast, incoming migrants working in tourism and others living outside the boundaries are, by implication, unintended and undeserving beneciaries, even though it is accepted that the economic position of non-poor locals may also be improved as a result of PPT initiatives. There is accuracy in this criticism, but it arises more from practical constraints resulting from shortages of funds and from the need to limit the timeframe and scope of projects, including value chain analysis, than from any conceptual or ideological orientation. Second, there are several arguments to the eect that PPT projects have simply not delivered benets, or adequate benets, to the poor, and that the
Theoretically imprecise, reformist, holding position of weak sustainability Academically and commercially marginal Narrow and parochial; focuses only on bounded destinations Does not deliver (enough?) benets to the poor
No clear link of PPT with poverty alleviation; normal tourism may also be PPT Fails to consider equity or to try and change the overall system Ignores markets and commercial viability Ignores problems and PPT features of mass tourism
term pro-poor tourism is a misnomer. Scheyvens, for example, is one such critic.49 But, while her sources suggest tourism benets have been distributed unevenly, they do not argue that the poor have received no benets at all.50 In any case, as indicated earlier, it is accepted by some PPT practitioners that, although the poorest in society may not benet at all from PPT initiatives, some of the non-poor may do so.51 Similarly, but more strongly, it has been argued that, by supporting capitalism, PPT initiatives undercut sustainable livelihoods and exacerbate, rather than alleviate, poverty.52 Again, however, there is no empirical evidence for this view, which seems to rest on the (unfounded) assumption that, if the plight of some of the poor is relieved, those who remain are somehow subjected to further deprivation. Even more radically (and cynically) it could be argued that the revolutionary cause would be advanced by the continued impoverishment of the poor, and thus any attempt to spread the benets of tourism more widely serves capitalism and delays the onset of revolution. In response to such arguments, however, proponents of PPT can quite explicitly indicate that they are interested more in the absolute than the relative benets to the poor of PPT, and that their interest is in the local picture and relief of local poverty, rather than in grandiose schemes for the overthrow of capitalism. That said, it is often impossible to calculate the benets PPT initiatives do bring to communities. As indicated earlier, rigorous assessments of incomes and expenditures in PPT projects (and, indeed, in many other forms of aid) are dicult to nd; by denition intangible benets are hard to calculate.53 Systematic comparative monitoring of revenues against costs is rare, and where an attempt has been made to do this, as for a landmark ecotourism project in Lao PDR, it is clear that, according to strictly nancial criteria, the private sector gives better value for money.54 In such circumstances it is perhaps unsurprising that ocial recipients of international aid programmes, and sometimes donors, adopt PPT terminology and rhetoric but actually assess the success of aid programmes according to increased numbers of tourists rather than more formal PPT criteria. Third, and in line with the above, it can be argued that no clear links exist between PPT initiatives and poverty reduction. Many countries most dependent on tourism for their GDP, especially islands and small states, have moved out of the least developed category, as indicated in Table 4, even though they were not specically targeted by PPT strategies. Similarly, surveys in destination areas consistently indicate that residents believe they have beneted economically from tourism,55 although it is also recognised that enthusiasm sometimes wanes as dependency on tourism increases,56 and many claims are made for the role of conventional tourism in alleviating poverty, even when specic categories of poor are not targeted.57 Clearly, initiatives not normally associated with PPT may perform pro-poor functions. It has been claimed, for instance, that, because they open up areas previously inaccessible to tourists, low-cost airlines are a major form of 58 PPT. Unpopular though this argument might be, especially among environmentalists, it clearly has some merit but, equally clearly, there are 861
TABLE 4. Tourism expenditure as % of GDP and export of goods and services for the top 25 countries, 2005 or nearest yearHuman Development Status of country as ranked by UNDP for HDI n/a (High?) Medium High High Medium High High Medium Medium Medium Medium Medium High High Medium Medium Medium Medium High Medium Medium High High Medium Medium High High High Tourism as % of Export of goods 55.8 500.0 75.6 563.8 177.2 414.5 238.8 244.7 257.6 244.2 453.3 n/a 184.5 84.8 133.3 650.0 63.4 107.2 55.5 198.9 31.9 37.2 181.8 5141.0 40.9 9.6 27.2 13.7 Export of services 83.4 88.5 73.1 70.9 90.5 86.1 62.1 72.7 54.6 66.9 75.6 n/a 74.8 76.9 66.7 69.6 69.6 76.5 73.5 63.9 83.7 58.3 40.8 55.5 77.0 36.4 56.6 32.6
Country Aruba* St Lucia Seychelles Antigua and Barbuda Maldives** Bahamas* Barbados Vanuatu Lebanon St Vincent & Grenadines Sao Tome & Principe Fiji St Kitts & Nevis Croatia Dominica Samoa Belize Jamaica Mauritius Cape Verde Cambodia Malta Cyprus Grenada Jordan For comparison France Spain USA
Tourism expenditure as % of GDP 43.5 41.8 38.8 36.1 35.1 32.2 30.4 27.3 26.4 24.5 23.9 23.8 23.6 20.4 20.1 19.5 18.5 18.4 18.4 17.3 17.2 16.6 15.8 15.6 13.7 2.0 4.7 1.0
Notes: *Aruba 2002 and the Bahamas 2003; **This was much reduced because of the tsunami at the end of 2004. In 2004 tourism was 58.9% of GDP. Sources: UNWTO, Yearbook of Tourism Statistics, Madrid: UNWTO, 2007; and UNDP, Human Development Report, New York: Palgrave Macmillan/ UNDP, 2006, p 413.
osetting factors, including air travels increased contribution to global warming. At local levels, too, tourism expansion may be reected in increased tourist expenditure (which is actually or potentially directed to alleviating poverty) but might also cause damage to environmentally fragile sites, such as Angkor Wat in Cambodia. Such examples provide an additional indication of the need to consider wider, non-economic factors when implementing PPT projects. Fourth, some critics contend that, to focus on those who are genuinely poor, PPT should focus more on equity. There is clearly some point to this 862
criticism, as unease is understandable if the relatively wealthy benet as much, or even more, from PPT projects as the poor, who are the prime targets. However, PPT practitioners recognise the need for co-operation among numerous stakeholders and a wide range of policy and planning initiatives,59 and there is nothing to stop governments committed to poverty reduction from using redistributive scal or other mechanisms to transform virtually any form of tourism into PPT. At the local level it is a feature of propoor tourism to encourage government, aid agencies and the private sector to develop entrepreneurial linkages for the poor in the tourism supply chain.60 For redistribution really to be the focal point of PPT, closer attention would have to be paid to the role of the state, as well as to the wider world system. As in development matters generally, the impact of any PPT projects, even if on a large scale, is likely to be limited unless a states entire tourism strategy is constructed around the aim of poverty alleviation. In eect, PPT requires a developmental state.61 Even more generally, international equitynecessitates both ideological and systemic change . . . Such ideological change would need to be accompanied by a change in the international system so that developing countries are granted greater decision-making power in institutions such as the World Trade Organisation.62
This is surely the case, but returns the debate to the issue of how far PPT initiatives can, on their own, overthrow capitalism. In the absence of an ideal developmental state and a more egalitarian global economic system, it is surely legitimate for advocates of PPT to note that they have to work in the real world. Fifth, it can be argued that PPT has often failed to take sucient account of commercial viability and access to markets, with NGO and INGO representatives preferring instead to seek aid money for projects which have been subject to little or no prior costing. Again, there is substance to this criticism but, as PPT advocates have noted, it applies most to CBT projects, with which PPT has often (but quite wrongly) been associated. These are not the same and, as Goodwin suggests, few [CBT] projects have generated sucient benets to either provide incentives for conservationthe objective of ecotourismor contribute to local poverty reduction.63 Sixth, as indicated earlier, PPT is accused of failing to confront mass tourism, either its problems or its PPT features. The former include poor labour conditions in tourism destinations, anti-poor practices of low wages, and so on.64 Again, while such conditions clearly exist, PPT advocates can legitimately argue that they are not a campaigning pressure group. Rather, their role is to assist the poor to obtain more of the tourism cake. It is also worth noting, however, that the existence of poor and exploitative working conditions does not invalidate the existence of an entire tourism industry, any more than abolishing the use of child labour in making carpets requires the cessation of carpet manufacture. 863
From a dierent perspective PPT advocates are alleged to have ignored the pro-poor characteristics of mass tourism which, as noted above and in Table 4, clearly makes a valuable contribution to many national economies. There is substance in this criticism for, while there are critiques from such pressure groups as Tourism Concern,65 there are few detailed, methodologically sound empirical studies of mass tourism and its impacts. However, their absence is related less to a reluctance on the part of potential researchers than to the shortage of research funds or other support to analyse such linkages. When opportunities to study mass tourism and poverty alleviation have emerged, they have been taken, often in co-operation with major hoteliers and tour operators.66 Nevertheless, such co-operation is both minimal and exceptional. In general transnational company commitment is largely rhetorical, and hoteliers and tour operators have been even less prepared to oer funding assistance than have government and other aid agencies, on which PPT relies for relatively small handouts. Conclusion In this paper an attempt has been made to examine the emergence of propoor tourism initiatives in the wider context of development studies, and to ask whether or not PPT is, in fact, a distinctive approach to tourism as a development tool. The conclusion is that it is not distinctive and, indeed, that it far easier to discuss what PPT is not than what it is! It is neither anticapitalist nor hostile to mainstream tourism, on which it relies; it is neither a theory nor a model, and is not a niche form of tourism; it has no distinctive method, and is not only (and sometimes not at all) about the poor. Indeed, by incorporating individual and collective non-economic criteria in its denition of poverty, it returns us to the development debates of the 1970s and 1980s. Critics of PPT have focused on several conceptual and substantive issues, and an attempt has been made in this paper to confront these objections and consider the extent to which they have some validity, as indicated in Table 3. In summary, however, critics have argued that PPT is based on an acceptance of the status quo of existing capitalism, that it is morally indiscriminate and theoretically imprecise, and that its practitioners are academically and commercially marginal. More substantive criticisms include accusations of narrowness and parochialism, a failure to deliver benets from tourism to the poor, and even to demonstrate clear links between PPT and poverty alleviation; critics also point to a similar failure to focus on equitable distribution of benets or to make any attempt to change the overall system. It is also claimed that, in developing projects, PPT tends to ignore the crucial role of markets and fails to consider the need for commercial viability and, nally, that its adherents ignore both the problems and the existing PPT features and potential of mass tourism. The extent to which such criticisms are valid has been discussed in the paper. It has been concluded, in brief, that criticisms focusing on the 864
theoretical inadequacies of PPT are misplaced, simply because PPT advocates make no claim to be making any theoretical contribution, and that, in addition, they accept most of the more substantive criticisms, recognising that they are working within a context of international capitalism and that their initiatives may bring little benet to the poorest members of communities. The main question, however, is how far pro-poor tourism can be considered truly distinctive in its approach or methods, and the conclusion reached here is that, on both counts, it is found wanting. Rather, as it is currently framed and understood, PPT is a stated concern with the poora moral injunctionwhich is sometimes reected in the application of fairly standard social scientic techniques of data collection and analysis by practitioners (as opposed to theorists) who have obtained funds to assess actual and/or future linkages of poverty alleviation and tourism, normally with a view to improving the individual or collective lot of the poor (broadly dened). At the same time, it could also be described as a movement, an incipient pressure group, which consistently runs the risk of being hijacked by those who seek to claim the high moral ground, the more responsible (and less capitalistic) tourism, and the more moral product. Does this mean that PPT has no future? That it is a perspective or orientation which should be abandoned? The answer to both questions, it is suggested, is negative. PPT practitioners have been remarkably eective in getting their message across and increasing the focus on poverty. In concentrating on a very simpleand incontrovertibly moralidea, namely, the net benets of tourism to the poor, they seem to have cut through much of the development debate and have appealed to many NGOs and INGOs, and numerous national and international aid agencies, whose ocials have often incorporated PPT in their own missions. The fact that they have remained academically and commercially marginal is, at least in part, because of a lack of funding. It is suggested here that the way forward for PPT proponents is to become part of the academic mainstream, to engage with the academic community, especially those involved in development studies, to submit their work to critical academic scrutiny, and to participate in the major debates. There is no future on the academic fringe. In return, the commitment of PPT adherents, their insistence on examining the most basic impacts of tourism and on bringing about direct and quantiable change, will revive in tourism studies a moral dimension which was there in the 1970s and 1980s, but which has too often been subsumed under a welter of theorising. Such an association would then allow those in the academic community with an active interest in tourism as a development tool to seek closer associations with national and international development agencies, and with major sections of international tourism. This would undoubtedly take time, but there is little future in eking out small grants and looking at the impacts of eco-lodges on small communities. International tourism is big business, its impacts are big and so too, arguably, are its contributions to poverty alleviation. And they could be greater. 865
The alternatives? PPT can stay on the academic and commercial margins of tourism, while its active practitioners continue to seek both protable (and undoubtedly useful) consultancies. However, in such circumstances, their practical eects will be minimal and, quite probably, nancially wasteful. When looking at tourism and its contributions, if any, to development, there is no quick x, and no easy moral short cut. As in the 1970s tourism can be regarded as a blessing or a blight. Much depends on the observer, stakeholder, context, and on understanding the wider issues. The earlier theoretical debates have not gone away; rather, as globalisation has accelerated, they have become more complex. What continues to be needed is a balanced approach to, and research over time on, the development of tourism in its various forms, how it is articulated, and whom it benets. This must be the basis of action research, targeted action and policy formulation. There is no future, or logic, in fundamentalism. Notes1 K Willis, Theories and Practices of Development, London: Routledge, 2005. 2 D Seers, The meaning of development, International Development Review, 11 (4), 1969, pp 26; and Seers, The new meaning of development, International Development Review, 19 (3), 1977, pp 27. 3 A Leftwich, States of Development: On the Primacy of Politics in Development, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000; and Willis, Theories and Practices of Development, pp 9396. 4 Report of the Independent Commission on International Development, NorthSouth: A Programme for Survival (The Brandt Report), London: Pan Books, 1980, p 282; and World Commission on Environment and Development, Our Comment Future, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987, pp 3, 8. 5 DE Hawkins & S Mann, The World Banks role in tourism development, Annals of Tourism Research, 34 (2), 2007, pp 348363. 6 Asian Development Bank (ADB), Regional Technical Assistance 5893: Mekong/Lancang River Tourism Infrastructure Development Project, Manila: ADB, 1999; and ADB, Building on Success: A Strategic Framework for the Next Ten Years of the Greater Mekong Subregion Economic Cooperation Program, Manila: ADB, 2002. 7 M Mowforth & I Munt, Tourism and Sustainability: Development and New Tourism in the Third World, London: Routledge, 2003, p 263. 8 E de Kadt (ed), Tourism: Passport to Development?, New York: Oxford University Press, for the World Bank and UNESCO, 1979. 9 Ibid, p xii. 10 VL Smith (ed), Hosts and Guests: The Anthropology of Tourism, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1978. 11 D Harrison, Towards developing a framework for analysing tourism phenomena: a discussion, Current Issues in Tourism, 10 (1), pp 6163. 12 E Rodenburg, The eects of scale in economic development: tourism in Bali, Annals of Tourism Research, 7 (2), 1980, pp 177196; and D Telfer, The evolution of tourism and development theory, in R Sharpley & DJ Telfer (eds), Tourism and Development: Concepts and Issues, Clevedon: Channel View Publications, 2002, pp 5860. 13 D Harrison & S Schipani, Lao tourism and poverty alleviation: community-based tourism and the private sector, Current Issues in Tourism, 10 (23), 2007, p 196. 14 H Goodwin, Pro-poor tourism: principles, methodologies and mainstreaming, keynote address to the international conference on Pro-poor Tourism: Mechanisms and Mainstreaming, Universiti Teknologi, Malaysia, 46 May 2005; D Roe, How pro-poor is tourism?, id21 insights, 62, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies, 2006; Harrison & Shipani, Lao tourism and poverty alleviation, pp 196198; and R Scheyvens, Exploring the tourismpoverty nexus, Current Issues in Tourism, 10 (23), 2007, pp 235236. 15 Department for International Development (DFID), Tourism and Poverty Elimination: Untapped Potential, London: DFID, 1999, p 1. 16 C Ashley, Pro-poor tourism: putting poverty at the heart of the tourism agenda, Paper 51, London: Overseas Development Institute, 2000; C Ashley, D Roe & H Goodwin, Pro-poor Tourism Strategies: Making Tourism Work for the PoorA Review of Experience, London: Overseas Development Institute, International Institute for Responsible Tourism and Centre for Responsible Tourism, 2001;
CRITIQUE OF PRO-POOR TOURISM Pro-poor Tourism Partnership, at www.propoortourism.org.uk/ppt_pubs, 2007, accessed 19 November 2007; and Overseas Development Institute, at www.odi.org.uk/tourism/projects/index. World Tourism Organization (WTO), Tourism and Poverty Alleviation, Madrid: WTO, 2002, p 93. United Nations World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO), ST-EP, at www.unwto.org/step/index, accessed 19 November 2007. J Denman & R Denman, Tourism and Poverty Alleviation: Recommendations for Action, Madrid: WTO, 2004. W Jamieson, Poverty Alleviation through Sustainable Tourism Development, Bangkok: ESCAP, 2003. Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacic (ESCAP), The contribution of tourism to poverty alleviation, ESCAP Tourism Review, 25, Bangkok: ESCAP, 2005. W Jamieson, H Goodwin & C Edmunds, Contribution of tourism to poverty alleviation: pro-poor tourism and the challenge of measuring impacts, report prepared for the Transport Policy and Tourism Section, Transport and Tourism Division, ESCAP, November 2004. See, for example, V Gerosa, Tourism: A Viable Option for Pro-poor Growth in Africa?, Expert Group Meeting, Munyonyo Speke Resort, Kampala, 2324 June 2003. A Rossetto, T Soeld & FMS Li, Harnessing tourism as a means of poverty alleviation: using the right language or achieving outcomes?, Tourism Recreation Research, 32 (1), 2007, p 50. Most notably Ashley, Pro-poor tourism; and Ashley et al, Pro-poor Tourism Strategies. Pro-poor Tourism Partnership, at www.propoortourism.org.uk/ppt_pubs. Mowforth & Munt, Tourism and Sustainability, pp 168170; and D Fennell, Tourism Ethics, Clevedon: Channel View Publications, 2006, pp 161162. Ashley et al, Pro-poor Tourism Strategies, pp 2834. Goodwin, Community-based tourism: failing to deliver?, id21insights, 62, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies, 2006, p 1. Jamieson et al, Contribution of Tourism to Poverty Alleviation, pp 2023. G Gere, J Humphrey, R Kaplinsky & T Sturgeon, Introduction: globalisation, value chains and development, IDS Bulletin, 32 (3), 2001, p 2. G Gere & R Kaplinsky (eds), The value of value chains: spreading the gains from globalisation, IDS Bulletin (special issue), 32 (3), 2001; R Kaplinsky & M Morris, A Handbook for Value Chain Research, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies, 2001; and H Schmitz, Value Chain Analysis for PolicyMakers and Practitioners, Geneva: International Labour Organisation, 2005. C Ashley, Participation by the poor in Luang Prabang tourism economy: current earnings and opportunities for expansion, Working Paper 273, London: Overseas Development Institute, 2006; J Mosedale, Tourism commodity chains: market entry and its eects on St Lucia, Current Issues in Tourism, 9 (45), 2006, pp 436458; J Mitchell & J Faal, Holiday package tourism and the poor in The Gambia, Development Southern Africa, 24 (3), 2007, pp 445464; and J Mitchell & LC Phuc, Final Report on Participatory Tourism Value Chain Analysis in Da Nang, Central Vietnam, London: MCG Management Consulting and Overseas Development Institute, 2007. Y Yilmaz & U Bititci, Performance measurement in tourism: a value chain model, International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management, 18 (4), 2006, pp 341349; and Yilmaz & Bititci, Performance measurement in the value chain: manufacturing v tourism, International Journal of Productivity and Performance Management, 55 (5), 2006, pp 371389. J Momsen, Report on Vegetable Production and the Tourist Industry in St Lucia, Alberta: University of Calgary, 1972; Momsen, Report on Food Production and the Tourist Industry in Montserrat, Alberta: University of Calgary, 1973; and RA Britton, Making tourism more supportive of development: Caribbean tourism and St Vincent, mimeo, Department of Geography, University of Minnesota, 1975. Mitchell & Phuc, Final Report on Participatory Tourism Value Chain Analysis in Da Nang, pp 2950. Jamieson et al, Contribution of Tourism to Poverty Alleviation, pp 1014. Ashley, Participation by the poor in Luang Prabang tourism economy, p 10. Ibid. Ashley et al, Pro-poor Tourism Strategies, p 2. Goodwin, Pro-poor tourism, p 5. ADB, The Greater Mekong Subregion Tourism Sector Strategy, Manila: ADB, pp x, 121125, emphasis added. Scheyvens, Exploring the tourismpoverty nexus, pp 246247; Mowthforth & Munt, Tourism and Sustainability, p 272; and CM Hall, Pro-poor tourism: do tourism exchanges benet primarily the countries of the South?, Current Issues in Tourism, 10 (23), p 116. Harrison & Shipani, Lao tourism and poverty alleviation, p 198. H Becker, Whose side are we on?, Social Problems, 14 (3), 1967, pp 234247; and A Gouldner, For Sociology: Renewal and Critique in Sociology Today, London: Allen Lane, 1973.
17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32
36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45
DAVID HARRISON 46 www.thetravelfoundation.org.uk, accessed 29 December 2007; and S Karammel & K Lengefeld, Can all-inclusive tourism be pro-poor?, id21insights, 62, 2006, p 6. 47 S Chok, J Macbeth & C Warren, Tourism as a tool for poverty alleviation: a critical analysis of propoor tourism and implications for sustainability, Current Issues in Tourism, 10 (23), 2007, p 153. 48 Ibid. 49 Scheyvens, Exploring the tourismpoverty nexus, p 248. 50 L Desforges, State tourism institutions and neo-liberal development: a case study of Peru, Tourism Geographies, 2 (2), 2000, pp 177192; and K Konadu-Agyemang, Structural adjustment programmes and the international tourism trade in Ghana, 198399: some socio-spatial implications, Tourism Geographies, 3 (2), 2001, pp 187206. 51 Ashley, Participation by the poor in Luang Prabang tourism economy, p 10. 52 Mowthforth & Munt, Tourism and Sustainability, p 273. 53 Ashley et al, Pro-poor Tourism Strategies, p 35; and Ashley, Participation by the poor in Luang Prabang tourism economy. 54 Harrison & Shipani, Lao tourism and poverty alleviation. 55 J Ap, Residents perceptions of research on the social impacts of tourism, Annals of Tourism Research, 17 (4), 1990, pp 611612. 56 MD Smith & RS Krannich, Tourism dependence and resident attitudes, Annals of Tourism Research, 25 (4), 1998, pp 783786, 798800; and C Tosun, Host perceptions of impacts: a comparative tourism study, Annals of Tourism Research, 29 (1), 2002, pp 231234. 57 Jamieson, Poverty Alleviation through Sustainable Tourism Development; and Denman & Denman, Tourism and Poverty Alleviation. 58 Low-cost airlines as poverty alleviators, Travel Impact Newswire, 6 July 2004. 59 Jamieson et al, Contribution of Tourism to Poverty Alleviation, pp 815. 60 Ashley, Participation by the poor in Luang Prabang tourism economy; Ashley et al, Pro-poor Tourism Strategies; and C Ashley & J Mitchell, Assessing how tourism revenues reach the poor, Brieng Paper, London: Overseas Development Institute, 21 June 2007. 61 M Lockwood, The State Theyre In: An Agenda for International Action on Poverty in Africa, Bourtonon-Dunsmore: ITDG Publishing, 2005, pp 15. 62 D Schilcher, Growth versus equity: the continuum of pro-poor tourism and neoliberal governance, Current Issues in Tourism, 10 (23), 2007, p 182. 63 Ashley, Participation by the poor in Luang Prabang tourism economy, p 17; and Goodwin, Community-based tourism, p 7. 64 Chok et al, Tourism as a tool for poverty alleviation, pp 157158. 65 C Beddoe, Labour Standards, Social Responsibility and Tourism: A Report by Tourism Concern, London: Tourism Concern, 2004. 66 A Bah & H Goodwin, Improving access for the informal sector to tourism in The Gambia, PPT Working Paper 15, London: Pro-Poor Tourism Partnership; Karammel & Lengefeld, Can all-inclusive tourism be pro-poor?; Mitchell & Faal, Holiday package tourism and the poor in The Gambia; and Rosetto et al, Harnessing tourism as a means of poverty alleviation, pp 5053, 57.


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Aging in place is a hot topic. Health care costs are escalating. People are living longer, which means an increasing number of adults are exploring ways in which they can remain at home and manage their health as affordably as possible."The construction industry will have to react to the aging baby boomer population," says Scott Michaels, owner of Solon-based Home Care Assistance. "We're starting to see nascent trends emerge, like wider hallways and accessible home features. I think activity in the (home modification) market will increase over the next five to 10 years."The trend is what prompted North Coast Community Homes, a provider of housing for individuals with disabilities and mental illness, to establish about a year and a half ago an ancillary business, North Coast Accessible Homes."Most of our conversations are with adult children. Financial savings is the main driver of our inquiries," says Dick Russ, vice president of resource development. "The cost savings depends on a few factors, but you can easily get to $80,000 a year paying for a long-term care facility. But making the necessary adjustments to a home can be a one-time investment of $5,000 to widen hallways, on up to $40,000 to make a home completely accessible." The home health care industry is expected to grow as the idea of "aging in place" gains a foothold in the marketplace. Total home health spending in 2016 is expected to grow 7.1%, reaching $99.5 billion. That number is expected to rise 58%, to $157.2 billion by 2022. Demand also is rising for home health aides who can help with non-medical home care services, such as bathing, dressing and eating. In fact, home health aides represent the fastest-growing occupation in the Cleveland metropolitan statistical area between 2012 and 2022, with a projected increase of 38.3%.The focus on home-based health care also has implications for the technology industry."Technology is moving out of the hospital and into the home," Home Care Assistance's Michaels says. "We're seeing more remote monitoring."Changes in Medicare reimbursement policies are part of what's driving the shift from institutional care to home health care, when it's appropriate."Having more services at home is less expensive all around," Michaels says. Just be aware of the difference between home health care and home care, and whether insurance covers those services. Generally, home health care refers to skilled services, including therapies and medicine administration. These services are covered by Medicare, Medicaid, Medigap and veterans insurance, and they are administered for a finite period of time until the recipient reaches a maximum state of recovery, says Kevin Johnson, certified senior adviser at Visiting Angels of Cleveland.Home care services are defined as activities of daily living, such as toileting, dressing and transferring. These services are not covered by Medicare, but are covered by veterans insurance and may be covered by Medicaid if the care recipient qualifies. "This is where long-term insurance comes into play," which would pay for home care and thereby allow the individual to remain in his or her home and still retain some level of independence, Johnson says.
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I'm wanting to find out if there any hounds alive with this hound in there pedigree. Clyde M Miller Hudson North Carolina owned this hound.
Hazel's Black Creek Jenny
Hazel's Driving Miss Daisy
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Went a little wild with the pictures today. Whew! We've made it to Wednesday night! Something about Thursday just feels weekendy already. Although I should note that my weekend looks perfectly and exactly like my weekdays...but Daddy is thrown in the mix for 2 days straight, which makes for a great weekend everytime!
Ok Wednesday...
Good morning Cooper! Waking up slowly...if you look closely, notice how loose his onesie is. He is a little heatbox so sleeps in onesies and this is what I put him in after his bath last night. Every other onesie in the drawer was too small for him, except for this one...and it's size 24 months. It's humongous. Time to get out the hand me down bins and exchange the newborn to 3 month clothes for the 6 month clothes! Poor kiddo!
Daddy taught Jackson a trick this morning: how to use your shirt as a net to put cars in-that way you can carry a bazillion at a time.
Scrambled eggs with cheese and bananas with chocolate sauce while watching his current favorite show: Word World. Although his love for all things sweet was trumped by his new desire to keep his hands clean while he's eating. I should've stuck the bananas in the freezer for a few minutes so they weren't so gooey.
Sometimes Coopers toys are too fun to pass up.
Cooper went down for his morning nap and Jacksy and I played trains. This used to be the main activity in our house, but it has lost its lead to playing with cars.
Considered doing the dishes during Coopers morning nap. Breakfast dishes AND, I must admit, last nights dinner dishes too. Decided to procrastinate again this morning.
Coopers morning nap only lasted 30 minutes...so we rescued him.
middle morning: this guy was getting...
a little bit...
Time to go outside! I wish this picture accurately portrayed how STEEP this hill was! I have yet to join the runners, but I am a walker-determined to get as far and high and low as this double stroller will take me.
My look for the day.
Special treat today...saw a bulldozer! Especially great that we saw it today, June 18th, on my Grandpa Sutter's 79th Birthday! He worked at Caterpillar : )
Jackson also showed me where Jesus died on the cross at this "Post Office"
Home for lunch. We usually don't play with crayons and markers while eating lunch, but I get the privilege of being fun mommy whenever I want to. Anytime we do anything out of the norm, I make it a big exciting deal! He ate a huge bowl of raisins and graham crackers and cheerios on our walk, so I just made a little dinosaur chicken and corn bowl for him and let him keep playing.
still being fun mom.
hangin' out! people are starting to get tired though...naptime!
Did it.
Afternoon nap for Cooper was much more successful. Jackson not so much. I had to go in his room multiple times. Once because he had turned the volume up on his Bible story cd to SUPER loud and was crying about that. Once because he was kicking the wall. And once because he leaned too far over his "special railing" and fell right out of bed. This is a picture of his wound from the fall. I was no longer fun mommy during these visits. In the end this was a sleepless naptime.
Late afternoon. Just playing and waiting for Daddy to come home. Cooper loves watching Jackson. Time to make dinner. Chicken Fettucini, peas, and applesauce.
Watching Jacksy and getting so sleeeeepy. Little sweet baby.
Surprise visit from Aunt Amy and Uncle Drew! After bathtime, playing the "popcorn game" with Aunt Amy.
So now my legs are aching, the good kind of "I moved around today" ache. Looking forward to a shower, watching Design Star, and of course discussing all kinds of plans and dreams and silly kid stories with Nick!


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She's refused to be a part of one of the most hotly-anticipated pop tours in recent years.
And now Victoria Beckham has broken her silence about not joining band mates Geri Horner, Emma Bunton, Mel B and Mel C on their UK tour.
In a statement released as part of the Spice Girls reunion announcement, Victoria revealed just how dearly she regards her time as part of the chart-topping girl band.
"Being in the Spice Girls was a hugely important part of my life and I wish my girls so much love and fun as they go back on tour," she said.
"I know they will put on an amazing show and the fantastic fans past and present are going to have a wonderful time!"
While Victoria failed to address the reason behind her decision not to join the Spice World UK tour, the press release explains that it is due to the fashion designer's work commitments.
"Because of her business commitments Victoria won't be joining the girls on tour," the statement read.
"But will always be one of the Spice Girls and remains aligned with Emma, Mel B, Melanie C and Geri in preserving their unique legacy."
Mel B elaborated on Victoria's decision during Monday's episode of Loose Women.
"It's just the four us that's fully confirmed," she explained.
"But you know, Vic [Victoria Beckham] might join us at some point. I hope so. I think it would be a shame if she didn't, do you know what I mean?"
She continued: "I don't know, let's ask her. She's got a full-on life with all of her work commitments and her fashion and her kids.
"She's just kind of not committing just yet. I'm hoping it's going to change, but definitely us four."
Meanwhile, the remaining four members of the iconic girl group announced their excitement over their decision to reunite for a series of concerts.
Emma said: "It's time to spice things up all over again!!!!! I can't wait to perform to our forever supporting fans and a whole new spice generation! Love you all!"
Mel B commented: "I've said it sooo many times I'm beside myself it's actually happening yipppeeee. I'm now properly screaming it from every rooftop - me and my girls will see you all on stage!!"
Mel C said: "Reminiscing with the girls about how much fun we had, made me feel like it was the right time to do it all over again!"
Geri added: "I am so excited, together we celebrate girl power with our fans and the next generation and everyone is welcome! Hold tight it's gonna be fun xx."


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Time: April 7, 2009 from 5pm to 6pm
Location: The Coffee Shop - Kihei, Maui
Street: South Kihei Road
City/Town: Kihei, Maui
Phone: 808-385-0102
Event Type: java, gym
Organized By: Josh Sommers
Latest Activity: Apr 7, 2009
Export to Outlook or iCal (.ics)
If you have a business in Hawaii and you're marketing your product or service to local people, local search is the answer. Your customers are moving away from looking for your business in the paper and in the Yellow Pages. Today they're using smart phones and their computer to find you.
Discuss …
* What is local search and how does it work?
* What are the local search engines and how can you get your business listed for free?
* How to get 5 Star ratings and exceptional reviews overnight.
* How to move to the top of the local search engines.
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text: HomepageHolidaysFestive Family Breaks Page Contentfestive families The entire continent gets in the spirit for Christmas, from festive markets and parades, to ice skating and glühwein. Take your pick of the best of the continent below, with a range of deals and offers everyone can enjoy. EftelingDiscover Efteling with a 5 or 6 night break. It becomes a winter wonderland during the festive season, with carol singers, winter activities and an abundance of fairy lights. More information Disneyland®Christmas at Disney is absolutely magical. The entire park is decorated in celebration, there's an enormous Christmas tree, a spectacular parade and so much more. More information WE'RE AWARD WINNINGWe are Europe's Leading Ferry Operator 2012-2019 & the World's Leading Ferry Operator 2011-2018!


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Set2Survive Survival Blog
Learn everything about how to survive in the wild nature.
The syringe or bag should be pre-labeled with a unique number that identifies your baby. Cord blood may only be collected during the first 15 minutes following the birth and should be processed by the laboratory within 48 hours of collection.
Marketing materials by Viacord and Cord Blood Registry, the two largest companies, do not mention that cord blood stem cells cannot be used by the child for genetic diseases, although the fine print does state that cord blood may not be effective for all of the listed conditions.
There are several cord blood banks that are accredited by the American Association of Blood Banks. Most offer information on cord blood banking and provide private cord blood banking services. With a little research, you should be able to locate a credible cord blood bank online.
There are so many things to think about when you have a child. One of them is the blood from your baby's umbilical cord (which connects the baby to the mother while in the womb). It used to be thrown away at birth, but now, many parents store the blood for the future health of their child. Should you do it?
Cord tissue use is still in early research stages, and there is no guarantee that treatments using cord tissue will be available in the future. Cord tissue is stored whole. Additional processing prior to use will be required to extract and prepare any of the multiple cell types from cryopreserved cord tissue. Cbr Systems, Inc.'s activities for New York State residents are limited to collection of umbilical cord tissue and long-term storage of umbilical cord–derived stem cells. Cbr Systems, Inc.'s possession of a New York State license for such collection and long-term storage does not indicate approval or endorsement of possible future uses or future suitability of these cells.
Tracey said she felt lucky since she banked Anthony's cord blood with a private company. And Osteopetrosis is one of 80 diseases listed by many cord blood companies in their marketing material as treatable with stem cells.
Migliaccio AR, Adamson JW, Stevens CE, Dobrila NL, Carrier CM, Rubinstein P. Cell dose and speed of engraftment in placental/umbilical cord blood transplantation: graft progenitor cell content is a better predictor than nucleated cell quantity. Blood.2000;96 :2717– 2722
Parents have the option to privately store their newborn's cord blood stem cells. There are now over a dozen private cord blood banks, and more open every year. Some have their own labs, while others contract with a lab. Cord blood stem cell banking is not a regulated industry; there are no certifications or licensing requirements to open a cord blood bank. Several banks are accredited by the American Association of Blood Banks. Please keep in mind there is a big difference between being accredited by the AABB and being a member of the AABB. To be accredited, the lab must follow strict standards and be inspected by the association.
When considering cord blood, cord tissue, and placenta tissue banking, you want all of the facts. Americord's® Cord Blood Comparison Chart gives you information not only on our costs and services, but also on how other companies measure up.
Cord blood has been used for 20 years to treat more than 80 serious diseases.34 Successful treatments have paved the way for further research and today, FDA-regulated clinical trials are exploring the use of a child's own stem cells for conditions that currently have no cure.
Stem cells in the umbilical cord blood were first discovered in 1978. The stem cells found in cord blood give rise to all the other blood cells and are the foundation of our bodies' immune system. More recently, scientists discovered a rich supply of a different type of stem cell in the cord tissue. These stem cells give rise to the tissues that comprise our nervous system, sensory organs, circulatory tissues, skin, bone, cartilage and more.
Donating to research is another alternative. In some areas, you may be able to donate your newborn's cord blood stem cells to a university or biotech firm. There are also now several private banks who offer to bank your baby's cord blood as a donation, but they will typically sell it to a research facility. Cord Blood Options will be compiling additional data for this section in the near future.
After injections with their own umbilical cord blood, 63 children with cerebral palsy improved on motor skills, on average. And a clinical trial to see whether cord blood transplants improve symptoms of children with autism spectrum disorder should wrap up in the summer of 2018, says pediatric researcher and clinician Joanne Kurtzberg of Duke University, who helped establish a not-for-profit umbilical cord bank in North Carolina. (A small but optimistic pilot study has already been completed.)
Accreditation agencies and registries have recognized StemCyte™ for its dedication to higher standards and patient care. StemCyte™ is the only private cord blood bank that is both FACT- and AABB-accredited.
Cancellations prior to CBR's storage of the samples(s) are subject to an administrative fee of $150. If you terminate your agreement with CBR after storage of the sample(s), you will not receive a refund.
In recent years, umbilical cord blood, which contains a rich source of hematopoietic stem and progenitor cells, has been used successfully as an alternative allogeneic donor source to treat a variety of pediatric genetic, hematologic, immunologic, and oncologic disorders. Because there is diminished risk of graft-versus-host disease after transplantation of cord stem cells using matched related donors, the use of less-than-completely matched HLA cord blood stem cells may incur less risk of graft-versus-host disease than mismatched cells from either a related or unrelated "walking" donor, although this remains to be proven. Gene-therapy research involving modification of autologous cord blood stem cells for the treatment of childhood genetic disorders, although experimental at the present time, may prove to be of value. These scientific advances have resulted in the establishment of not-for-profit and for-profit cord blood–banking programs for allogeneic and autologous cord blood transplantation. Many issues confront institutions that wish to establish or participate in such programs. Parents often seek information from their physicians about this new biotechnology option. This document is intended to provide information to guide physicians in responding to parents' questions about cord blood donation and banking and the types and quality of cord blood banks. Provided also are recommendations about appropriate ethical and operational standards, including informed consent policies, financial disclosures, and conflict-of-interest policies for physicians, institutions, and organizations that operate or have a relationship with cord blood–banking programs.
Cord blood specimens for non-clinical scientific research studies are also available through the Cord Blood Transplantation (COBLT) Study, funded by the National Heart Lung and Blood Institute (NHLBI)
Cord blood is the fastest growing source of stem cells in pediatric transplants, and ongoing research indicates that we've only just begun to harness the healing power of these amazing cells.3, 15 By collaborating with some of the country's leading hospitals and research centers, ViaCord is helping to advance critical research in cord blood stem cell therapy and to unlock the promise of cord tissue stem cells.
Initially, cord blood stem cell transplantation using allogeneic umbilical cord blood was performed in relatively small children, because the cell dose per weight of recipient was shown to be important.19,20 However, older children, adolescents, and adults have benefited from unrelated allogeneic umbilical cord blood transplantation.34,55–61 Because of the relationship between cell dose per recipient weight and transplant outcome, the number of cord blood cells needed for marrow reconstitution in older children or young adults is much larger than that needed when cord blood is used for transplantation in small children. Cord blood transplants using multiple cryopreserved units from separate donors have been performed successfully in adults, and the approach is currently under investigation as a strategy to increase the dose of cells for transplantation in a single recipient.62 Cord blood is collected in observance of good obstetric and pediatric practice.45
Bunin N, Aplenc R, Leahey A, et al. Outcomes of transplantation with partial T-cell depletion of matched or mismatched unrelated or partially matched related donor bone marrow in children and adolescents with leukemias. Bone Marrow Transplant.2005;35 :151– 158
Choosing a bank (specifically a private bank) for her daughter's cord blood made perfect sense to Julie Lehrman, a mom based in Chicago. "We wanted the extra assurance that we were doing everything we could to keep Lexi healthy," Lehrman says. "I was older when Lexi was born, and there's a lot we didn't know about my mom's health history, so we felt that we were making a smart decision." Fortunately, Lexi was born healthy, and neither she nor anyone else in the family has needed the cord blood since it was stored seven years ago. But Lehrman has no regrets; she still feels the family made a wise investment. "Lexi or her brother or even one of us could still need that blood in the future, so I'm thankful that we have it." But banking your child's cord blood may not be the right decision for you. Read on to see if you should opt for private cord blood banking.
Private banking is an alternative option if you can afford the associated costs and if the family's history suggests a higher probability of need. Families that are predisposed to certain diseases, that are ethnically mixed, or that include a family member who may need a stem cell transplant should take special care to understand the value the cells may provide.
Refer-a-friend program: The New England Cord Blood Bank gives families $100 for each friend they refer to the company, so customers have further incentive to choose the company for storage and processing.
‡ Payment Plan Disclosures for in-house CBR 6-Month Plan (interest free) – No credit check required. The 6-month plan requires a $10/month administrative fee. The plans may be prepaid in full at any time.
The most obvious argument against is that the odds of needing cord blood for medical treatment is very, very slim. Below is a news release on a policy published in the July,1999 issue of Pediatrics, the peer-reviewed scientific journal of the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP):
Now when you know what is cord blood, you might be wondering how it is collected. Well, cord blood is collected right after the birth of your little one. The procedure is completely painless and free from risks as well. The procedure is so quick, hassle-free and painless that neither a newborn nor a new mother realizes the entire procedure has taken place. Following is a list of steps depicting how the procedure is actually convened. Read on, to grasp a better insight on cord blood banking and its proceedings.
The cord blood of your baby is an abundant source of stem cells that are genetically related to your baby and your family. Stem cells are dominant cells in the way they contribute to the development of all tissues, organs, and systems in the body.
Compare costs and services for saving umbilical cord blood, cord tissue, and placenta tissue stem cells. Americord's® highest quality cord blood banking, friendly customer service, and affordable pricing have made us a leader in the industry.
It depends on who you ask. Although commercial cord blood banks often bill their services as "biological insurance" against future diseases, the blood doesn't often get used. One study says the chance that a child will use their cord blood over their lifetime is between 1 in 400 and 1 in 200,000.
Prior to freezing the cells, samples are taken for quality testing. Banks measure the number of cells that are positive for the CD34 marker, a protein that is used to estimate the number of blood-forming stem cells present. Typical cost, $150 to $200 per unit. They also measure the number of nucleated cells, another measure of stem cells, both before and after processing to determine the cell recovery rate. Typical expense, $35 per unit. A portion of the sample is submitted to check that there is no bacterial or fungal contamination. Typical expense, $75 per unit. Public banks will also check the ability of the sample to grow new cells by taking a culture called the CFU assay. Typical expense, $200 to $250 per unit.
All cord blood is screened and tested. Whether you use a public or private bank, you'll still need to be tested for various infections (such as hepatitis and HIV). If tests come back positive for disease or infection, you will not be able to store your cord blood.
So, unfortunately, depending on where you live your overall physical and mental health will vary significantly. Of course, through the right breathing, meditations, and positive thinking we can very much improve our health too, but not many people can or are willing to do that.
StemCyte™ has extensive experience providing cord blood units for transplants in children and adults with life-threatening diseases. Other private cord blood banks may have provided family-related cord blood for transplants, but only StemCyte™'s cord blood units have been used to 2000 plus transplants to date.
M.A.Z.E. Cord Blood Laboratories is an FDA-approved and regulated storage facility that partners with Community Blood Services for processing. The company has processed over 30,000 units of cord blood since opening in 1997.
8. Arthritis. Also called degenerative joint disease, osteoarthritis—the most common form of arthritis—results when protective cartilage in joints wastes away. Once it's gone, it's gone for good. Stem cells could change that. Scientists are examining how best to use them to rebuild lost cartilage and repair shot joints.
2 Cordblood.com, (2014). Cord Blood Stem Cell Banking | Cord Blood Registry | CBR. [online] Available at: http://www.cordblood.com/cord-blood-banking-cost/cord-blood-stem-cells [Accessed 22 March. 2017].
Physicians or other professionals who recruit pregnant women and their families for for-profit placental cord blood stem cell banking should disclose any financial interest or other potential conflict of interest they have in the procedure to their patients.
The stem cells from your baby's cord blood may also be effective in treating certain diseases or conditions of a parent or sibling. Cord blood stem cells have similar ability to treat disease as bone marrow but with significantly less rejection.
Cord blood banking can be complex & difficult to research. To help consumers get started, our editors have spent over 200 hours reviewing the best cord blood registries & making this year's selections of best all-around providers.
|| Payment Plan Disclosures for CareCredit 48-Month Plan – Availability subject to credit approval. $1,650 or as low as $46 per month. If you pay only the minimum amount it will take you 48 months to pay off the balance and $2,201 total. A 14.90% Extended Payment Plan for 48 Months on purchases of $1,000 or more with your CareCredit card. Fixed minimum monthly payments required. Penalty APR may apply if you make a late payment. On promo purchase, fixed monthly payments equal to 4.8439% of initial purchase balance for 24 months; 3.4616% of initial purchase balance for 36 months; 2.7780% of initial purchase balance for 48 months required, and interest charges will be applied to promo balance at a reduced 14.90% APR if (1) promo purchases paid in full in promotion duration as indicated, and (2) all minimum monthly payments on account paid when due. Purchase APR of up to 29.99% applies to expired promotions and optional charges.
Cord blood can't be used to treat everything. If your child is born with a genetic condition such as muscular dystrophy or spina bifida, then the stem cells would have that condition, says Dr. Kurtzberg. But if the cord blood donor is healthy and there is a sibling or another immediate family member who has a genetic condition, the cord blood could be a good match for them.
Why should you consider donating the cord blood to a public bank? Simply because, besides bringing a new life into the world, you could be saving an individual whose best chance at life is a stem cell transplant with your baby's donated cord blood. This can only happen if you donate and if your baby is a close enough match for a patient in need. If you chose to reserve the cord blood for your family, then siblings who have the same parents have a 25% chance of being an exact match.
The collection of your baby's cord blood happens the day your baby is born. After delivery it's standard procedure for your doctor or midwife to clamp and cut the umbilical cord. Using ViaCord's collection kit, they will then insert a needle into the cord to collect the remaining blood. Once the collection is complete, they will seal the bag, attach the pre-printed label with your family's information, and place it in the collection kit. A medical courier will pick up the kit from your hospital room and transport it to ViaCord's state-of-the-art lab and storage facility, where lab specialists will process the cord blood in preparation for long-term storage.
The information on this site is not intended or implied to be a substitute for professional medical advice, diagnosis or treatment. All content, including text, graphics, images, and information, contained on or available through this website is for general information purposes only. The purpose of this is to help with education and create better conversations between patients and their healthcare providers.
"Processing" refers to separating the important components of the whole cord blood before cryopreservation. There are many methods used to process cord blood that can achieve the same goal: storing the important cells for potential future use. However, it's important to point out some differences between methods:


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acadia granite rugs
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The slight striped pattern was created by weaving three colors of natural highland Tibetan wools together. Handwoven in Nepal.
Made to order. 12-16 weeks lead time.
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A research treasure trove
TNMOC has a rapidly growing library of computing books and an archive of magazines, software, games and manuals. It contains more than 100,000 catalogued items and is growing.
The Archive is open to bona fide researchers. A fully-equipped office is available alongside the archive for the use.
Casual visitors to the museum can glimpse the world of computing 25 and 40 years ago through a changing display of back copies of Computer Weekly.
Bona fide researchers should request access by e-mailing email@example.com


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Jordyn Woods is back in Los Angeles after traveling overseas to nail a few business deals. The model hit the town on Monday night to promote YouTube star Justin Roberts' upcoming video "Way Too Much," according to People.
Jordyn appeared at the Peppermint Club in WeHo in a form-fitting silver dress that exposed her abs while promoting the video, which will be released on Friday. Jordyn has a cameo in the video. People at the club reported that Jordyn appeared to be in good spirits. It's the first time she has been spotted since returning from Europe.
Jordyn hasn't been staying out of the spotlight since the cheating scandal between her and Khloe Kardashian's beau Tristan Thompson first broke. She has been gradually re-emerging into the spotlight with public appearances, including a sit down the Red Table Talk to share her side of the story.
The scandal first emerged in February when Jordyn was accused of kissing Khloe's baby's father at a party. She denied sleeping with Tristan, though she has kept the details of what took place between her and the basketball star at his house to herself.
After the situation was revealed, Khloe initially blamed Jordyn for tearing her family apart. Later, she changed her tune a bit, saying that Tristan was at fault for the situation.
"This has been an awful week & I know everyone is sick of hearing about it all (as am I). I'm a rollercoaster of emotions & have said things I shouldn't have," she said. "Honestly, Tristan cheating on me & humiliating me, wasn't such a shock as the first time."
"What's been harder & more painful is being hurt by someone so close to me," she wrote. "Someone whom I love & treat like a little sister. But Jordyn is not to be blamed for the breakup of my family. This was Tristan's fault. I have to move on with my life & count my blessings, my family, my health, & my beautiful baby True."
Jordyn has been under fire recently after she was accused of selling merchandise that profited off of the cheating scandal. According to Pop Culture, the 21-year-old's mom denied the reports, saying that Jordyn didn't authorize any of the clothing that carries a slogan of a phrase she had previously used while talking about the controversy.
Jordyn has been hoping to mend fences with her former BFF Kylie Jenner, who reportedly kicked her out after the scandal became public. Refusing to profit off of the situation may be another way that she is attempting to offer an apology.


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Free PeopleAdella Lace Slip Ruffle Tiered Asymetric Hem Spaghetti Strap Flounce Mini Dress
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Draper JamesLove Floral Print Cotton Blend Circle Dress
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Gianni BiniClara Popover Ruffle Button Front Knit Midi Dress
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Orig. $119.00
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