text:
Are you sure?
This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?
It was a dynasty with more wealth, passion, and power than the houses of Windsor, Kennedy, and Rockefeller combined. It shaped all of Europe and controlled politics, scientists, artists, and even popes, for three hundred years. It was the house of Medici, patrons of Botticelli, Michelangelo and Galileo, benefactors who turned Florence into a global power center, and then lost it all.
The House of Medici picks up where Barbara Tuchman's Hibbert delves into the lives of the Medici family, whose legacy of increasing self-indulgence and sexual dalliance eventually led to its self-destruction.
The House of Medici
Its Rise and Fall
Christopher Hibbert
Title Page
Author's Note
Part One · Il Quattrocento
I Florence and the Florentines
'A Florentine who is not a merchant…enjoys no esteem whatever'
II The Rise of the Medici
'Always keep out of the public eye'
III Enemies of the Albizzi
'He has emblazoned even the monks' privies with his balls'
IV Exiles and Masters
'He is King in all but name'
V Archbishops and Architects
'Never shall I be able to give God enough to set him down in my books as a debtor'
VI War and Peace
'Rencine? Rencine? Where is Rencine?'
VII Artists and Mourners
'Too large a house now for so small a family'
Part Two · 1464–1492
VIII Piero the Gouty
'When it is a matter of acquiring worthy or strange objects he does not look at the price'
IX The Young Lorenzo
'A naturally joyful nature'
X The Pope and the Pazzi
'Do what you wish provided there be no killing'
XI The Saviour of Florence
'That son of iniquity and foster-child of perdition'
XII The Needle of the Italian Compass
'If Florence was to have a tyrant, she could never have found a better or more delightful one'
XIII Lorenzo: Patron, Collector and Poet
'He had a full understanding of such and all other things'
Part Three · 1492–1537
XIV Piero Di Lorenzo De' Medici and the Friar from Ferrara
'Behold! It is the Lord God who is leading on these armies'
XV The Excommunicant
'Someone has his seat in Hell already'
XVI Return of the Medici
'The town of Prato was sacked, not without some bloodshed'
XVII 'Papa Leone!'
'God has given us the Papacy. Let us enjoy it!'
XVIII The March on Rome
'To teach the Pope a lesson he would never forget'
XIX Siege and Murder
'Mild measures are useless'
Part Four · 1537–1743
XX Duke Cosimo I
'There is little joy to be discerned in the faces of the people'
XXI The Heirs of Cosimo
'Such entertainments have never been seen before'
XXII Ferdinando II and the French Princess
'It is her usual conceit to say that she has married beneath her'
XXIII Cosimo III and the Grand Prince Ferdinando
'Eighteen years is enough. It will serve out my time'
XXIV The Last of the Medici
'Florence is much sunk from what it was'
Notes on Buildings and Works of Art
The Principal Medici Portraits, Busts and Statues in Florence
Searchable Terms
About the Author
Other Books by Christopher Hibbert
About the Publisher
ALTHOUGH THERE are very many books on the lives and times of the Medici, not since the appearance of Colonel G.F. Young's two-volume work in 1909 has there been a full-length study in English devoted to the history of the whole family from the rise of the Medici bank in the late fourteenth century under the guidance of Giovanni di Bicci de' Medici to the death of the last of the Medici Grand Dukes of Tuscany, Gian Gastone, in 1737. This book is an attempt to supply such a study and to offer a reliable alternative, based on the fruits of modern research, to Colonel Young's work, which Ferdinand Schevill has described as 'the subjective divagations of a sentimentalist with a mind above history'.
I cannot pretend to be an expert in any of the wide-ranging fields covered in the book; and I am, of course, deeply indebted to those writers and scholars upon whose publications I have been able to rely. I would like to mention in particular Sir Harold Acton, Miss Eve Borsook, Professor Eric Cochrane, Mr Vincent Cronin, Professor J.R. Hale, Dr George Holmes, Professor Lauro Martines, Marchesa Iris Origo, Marchese Ridolfi, Professor Raymond de Roover, Professor Nicolai Rubinstein and Mr Ferdinand Schevill. I am also extremely grateful to Dr Brian Moloney of the Department of Italian in the University of Leeds and to Dr George Holmes of St Catherine's College, Oxford, for having read the book in proof and for having made several valuable suggestions for its improvement. Parts of the book have also been read by Signor Fabio Naldi who has been good enough to place his wide knowledge of Tuscan topography and architecture at my disposal. For their great kindness and help when I was working in Florence I want to thank Signorina Patrizia Naldi and the staffs of the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale and of the Museo di Firenze Com' Era.
For their help in a variety of other ways I am much indebted to Dr Roberto Bruni, Mrs Maurice Hill, Mrs Geraldine Norman, Conte Francesco Papafava, Mrs John Rae, Mrs Joan St George Saunders, Mr Meaburn Staniland and the staffs of the British Museum, the London Library and the Bodleian Library, Oxford.
Finally I want to say how grateful I am, once again, to my friends Mr Hamish Francis and Mr George Walker for having read the proofs, and to my wife for having compiled the index.
Il Quattrocento
'A Florentine who is not a merchant…enjoys no esteem whatever'
ONE SEPTEMBER morning in 1433, a thin man with a hooked nose and sallow skin could have been seen walking towards the steps of the Palazzo della Signoria in Florence.¹ His name was Cosimo de' Medici; and he was said to be one of the richest men in the world. As he entered the palace gate an official came up to him and asked him to wait in the courtyard: he would be taken up to the Council Chamber as soon as the meeting being held there was over. A few minutes later the captain of the guard told him to follow him up the stairs; but, instead of being shown into the Council Chamber, Cosimo de' Medici was escorted up into the bell-tower and pushed into a cramped cell known as the Alberghettino – the Little Inn – the door of which was shut and locked behind him. Through the narrow slit of its single window, so he later recorded, he looked down upon the city.
It was a city of squares and towers, of busy, narrow, twisting streets, of fortress-like palaces with massive stone walls and overhanging balconies, of old churches whose façades were covered with geometrical patterns in black and white and green and pink, of abbeys and convents, nunneries, hospitals and crowded tenements, all enclosed by a high brick and stone crenellated wall beyond which the countryside stretched to the green surrounding hills. Inside that long wall there were well over 50,000 inhabitants, less than there were in Paris, Naples, Venice and Milan, but more than in most other European cities, including London – though it was impossible to be sure of the exact number, births being recorded by the haphazard method of dropping beans into a box, a black bean for a boy, a white one for a girl.
For administrative purposes the city was divided into four quartieri and each quartiere was in turn divided into four wards which were named after heraldic emblems. Every quartiere had its own peculiar character, distinguished by the trades that were carried on there and by the palaces of the rich families whose children, servants, retainers and guards could be seen talking and playing round the loggie, the colonnaded open-air meeting grounds where business was also discussed.
The busiest parts of the city were the area around the stone bridge, the Ponte Vecchio, which spanned the Arno at its narrowest point and was lined on both sides with butchers' shops and houses;² the neighbourhood of the Orsanmichele, the communal granary, where in summer the bankers set up their green cloth-covered tables in the street and the silk merchants had their counting-houses;³ and the Mercato Vecchio, the big square where once the Roman Forum had stood.⁴ Here, in the Mercato Vecchio, the Old Market, were the shops of the drapers and the second-hand-clothes dealers, the booths of the fishmongers, the bakers and the fruit and vegetable merchants, the houses of the feather merchants and the stationers, and of the candle-makers where, in rooms smoky with incense to smother the smell of wax, prostitutes entertained their customers. On open counters in the market, bales of silk and barrels of grain, corn and leather goods were exposed for sale, shielded by awnings from the burning sun. Here also out in the open barbers shaved beards and clipped hair; tailors stitched cloth in shaded doorways; servants and housewives gathered round the booths of the cooked-food merchants; bakers pushed platters of dough into the communal oven; and furniture makers and goldsmiths displayed their wares. Town-criers marched about calling out the news of the day and broadcasting advertisements; ragged beggars held out their wooden bowls; children played dice on the flagstones and in winter patted the snow into the shape of lions, the heraldic emblem of the city. Animals roamed everywhere: dogs wearing silver collars; pigs and geese rooting about in doorways; occasionally even a deer or a chamois would come running down from the hills and clatter through the square.
Not many years before, though Dante had denounced their luxurious manners, the Florentines seem to have frowned upon any untoward display of wealth. They had dressed very simply, the standard costume for all men who were artisans being an ankle-length gown of dark-coloured cloth, buttoned down the front like a cassock. Their houses, too, had been unassuming. Even those of the richest families had been furnished with plain wooden tables and the most uninviting beds. The walls were generally whitewashed, tapestries being unpacked from chests to be displayed on special occasions only; floors were of bare stone, rarely covered with anything other than reed matting; the shuttered windows were usually made of oiled cotton. Glass and majolica ornaments were few and discreet; silverware was produced from the sideboard, or from a locked cupboard in the master's room, for none but the honoured guest; and few families yet had forks. In more recent years, however, though the Florentines continued to enjoy a reputation for frugality, they had become noticeably less abstemious and restrained. The stone houses of the well-to-do still presented a severe, even forbidding appearance to the street; but behind the glazed and curtained windows of the upper storeys, the rooms were frequently carpeted, the walls painted with murals, hung with tapestries, religious pictures and occasionally concave looking-glasses to reflect light onto a table or desk. Fireplaces were much more common so that on cold winter nights warming-pans and scaldini – earthenware jars filled with hot charcoal – were not so necessary. Much of the furniture was painted or decorated with marquetry. The canopied beds, standing on raised platforms and surrounded by footboards, were very large – often twelve feet wide – big enough for four people or even more to sleep in them side by side, lying naked beneath the linen sheets and breathing in air made sweet by scent or by herbs burning slowly in pierced globes hanging from the ceiling.
Over their trunk hose and jacket men still wore the lucco, the dark ankle-length gown with long, wide sleeves and a hood attached to the neck; but many young men now preferred more gaily coloured clothes – a pink cape, perhaps, worn with a satin jacket, white stockings shot with silver lace, a velvet cap with a feather in the brim, scented gloves, golden rings and a golden chain, a jewelled dagger and a sword. There were sumptuary laws as there were elsewhere in Europe; but no one paid them much attention. Certainly the women did not. An official, who was ordered to compel women to obey the laws, submitted a characteristic report of his failure:
In obedience to the orders you gave me, I went out to look for forbidden ornaments on the women and was met with arguments such as are not to be found in any book of laws. There was one woman with the edge of her hood fringed out in lace and twined round her head. My assistant said to her, 'What is your name? You have a hood with lace fringes.' But the woman removed the laced fringe which was attached to the hood with a pin, and said it was merely a wreath. Further along we met a woman with many buttons in front of her dress; and my assistant said to her, 'You are not allowed to wear buttons.' But she replied, 'These are not buttons. They are studs. Look, they have no loops, and there are no buttonholes.' Then my assistant, supposing he had caught a culprit at last, went up to another woman and said to her, 'You are wearing ermine.' And he took out his book to write down her name. 'You cannot take down my name,' the woman protested. 'This is not ermine. It is the fur of a suckling.' 'What do you mean, suckling?' 'A kind of animal.'
To the dismay of many an austere churchman, the wives of Florentine merchants were, indeed, renowned for their sumptuous clothes, their elegance, their pale skin and fair hair. If their hair was too dark they dyed it or wore a wig of white or yellow silk; if their skin was too olive they bleached it; if their cheeks were too rosy they powdered them. And they walked the streets in all manner of styles and colours, in dresses of silk and velvet, often adorned with sparkling jewels and silver buttons; in winter they wore damask and fur, showing off prized features of a wardrobe which might well have cost far more than their husband's house. Unmarried girls of good family were not, of course, allowed such freedom, rarely being seen in the streets at all, except on their way to Mass, and then always heavily veiled. In some households young and precious daughters were not allowed out at all; they had to read Mass in their own bedrooms and to take exercise in their father's garden or in the family loggia. When it was time for marriage their parents or guardians made all the arrangements, of which the amount of the dowry was the most significant.
Many dowries included foreign slaves whose importation had been officially authorized in 1336 after an outbreak of plague had led to a serious shortage of native servants. These slaves were generally Greeks, Turks or Russians, Circassians or Tartars, the Tartars being preferred by some households because they worked harder, the Circassians by others because they were better looking and better tempered. All were expected to be fully occupied from morning to night, as Fra Bernardino, a travelling preacher from Siena, urged housewives to remember for their own good:
It there sweeping to be done? Then make your slave sweep. Are there pots to be scoured? Then make her scour them. Are there vegetables to be cleaned or fruit to be peeled? Then set her to them. Laundry? Hand it to her. Make her look after the children and everything else. If you don't get her used to doing all the work, she will become a lazy little lump of flesh. Don't give her any time off, I tell you. As long as you keep her on the go, she won't waste her time leaning out of the window.
Bought quite cheaply in the markets at Venice and Genoa, the slaves were usually young female children who spent the rest of their lives in bondage. An owner had complete power over them 'to have, hold, sell, alienate, exchange, enjoy, rent or unrent, dispose of by will, judge soul and body and do with in perpetuity whatsoever may please him and his heirs, and no man may gainsay him'. They were, in fact, considered as chattels, and classed in inventories with domestic animals. Many of them became pregnant by their masters: the correspondence of the time is full of disputes arising from such inconvenience; and the foundling hospitals were continually being presented with little bundles of swarthy or Slavic-looking babies.
At least the slave, hard as she was worked, could generally be sure of eating well, for although she had few legal rights and was often dismissed in documents as a creature of little importance, she was regarded as one of the family and treated as such. In hard times she was certainly better off than the very poor native Florentines who were sometimes reduced to a diet of dried figs or bread made with oak bark. If she belonged to a moderately prosperous family she could look forward to sharing their evening meal of garlic-flavoured pasta, ravioli in broth, liver sausage or black pudding, goat's milk cheese, fruit and wine, with an occasional pigeon or a piece of meat, usually lamb, on a Sunday. For the richer merchants, of course, there was more exotic fare. Excessive indulgence was forbidden by sumptuary laws; but, as with clothes, the laws were flagrantly disregarded and the most was made of every loophole. If the main course was to consist of no more than 'roast with pie', well, then, everything that could possibly be desired was tossed into the pie, from pork and ham to eggs, dates and almonds. An honoured guest of a well-to-do citizen might be offered first of all a melon, then ravioli, tortellini or lasagne, then a berlingozzo, a cake made of flour, eggs and sugar, then a few slices of boiled capon, roast chicken and guinea fowl, followed by spiced veal, or pork jelly, thrushes, tench, pike, eel or trout, boiled kid, pigeon, partridge, turtle-dove or peacock. For vegetables there was usually a choice of broad beans, onions, spinach, carrots, leeks, peas and beetroot. Finally there might be rice cooked in milk of almonds and served with sugar and honey, or pinocchiato, a pudding made out of pine kernels, or little jellies made of almond-milk, coloured with saffron and modelled in the shape of animals or human figures. Everything was strongly flavoured. A chicken minestra would be spiced with ginger and pounded almonds, as well as cinnamon and cloves, and sprinkled with cheese or even sugar. Into a fish pie would go olive oil, orange and lemon juice, pepper, salt, cloves, parsley, nutmegs, saffron, dates, raisins, powdered bay leaves and marjoram. The red sauce known as savore sanguino contained not only meat, wine, raisins, cinnamon and sandal, but also sumac which is now used only for tanning. In summer the main meal of the day in the families of most well-to-do merchants would be served just before dusk at a trestle table near to the open garden door, the guests sitting on straight-backed chairs or, more likely, on benches or the lids of chests, while musicians played softly in a far corner of the room.
From such households as these came the men who ruled Florence. Theoretically every member of the city's several guilds, the arti, had a say in its government; but this was far from being the case in practice. There were twenty-one guilds in all, seven major ones and fourteen minor. Of the seven major guilds that of the lawyers, the Arte dei Giudici e Notai, enjoyed the highest prestige; next in importance were the guilds of the wool, silk and cloth merchants, the Arte della Lana, the Arte di Por Santa Maria and the Arte di Calimala which took its name from the streets where the cloth warehouses were to be found.⁵ Emerging as a rival to these in riches and consequence was the Arte del Cambio, the bankers' guild, though bankers still suffered from the condemnation of the Church as usurers and felt obliged to adopt certain customs and euphemisms in an attempt to disguise the true nature of their transactions. The Arte dei Medici, Speziali e Merciai was the guild of the doctors, the apothecaries and the shopkeepers, of merchants who sold spices, dyes and medicines, and of certain artists and craftsmen, like painters who, buying their colours from members of the guild, were themselves admitted to it. The seventh major guild, the Arte dei Vaccai e Pellicciai, looked after the interests of both dealers and craftsmen in animal skins and fur.
The minor guilds were those of such relatively humble tradesmen as butchers, tanners, leatherworkers, smiths, cooks, stonemasons, joiners, vintners and innkeepers, tailors, armourers and bakers. But while a member of the Arte della Lana would look down upon the Arte dei Fabbri, the smiths, in their turn, could feel superior to tens of thousands of those ordinary workers in the wool and silk trades, the weavers, spinners and dyers, the combers and beaters who, like carters and boatmen, labourers, pedlars and all those who had no permanent workshop, did not belong to a guild at all and – though they constituted more than three-quarters of the population of the city – were not allowed to form one. Such deprivation had in the past caused bitterness and occasional outbursts of violence. In the summer of 1378, the lowest class of woollen workers, known as the ciompi – because of the clogs they wore in the wash-houses – rose in revolt, protesting that their wages were scarcely sufficient to keep their families from starvation. Shouting, 'Down with the traitors who allow us to starve!' they sacked the houses of those merchants whom they condemned as their oppressors, forced them and their elected officials to flee for their lives, and demanded the right to form three new guilds of their own. The right could not in the circumstances be denied them; but they did not enjoy it for long. The jealousy of their fellow workers in other trades, combined with the power and money of their employers, soon destroyed the ciompi's short-lived guilds. By 1382 the twenty-one original guilds were once more in undisputed control of the city; and by the re-enactment of the Ordinances of Justice of 1293, which had defined the constitution of Florence as an independent republic, these guilds resumed their manipulation of the government.
The government was formed in this way: the names of all those members of the guilds aged thirty or over who were eligible for election to office were placed in eight leather bags known as borse. Every two months these bags were taken from the sacristy of the church of Santa Croce where they were kept;⁶ and, in a short ceremony to which any citizen who cared to watch it was admitted, names were drawn out at random. Men known to be in debt were declared ineligible for office; so were those who had served a recent term or were related to men whose names had already been drawn. The citizens eventually selected were known for the next two months as Priori; and the government which they constituted was known as the Signoria. There were never more than nine men in the Signoria, six of them representing the major guilds, two of them the minor guilds. The ninth became Gonfaloniere, temporary standard-bearer of the Republic and custodian of the city's banner – a red lily on a white field. Immediately upon their election all the Priori were required to leave their homes and move into the Palazzo della Signoria where they were obliged to remain for their two-month term of office; they were paid a modest salary to cover their expenses and enjoyed the services of a large staff of green-liveried servants as well as a Buffone who told them funny stories and sang for them when they were having their excellent meals. They wore splendid crimson coats lined with ermine and with ermine collars and cuffs, the Gonfaloniere's coat being distinguished from the others by its embroidery of golden stars.
In enacting legislation and formulating foreign policy, the Signoria were required to consult two other elected councils known as Collegi, one the Dodici Buonomini, consisting of twelve citizens, the other, the Sedici Gonfalonieri, comprising sixteen. Other councils, such as the Ten of War, the Eight of Security and the Six of Commerce, were elected from time to time as the circumstances of the Republic demanded. There were in addition various permanent officials, notably the Chancellor, who was customarily a distinguished man of letters; the Notaio delle Riformagioni, who promulgated the decrees of the Signoria; and the Podestà, a kind of Lord Chief Justice, a foreigner usually of noble birth who lived at the palace, which was also a prison, later known as the Bargello.⁷
In times of trouble the great bell of the Signoria would be tolled in the campanile of their Palazzo. Because of its deep, mooing tone it was known as the Vacca; and as its penetrating boom sounded throughout Florence all male citizens over the age of fourteen were expected to gather in their respective wards and then to march behind their banners to the Piazza della Signoria to form a Parlamento. Usually on such occasions the citizens, having affirmed that two-thirds of their number were present, were asked to approve the establishment of an emergency committee, a Balìa, which was granted full powers to deal with the crisis.
The Florentines were inordinately proud of this system which, upheld by them as a guarantee of their much vaunted freedom, they were ever ready to compare favourably with the forms of government to be found in other less fortunate Italian states. Venice, admittedly, was also a republic, but it was a republic in which, so its detractors soon pointed out, various noble families played a part in government which would have been impossible for such families under the constitution of Florence. Florence's great rival, Milan, was under the firm rule of a tyrannical duke, Filippo Maria Visconti. The Papal States, a disorderly array of petty tyrannies which sprawled across the peninsula from Rome to the Adriatic, were in a condition approaching anarchy; while the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily was being torn apart by the rival factions of the Houses of Anjou and Aragon.
Compared with these other states, Florence certainly seemed fortunate to enjoy so commendably stable and democratic a government. But in practice the government was not democratic at all. Not only were the ordinary workers, the Minuto Popolo, successfully excluded from it; not only were the nobles, the Grandi, similarly denied representation in the councils of the Republic; but the whole process of election to those councils was controlled by a few of the richest merchant families who contrived to ensure that only the names of reliable supporters found their way into the borse, or, when this proved impossible, that a Parlamento should be summoned and a Balìa appointed to 'reform' the borse, thus disposing of any unreliable Priori who might have been elected to the Signoria. In fact, it was a government carried on mainly by the rich and almost exclusively in their interests.
To the Florentine merchant, money had a quite extraordinary significance. To be rich was to be honourable, to be poor disgraced. According to that characteristic Renaissance man, Leon Battista Alberti, the philosopher, poet, athlete, painter, musician and architect, who came from one of Florence's oldest merchant families,⁸ no one who was poor would ever 'find it easy to acquire honour and fame by means of his virtues'; poverty 'threw virtue into the shadows' and subjected it to a 'hidden and obscure misery'. Matteo Palmieri, another Florentine philosopher of old merchant stock, agreed with this view. In his opinion only the successful merchant who traded on a large scale was worthy of regard and honour: provided the lowest orders of society earned enough to keep them in food from day to day, then they had enough and should not expect to have more. Gregorio Dati, one of Florence's international silk merchants, went so far as to say, 'A Florentine who is not a merchant, who has not travelled through the world, seeing foreign nations and peoples and then returned to Florence with some wealth, is a man who enjoys no esteem whatsoever.'
By common consent it was agreed that the trade from which the merchant's riches were derived must be both 'comely and grand'. Quickly made fortunes were highly suspect; so were those made from dealing in 'ugly trades', from 'socially inferior skills', from 'low callings, suitable for wage earners'. Trade on an imposing scale and in fine merchandise, however, was not only a credit to the merchant who carried it on but also to the Republic itself which derived such benefit from it.
Having acquired riches the merchant must not be chary of spending them. He must have a fine palazzo and a commodious family loggia, a pleasant country villa and a private chapel. He must provide his family with suitably expensive if not unduly flamboyant clothes, and be ready to provide his daughters with handsome dowries. He must be generous in his donations to the building of churches and convents not only for the glory of God but also for the honour of his descendants and of Florence. If he were rich enough he would gain additional prestige by lending money to the Republic. Giovanni Rucellai, whose enormous fortune was based on the famous Florentine red dye, the oricello, from which his family derived their name, declared that he had done himself much more honour 'by having spent money well than by having earned it'; he had also derived deeper satisfaction in spending it, especially the money he had spent on his palazzo, a splendid edifice designed by Alberti.⁹
But to be a rich and munificent merchant in a respectable way of business was not in itself sufficient to gain esteem in Florentine society. Ideally a good marriage was also required; so was a tradition of family service to the Republic. Indeed, no one could pretend to high social rank who did not hold or had not held some public office. This was impressed upon the sons of merchants from their earliest years; and a family whose name did not feature on the parchment lists of former Priori, all of whom had been carefully recorded since 1282, was almost beyond the pale. The venerated and enormously rich patrician, Niccolò da Uzzano, kept one of these lists hanging on the wall of his study so that, when the candidature of someone unknown to him was canvassed, he could immediately satisfy himself that he was not a parvenu.¹⁰
The Medici were not parvenus. Yet, compared with many of their rivals, they were not an ancient family either. In later years all manner of legends gained currency.
'Always keep out of the public eye'
IT WAS said that the Medici were descended from one Averardo, a brave knight who had fought under the banner of Charlemagne. This Averardo had once passed through Tuscany on his way to Rome, and in the district to the north of Florence known as the Mugello he had come upon a savage giant, the terror of the poor peasants of the neighbourhood. He had done battle with the monster and had killed him. In the fight his shield had been dented in several places by the heavy blows of the giant's ferociously wielded mace; and Charlemagne had rewarded Averardo's bravery by allowing him to commemorate his great victory by representing the dents on his coat-of-arms by red balls or palle on a field of gold – ever afterwards the insignia of the Medici.¹ More prosaically, and rather more probably, others maintained that these red balls represented pills or cupping-glasses, the Medici – as their name suggested – having originally been doctors or apothecaries, descendants of a charcoal burner who had moved into Florence from the Mugello. Yet others had it that the balls represented coins, the traditional emblems of pawnbrokers.
What at least was certain was that in more recent years the Medici had been leading lives of quiet respectability in Florence, prospering as the city prospered, and occasionally occupying public office. The first member of the family to become Gonfaloniere was one Ardingo de' Medici who was elected to that office in 1296. His brother Guccio also became Gonfaloniere three years later and had the distinction of being buried in a fourth-century sarcophagus which was placed outside the black and white octagonal church of San Giovanni Battista, known as the Baptistery. Another Medici, Cosimo's great-great grandfather, Averardo, was elected Gonfaloniere in 1314; but thereafter the family appear to have suffered a decline. One of Averardo's grandsons, Filigno di Conte de' Medici, lamented this decline in a short book of memoirs he wrote for his children. He was pleased to say that the family still owned several small houses in Florence, as well as two palazzi, an inn, and 'the half of a palazzo with houses round it' at Cafaggiolo in the Mugello. They were still quite well off, but not nearly as rich as once they had been; while their social position, though 'still considerable, ought to have been higher'. Gone were the days when it 'used to be said,
You are like one of the Medici, and every man feared [them]'.
A cousin of Filigno, Salvestro de' Medici, reclaimed the family's prestige by being elected Gonfaloniere in 1370 and again in 1378, the year of the riots of the ciompi. Salvestro was known to be in sympathy with the ciompi and for a time his reputation blossomed in the light of their success. But their ultimate failure ruined him; and thereafter the Medici, whose name was now inevitably associated with the party of the people, were regarded with suspicion by many of the leading families of the city.
It was a suspicion which Cosimo's father, Giovanni di Bicci de' Medici, had always been anxious to allay. He had not been born rich: the little money left by his own father had had to be divided between a widow and five sons. And having made his own fortune, Giovanni was determined not to put it in jeopardy. His sympathies, like Salvestro's, were supposed to be with the Minuto Popolo and he consequently enjoyed much popularity with them. Yet he was a man of the utmost discretion, acutely aware of the danger of arousing the Florentines' notorious distrust of overtly ambitious citizens, anxious to remain as far as possible out of the public eye while making money in his rapidly expanding banking business.
He enjoyed the reputation of a kind man, honest, understanding and humane; yet no one could mistake the worldly-wise shrewdness in his hooded eyes nor the determined set of his large chin. He was never eloquent, but in his talk there were occasional flashes of wit which were rendered all the more disarming by the habitually lugubrious expression of his pale face. Although his riches had been increased by the handsome dowry which his wife, Piccarda Bueri, had brought into the family, he lived with her and his two sons, Cosimo and Lorenzo, in a modest house in the Via Larga before moving to a slightly larger but still unpretentious house in the Piazza del Duomo not far from the unfinished cathedral of Santa Maria del Fiore.² Giovanni would have preferred to avoid public life altogether, as many minor merchants contrived to do; he would ideally have liked to divide his time between his house in Florence and his country villa, between his office in the Piazza del Duomo and his bank in the Via Porta Rossa³ near the present Mercato Nuovo.⁴ But in Florence, as one of his grandsons was to say, rich merchants did not prosper without taking a share in the government.
So Giovanni reluctantly accepted office as one of the Priori in the Signoria in 1402, in 1408 and again in 1411; and in 1421, for the statutory two-month period, he occupied the office of Gonfaloniere. For the rest he appeared content to sit in the shadows of his counting-house, contributing generously to public funds and private charities, investing in land in the surrounding countryside, adopting no more definite a political stance than one of moderate opposition to the civic aspirations of the dispossessed Grandi – whose banker he was nevertheless happy to be – and allowing the rich Albizzi family to exercise control of the government through their friends and nominees in the Signoria.
It had to be agreed even by their political opponents that this period of rule by the Albizzi and their associates had not so far been particularly unpopular in Florence, coinciding as it did with a time of relative prosperity. It had been a harsh rule to be sure: opposition to it had been rigorously crushed; malcontents and rivals had been arrested, banished, impoverished, even executed. But Florentine territories had gradually and continually expanded. Before the Albizzi came to power these territories already stretched far beyond the walls of the city and included the towns of Pistoia, Volterra, and Prato which was bought from the Queen of Naples in 1351. But since they had successfully taken over the government, the Albizzi had not only gained possession of Arezzo; they had also opened up a passage to the sea by capturing Pisa and its port, Porto Pisano, in 1406, and in 1421 they had bought Leghorn from the Genoese.
The acquisition of these ports – celebrated at Pisa by the launching of the first Florentine armed galley – immensely increased the wealth of the Republic, and gave a new impetus to the trade in wool and cloth upon which its prosperity had long depended. From England and the Low Countries, as well as from the hills and valleys of Tuscany, vast quantities of wool had for generations come into Florence to be refined, dyed and re-exported. Before the Black Death the industry was believed to have supported as many as 30,000 people. This explained the importance and influence of the Arte di Calimala and the Arte della Lana, the cloth and wool trade guilds, which for so long had played an essential part in the government of the city and had been responsible for the construction of so many of its finest buildings. The building of the Cathedral of Santa Maria del Fiore, for instance, had been entrusted to officials of the Arte della Lana whose emblem of a lamb was a notable feature on its walls.
The owner of two wool workshops in Florence, Giovanni di Bicci de' Medici was a member of the Arte della Lana; but, since his main interest was banking, he was also a member of the Arte del Cambio, a guild whose prestige had been increasing ever since 1252 when the bankers of the city had issued a beautiful small gold coin, stamped on its reverse side with the city's Latin name, Florentia, and on the obverse with its emblem, the lily.⁵ This was the famous fiorino d'oro which became internationally known as the flower, the florence or the florin. It contained fifty-four grains of fine gold, and in terms of purchasing power the florin of the 1430s might be considered the equivalent of about £20 today: certainly a man could live very comfortably indeed on an annual income of 150 florins; a small house and garden in the city could be rented for about thirty-five florins a year; a handsome palazzo could be bought for a thousand; a maidservant would cost him no more than ten florins a year and a slave could be bought for fifty. The florin had rapidly gained universal confidence and was soon in common use throughout Europe, to the great credit of the city of its origin and to the banking houses which conducted business there. In 1422 there were two million golden florins


text:
Embrace the simplicity of having your wedding floral desires met to perfection. By entrusting your important day to Perfect Petals by Peg, be assured that every detail is addressed on our quest to maintain extraordinary quality and service.
Other couples have also viewed:
Recommended by 98% of couples
Suzann · Married on 06/25/2016
Peg was amazing to work with! from the minute I met her I felt like I knew her forever. She brought all of my ideas to life. My bridal bouquet was exactly like the picture I gave her. My bridesmaid bouquets were all exactly how I pictured. The flowers and colors were stunning. Peg and her assistant Justine came to my house the week of the wedding to decorate my staircase and outside railings. They did a wonderful job. Not only did Peg go to the church to deliver flowers and decorate the alter but she came to my house on the morning of my wedding day to personally deliver my bouquet and my bridesmaid bouquets.Sent on 10/19/2016
The flower centerpieces for the reception tables were stunning and again were exactly what we discussed. Overall, Peg and staff went above and beyond to make sure my day was perfect.. and it was beyond what I expected. I highly recommend Perfect Petals by Peg for any event!
Jhoanna · Married on 10/10/2015
After our first meeting with Peg, we knew our search for a florist was complete. We brought Peg some photos to share of different arrangements and color schemes and she was so enthusiastic and excited to share our day with us. Peg knew all of the flowers by name and we immediately knew we were in good hands. Peg and her assistant Justine worked with our budget, had a flexible payment schedule, and gave us lots of options to ensure we were completely satisfied with our floral selections. On the day of the wedding, Peg and Justine were prompt and presented all of the bouquets and boutonnieres to our bridal suite- I was even keeled the whole morning, until I saw the arrangements I began to tear. Peg and Justine absolutely exceeded my expectations and blew my pinterest board out of the water! My bridal bouquet and the bridesmaids bouquets were better than anything I could have dreamed of! The day only got better when I saw the arrangements set up in the reception room. I was AMAZED and so incredibly happy! The company name is Perfect Petals by Peg for a reason! I would recommend PPP to friends and family in a heartbeat!Sent on 10/19/2015
maria · Married on 03/06/2015
Peg is super sweet and does amazing work. My flowers for my wedding were beautiful ! I still have bouquet over a week later!Sent on 03/17/2015
1 Endorsement
I don't even know where to begin when endorsing Peg. As a photographer, I can say that her arrangements are a joy to photograph. I see floral arrangements every weekend and Peg's stand out as unique and beautiful above all others. She is not just a florist, but a floral artist. She accommodates heirlooms, photographs, and artistic ideas from her clients when creating a bridal bouquet. I wouldn't think you could possibly expect this much from a florist, but now you can.
By clicking "Request pricing" I agree to sign up and accept WeddingWire's Terms of Use.Write a review

subset: commoncrawl


text:
There is considerable investor interest in reforms being enacted across the energy industry in Angola, but more work is needed before serious projects emerge and there remains caution about the extent to which cronyism has been eliminated, writes Dan Marks
There has been material progress reforming Angola's opaque and nepotistic energy sector over the past year. Considerable work has gone into crafting new power sector regulations, and there have been notable changes to upstream licensing and the role of state oil and gas giant Sonangol, as well as important reforms to the downstream hydrocarbons sector. Investors and analysts canvassed by African Energy were impressed by the extent of the changes, although plenty of problems remain to be resolved.
Since former president José Eduardo dos Santos left power in 2017, his successor João Lourenço has been pushing to make the country more business friendly. Lourenço has struggled to deal with the fallout of the 2014 oil price crash and its ramifications for the oil-dependent economy and particularly Sonangol, which has seen production decline and is unable to adequately invest in modernising its aging infrastructure. Lourenço has been aggressively targeting the policies required to secure funding from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank Group (WBG) (AE 383/1).
The resulting reforms appear to be a serious attempt to deal with the many problems faced by the energy industry and are likely to make an impact. Concerns remain, however, that the reforms reflect economic necessity rather than genuine political transformation and that changes to the previous system could be resisted.
In the energy sector the early indications are good, with the government showing willingness to tackle areas with significant vested interest. African Energy understands that the power purchase agreement (PPA) for the 120MW Biocom ethanol plant was cancelled because of its high cost and allegations of corruption. The plant had been operating since 2014 and a further expansion to 235MW was planned. It had been developed by a public-private partnership between Brazil's Odebrecht, Angola's Cochan – originally owned by Damer Industries – and Sonangol.
Investors told African Energy that the attitude of prospective local partners seems to have changed. Companies are no longer trading on their high-level political connections, but instead pitching their knowledge and experience of the country.
Most prospective international investors are only dipping their toes in the water, scoping potential opportunities and gauging government appetite. Unsurprisingly, it is the oil majors with a history in the country that have been quickest off the mark to announce concrete investments. Power sector developers are talking with the government and prospective partners, with some projects being moved forward. Development money has been flowing but the taps are not yet fully open, with large-scale programmes still some way off. The WBG does not expect its $250m Electricity Sector Improvement Project to go to its board until November.
Angola's oil industry has been the focus of the most intensive reforms to date, but the electricity sector is gradually catching up. The regulator – Instituto Regulador dos Serviços de Electricidade e de Agua (IRSEA) – in particular has been working hard to put in place a regulatory structure capable of supporting the development of independent power producer (IPP) projects. The government has finally begun to implement some of the more difficult policies included in the 2015 General Electricity Law, most notably cost-reflective tariffs.
Ending subsidies for utilities and fuel is a requirement of unlocking further IMF funds and this has now been enacted for both electricity and water. Ending fuel subsidies, by far the most politically challenging, is scheduled for next year. New electricity tariffs came into force on 15 July. Rates for the smallest consumers were frozen at Kz2.46/kWh ($0.01) but all other categories saw price rises, including a rise from Kz6.53/kWh to 10.89/kWh for the majority of household customers and from Kz7.05/kWh to Kz12.83/kWh for industry.
The 2015 law theoretically opened up the entire supply chain to the private sector, including concessions for generation, transmission and distribution. Licences for distribution and commercialisation of isolated systems, including mini-grids, were also provided for. However, very few private projects have gone ahead and those that did have performed poorly.
Existing licensing regulations were put in place between 2001 and 2005 and another spurt of activity in 2010-11 covered dispatch, commercial relationships, tariffs, grid access and quality of service. The regulator is now trying to complete the jigsaw with three major initiatives.
The first initiative is to produce a standardised power purchase agreement (PPA) and, in June, a model PPA for renewable energy projects was released for public consultation. The document was put together with technical assistance funded by the European Union and received a relatively warm response. "The government is definitely moving things in the right direction," Globeleq managing director for business development Fabio Borba told African Energy. "The PPA template is a good bankable PPA."
Lusophone Renewable Energy Association executive director Isabel Cancela de Abreu told African Energy the 86-page document included most of the necessary provisions. "It's a very good initiative from the regulator and it can really help to speed up projects and promote the market," she said.
However, critical issues remain to be resolved. "Key provisions are still missing," Abreu said. "The first one is that a state guarantee is mentioned but no details are provided about what it is. In reality, it will be necessary that the offtaker Rede Nacional de Transporte de Electricidade [the transmission utility and system operator] provides a payment guarantee, and this would usually be provided by the government.
"The other main issue is the tariff currency. The document says that there will be a tariff expressed in kwanza, which is a key issue. Promoters would ideally like this in dollars, and if this is not possible then you need to define a formula of indexation of this tariff to the dollar and to inflation. This is not included." The government is aware of the currency issue in particular but no resolution has yet been found.
The second initiative from IRSEA is called Regulamento Unico (single regulation), which brings electricity production, transportation and distribution regulations together alongside licensing procedures for isolated systems and commercialisation and production and distribution concessions. Transmission concessions are unlikely for the time being. This has not yet been released and is being worked on alongside the third element, which is a model concession agreement. IRSEA has requested EU financing for technical assistance in drafting the agreement.
A procurement process has not yet been established, although African Energy understands that teams from the WBG's Scaling Solar programme have visited the country and are interested. Most stakeholders expect the government to begin with unsolicited projects acting as trailblazers to iron out thorny issues with development such as sovereign guarantees and currency. However, before that is possible, more clarity will be needed on exactly what the government wants from the private sector and how it intends to move forward.
"You don't need all the reforms to be 100% completed before you start structuring your investments, but you do need to have the right regulatory framework in place by the time you close the project. In the markets we look at, if you want to wait for everything to be working perfectly then you are not going to build anything," Borba said.
"Enacting legislation is already starting to attract private sector investment activity in the country. The test will be how to move forward with specific opportunities and which projects are the first to go through this structuring exercise with the government. It is only a matter of time before the private sector invests but it will be a challenging process for the country, especially the first project."
Globeleq is keen to be involved in these first projects and has been assessing solar and wind opportunities, as well as the 720MW Soyo II gas project. Soyo II is seen as a natural flagship project with strong government backing, and a lot of the preparatory works were completed during the implementation of Soyo I. The transmission grid is a double-circuit 400kV line capable of evacuating 1,500MW and gas pipelines do not need expanding, although minor upgrades may be required. The site is already owned by the government.
The 720MW Soyo I combined-cycle gas power plant has been gradually commissioned over the past year and is owned by Empresa Pública de Produção de Electricidade (Prodel). The plant was built and is operated by Angolan company Aenergy, which is also a 19% shareholder in Power Distribution Services Ghana. Aenergy chief executive Ricardo Machado told African Energy at the Africa Energy Forum in June that it wants to be involved in Soyo II.
The company has been working hard to position itself as a local partner for foreign investors in the country and elsewhere on the continent. It has built more than 30 power plants in Angola, with the smallest only 1MW and Soyo the largest. Suggestions that Aenergy may have had political connections to the previous regime are being countered by obtaining ISO 37001 certification in anti-bribery management systems. The company is also in the process of being rated by Moody's in preparation for the launch of green bonds through the African Export-Import Bank. The bonds will be listed in Luxembourg and Aenergy hope to raise $400m, most likely starting with a $200m tranche by the end of the year.
There are questions around the availability of gas. Soyo I is powered by domestic gas and is reported to already be struggling with gas supply – the Soyo LNG export terminal has also not been operating at full capacity because of a lack of gas. There have been legislative changes aiming to attract further investment to monetise the country's considerable domestic gas reserves, but in the interim the government is exploring the possibility of importing LNG through the export terminal, with stakeholders making early assessments as to how costly this could be.
Previous plans expected that the plants would either be operated 50% of the time as peaking plants or at 50% capacity to help maintain the reserve margin, with the plants operating as dual-fuel in particularly dry years. Borba said Soyo II would benefit Angola by displacing imported diesel and creating a demand for gas. "The existing infrastructure from Soyo I also makes the project cheaper with a more attractive tariff as a result," Borba said. "It would also help create a firm template for private sector investments in the power sector, especially in renewables."
Angola will be one of the countries discussed at the sixth annual Africa Investment Exchange: Power & Renewables meeting, which is being held in London on 13-14 November.
- Browse our subscription options.


text:
Traditional Glazed Plate (Green)
Traditional Glazed Plate (Green)
This series of ceramic ware is produced in the renowned porcelain-making village of Arita in Saga prefecture. The plates come in a range of glazes using the traditional colours of Japan, which are uniquely rooted in nature. The glazed surfaces display a beautiful interplay with light, revealing a subtle depth in colour. These ceramic plates are humble in size and form, making them ideal as simple items to have for everyday use.
This ceramic plate is made from a glaze called 'Oribe'. Characterised by a dark green colour resulting from the mixing of copper and ash glaze, the name is derived from 'Oribe', an apprentice of the 16th-century tea master Sen no Rikyu who favoured the colour.
Colour: Green
Dimensions: Ø14 x H2cm
Materials: Clay, Glazed
Place of Origin: Arita, Japan
Instructions for Care: Hand Wash Recommended


text:
Holiday House Salten
up to 5 guests
5 rooms
4 bedrooms
1 Bathroom(s)
Lake view
Distance to Lake 12 km
Distance to sea 100 m
Pets allowed
Washing machine
Non smoking
Accommodation alert
A holiday home with a wonderful view of the fjord, located in the village of Sandnes south of Bodø. You can enjoy the magnificent view from the kitchen and terrace, of mountains and small villages along the fjord. The house is spacious and is the main house of a former farm. It has been renovated but you will still get a country side sensation here. The surroundings are peaceful and suitable for children. The sea is 100 metres away and abundant with fish. A small stream runs just below the house. The island is perfect for hiking along the sea or in the mountains. From the top you can enjoy a spectacular view of the many islands, the midnight sun and Lofoten in the distance. The long sandy beach on the island is great for families with children. The island is connected to the mainland by a bridge. A 14 ft boat with 9 hp motor and 4 life jackets is included in the rent and located by a dock 2 km away. An extra 17 ft Ranaplast boat with 25 hp, hood and life jackets is available for rent. There is also a fish cleaning table. Walk through one of the bedrooms to get to another. 1 living room: 30 m2, wood-burning stove, radio, CD player, TV, satellite dish 4 bedroom: (1DB)+(1S)+(1DE)+(1DE) kitchen: high chair, electric cooker, fridge, freezer 200 - 249 l., microwave oven, cooker hood, dish washer, washing machine, coffee funnel Bath/WC: WC, wash basin, shower, underfloor heating and: terrace, electric heating, garden grill, beach plot 18000 m2, mixed furnishings, panoramic view over water, non-smoking house, P winter 0,1 km Included in the rental amount: Motorboat 14 fod w/motor 9 HP Can be rented: Motorboat 17 fod w/motor 25 HP NOK 2250 Supply: Life vest (5-15kg) 2pieces, Life vest (30-60kg) 3pieces, Life vest (60-90kg) 4pieces, Life vest (+90kg) 3pieces Deposit: NOK 1000
Prior to your departure, you will receive the key collection information for your stay, along with your travel documents.
You can see the location of your accommodation here.
Check availability and book
Click on your desired arrival date in the calendar and select the duration of your stay using the drop down menu. It takes less than two minutes to make your reservation online.
Select arrival date Select departure date
Cost overview
Customer reviews - Holiday House Salten
We are still in the process of collecting reviews from our customers.
additional costs (if required)


text:
Vizquel Named CL Manager of the Year
September 13, 2018 - Carolina League (CarL) - Winston-Salem Dash News Release
WINSTON-SALEM, N.C. - Winston-Salem Dash skipper Omar Vizquel, who was a three-time MLB All-Star and an 11-time Gold Glove winner during his 24-year big league career, was voted the Carolina League's Manager of the Year honor, the league office announced Wednesday.
Vizquel takes home the fourth Manager of the Year honor in the Dash's 10-year history in his debut season as Winston-Salem's boss. Joe McEwing, who is currently the White Sox bench coach, accomplished the feat in 2009 and 2010, and Tommy Thompson won the award in 2012. Including Vizquel, 10 skippers have been named the Carolina League's Manager of the Year in Winston-Salem's history.
Led by the 51-year-old, the ballclub had one of the most successful seasons in the Dash era (2009-present). By going 84-54 in the regular season this year, Vizquel guided the Dash to the second-highest win total in the team's history. The club's 84 victories were also tied for the fifth-highest total in Winston-Salem's history as a charter member of the Carolina League, which dates back to 1945. Meanwhile, the Dash posted the fourth-best winning percentage (.609) n full-season Minor League Baseball.
After Vizquel managed the Dash to a first-half Southern Division championship with a 41-29 record, the Venezuela native was at the helm as the club won a second-half title by going 43-25. This season marked the fourth time in the Dash era in which the club had finished atop the standings in both halves of a Carolina League season.
2018 also marked the first season for Vizquel as a manager in affiliated baseball. Prior to joining the White Sox organization, the former Major League star served as a first base coach with the Detroit Tigers from 2014-2017.
Over his 24 Major League seasons, Vizquel established himself as one of the best defensive shortstops of all-time. He holds the record at his position with a .985 fielding percentage, and he also won nine Gold Gloves in a row between 1993-2001 while playing with the Seattle Mariners and the Cleveland Indians. Vizquel was on the National Hall of Fame ballot for the first time in 2018, earning 37 percent of the vote.
League managers, general managers and media members voted on this award along with the Year-End All-Star team, which featured three Dash players - designated hitter Micker Adolfo, catcher Yermin Mercedes and outfielder Blake Rutherford.
The Winston-Salem Dash are the Class-A Advanced Minor League affiliate of the Chicago White Sox. To purchase tickets and for more information, please call 336-714-2287 or visit www.wsdash.com.
• Discuss this story on the Carolina League message board...
Carolina League Stories from September 13, 2018
- Stewart Makes Orioles Debut - Frederick Keys
- P-Nats RHP Wil Crowe Named Carolina League Pitcher of the Year, One of Three Named Post-Season All-Stars - Potomac Nationals
- Anderson Tejeda Named Carolina League Year-End All-Star - Down East Wood Ducks
- Three Dash Hitters Headline CL All-Star Team - Winston-Salem Dash
- Vizquel Named CL Manager of the Year - Winston-Salem Dash
- Garcia and McKenna Named CL Postseason All-Stars - Frederick Keys
- Luke Barker Named Carolina League Relief Pitcher of the Year - Carolina Mudcats
The opinions expressed in this release are those of the organization issuing it, and do not necessarily reflect the thoughts or opinions of OurSports Central or its staff.
Other Recent Winston-Salem Dash Stories
- Dash Nominated for MiLB's John H. Johnson Award
- Johnson, Vaughn Named to Premier12 Roster
- Dash's Bugno Honored as Winston Under 40 Leadership Award Recipient
- Winston-Salem to Host MiLB Innovators Summit in 2020
- Sports Business Journal Names Winston-Salem as Ninth-Best Minor League Market