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Attendance and Withdrawal
- What to know about attendance and withdrawal
- Audit and Withdraw
- Are you considering withdrawing from one or more classes, but staying enrolled in at least one class?
- Are you thinking of withdrawing from or auditing all of your classes?
- Policy for full withdrawal
- Earned vs. unearned financial aid
- Unofficial withdrawals
What to know about attendance and withdrawal
Your financial aid depends on the number of credit hours you enroll in and attend. If you change the number of credit hours you are enrolled in, it may affect your aid. We recommend contacting our Office of Financial Aid before you change your enrollment.
Professors will report your attendance to the Office of the Registrar. If you stop attending a class without officially withdrawing, your enrollment hours will be reduced. If you fall below six credit hours, the Office of Financial Aid may return your financial aid, and you will owe a balance to Purdue Fort Wayne. Your lender may also notify you that you must start paying back your loans.
Do not make the mistake of believing that if you don't attend a class you will not have to pay for the class. This is not the case. Once you register for a class, you must complete an official withdrawal through goPFW or at the Office of the Registrar, or you will be charged for that class.
If you paid for a class using Perkins or Stafford loan funds, you will still have to pay that loan back.
Your attendance may affect your Satisfactory Academic Progress. If you withdraw from a class or stop attending a class, it will affect your course-completion rate. If you do this often enough, you will not complete the minimum requirements for the 67 percent rule and/or the GPA rule, and you will lose your eligibility to receive federal and state financial aid until you successfully appeal the suspension.
Audit vs. withdrawal
As defined by our Office of the Registrar, an auditor is a student who enrolls in a course, attends class, and pays full fees, but does not receive a grade or credit for the course. We are providing the following information to help understand the impact an audit will have on financial aid eligibility.
Even though you will not receive a grade for an audited class at the end of the enrollment period, you will still be expected to continue to attend the class and have the opportunity to learn the information. If you who have no intention of continuing a class, you should withdraw from that class. If the intent is to finish the class to gain information and then retake the class the next semester (as most students do), then you would want to audit the class.
For financial aid purposes, an audited class will follow the same policies as classes that are being processed as a withdrawal. Thus, changing all graded classes to an audit status will cause financial aid awards to be recalculated based on the same policies and procedures as withdrawing from all classes. An audited class will also affect Satisfactory Academic Progress.
Warning: There can be a loss of financial aid in changing a graded class to audit during the tuition- and fee-refund period. If you are an undergraduate and your total graded enrolled credit hours drops below full time (at least 12 credit hours) during the refund period, then 100 percent of the state grants (Frank O'Bannon Higher Education Award or 21st Century Scholars) awards will be canceled. You would then be responsible for payment of the amount due on tuition and fees, as the paid-out funds will have been pulled back.
For a course that is registered for as an audit (NC) at the beginning of an enrollment period, the credit hours will not be included as credit hours enrolled in determining eligibility for financial aid—federal or state—funding. If the enrollment status is full time at 12 credit hours and six credit hours are being audited, the funding will be based on eligibility as a half-time student and not full time.
Continue reading the policies for withdrawing and/or auditing below to understand how this decision may affect financial aid funding now and in the future.
Are you considering withdrawing from one or more classes, but staying enrolled in at least one class?
If your circumstances change during the semester and you need to withdraw from some or of your classes, your financial aid will be impacted.
How long into the semester you drop classes will affect what happens to your financial aid funds:
- If you withdraw during the 100 percent refund period, the amount of your Pell Grant will be reduced. You may lose your eligibility for the Pell Grant and it will be removed entirely. If your Pell Grant already paid out, you will have to repay that money to Purdue Fort Wayne.
- If you drop below 12 credit hours before the fifth week of classes, you will lose your Indiana state-aid programs. This includes both Frank O'Bannon Higher Education Award and 21st Century Scholar funds. The funds will be returned to the state and you will have to pay that money back to Purdue Fort Wayne.
- If you drop below six credit hours, the grace clock for your loans begins to tick. On Stafford Loans, if not enrolled at least half-time within 180 days, the loans will go into repayment and you will be notified to do an exit interview. For Perkins Loans, if you are not enrolled at least half-time within 270 days the loans go into repayment and you will be notified to do an exit interview. Additional information on Stafford and Perkins Loans is available in the loan section of our web page.
- If you withdraw from one or more of your classes during the refund period, refunds will issued for withdrawing from a class.
- If you change a class from pass/fail to audit, you will not receive a refund.
- If reenrollment occurs in less than 180 days, your grace clock will be reset to zero and deferment will be reestablished.
- If you withdraw from all classes or audit all classes, a Return of Title IV Funds calculation will be completed.
Are you thinking of withdrawing from or auditing all of your classes?
If yes, the following information provides a general overview of the withdrawal process as it relates to financial aid.
Please read the following closely before you act so that you understand the consequences of your action.
It is strongly recommended that you contact our Office of Financial Aid Office and your academic advisor to find out the consequences and your options before you withdraw from one or more classes. You must also complete an official withdrawal through goPFW or email firstname.lastname@example.com.
While the we understand that there may be extenuating circumstances leading to your withdrawal from the university, there are no circumstances that allow the Office of Financial Aid to exempt any student from the Return of Title IV Funds process.
If, after reading this, you have additional questions, please contact the Office of Financial Aid.
Policy for full withdrawal
Once classes begin and financial aid has been applied to your account, you must complete more than 60 percent of the semester or you may be required to repay all or part of the financial aid disbursed to you for the semester.
After the Office of the Registrar has processed your withdrawal form, your academic record will be updated and the Office of Financial Aid will complete a Return of Title IV Funds calculation. You will be charged up to the date of your official withdrawal.
Earned vs. unearned financial aid
Your financial aid awards pay out for the entire semester. For the period of time before you withdrew or stopped attending, you earned the aid that paid out.
For the period of time after you withdrew or stopped attending, the aid that paid for the rest of the semester is considered unearned.
Once the Return of Title IV Funds calculation has been completed, the Office of Financial Aid will determine how much of your financial aid awards that you earned. Any unearned aid will be returned to the program it came from.
If you withdraw from all courses or audit all of your semester courses:
- All or part of your financial aid may be reduced or canceled
- You may have a balance due on your account because your financial aid award will require adjustment
- A hold will be placed on your academic records until you repay the amount owed to Purdue Fort Wayne as a result of your withdrawal
- You will not be able to register for subsequent semesters at Purdue Fort Wayne or get a copy of your academic transcript
- If your account is not paid, it will be sent to a collection agency and reported on your credit history
- You may not meet the Satisfactory Academic Progress requirements for continued financial aid eligibility, so future aid eligibility may be jeopardized
- You may have to begin repaying your student loans if you remain out of school longer than six months
- Repeated withdrawals may cause you to reach loan aggregate limits more quickly and result in your ineligibility to borrow in future years
Unofficial withdrawals
If you stop attending their classes during the semester without completing an official withdrawal, you will receive a W, an F, or an I. If you have all W, F, or I grades at the end of the semester, the Office of Financial Aid office will use information from instructors to determine you last date of attendance.
If it's found that you stopped attending, a Return of Title IV Funds calculation will be completed using federal guidelines and information from professors to set the withdrawal date, and any aid that you didn't earn will be returned.


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A mainland spokesman said on Tuesday that Taiwan authorities" counter plan to the mainland"s "one country, two systems" formula for national reunification further hurt the prospect of peaceful development across the Taiwan Straits.
An Fengshan, a spokesman for the Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council, said Taiwan leader Tsai Ing-wen and the ruling Democratic Progressive Party are resisting the peaceful reunification trend and seeking "Taiwan independence".
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By Theodore Bunker |
Tuesday, 17 October 2017 01:04 PM
President Donald Trump has stepped back from his claim that "President [Barack] Obama and other presidents, most of them didn't make calls" to the families of soldiers killed in combat.
"If you look at President Obama and other presidents, most of them didn't make calls," he said when asked why he waited weeks before contacting the families of four Army Green Berets killed in Niger this month. "A lot of them didn't make calls. I like to call when it's appropriate."
When asked on Fox News Radio by host Brian Kilmeade about making calls to the families of deceased soldiers, Trump said, "to the best of my knowledge I think I've called every family of somebody that's died and it's the hardest call to make. And I said it very loud and clear yesterday. The hardest thing for me to do is do that. Now, as far as other representatives, I don't know."
He then referenced the death of White House Chief of Staff John Kelly's son, Marine 2nd Lt. Robert Kelly, saying, "you could ask General Kelly did he get a call from Obama."
Trump then admitted, "I don't know what Obama's policy was. I write letters and I also call."
He later added, "I'm not speaking for other people. I don't know what [former President George W.] Bush did, I don't know what Obama did. You could find out easily what President Obama did. All you have to do is ask the military people but I believe his policy was somewhat different than my policy.
"I can tell you my policy is I've called every one of them. And, you have to let a little time go by. You can't just call immediately, but I will be calling, have called and will be calling the parents and the loved ones, wives, et cetera of the soldiers that recently were killed."
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Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, PC CH CC QC FSRC (/truːˈdoʊ/; French pronunciation: [tʁydo]; October 18, 1919 – September 28, 2000), usually known as Pierre Trudeau or Pierre Elliott Trudeau, was the 15th Prime Minister of Canada from April 20, 1968 to June 4, 1979, and again from March 3, 1980 to June 30, 1984.
Trudeau began his political career as a lawyer, intellectual, and activist in Quebec politics. In the 1960s, he entered federal politics by joining the Liberal Party of Canada. He was appointed as Lester Pearson's Parliamentary Secretary, and later became his Minister of Justice. From his base in Montreal, Trudeau took control of the Liberal Party and became a charismatic leader, inspiring "Trudeaumania". From the late 1960s until the mid-1980s, he dominated the Canadian political scene and aroused passionate reactions. "Reason before passion" was his personal motto.[1] He retired from politics in 1984, and John Turner succeeded him as Prime Minister.
Admirers praise the force of Trudeau's intellect[2] and salute his political acumen in preserving national unity against the Quebec sovereignty movement, suppressing a violent revolt, and establishing the Charter of Rights and Freedoms within Canada's constitution.[3] Critics accuse him of arrogance, economic mismanagement, and unduly favouring the federal government relative to the provinces, especially in trying to distribute the oil wealth of the Prairies.[4]
Pierre Trudeau was born in Montreal to Charles-Émile Trudeau, a French Canadian businessman and lawyer, and Grace Elliott, who was of French and Scottish descent. He had an older sister named Suzette and a younger brother named Charles Jr.; he remained close to both siblings for his entire life. The family had become quite wealthy by the time Trudeau was in his teens, as his father sold his prosperous gas station business to Imperial Oil.[5] Trudeau attended the prestigious Collège Jean-de-Brébeuf (a private French Jesuit school), where he supported Quebec nationalism. Trudeau's father died when Pierre was in his mid-teens. This death hit him and the family very hard emotionally. Pierre remained very close to his mother for the rest of her life.[6]
According to long-time friend and colleague Marc Lalonde, the clerically influenced dictatorships of António de Oliveira Salazar in Portugal (the Estado Novo), Francisco Franco in Spain (the Spanish State), and Marshal Philippe Pétain in Vichy France were seen as political role models by many youngsters educated at elite Jesuit schools in Quebec. Lalonde asserts that Trudeau's later intellectual development as an "intellectual rebel, anti-establishment fighter on behalf of unions and promoter of religious freedom" came from his experiences after leaving Quebec to study in the United States, France and England, and to travel to dozens of countries. His international experiences allowed him to break from Jesuit influence and study French philosophers such as Jacques Maritain and Emmanuel Mounier as well as John Locke and David Hume.[7]
Trudeau earned his law degree at the Université de Montréal in 1943. During his studies he was conscripted into the Canadian Army like thousands of other Canadian men, as part of the National Resources Mobilization Act. When conscripted, he decided to join the "Canadian Officers' Training Corps", and he then served with the other conscripts in Canada, since they were not assigned to any overseas military service until after the Conscription Crisis of 1944 (after the Invasion of Normandy that June.) Before this, all Canadians serving overseas were volunteers, and not conscripts.
Trudeau said he was willing to fight during World War II, but he believed that to do so would be to turn his back on the population of Quebec that he believed had been betrayed by the government of William Lyon Mackenzie King. Trudeau reflected on his opposition to conscription and his doubts about the war in his Memoirs (1993): "So there was a war? Tough... if you were a French Canadian in Montreal in the early 1940s, you did not automatically believe that this was a just war... we tended to think of this war as a settling of scores among the superpowers."[6]
In an Outremont by-election in 1942, Trudeau campaigned for the anticonscription candidate Jean Drapeau (later the Mayor of Montreal), and he was thenceforth expelled from the Officers' Training Corps for lack of discipline. After the war, Trudeau continued his studies, first taking a master's degree in political economy at Harvard University's Graduate School of Public Administration. He then studied in Paris, France in 1947 at the Institut d'Études Politiques de Paris. Finally, he enrolled for a doctorate at the London School of Economics, but did not finish his dissertation.[8]
Trudeau was interested in Marxist ideas in the 1940s and his Harvard dissertation was on the topic of Communism and Christianity.[9] At Harvard, Trudeau found himself profoundly challenged as he discovered that his "... legal training was deficient, [and] his knowledge of economics was pathetic."[10] Thanks to the great intellectual migration away from Europe's fascism, Harvard had become a major intellectual centre in which Trudeau profoundly changed.[11] Despite this, Trudeau found himself an outsider – a French Catholic living for the first time outside of Quebec in the predominantly Protestant American Harvard University.[12] This isolation deepened finally into despair,[13] and led to his decision to continue his Harvard studies abroad.[14]
In 1947, Trudeau travelled to Paris to continue his dissertation work. Over a five-week period he attended many lectures and became a follower of personalism after being influenced most notably by Emmanuel Mounier.[15] He also was influenced by Nicolas Berdyaev, particularly his book Slavery and Freedom.[16] Max and Monique Nemni argue that Berdyaev's book influenced Trudeau's rejection of nationalism and separatism.[17] Harvard dissertation remained undone when Trudeau entered a doctoral program to study under the renowned socialist economist Harold Laski in the London School of Economics.[18] This cemented Trudeau's belief that Keynesian economics and social science were essential to the creation of the "good life" in democratic society.[19]
From the late 1940s through the mid-1960s, Trudeau was primarily based in Montreal and was seen by many as an intellectual. In 1949, he was an active supporter of workers in the Asbestos Strike. In 1956, he edited an important book on the subject, La grève de l'amiante, which argued that the strike was a seminal event in Quebec's history, marking the beginning of resistance to the conservative, Francophone clerical establishment and Anglophone business class that had long ruled the province.[20] Throughout the 1950s, Trudeau was a leading figure in the opposition to the repressive rule of Premier of Quebec Maurice Duplessis as the founder and editor of Cité Libre, a dissident journal that helped provide the intellectual basis for the Quiet Revolution.
From 1949 to 1951 Trudeau worked briefly in Ottawa, in the Privy Council Office of the Liberal Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent as an economic policy advisor. He wrote in his memoirs that he found this period very useful later on, when he entered politics, and that senior civil servant Norman Robertson tried unsuccessfully to persuade him to stay on.
His progressive values and his close ties with Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) intellectuals (including F. R. Scott, Eugene Forsey, Michael Kelway Oliver and Charles Taylor) led to his support and membership in that federal social-democratic party throughout the 1950s.[21] Despite these connections, when Trudeau entered federal politics in the 1960s he decided to join the Liberal Party of Canada rather than the CCF's successor, the New Democratic Party (NDP). This is attributed to a few factors: (1) he felt the federal NDP could not achieve power, because of Tommy Douglas's inability to attract voters in Quebec, (2) Trudeau expressed doubts about the centralizing policies of Canada's socialists (he favoured a more decentralized approach), and (3) there were "real differences" between his approach and the NDP's "two nations" approach to the Canadian constitution and the role of Quebec within Canada.[22]
In his memoirs, published in 1993, Trudeau wrote that during the 1950s, he wanted to teach at the Université de Montréal, but was blacklisted three times from doing so by Maurice Duplessis, then Premier of Quebec. He was offered a position at Queen's University teaching political science by James Corry, who later became principal of Queen's, but turned it down because he preferred to teach in Quebec.[23] During the 1950s, he was blacklisted by the United States and prevented from entering that country because of a visit to a conference in Moscow, and because he subscribed to a number of left-wing publications. Trudeau later appealed the ban and it was rescinded.
An associate professor of law at the Université de Montréal from 1961 to 1965, Trudeau's views evolved towards a liberal position in favour of individual rights counter to the state and made him an opponent of Quebec nationalism. He admired the labour unions, which were tied to the CCF party, and tried to infuse his Liberal party with some of their reforming zeal. By the late 1950s, Trudeau began to reject social democratic and labour parties, arguing that they should put their narrow goals aside and join forces with Liberals to fight for democracy first.[24] In economic theory he was influenced by professors Joseph Schumpeter and John Kenneth Galbraith while he was at Harvard. Trudeau criticized the Liberal Party of Lester Pearson when it supported arming Bomarc missiles in Canada with nuclear warheads.[25] Nevertheless, he was persuaded to join the party in 1965, together with his friends Gérard Pelletier and Jean Marchand. These "three wise men" ran successfully for the Liberals in the 1965 election. Trudeau himself was elected in the safe Liberal riding of Mount Royal, in western Montreal. He would hold this seat until his retirement from politics in 1984, winning each election with large majorities.
Upon arrival in Ottawa, Trudeau was appointed as Prime Minister Lester Pearson's parliamentary secretary, and spent much of the next year travelling abroad, representing Canada at international meetings and events, including the UN. In 1967, he was appointed to Pearson's cabinet as Minister of Justice.[6]
As Minister of Justice, Pierre Trudeau was responsible for introducing the landmark Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1968-69, an omnibus bill whose provisions included, among other things, the decriminalization of homosexual acts between consenting adults, the legalization of contraception, abortion and lotteries, new gun ownership restrictions as well as the authorization of breathalyzer tests on suspected drunk drivers. Trudeau famously defended the decriminalization of homosexual acts segment of the bill by telling reporters that "there's no place for the state in the bedrooms of the nation", adding that "what's done in private between adults doesn't concern the Criminal Code".[26] Trudeau paraphrased the term from Martin O'Malley's editorial piece in the The Globe and Mail on December 12, 1967.[26][27] Trudeau also liberalized divorce laws, and clashed with Quebec Premier Daniel Johnson, Sr. during constitutional negotiations.
At the end of Canada's centennial year in 1967, Prime Minister Pearson announced his intention to step down, and Trudeau entered the race for the Liberal leadership. His energetic campaign attracted massive media attention and mobilized many young people, who saw Trudeau as a symbol of generational change (even though he was 48 years old). Going into the leadership convention, Trudeau was the front-runner and a clear favourite with the Canadian public. However, many Liberals still had deep doubts about him and his commitment to their political party. Having joined the Liberal Party only in 1965, he was still considered an outsider as well as too radical and outspoken. Some of his views, particularly those on divorce, abortion, and homosexuality, were opposed by a substantial segment of the party. Nevertheless, at the April 1968 Liberal leadership convention, Trudeau was elected as the leader on the fourth ballot, with the support of 51% of the delegates. He defeated several prominent and long-serving Liberals including Paul Martin Sr., Robert Winters and Paul Hellyer. As the new leader of the governing Liberals, Trudeau was sworn in as Prime Minister two weeks later on April 20.
Trudeau soon called an election, for June 25. His election campaign benefited from an unprecedented wave of personal popularity called "Trudeaumania" — a term coined by journalist Lubor J. Zink —[28][29] which saw Trudeau mobbed by throngs of youths. An iconic moment that influenced the election occurred on its eve, during the annual Saint-Jean-Baptiste Day parade in Montreal, when rioting Quebec separatists threw rocks and bottles at the grandstand where Trudeau was seated. Rejecting the pleas of his aides that he take cover, Trudeau stayed in his seat, facing the rioters, without any sign of fear. The image of the young politician showing such courage impressed the Canadian people, and he handily won the election the next day.[30][31]
As Prime Minister, Trudeau espoused participatory democracy as a means of making Canada a "Just Society". He defended vigorously the newly implemented universal health care and regional development programs as means of making society more just. He also implemented many procedural reforms, to make Parliament and the Liberal caucus meetings run more efficiently, significantly expanded the size and role of the Prime Minister's office,[32] and substantially expanded the welfare state,[33][34] with the establishment of new programmes,[35][36] and significant improvements in existing ones, with welfare payments to the aged, the young, and the underprivileged greatly expanded in an attempt to bring about a European-style social democracy in Canada.[37]
During the October Crisis of 1970, the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ) kidnapped British Trade Consul James Cross at his residence on the sixth of October. Five days later, Quebec Labour Minister Pierre Laporte was also kidnapped (and was later murdered, on October 17). Trudeau responded by invoking the War Measures Act, which gave the government sweeping powers of arrest and detention without trial. Although this response is still controversial and was opposed as excessive by parliamentarians like Tommy Douglas and David Lewis, it was met with only limited objections from the public.[38] Trudeau presented a determined public stance during the crisis, answering the question of how far he would go to stop the terrorists with "Just watch me". Five of the FLQ terrorists were flown to Cuba in 1970 as part of a deal in exchange for James Cross' life, although they eventually returned to Canada years later, where they served time in prison.[39]
Trudeau's first years would be most remembered for the passage of his implementation of official bilingualism. Long a goal of Trudeau, this legislation requires all Federal services to be offered in French and English. The measures were very controversial at the time in English Canada, but would be successfully passed and implemented. Leading after his endorsement of Lester Pearson's Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, the Official Languages Act was passed by parliament in 1969.
Trudeau is credited with introducing Canada's "Multiculturalism Policy" on October 8, 1971 recognizing that while Canada was a country of two official languages, it did not have a single unitary culture but rather recognized the plurality of cultures - "a multicultural policy within a bilingual framework". This reflected what the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism found in their hearings across Canada, as described in Book IV of the Commission's report.
Trudeau was the first world leader to meet John Lennon and his wife Yoko Ono on their 'tour for world peace'. Lennon said, after talking with Trudeau for 50 minutes, that Trudeau was "a beautiful person" and that "if all politicians were like Pierre Trudeau, there would be world peace."[40]
In foreign affairs, Trudeau kept Canada firmly in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), but often pursued an independent path in international relations. He established Canadian diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China, before the United States did, and went on an official visit to Beijing. He was known as a friend of Fidel Castro, the leader of Cuba. A mobster said that in 1974 he was hired by New York State mafia members to kill Trudeau, hoping to lure Castro to a funeral, where they would kill him. The plan was apparently later rejected.[41] Years later, Castro did in fact attend Trudeau's funeral in the year 2000.[42]
In the federal election of 1972, the Trudeau-led Liberal Party won with a minority government, with the New Democratic Party holding the balance of power. This government would move to the political left, including the creation of Petro-Canada.
In May 1974, the House of Commons passed a motion of no confidence in the Trudeau government, defeating its budget bill. Trudeau wrote in his memoirs that he had in fact engineered his own downfall, since he was confident he would win the resulting election. The election of 1974 saw Trudeau and the Liberals re-elected with a majority government with 141 of the 264 seats. In September 1975, Finance Minister John Turner resigned. Trudeau later (in October 1975) instituted wage and price controls, as did Nixon in the United States during the period of the Great Inflation. Trudeau had previously opposed Progressive Conservative Party leader Robert Stanfield similar proposal during the election campaign in 1974.
Canada joined the G7 group of major economic powers in 1976, after being left out of the first set of meetings. Trudeau wrote in his memoirs that U.S. President Gerald Ford arranged this, and expressed sincere appreciation.[6]
A worsening economy, burgeoning national debt, and growing public antipathy towards Trudeau's perceived arrogance caused his poll numbers to fall rapidly in the mid and late 1970s [43] Trudeau delayed calling the 31st Canadian general election as long as he could, but was forced to call one in the spring of 1979.[1]
In the election of 1979, Trudeau's Liberal government was defeated by the Progressive Conservatives, led by Joe Clark, who formed a minority government. Trudeau announced his intention to resign as Liberal Party leader; however, before a leadership convention could be held, Clark's government was defeated in the Canadian House of Commons by a Motion of Non-Confidence, in mid-December 1979. The Liberal Party persuaded Trudeau to stay on as leader and fight the election. Trudeau defeated Clark in the February 1980 election, and won a majority government.
The Liberal victory in 1980 highlighted a sharp geographical divide in the country: the party had won no seats west of Manitoba. Trudeau had to resort to having Senators appointed to Cabinet to ensure representation from all regions. Amongst the policies introduced by Trudeau's last term in office included an expansion in government support for Canada's poorest citizens[44] and the introduction of the National Energy Program (NEP), which created a firestorm of protest in the Western provinces and increased what many termed "Western alienation".
A series of difficult budgets by long-time loyalist Allan MacEachen in the early 1980s did not improve Trudeau's economic reputation. However, after tough bargaining on both sides, Trudeau did reach a revenue-sharing agreement on energy with Alberta Premier Peter Lougheed in 1982.[6]
Two very significant events for Canada occurred during Pierre Trudeau's final term in office. The first was the defeat of the referendum on Quebec sovereignty, called by the Parti Québécois government of René Lévesque, which was held on May 20, 1980. In the debates between Trudeau and Lévesque, Canadians were treated to a contest between two highly intelligent, articulate and bilingual politicians who, despite being bitterly opposed, were each committed to the democratic process.[45] Trudeau promised a new constitutional agreement with Quebec should it decide to stay in Canada, and the "No" side (that is, No to sovereignty) ended up receiving nearly 60% of the vote.
Trudeau had attempted patriation of the Constitution earlier in his career with the Victoria Charter, but ran into a combined force of provincial premiers on the issue of an amending formula. After he threatened to go to London alone, a Supreme Court decision led Trudeau to meet with the premiers one more time. Further, officials in the United Kingdom indicated that the British parliament was under no obligation to fulfill any request for legal changes made by Trudeau, particularly if Canadian convention was not being followed.[46] Trudeau reached an agreement with nine of the premiers, with the notable exception of Lévesque. Quebec's refusal to agree to the new constitution became a source of continued acrimony between the federal and Quebec governments. Even so, the patriation was achieved; the Constitution Act, 1982 was proclaimed by Queen Elizabeth II on April 17, 1982. Following this, Trudeau commented in his memoirs "I always said it was thanks to three women that we were eventually able to reform our Constitution. The Queen, who was favourable, Margaret Thatcher, who undertook to do everything that our Parliament asked of her, and Jean Wadds, who represented the interests of Canada so well in London... The Queen favoured my attempt to reform the Constitution. I was always impressed not only by the grace she displayed in public at all times, but by the wisdom she showed in private conversation."[47]
Trudeau's approval ratings slipped after the bounce from the 1982 patriation, and by the beginning of 1984, opinion polls showed the Liberals were headed for certain defeat if Trudeau remained in office. On February 29, after a "long walk in the snow", Trudeau decided to step down, ending his 15-year tenure as Prime Minister. He formally retired on June 30.
Trudeau retired from politics on June 30, 1984 and was succeeded by John Turner. Shortly after, he joined the Montreal law firm Heenan Blaikie as counsel. Though he rarely gave speeches or spoke to the press, his interventions into public debate had a significant impact when they occurred. Trudeau wrote and spoke out against both the Meech Lake Accord and Charlottetown Accord proposals to amend the Canadian constitution, arguing that they would weaken federalism and the Charter of Rights if implemented. His opposition was a critical factor leading to the defeat of the two proposals.
He also spoke out against Jacques Parizeau and the Parti Québécois with less effect. In his final years, Trudeau commanded broad respect in Canada, but was regarded with suspicion in Quebec for his role in the 1982 constitutional deal which was seen as having excluded that province, while dislike for him remained commonplace in western Canada. Trudeau also remained active in international affairs, visiting foreign leaders and participating in international associations such as the Club of Rome. He met with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev and other leaders in 1985, shortly afterwards Gorbachev met President Ronald Reagan to discuss easing world tensions.
He published his memoirs in 1993; the book sold hundreds of thousands of copies in several editions, and became one of the most successful Canadian books ever published.
Trudeau lived in the historic Maison Cormier in Montreal following his retirement from politics. In the last years of his life, he was afflicted with Parkinson's disease and prostate cancer, and became less active, although he continued to work at his law office until a few months before his death at the age of 80. He was devastated by the death of his youngest son, Michel Trudeau, who was killed in an avalanche in November 1998.
Trudeau began practising the Japanese martial art Judo sometime in the mid-1950s when he was in his mid-thirties, and by the end of the decade he was ranked ik-kyū (brown belt). Later, when he travelled to Japan as Prime Minister, he was promoted to sho-dan (first-degree black belt) by the Kodokan, and then promoted to ni-dan (second-degree black belt) by Masao Takahashi in Ottawa before leaving office. Trudeau began the night of his famous 'walk in the snow' before announcing his retirement in 1984 by going to Judo with his sons.[48]
The Trudeaus originate from Ste-Marguerite-de-Cogne, La Rochelle, France and traced back to a Robert Trudeau.[49] The first Trudeau to arrived in Canada was Etienne Trudeau (1641-1712), a carpenter and home builder in 1659.[50]
Described as a "swinging young bachelor" when he became prime minister in 1968,[51] Trudeau dated Hollywood star Barbra Streisand in 1969[52] and 1970;[53][54] Trudeau and Streisand had a serious romantic relationship although (contrary to one published report), there was no express marriage proposal.[55]
On March 4, 1971, while Prime Minister, he quietly married Margaret Sinclair at St. Stephen's Catholic church in North Vancouver.[56] They were incompatible, for her image of Trudeau-as-romantic-playboy was based entirely on false media hype; he was actually a workaholic and an intense intellectual with little time for family or fun, and she suffered from bipolar depression.[57] After three children were born they separated in 1977 and were finally divorced in 1980.[58][59] Their three children are Justin (1971-), Alexandre (Sacha, 1973-), and Michel (1975–1998).
When his divorce was finalized in 1984, Trudeau became the first Canadian Prime Minister to become a single parent as the result of divorce. In 1991, Trudeau became a father again, with Deborah Coyne. This was his first and only daughter, named Sarah.[60] In 1984, Trudeau was romantically involved with Margot Kidder (a Canadian actress famous for her role as Lois Lane in Superman: The Movie and its sequel), in the last months of his prime-ministership[61] and after leaving office.[62]
Pierre Elliott Trudeau died on September 28, 2000, and was buried in the Trudeau family crypt, St-Rémi-de-Napierville Cemetery, Saint-Rémi, Quebec. His body was laid in state to allow Canadians to pay their last respects. Several world politicians, including Fidel Castro, attended the funeral.[63] His son Justin delivered the eulogy during the state funeral which led to widespread speculation in the media that a career in politics was in his future.[63] Eventually, Justin did enter politics, was elected to the House of Commons in late 2008 and in April 2013 he became the leader of the federal Liberal Party.[64]
Trudeau was a Roman Catholic and attended church throughout his life. While mostly private about his beliefs, he made it clear that he was a believer, stating, in an interview with the United Church Observer in 1971: "I believe in life after death, I believe in God and I'm a Christian." Trudeau maintained, however, that he preferred to impose constraints on himself rather than have them imposed from the outside. In this sense, he believed he was more like a Protestant than a Catholic of the era in which he was schooled.[65]
Michael W. Higgins, a former President of St. Thomas University, has researched Trudeau's spirituality and finds that it incorporated elements of three Catholic traditions. The first of these was the Jesuits who provided his education up to the college level. Trudeau frequently displayed the logic and love of argument consistent with that tradition. A second great spiritual influence in Trudeau's life was Dominican. According to Michel Gorges, Rector of the Dominican University College, Trudeau "considered himself a lay Dominican." He studied philosophy under Dominican Father Louis-Marie Régis and remained close to him throughout his life, regarding Régis as "spiritual director and friend." Another skein in Trudeau's spirituality was a contemplative aspect acquired from his association with the Benedictine tradition. According to Higgins, Trudeau was convinced of the centrality of meditation in a life fully lived. He took retreats at Saint-Benoît-du-Lac, Quebec and regularly attended Hours and the Eucharist at Montreal's Benedictine community.[66]
Although never publicly theological in the way of Margaret Thatcher or Tony Blair, nor evangelical, in the way of Jimmy Carter or George W. Bush, Trudeau's spirituality, according to Higgins, "suffused, anchored, and directed his inner life. In no small part, it defined him."[66]
Trudeau remains well regarded by many Canadians.[67] However, the passage of time has only slightly softened the strong antipathy he inspired among his opponents.[68][69] Trudeau's charisma and confidence as Prime Minister, and his championing of the Canadian identity are often cited as reasons for his popularity. His strong personality, contempt for his opponents and distaste for compromise on many issues have made him, as historian Michael Bliss puts it, "one of the most admired and most disliked of all Canadian prime ministers."[70] "He haunts us still," biographers Christina McCall and Stephen Clarkson wrote in 1990.[71] Trudeau's electoral successes were matched in the 20th century only by those of Mackenzie King. In all, Trudeau is undoubtedly one of the most dominant and transformative figures in Canadian political history.[72][73]
Trudeau's most enduring legacy may lie in his contribution to Canadian nationalism, and of pride in Canada in and for itself rather than as a derivative of the British Commonwealth. His role in this effort, and his related battles with Quebec on behalf of Canadian unity, cemented his political position when in office despite the controversies he faced—and remain the most remembered aspect of his tenure afterwards.
Some consider Trudeau's economic policies to have been a weak point. Inflation and unemployment marred much of his tenure as prime minister. When Trudeau took office in 1968 Canada had a debt of $18 billion (24% of GDP) which was largely left over from World War II, when he left office in 1984, that debt stood at $200 billion (46% of GDP), an increase of 83% in real terms.[74] However, these trends were present in most western countries at the time, including the United States.
Though his popularity had fallen in English Canada at the time of his retirement in 1984, public opinion later became more sympathetic to him, particularly in comparison to his successor, Brian Mulroney.
Pierre Trudeau is today seen in very high regard on the Canadian political scene. Many politicians still use the term "taking a walk in the snow", the line Trudeau used to describe his decision to leave office in 1984. Other popular Trudeauisms frequently used are "just watch me", the "Trudeau Salute", and "Fuddle Duddle".
One of Trudeau's most enduring legacies is the 1982 patriation of the Canadian constitution, including a domestic amending formula and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. It is seen as advancing civil rights and liberties and, notwithstanding clause aside, has become a cornerstone of Canadian values for most Canadians. It also represented the final step in Trudeau's liberal vision of a fully independent and nationalist Canada based on fundamental human rights and the protection of individual freedoms as well as those of linguistic and cultural minorities. Court challenges based on the Charter of Rights have been used to advance the cause of women's equality, re-establish French school boards in provinces such as Alberta and Saskatchewan, and to mandate the adoption of same-sex marriage all across Canada. Section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, has clarified issues of aboriginal and equality rights, including establishing the previously denied aboriginal rights of Métis. Section 15, dealing with equality rights, has been used to remedy societal discrimination against minority groups. The coupling of the direct and indirect influences of the Charter has meant that it has grown to influence every aspect of Canadian life, and the override (notwithstanding clause) of the Charter has been infrequently used.
Canadian conservatives claim the Constitution has resulted in too much judicial activism on the part of the courts in Canada. It is also heavily criticized by Quebec nationalists, who resent that the Constitution was never ratified by any Quebec government and does not recognize a constitutional veto for Quebec.
Bilingualism is one of Trudeau's most lasting accomplishments, having been fully integrated into the Federal government's services, documents, and broadcasting (not, however, in provincial governments, except for Ontario, New Brunswick, and Manitoba). While official bilingualism has settled some of the grievances Francophones had towards the federal government, many Francophones had hoped that Canadians would be able to function in the official language of their choice no matter where in the country they were.
However, Trudeau's ambitions in this arena have been overstated: Trudeau once said that he regretted the use of the term "bilingualism", because it appeared to demand that all Canadians speak two languages. In fact, Trudeau's vision was to see Canada as a bilingual confederation in which all cultures would have a place. In this way, his conception broadened beyond simply the relationship of Quebec to Canada.
On October 8, 1971, Pierre Trudeau introduced the Multiculturalism Policy in the House of Commons. It was the first of its kind in the world, and was then emulated in several provinces, such as Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and other countries most notably Australia, which has had a similar history and immigration pattern. Beyond the specifics of the policy itself, this action signalled an openness to the world and coincided with a more open immigration policy that had been brought in by Trudeau's predecessor Lester B. Pearson (with the help of legendary mandarin, Tom Kent).
Few outside the museum community recall the tremendous efforts Trudeau made, in the last years of his tenure, to see to it that the National Gallery of Canada and the Canadian Museum of Civilization finally had proper homes in the national capital. The Trudeau government also implemented programs which mandated Canadian content in film, and broadcasting, and gave substantial subsidies to develop the Canadian media and cultural industries. Though the policies remain controversial, Canadian media industries have become stronger since Trudeau's arrival.
Furthermore, his cultural legacy can be found in Canada's strong ties to multiculturalism.
Trudeau's posthumous reputation in the Western Provinces is notably less favourable than in the rest of English-speaking Canada. He is often regarded as the "father of Western alienation." The reasons are various. Some of them are ideological. Some Canadians disapproved of official bilingualism and many other of Trudeau's policies, which they saw as moving the country away from its historic traditions and attachments, and markedly toward the political left. Such feelings were perhaps strongest in the West. Other reasons for western alienation are more plainly regional in nature. To many westerners, Trudeau's policies seemed to favour other parts of the country, especially Ontario and Quebec, at their expense. Outstanding among such policies was the National Energy Program, which was seen as unfairly depriving western provinces of the full economic benefit from their oil and gas resources, in order to pay for nationwide social programs, and make regional transfer payments to poorer parts of the country. Sentiments of this kind were especially strong in oil-rich Alberta where unemployment rose from 4% to 10% following passage of the NEP.[75] Estimates have placed Alberta's losses between $50 billion and $100 billion because of the NEP.[76][77]
More particularly, two incidents involving Trudeau are remembered as having fostered Western alienation, and as emblematic of it. During a visit to Saskatoon, Saskatchewan on July 17, 1969, Trudeau met with a group of farmers who were protesting that the federal government was not doing more to market their wheat. The widely remembered perception is that Trudeau dismissed the protesters' concerns with "Why should I sell your wheat?" – in reality, however, the media never adequately reported the fact that he asked the question rhetorically and then proceeded to answer it himself.[78] Years later, on a train trip through Salmon Arm, British Columbia, he "gave the finger" to a group of protesters through the carriage window – less widely remembered is that the protesters were shouting anti-French slogans at the train.[79]
Trudeau's legacy in Quebec is mixed. Many credit his actions during the October Crisis as crucial in terminating the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ) as a force in Quebec, and ensuring that the campaign for Quebec separatism took a democratic and peaceful route. However, his imposition of the War Measures Act—which received majority support at the time—is remembered by some in Quebec and elsewhere as an attack on democracy. Trudeau is also credited by many for the defeat of the 1980 Quebec referendum.
At the federal level, Trudeau faced almost no strong political opposition in Quebec during his time as Prime Minister. For instance, his Liberal party captured 74 out of 75 Quebec seats in the 1980 federal election. Provincially, though, Québécois twice elected the pro-sovereignty Parti Québécois. Moreover, there were not at that time any pro-sovereignty federal parties such as the Bloc Québécois. Since the signing of the Constitutional Act of Canada in 1982, the Liberal Party of Canada has never succeeded in winning a majority of seats in Quebec. Trudeau is disliked by many Québécois, particularly in the news media, the academic and political establishments.[80] While his reputation has grown in English Canada since his retirement in 1984, it has not improved in Quebec.
Trudeau made a number of contributions throughout his career to the intellectual discourse of Canadian politics. Trudeau was a strong advocate for a federalist model of government in Canada, developing and promoting his ideas in response and contrast to strengthening Quebec nationalist movements, for instance the social and political atmosphere created during Maurice Duplessis' time in power.[81][unreliable source?] Federalism in this context can be defined as "a particular way of sharing political power among different peoples within a state...Those who believe in federalism hold that different peoples do not need states of their own in order to enjoy self-determination. Peoples...may agree to share a single state while retaining substantial degrees of self-government over matters essential to their identity as peoples".[82][unreliable source?] As a social democrat, Trudeau sought to combine and harmonize his theories on social democracy with those of federalism so that both could find effective expression in Canada. He noted the ostensible conflict between socialism, with its usually strong centralist government model, and federalism, which expounded a division and cooperation of power by both federal and provincial levels of government.[83] In particular, Trudeau stated the following about socialists:
rather than water down...their socialism, must constantly seek ways of adapting it to a bicultural society governed under a federal constitution. And since the future of Canadian federalism lies clearly in the direction of co-operation, the wise socialist will turn his thoughts in that direction, keeping in mind the importance of establishing buffer zones of joint sovereignty and co-operative zones of joint administration between the two levels of government[84]
Trudeau pointed out that in sociological terms, Canada is inherently a federalist society, forming unique regional identities and priorities, and therefore a federalist model of spending and jurisdictional powers is most appropriate. He argues, "in the age of the mass society, it is no small advantage to foster the creation of quasi-sovereign communities at the provincial level, where power is that much less remote from the people."[85]
Unfortunately, Trudeau's idealistic plans for a cooperative Canadian federalist state were resisted and hindered as a result of his narrowness on ideas of identity and socio-cultural pluralism: "While the idea of a 'nation' in the sociological sense is acknowledged by Trudeau, he considers the allegiance which it generates—emotive and particularistic—to be contrary to the idea of cohesion between humans, and as such creating fertile ground for the internal fragmentation of states and a permanent state of conflict".[86][unreliable source?] This position garnered significant criticism for Trudeau, in particular from Quebec and First Nations peoples on the basis that his theories denied their rights to nationhood.[86][unreliable source?] First Nations communities raised particular concerns with the proposed 1969 White Paper, developed under Trudeau by Jean Chrétien.
Trudeau chose the following jurists to be appointed as justices of the Supreme Court of Canada by the Governor General:
The following honours were bestowed upon him by the Governor General, or by Queen Elizabeth II herself:
Other honours include:
Trudeau was appointed a Companion of the Order of Canada on June 24, 1985. His citation reads:[102]
Lawyer, professor, author and defender of human rights this statesman served as Prime Minister of Canada for fifteen years. Lending substance to the phrase "the style is the man," he has imparted, both in his and on the world stage, his quintessentially personal philosophy of modern politics.
Through hours of archival footage and interviews with Trudeau himself, the recent documentary Memoirs details the story of a man who used intelligence and charisma to bring together a country that was very nearly torn apart.
Trudeau's life is depicted in two CBC Television mini-series. The first one, Trudeau[103] (with Colm Feore in the title role), depicts his years as Prime Minister. Trudeau II: Maverick in the Making[104] (with Stéphane Demers as the young Pierre, and Tobie Pelletier as him in later years) portrays his earlier life.
The 1999 documentary film Just Watch Me: Trudeau and the 70's Generation explores the impact of Trudeau's vision of Canadian bilingualism through interviews with eight young Canadians.
He was the co-subject along with René Lévesque in the Donald Brittain-directed documentary mini-series The Champions.
News media
Other online sources
File:En-Pierre Trudeau.ogg
Template:First Trudeau Ministry
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Rattleware Milk Pitcher 32 oz
The tapered spout makes these pitchers ideal for performing Latte Art. Show off your skill as a barista and impress your customers with drinks decorated just for them!
- Height: 5in. / 13cm
- Mouth: 3.5in. / 9cm
- Bottom: 4in. / 10.16cm
- 32 ounces/100 centiliters
- Stainless steel
- Suggested Thermometer Length: 7in.
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Where to eat...fish and chips/
One of the most regular questions we recieve at reception is "where can I get fish and chips?" Being located slap bang in the Midlands (about as far away from the sea as you can get) doesn't stop Nottingham from serving up some great fish and chips. Here are our favourite spots..
George's Great British Kitchen
One of the best places to eat in town. Not only do they offer delicious flakey fish and twice cooked chips but also fried fish in onion bahji batter (the best) or a smoked paprika option too. You can even add mushy pea fritters or Stilton chips on the side. Yum. Oh and they have a gin bar too!
The Cod's Scallops
Located on Mansfield Road just a few minutes on the bus from Igloo Annexe and Pods this place is worth the visit as it was voted the best fish and chips in the UK! This is THE ultimate fish and chip shop. Whilst they have all the classics they will grill or fry pretty much anything on their fresh fish counter including lots of seasonal delicacies. We recommend the battered salmon and chips. Everything is fried in beef dripping so not great for veggies who just want chips but this method officially makes the tastiest chips and crispiest batter bits in town. See the full menu here: https://www.codsscallops.com/our-menu/
Moulin Rouge
Located in Trinity Square this small takeaway is good for a casual and quick lunch or evening takeaway treat. Their mini fish and chips are iconic!
The Angel Microbrewery
Trendy microbrewery meets traditional pub. Not only do they do traditional fish and chips but there are veggie and vegan versions too! For vegetarians, halloumi in beer batter, or for vegans lemon marinated tempeh, both fried in beer batter and served with hand cut fries, pea puree, and homemade tartare sauce. See the menu here: http://www.angelmicrobrewery.com/menu.html
Lace Market Fish Bar
Classic chippy located in Hockley, one of the best takeaways in town. Open until 3am so great for late munchies after a night out or after the ice hockey! https://en-gb.facebook.com/Lace-market-fish-bar-772071789527097/


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Vendor Risk Management (VRM)
Two way communication and tracking
Organizations that rely heavily on vendors but don't have sufficient visibility into their vendor networks are exposing themselves to high risks. Understanding vendor risks and managing them effectively are essential to maintaining sustainable businesses and ensuring regulatory compliance. Having a strong Vendor Risk Management (VRM) program helps companies anticipate inherent risks rather than simply reacting to adverse situations and incidents after they occur. Monitoring vendor performance on an ongoing basis utilizing the SIEMLY platform enables organizations to be continually aware of a vendor's capability to comply with contractual and regulatory obligations.


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The Water Framework Directive (Classification, Priority Substances and Shellfish Waters) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2015, SCHEDULE 5 is up to date with all changes known to be in force on or before 22 October 2019. There are changes that may be brought into force at a future date. Changes that have been made appear in the content and are referenced with annotations.
Revised legislation carried on this site may not be fully up to date. Changes and effects are recorded by our editorial team in lists which can be found in the 'Changes to Legislation' area. Where those effects have yet to be applied to the text of the legislation by the editorial team they are also listed alongside the legislation in the affected provisions. Use the 'more' link to open the changes and effects relevant to the provision you are viewing.
Whole provisions yet to be inserted into this Rule (including any effects on those provisions):
|A discharge affecting shellfish waters must not cause the temperature of the water to exceed by more than 2◦C the temperature of the waters not so affected.
|pH values will not reach levels outside of the range established so as to ensure the functioning of the ecosystem and the achievement of the values specified for the biological quality elements under Good Ecological Status
|Annual mean (AA-EQS) (µg/l)
|Maximum allowable concentration (MAC-EQS) (µg/l)
Practical Salinity Units (PSU)
A discharge affecting shellfish waters must not cause their salinity to exceed by more than 10% the salinity of waters not so affected.
1. In shellfish waters, the Department must endeavour to respect the microbial guideline value in the shellfish flesh and intervalvular liquid as set out in Table 1 to this Part, in addition to the mandatory standards set out in these Regulations.
2.—(1) Subject to sub-paragraph (2), in relation to any period of 12 months, shellfish waters shall be treated as complying with the guideline value set out in Table 1 to this Part, if 75 per cent of the samples taken comply with the guideline value.
(2) Non-compliant samples may be ignored for the purposes of sub-paragraph (1) if they are the result of natural cause or force majeure.
3.—(1) The Department must ensure that the guideline value adopted as a result of paragraph 1 and samples are analysed in accordance with the following provisions of this paragraph.
(2) Subject to sub-paragraph (1), sampling shall be carried out at least at the minimum frequency specified in Table 1 to this Schedule.
(3) Where sampling shows that the guideline value adopted as a result of paragraph 1 is not being met, the Department must establish whether this is the result of chance, a natural phenomenon or pollution, and must adopt appropriate measures to prevent deterioration.
(4) Samples shall be analysed using the reference methods of analysis specified in Table 1 to this paragraph or methods which are at least as reliable as the reference methods.
|Guideline values and comments
|Reference methods of analysis
|Minimum sampling and measuring frequency
|Escherichia coli (E.coli)
|≤230 in the shellfish flesh and intervalvular liquid
|ISO16649 part 3 or equivalent
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text:
Hello, my name is ROBBIE!
My gracious sponsor(s):kate champion, brigid, Janine Graham, EDITH COETZEE, Marilize Stander
More about me
Male (Medium). Terrier Blend. Adult - DOB: 2014.
Shelter: DogtownSA - Hennops River (Gauteng)
Tel: 0760441979
Mail: firstname.lastname@example.com
Hello everybody! My name is Robbie and I would love for you to get to know me better! I came to Dogtown from a place so far away, I had to go on an airplane! It was scary but I'm glad that my journey led me here because this new chapter of my life is just too awesome!
I am known for my cheeky smile and my "naughty mischievous" look, it makes everybody notice me and want to come play with me! I normally have a toy in my mouth, just waiting for somebody to join in on my play.
I really enjoy going out for walks and I walk like a boss on my lead and harness. I am also really good at tracking and using my nose, there are soooo many treats on the walking trails here, I love it. While I am making a list of things I like, I should also tell you that cuddles are also a big favourite of mine! Oh and also going in my pool, nothing like a nice dip in my paddle pool on a hot day.
I'm the kinda guy who sticks to my human (I love humans), you have a best friend forever in me! I learn really fast and I'm eager to please
My downfall is that I am not a fan of other dogs (and definitely not cats, yuck) so I need to be an only child. But I have enough energy and personality to make you think you have 3 dogs, hehe!
I'm a strong boy (and kinda clumsy) so I think a home with older kids would be better for me.
Please come and meet me, I have the toys if you have the time!


text:
Boulevard Anspach 1
Brussel, 1000
Belgium Show map
Brussel, 1000
Belgium Show map
+32 (0)25 493 900Go to website
Partena health insurance fund walks you through the Belgian social security system.
Partena health insurance fund carries out:
- the reimbursement of medical costs
- the payment of replacement income for those who become incapable to work through an accident, illness or pregnancy.
Partena is not only a health insurance fund. Partena ziekenfonds & partners (health insurance & partners) focusses on people who are busy with their work, family, hobbies, sports.
Is this your business? Claim this listing
Promote your business for free on Just Landed:
- 1.Sign up with or login
- 2.Set up a free business account
- 3.Edit your listing - get new customers
Send a message to Partena - health insurance fund


text:
Studio equipment
Our full range of studio equipment from all the leading equipment and software brands. Guaranteed fast delivery and low prices.
DJ equipment
Our full range of DJ equipment from all the leading equipment and software brands. Guaranteed fast delivery and low prices.Visit Juno DJ
|Side 1
|"Sweet Power Your Embrace" (4:02)
|Side 2
|"Free" (3:46)
|Side 3
|"I've Got My Eyes On You" (3:40)
|Side 4
|"Slick City" (3:02)
Released 40 years ago in 1977 ''Rhythm Of Life '' by James Mason was possibly one of the greatest vocal Jazz fusion releases of all time . New vinyl imprint Dynamite releases a quality limited edition double pack release showcasing the highlights from that album plus some additional rare versions of the tracks. The version of 'Sweet Power Your Embrace'' is taken from the incredibly rare 7 inch promo only issue. On the flipside is a different version of the club floor dancer ''Free'' which features a heavy bongo workout . The 45 second slab on this package features two tracks featuring the vocals from Clarice Taylor on ' I've Got My Eyes On You'' and the superb 'Slick City' which were both never commercially released as a 45 before.
Scratchandsniff, Mukatsuku Records Chart, Dom Servini, SOOPASOUL, * Record Breakin' Music *, Juno Recommends Funk, Andrea Passenger, I Love 45's!, 45 Live, Dynamite Cuts
Tell us what you think in the Facebook comments box below:


text:
Explication with the passge may be faxed. Passage is through Pride & Prejudice and then the thesis is definitely entered down below Essay Illustration Pride plus Prejudice: Some sort of Mother's Really like In the fresh Pride in addition to Prejudice, the target of the report remains on the Victorian family with six daughters located relatively comfortably in the country. They may not be rich, but are able to retain a few housemaids and thus are the surfacing middle elegance of society. However , this became also a period when opportunities for women had been restricted to marital life, governess or simply workhouse utilizing only the very first two choices to respectable girls. Level of competition for husbands was terrific and Mrs. Bennett, the parent of the five girls, requires much of the new obsessing related to her daughters' prospects. Mrs. Bennett's materialistic, selfish mother nature and tough desire to get married to off the daughters is certainly displayed for her reaction to the news concerning Elizabeth in addition to Mr. [Read more…]
Archives for July 17, 2019
3 Webpage Overview of any PowerPoint Concept (to be made later) upon School War for a move on education course Essay Case
3 Webpage Overview of any PowerPoint Concept (to be made later) upon School War for a move on education course Essay Case Middle College Girls and even Cliques Adding Against the mother nature of their intercourse, todays education girls usually are "no longer" nice. All their roles as the community new member rival your boys in the acts with violence, don't like and aggressive behaviour. This direction has evoked great concern for parents, institution administrators and policymakers equally. The poor choices they make could be the result of the environment, and the females attitude toward socialization procedures. Prevalence for violence on the society includes given rise to development of aggression young, which teen girls think about as a way to get social acknowledgement. One method of socialization which breeds war is the configuration of groupes among heart school females. This habit reflects this of bande among males, which has commonly resulted in interpersonal isolation and exclusion. [Read more…]
The Choice somewhere between Using Risk Law or Regulation Homework Example
The Choice somewhere between Using Risk Law or Regulation Homework Example The main paper "The Choice between Using Responsibility Law or maybe Regulation" is definitely outstanding sort of a regulation essay. The options between the liability law along with regulation is certainly governed with a number of rules all of which usually are of significant importance in addition to initiated along with the key objective of looking for an alternative which happens to be most likely to lead to cultural cost proficiency, (Eliadis, Huge batch, and Howlett, 2005). The selected alternative should favour experienced choices between social advantages and the interpersonal costs for obtaining the possibilities. In cases where you will discover alternative methods of achieving communal benefits, the expenses of achieving the results need to be assigned for the party that might do so around the lowest cost. When it is unclear whether the societal benefits would likely exceed typically the social fees, then the cost should be placed on the get together that is greatest favoured using a cost-benefit analysis, (Whittman, 2002). In cases during which it is not crystal clear who the exact party is certainly, then the charge should be installed upon typically the party or the activity who has the lowest purchase costs take action in the market to be able to correct blunders in entitlements by inducement the supplied party in order to avoid social rates with marginal costs.
Both Liability legal requirements and legislations have many strengths and also a number of weak points. Liability rules is more productive in cases where purchases costs tend to be high despite the fact that in cases where there are market flaws, regulation should be considered. The facts that your particular producer can be held trusted even in cases where these have exercised all of possible care under the legal responsibility law is known as a significant weak point besides the burden of proof lays solely for the defendant, (Eliadis, Hill, in addition to Howlett, 2005). Besides, where the injurer's liability surpasses his benefits, a greater amount of liability is free of additional dissuasive effect. The legal platform provides solely minimal procedures to time consuming regulatory construction especially with respect to determining in cases where less costly company alternatives may be implemented, (Whittman, 2002).
Aligning typically the Sales System with the Industry Strategy Dissertation Example
https://www.123helpme.me/ The paper "Aligning the Income Strategy with all the Business Strategy" is a outstanding example of an advertising essay.
Since there are certainly no competitors with Jeddah, a fitness center will aim for consumers implementing aggressive and even sustained advertising campaigns that will allow the business to capture the most important market share achievable. This will be supplemented by excellent customer connection management (CRM) platform, shopper engagement skills, and originality (Perreault, Canon & McCarthy, 2014). It is actually worth noting that the products and services offered by a health club are highly particular. As a result, useful market research may also be conducted making sure that potential customers is often identified in addition to targeted (Proctor, 2014). The target is to reduce the time it does take to reach customers, and that is why researching the market is vital. The effects of the market research will be aligned corectly with the online business strategy of differentiation through developing listings and email list. Using these a pair of resources, focus on markets can be called, and consumers served by way of mail-order products and control traveling costs (Samson & Daft, 2014). This plan will certainly serve only two purposes. First of all, it is congruent with the difference business plan. Second, it will certainly allow the health and fitness to access it's target market as well as win more than enough of them as it to develop a good sustainable organization.
Sales Avenues
Sales will be either direct and indirect. Roundabout sales, a fitness center will use it has the sales team to achieve markets in addition to interact specifically with customers (Baker, 2014). To facilitate this, salespeople is going to be supplied with accessories and ads to enable them to reach out to consumers in several areas promote the pub. Salespeople would be required to employ their marketing skills in order to convince future consumers to join up for a regular membership (Pride & Ferrell, 2014). In oblique sales, some other place will use affiliate promotion, partner with other companies to sell special on its behalf from suitable costs, and use advertising signals like TELLY, radio, and even print mass media. Platforms including the internet (social media marketing) will be used to build forums where gym could interact with recent and probable consumers.
Professional Contradiction at Work area Essay Case
The newspaper "Professional Turmoil at Workplace" is an spectacular example of some sort of essay upon management. Mates and scanners often generate a certain situation, where you feels forgotten, mistreated, accused of untrue stances and the most significantly a new victim about discrimination as well as harassment. I possess worked from a data gain access to department of an Saudi Arabian firm. In Saudi Arabic, segregation within offices is a highly prevalent practice, so; we (male/female) work within separate divisions. My dept is full of differing types and different women especially the local ones. Each of our booth as well as cubical are actually small and we are able to hear the other quite easily. My favorite neighboring unit was to a lady, who has been melancholic including a bellyacher. Your lover had lamented of almost all let it end up being work as well as her cultural life which behavior commonly distracted some around the woman. Once, when using unfortunate working day, I had that will team up ready to enter extensive official details of a important hospital. It was a significant as well as extensive task in which we to enter every one of the data offered to individuals in an inclined and effective manner. Eventually, the resulting value for you to match towards reports given to people and instead associated with rechecking the woman work your lover started accusing me looking at all. The strident commotion gained immediate attention of our own co-workers, however , I continued to be proactive plus started validating her plus my articles this designed her even more furious. As opposed to her (accusing others about her mistakes), I initiated rechecking our work for attainable mistakes. In unison, the data inserted by us was still with our value, so we could very well rectify that easily rather than calling for significant and person attention. Nevertheless , she quickly walked towards supervisor's company and filed complain alongside me, revealing me for inept employee who entered wrong files. Yet, the girl had been distracted whole day longer, attended various calls in the course of our work time and went out of the presentation areas for walks along around too. The fx broker and I modified the whole information entered by way of her together with me gradually, we came upon that the woman had entered wrong stats multiple times.
What You Don't Know About Provider Ipvanish Vpn Review Could Be Costing to More Than You Think
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"There's another announcement coming," Stephen Conroy casually noted while answering questions with the Prime Minister and Minister Wong about the $11 billion NBN-Telstra deal. It was coming quicker than expected, because Conroy nipped from the Prime Minister's courtyard around the corner to the Blue Room, where ministerial media conferences are held, and joined Wayne Swan to announce the NBN-Optus deal, an $800 million plan to migrate Optus fixed-line customers to the NBN.
As Conroy noted at the prime ministerial presser, this makes the issue of NBN take-up -- one of the many confected issues hurled by opponents at the NBN -- entirely moot. People will be swapped from the decaying, increasingly costly copper network (despite of the magical broadband properties some economists appear to think it has) to fibre, or they can choose to go mobile.