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Quality crafted to be the perfect traditional table lamp, our Gedda Table lamp features a beautiful antique light gold base with a tan shade. The pedestal base will add a gilded touch anywhere in your home, from a console table behind a sofa to end tables in a living room. Update the lighting in your home and order yours now.
Adjustable Lamp Head | Yes | Assembled Depth (in.) | 6 in |
Assembled Height (in.) | 34 in | Assembled Width (in.) | 6 in |
CSA Listed | No | California Title 20 Compliant | No |
Color/Finish Family | Gold | Connection Type | Plug-in |
ETL Listed | Yes | Energy Star Compliant | No |
Fixture Finish/Color | Gold | Fixture Material | Resin |
Harp Style | Traditional | Light Bulb Base Type | Other |
Light Source | Halogen | Manufacturer Warranty | n/a |
Maximum Bulb Wattage | 150 W | Novelty | No |
Number of Bulbs Required | 1 | Primary Switch Type | 3-Way |
Product Depth (in.) | 6 | Product Height (in.) | 34 |
Product Weight (lb.) | 7 | Product Width (in.) | 6 |
Recommended bulb type | A | Returnable | 90-Day |
Shade Diameter (in.) | 16 | Shade Shape | Cylindrical |
Switch Mechanism | Rotary | UL Listed | 1-UL Listed |
Wattage (watts) | 150 W |
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I've decided to address one of the rampant problems in the micro-film community. It's the A-word that your mom would have washed your mouth out with soap for saying. That's right, it's: audio.
Read the rest of this story...When you get a new camera, the first thing you want to know is: what are the best settings to make it look like a million dollars? The short answer: you're already asking the wrong questions. This does not mean there aren't ways to tweak your camera, but those are final touches to some much more preliminary understandings. The radio station you listen to while you drive your car is a much later choice than learning how to drive your car in the first place.
Read the rest of this story...In Wordpress, going from local to remote can make you want to kill yourself. At first.
Read the rest of this story...

subset: commoncrawl


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Joan Rivers: Unclear on Constitutional Concepts While Promoting New Book
Joan Rivers, after giving away autographed copies of her new book in front of Costco yesterday, handcuffed herself to a shopping cart inside to protest the mega-mart big box store declining to carry her new book.
Costco won't carry Joan Rivers' new book because it has off-color jokes on the back cover. Costco has the right to decide what merchandise they carry. Joan claimed that selling her new book wherever she wants is
A free speech issue and a First Amendment right.
Uh no. Joan has the right to free speech in public. She has the right to publish a book. And booksellers have the right to decide which books they choose to sell. It's America!!!! We have rights! Just we don't always understand them.
Consumers have the right to buy books at other stores aside from Costco. (And they should! Support your independent booksellers!). Some gossip report, which I caught on TV while eating an awesome tuna sandwich at the Casting Office while avoiding rush hour on the 101, showed Joan giving away her new book in the Costco's outdoor nosh pit before marching inside with a bull horn. The "news" left out some of the crazier bits, which thankfully LAist caught:
She declared that the property wasn't Costco's, since it belonged to the Indians, and that it was like "Nazi Germany" for not permitting her book to be sold there. Ultimately, Rivers clamped on handcuffs, attaching herself to a shopper's cart as the police and confused shoppers (with cellphone cameras) looked on.
She added:
Next, they will be burning the Bible.
before marching into the warehouse store without showing her membership card and handcuffing herself to a shopping cart before security called the police who escorted her away without pressing charges.
Joan came off like a crank. And her publishers should have realized that big box stores are fussy about packaging, then adjusted the cover material if necessary. Or simply created a
Banned by Costco!
wrapper for copies shipped to other stores.
If I had a precocious six-year old I might not want them reading smutty jokes at Costco. I'd want my kid to learn dirty jokes in the right environment– at the family dinner table!
Comparing a store to Nazi Germany because they won't carry an item is just dumb. Health food stores don't carry certain brands because of the ingredients. That's their right, and it doesn't make them Nazis, fascists, totalitarian, etc.
Hopefully for Joan Rivers' sake, the book is funnier than her stunt.
Screenshot: TMZ


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Warning: Long Read
The Constitution has no inherent authority or obligation. It has no authority or obligation at all, unless as a contract between man and man. And it does not so much as even purport to be a contract between persons now existing. It purports, at most, to be only a contract between persons living eighty years ago. [This essay was written in 1869.] And it can be supposed to have been a contract then only between persons who had already come to years of discretion, so as to be competent to make reasonable and obligatory contracts. Furthermore, we know, historically, that only a small portion even of the people then existing were consulted on the subject, or asked, or permitted to express either their consent or dissent in any formal manner. Those persons, if any, who did give their consent formally, are all dead now. Most of them have been dead forty, fifty, sixty, or seventy years. and the constitution, so far as it was their contract, died with them. They had no natural power or right to make it obligatory upon their children. It is not only plainly impossible, in the nature of things, that they could bind their posterity, but they did not even attempt to bind them. That is to say, the instrument does not purport to be an agreement between any body but "the people" THEN existing; nor does it, either expressly or impliedly, assert any right, power, or disposition, on their part, to bind anybody but themselves. Let us see. Its language is:
We, the people of the United States (that is, the people THEN EXISTING in the United States), in order to form a more perfect union, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves AND OUR POSTERITY, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.
It is plain, in the first place, that this language, AS AN AGREEMENT, purports to be only what it at most really was, viz., a contract between the people then existing; and, of necessity, binding, as a contract, only upon those then existing. In the second place, the language neither expresses nor implies that they had any right or power, to bind their "posterity" to live under it. It does not say that their "posterity" will, shall, or must live under it. It only says, in effect, that their hopes and motives in adopting it were that it might prove useful to their posterity, as well as to themselves, by promoting their union, safety, tranquility, liberty, etc.
Suppose an agreement were entered into, in this form:
We, the people of Boston, agree to maintain a fort on Governor's Island, to protect ourselves and our posterity against invasion.
This agreement, as an agreement, would clearly bind nobody but the people then existing. Secondly, it would assert no right, power, or disposition, on their part, to compel their "posterity" to maintain such a fort. It would only indicate that the supposed welfare of their posterity was one of the motives that induced the original parties to enter into the agreement.
When a man says he is building a house for himself and his posterity, he does not mean to be understood as saying that he has any thought of binding them, nor is it to be inferred that he is so foolish as to imagine that he has any right or power to bind them, to live in it. So far as they are concerned, he only means to be understood as saying that his hopes and motives, in building it, are that they, or at least some of them, may find it for their happiness to live in it.
So when a man says he is planting a tree for himself and his posterity, he does not mean to be understood as saying that he has any thought of compelling them, nor is it to be inferred that he is such a simpleton as to imagine that he has any right or power to compel them, to eat the fruit. So far as they are concerned, he only means to say that his hopes and motives, in planting the tree, are that its fruit may be agreeable to them.
So it was with those who originally adopted the Constitution. Whatever may have been their personal intentions, the legal meaning of their language, so far as their "posterity" was concerned, simply was, that their hopes and motives, in entering into the agreement, were that it might prove useful and acceptable to their posterity; that it might promote their union, safety, tranquility, and welfare; and that it might tend "to secure to them the blessings of liberty." The language does not assert nor at all imply, any right, power, or disposition, on the part of the original parties to the agreement, to compel their "posterity" to live under it. If they had intended to bind their posterity to live under it, they should have said that their objective was, not "to secure to them the blessings of liberty," but to make slaves of them; for if their "posterity" are bound to live under it, they are nothing less than the slaves of their foolish, tyrannical, and dead grandfathers.
It cannot be said that the Constitution formed "the people of the United States," for all time, into a corporation. It does not speak of "the people" as a corporation, but as individuals. A corporation does not describe itself as "we," nor as "people," nor as "ourselves." Nor does a corporation, in legal language, have any "posterity." It supposes itself to have, and speaks of itself as having, perpetual existence, as a single individuality.
Moreover, no body of men, existing at any one time, have the power to create a perpetual corporation. A corporation can become practically perpetual only by the voluntary accession of new members, as the old ones die off. But for this voluntary accession of new members, the corporation necessarily dies with the death of those who originally composed it.
Legally speaking, therefore, there is, in the Constitution, nothing that professes or attempts to bind the "posterity" of those who established it.
If, then, those who established the Constitution, had no power to bind, and did not attempt to bind, their posterity, the question arises, whether their posterity have bound themselves. If they have done so, they can have done so in only one or both of these two ways, viz., by voting, and paying taxes.
Let us consider these two matters, voting and tax paying, separately. And first of voting.
All the voting that has ever taken place under the Constitution, has been of such a kind that it not only did not pledge the whole people to support the Constitution, but it did not even pledge any one of them to do so, as the following considerations show.
1. In the very nature of things, the act of voting could bind nobody but the actual voters. But owing to the property qualifications required, it is probable that, during the first twenty or thirty years under the Constitution, not more than one-tenth, fifteenth, or perhaps twentieth of the whole population (black and white, men, women, and minors) were permitted to vote. Consequently, so far as voting was concerned, not more than one-tenth, fifteenth, or twentieth of those then existing, could have incurred any obligation to support the Constitution.
At the present time [1869], it is probable that not more than one-sixth of the whole population are permitted to vote. Consequently, so far as voting is concerned, the other five-sixths can have given no pledge that they will support the Constitution.
2. Of the one-sixth that are permitted to vote, probably not more than two-thirds (about one-ninth of the whole population) have usually voted. Many never vote at all. Many vote only once in two, three, five, or ten years, in periods of great excitement.
No one, by voting, can be said to pledge himself for any longer period than that for which he votes. If, for example, I vote for an officer who is to hold his office for only a year, I cannot be said to have thereby pledged myself to support the government beyond that term. Therefore, on the ground of actual voting, it probably cannot be said that more than one-ninth or one-eighth, of the whole population are usually under any pledge to support the Constitution. [In recent years, since 1940, the number of voters in elections has usually fluctuated between one-third and two-fifths of the populace.]
3. It cannot be said that, by voting, a man pledges himself to support the Constitution, unless the act of voting be a perfectly voluntary one on his part. Yet the act of voting cannot properly be called a voluntary one on the part of any very large number of those who do vote. It is rather a measure of necessity imposed upon them by others, than one of their own choice. On this point I repeat what was said in a former number, viz.:
"In truth, in the case of individuals, their actual voting is not to be taken as proof of consent, even for the time being. On the contrary, it is to be considered that, without his consent having even been asked a man finds himself environed by a government that he cannot resist; a government that forces him to pay money, render service, and forego the exercise of many of his natural rights, under peril of weighty punishments. He sees, too, that other men practice this tyranny over him by the use of the ballot. He sees further, that, if he will but use the ballot himself, he has some chance of relieving himself from this tyranny of others, by subjecting them to his own. In short, he finds himself, without his consent, so situated that, if he use the ballot, he may become a master; if he does not use it, he must become a slave. And he has no other alternative than these two. In self- defence, he attempts the former. His case is analogous to that of a man who has been forced into battle, where he must either kill others, or be killed himself. Because, to save his own life in battle, a man takes the lives of his opponents, it is not to be inferred that the battle is one of his own choosing. Neither in contests with the ballot â which is a mere substitute for a bullet â because, as his only chance of self- preservation, a man uses a ballot, is it to be inferred that the contest is one into which he voluntarily entered; that he voluntarily set up all his own natural rights, as a stake against those of others, to be lost or won by the mere power of numbers. On the contrary, it is to be considered that, in an exigency into which he had been forced by others, and in which no other means of self-defence offered, he, as a matter of necessity, used the only one that was left to him.
"Doubtless the most miserable of men, under the most oppressive government in the world, if allowed the ballot, would use it, if they could see any chance of thereby meliorating their condition. But it would not, therefore, be a legitimate inference that the government itself, that crushes them, was one which they had voluntarily set up, or even consented to.
"Therefore, a man's voting under the Constitution of the United States, is not to be taken as evidence that he ever freely assented to the Constitution, even for the time being. Consequently we have no proof that any very large portion, even of the actual voters of the United States, ever really and voluntarily consented to the Constitution, EVEN FOR THE TIME BEING. Nor can we ever have such proof, until every man is left perfectly free to consent, or not, without thereby subjecting himself or his property to be disturbed or injured by others."
As we can have no legal knowledge as to who votes from choice, and who from the necessity thus forced upon him, we can have no legal knowledge, as to any particular individual, that he voted from choice; or, consequently, that by voting, he consented, or pledged himself, to support the government. Legally speaking, therefore, the act of voting utterly fails to pledge ANY ONE to support the government. It utterly fails to prove that the government rests upon the voluntary support of anybody. On general principles of law and reason, it cannot be said that the government has any voluntary supporters at all, until it can be distinctly shown who its voluntary supporters are.
4. As taxation is made compulsory on all, whether they vote or not, a large proportion of those who vote, no doubt do so to prevent their own money being used against themselves; when, in fact, they would have gladly abstained from voting, if they could thereby have saved themselves from taxation alone, to say nothing of being saved from all the other usurpations and tyrannies of the government. To take a man's property without his consent, and then to infer his consent because he attempts, by voting, to prevent that property from being used to his injury, is a very insufficient proof of his consent to support the Constitution. It is, in fact, no proof at all. And as we can have no legal knowledge as to who the particular individuals are, if there are any, who are willing to be taxed for the sake of voting, we can have no legal knowledge that any particular individual consents to be taxed for the sake of voting; or, consequently, consents to support the Constitution.
5. At nearly all elections, votes are given for various candidates for the same office. Those who vote for the unsuccessful candidates cannot properly be said to have voted to sustain the Constitution. They may, with more reason, be supposed to have voted, not to support the Constitution, but specially to prevent the tyranny which they anticipate the successful candidate intends to practice upon them under color of the Constitution; and therefore may reasonably be supposed to have voted against the Constitution itself. This supposition is the more reasonable, inasmuch as such voting is the only mode allowed to them of expressing their dissent to the Constitution.
6. Many votes are usually given for candidates who have no prospect of success. Those who give such votes may reasonably be supposed to have voted as they did, with a special intention, not to support, but to obstruct the exection of, the Constitution; and, therefore, against the Constitution itself.
7. As all the different votes are given secretly (by secret ballot), there is no legal means of knowing, from the votes themselves, who votes for, and who votes against, the Constitution. Therefore, voting affords no legal evidence that any particular individual supports the Constitution. And where there can be no legal evidence that any particular individual supports the Constitution, it cannot legally be said that anybody supports it. It is clearly impossible to have any legal proof of the intentions of large numbers of men, where there can be no legal proof of the intentions of any particular one of them.
8. There being no legal proof of any man's intentions, in voting, we can only conjecture them. As a conjecture, it is probable, that a very large proportion of those who vote, do so on this principle, viz., that if, by voting, they could but get the government into their own hands (or that of their friends), and use its powers against their opponents, they would then willingly support the Constitution; but if their opponents are to have the power, and use it against them, then they would NOT willingly support the Constitution.
In short, men's voluntary support of the Constitution is doubtless, in most cases, wholly contingent upon the question whether, by means of the Constitution, they can make themselves masters, or are to be made slaves.
Such contingent consent as that is, in law and reason, no consent at all.
9. As everybody who supports the Constitution by voting (if there are any such) does so secretly (by secret ballot), and in a way to avoid all personal responsibility for the acts of his agents or representatives, it cannot legally or reasonably be said that anybody at all supports the Constitution by voting. No man can reasonably or legally be said to do such a thing as assent to, or support, the Constitution, unless he does it openly, and in a way to make himself personally responsible for the acts of his agents, so long as they act within the limits of the power he delegates to them.
10. As all voting is secret (by secret ballot), and as all secret governments are necessarily only secret bands of robbers, tyrants, and murderers, the general fact that our government is practically carried on by means of such voting, only proves that there is among us a secret band of robbers, tyrants, and murderers, whose purpose is to rob, enslave, and, so far as necessary to accomplish their purposes, murder, the rest of the people. The simple fact of the existence of such a vand does nothing towards proving that "the people of the United States," or any one of them, voluntarily supports the Constitution.
For all the reasons that have now been given, voting furnishes no legal evidence as to who the particular individuals are (if there are any), who voluntarily support the Constitution. It therefore furnishes no legal evidence that anybody supports it voluntarily.
So far, therefore, as voting is concerned, the Constitution, legally speaking, has no supporters at all.
And, as a matter of fact, there is not the slightest probability that the Constitution has a single bona fide supporter in the country. That is to say, there is not the slightest probability that there is a single man in the country, who both understands what the Constitution really is, and sincerely supports it for what it really is.
The ostensible supporters of the Constitution, like the ostensible supporters of most other governments, are made up of three classes, viz.: 1. Knaves, a numerous and active class, who see in the government an instrument which they can use for their own aggrandizement or wealth. 2. Dupes â a large class, no doubt â each of whom, because he is allowed one voice out of millions in deciding what he may do with his own person and his own property, and because he is permitted to have the same voice in robbing, enslaving, and murdering others, that others have in robbing, enslaving, and murdering himself, is stupid enough to imagine that he is a "free man," a "sovereign"; that this is "a free government"; "a government of equal rights," "the best government on earth," [1] and such like absurdities. 3. A class who have some appreciation of the evils of government, but either do not see how to get rid of them, or do not choose to so far sacrifice their private interests as to give themselves seriously and earnestly to the work of making a change.
[1] Suppose it be "the best government on earth," does that prove its own goodness, or only the badness of all other governments?
The payment of taxes, being compulsory, of course furnishes no evidence that any one voluntarily supports the Constitution.
1. It is true that the THEORY of our Constitution is, that all taxes are paid voluntarily; that our government is a mutual insurance company, voluntarily entered into by the people with each other; that that each man makes a free and purely voluntary contract with all others who are parties to the Constitution, to pay so much money for so much protection, the same as he does with any other insurance company; and that he is just as free not to be protected, and not to pay tax, as he is to pay a tax, and be protected.
But this theory of our government is wholly different from the practical fact. The fact is that the government, like a highwayman, says to a man: "Your money, or your life." And many, if not most, taxes are paid under the compulsion of that threat.
The government does not, indeed, waylay a man in a lonely place, spring upon him from the roadside, and, holding a pistol to his head, proceed to rifle his pockets. But the robbery is none the less a robbery on that account; and it is far more dastardly and shameful.
The highwayman takes solely upon himself the responsibility, danger, and crime of his own act. He does not pretend that he has any rightful claim to your money, or that he intends to use it for your own benefit. He does not pretend to be anything but a robber. He has not acquired impudence enough to profess to be merely a "protector," and that he takes men's money against their will, merely to enable him to "protect" those infatuated travellers, who feel perfectly able to protect themselves, or do not appreciate his peculiar system of protection. He is too sensible a man to make such professions as these. Furthermore, having taken your money, he leaves you, as you wish him to do. He does not persist in following you on the road, against your will; assuming to be your rightful "sovereign," on account of the "protection" he affords you. He does not keep "protecting" you, by commanding you to bow down and serve him; by requiring you to do this, and forbidding you to do that; by robbing you of more money as often as he finds it for his interest or pleasure to do so; and by branding you as a rebel, a traitor, and an enemy to your country, and shooting you down without mercy, if you dispute his authority, or resist his demands. He is too much of a gentleman to be guilty of such impostures, and insults, and villanies as these. In short, he does not, in addition to robbing you, attempt to make you either his dupe or his slave.
The proceedings of those robbers and murderers, who call themselves "the government," are directly the opposite of these of the single highwayman.
In the first place, they do not, like him, make themselves individually known; or, consequently, take upon themselves personally the responsibility of their acts. On the contrary, they secretly (by secret ballot) designate some one of their number to commit the robbery in their behalf, while they keep themselves practically concealed. They say to the person thus designated:
Go to A_____ B_____, and say to him that "the government" has need of money to meet the expenses of protecting him and his property. If he presumes to say that he has never contracted with us to protect him, and that he wants none of our protection, say to him that that is our business, and not his; that we CHOOSE to protect him, whether he desires us to do so or not; and that we demand pay, too, for protecting him. If he dares to inquire who the individuals are, who have thus taken upon themselves the title of "the government," and who assume to protect him, and demand payment of him, without his having ever made any contract with them, say to him that that, too, is our business, and not his; that we do not CHOOSE to make ourselves INDIVIDUALLY known to him; that we have secretly (by secret ballot) appointed you our agent to give him notice of our demands, and, if he complies with them, to give him, in our name, a receipt that will protect him against any similar demand for the present year. If he refuses to comply, seize and sell enough of his property to pay not only our demands, but all your own expenses and trouble beside. If he resists the seizure of his property, call upon the bystanders to help you (doubtless some of them will prove to be members of our band.) If, in defending his property, he should kill any of our band who are assisting you, capture him at all hazards; charge him (in one of our courts) with murder; convict him, and hang him. If he should call upon his neighbors, or any others who, like him, may be disposed to resist our demands, and they should come in large numbers to his assistance, cry out that they are all rebels and traitors; that "our country" is in danger; call upon the commander of our hired murderers; tell him to quell the rebellion and "save the country," cost what it may. Tell him to kill all who resist, though they should be hundreds of thousands; and thus strike terror into all others similarly disposed. See that the work of murder is thoroughly done; that we may have no further trouble of this kind hereafter. When these traitors shall have thus been taught our strength and our determination, they will be good loyal citizens for many years, and pay their taxes without a why or a wherefore.
It is under such compulsion as this that taxes, so called, are paid. And how much proof the payment of taxes affords, that the people consent to "support the government," it needs no further argument to show.
2. Still another reason why the payment of taxes implies no consent, or pledge, to support the government, is that the taxpayer does not know, and has no means of knowing, who the particular individuals are who compose "the government." To him "the government" is a myth, an abstraction, an incorporeality, with which he can make no contract, and to which he can give no consent, and make no pledge. He knows it only through its pretended agents. "The government" itself he never sees. He knows indeed, by common report, that certain persons, of a certain age, are permitted to vote; and thus to make themselves parts of, or (if they choose) opponents of, the government, for the time being. But who of them do thus vote, and especially how each one votes (whether so as to aid or oppose the government), he does not know; the voting being all done secretly (by secret ballot). Who, therefore, practically compose "the government," for the time being, he has no means of knowing. Of course he can make no contract with them, give them no consent, and make them no pledge. Of necessity, therefore, his paying taxes to them implies, on his part, no contract, consent, or pledge to support them â that is, to support "the government," or the Constitution.
3. Not knowing who the particular individuals are, who call themselves "the government," the taxpayer does not know whom he pays his taxes to. All he knows is that a man comes to him, representing himself to be the agent of "the government" â that is, the agent of a secret band of robbers and murderers, who have taken to themselves the title of "the government," and have determined to kill everybody who refuses to give them whatever money they demand. To save his life, he gives up his money to this agent. But as this agent does not make his principals individually known to the taxpayer, the latter, after he has given up his money, knows no more who are "the government" â that is, who were the robbers â than he did before. To say, therefore, that by giving up his money to their agent, he entered into a voluntary contract with them, that he pledges himself to obey them, to support them, and to give them whatever money they should demand of him in the future, is simply ridiculous.
4. All political power, so called, rests practically upon this matter of money. Any number of scoundrels, having money enough to start with, can establish themselves as a "government"; because, with money, they can hire soldiers, and with soldiers extort more money; and also compel general obedience to their will. It is with government, as Caesar said it was in war, that money and soldiers mutually supported each other; that with money he could hire soldiers, and with soldiers extort money. So these villains, who call themselves governments, well understand that their power rests primarily upon money. With money they can hire soldiers, and with soldiers extort money. And, when their authority is denied, the first use they always make of money, is to hire soldiers to kill or subdue all who refuse them more money.
For this reason, whoever desires liberty, should understand these vital facts, viz.: 1. That every man who puts money into the hands of a "government" (so called), puts into its hands a sword which will be used against him, to extort more money from him, and also to keep him in subjection to its arbitrary will. 2. That those who will take his money, without his consent, in the first place, will use it for his further robbery and enslavement, if he presumes to resist their demands in the future. 3. That it is a perfect absurdity to suppose that any body of men would ever take a man's money without his consent, for any such object as they profess to take it for, viz., that of protecting him; for why should they wish to protect him, if he does not wish them to do so? To suppose that they would do so, is just as absurd as it would be to suppose that they would take his moeny without his consent, for the purpose of buying food or clothing for him, when he did not want it. 4. If a man wants "protection," he is competent to make his own bargains for it; and nobody has any occasion to rob him, in order to "protect" him against his will. 5. That the only security men can have for their political liberty, consists in their keeping their money in their own pockets, until they have assurances, perfectly satisfactory to themselves, that it will be used as they wish it to be used, for their benefit, and not for their injury. 6. That no government, so called, can reasonably be trusted for a moment, or reasonably be supposed to have honest purposes in view, any longer than it depends wholly upon voluntary support.
These facts are all so vital and so self-evident, that it cannot reasonably be supposed that any one will voluntarily pay money to a "government," for the purpose of securing its protection, unless he first make an explicit and purely voluntary contract with it for that purpose.
It is perfectly evident, therefore, that neither such voting, nor such payment of taxes, as actually takes place, proves anybody's consent, or obligation, to support the Constitution. Consequently we have no evidence at all that the Constitution is binding upon anybody, or that anybody is under any contract or obligation whatever to support it. And nobody is under any obligation to support it.
The constitution not only binds nobody now, but it never did bind anybody. It never bound anybody, because it was never agreed to by anybody in such a manner as to make it, on general principles of law and reason, binding upon him.
It is a general principle of law and reason, that a written instrument binds no one until he has signed it. This principle is so inflexible a one, that even though a man is unable to write his name, he must still "make his mark," before he is bound by a written contract. This custom was established ages ago, when few men could write their names; when a clerk â that is, a man who could write â was so rare and valuable a person, that even if he were guilty of high crimes, he was entitled to pardon, on the ground that the public could not afford to lose his services. Even at that time, a written contract must be signed; and men who could not write, either "made their mark," or signed their contracts by stamping their seals upon wax affixed to the parchment on which their contracts were written. Hence the custom of affixing seals, that has continued to this time.
The laws holds, and reason declares, that if a written instrument is not signed, the presumption must be that the party to be bound by it, did not choose to sign it, or to bind himself by it. And law and reason both give him until the last moment, in which to decide whether he will sign it, or not. Neither law nor reason requires or expects a man to agree to an instrument, until it is writteN; for until it is written, he cannot know its precise legal meaning. And when it is written, and he has had the opportunity to satisfy himself of its precise legal meaning, he is then expected to decide, and not before, whether he will agree to it or not. And if he do not THEN sign it, his reason is supposed to be, that he does not choose to enter into such a contract. The fact that the instrument was written for him to sign, or with the hope that he would sign it, goes for nothing.
Where would be the end of fraud and litigation, if one party could bring into court a written instrument, without any signature, and claim to have it enforced, upon the ground that it was written for another man to sign? that this other man had promised to sign it? that he ought to have signed it? that he had had the opportunity to sign it, if he would? but that he had refused or neglected to do so? Yet that is the most that could ever be said of the Constitution. [1] The very judges, who profess to derive all their authority from the Constitution â from an instrument that nobody ever signed â would spurn any other instrument, not signed, that should be brought before them for adjudication. [1] The very men who drafted it, never signed it in any way to bind themselves by it, AS A CONTRACT. And not one of them probably ever would have signed it in any way to bind himself by it, AS A CONTRACT.
Moreover, a written instrument must, in law and reason, not only be signed, but must also be delivered to the party (or to some one for him), in whose favor it is made, before it can bind the party making it. The signing is of no effect, unless the instrument be also delivered. And a party is at perfect liberty to refuse to deliver a written instrument, after he has signed it. The Constitution was not only never signed by anybody, but it was never delivered by anybody, or to anybody's agent or attorney. It can therefore be of no more validity as a contract, then can any other instrument that was never signed or delivered.
As further evidence of the general sense of mankind, as to the practical necessity there is that all men's IMPORTANT contracts, especially those of a permanent nature, should be both written and signed, the following facts are pertinent.
For nearly two hundred years â that is, since 1677 â there has been on the statute book of England, and the same, in substance, if not precisely in letter, has been re-enacted, and is now in force, in nearly or quite all the States of this Union, a statute, the general object of which is to declare that no action shall be brought to enforce contracts of the more important class, UNLESS THEY ARE PUT IN WRITING, AND SIGNED BY THE PARTIES TO BE HELD CHARGEABLE UPON THEM. [At this point there is a footnote listing 34 states whose statute books Spooner had examined, all of which had variations of this English statute; the footnote also quotes part of the Massachussetts statute.]
The principle of the statute, be it observed, is, not merely that written contracts shall be signed, but also that all contracts, except for those specially exempted â generally those that are for small amounts, and are to remain in force for but a short time â SHALL BE BOTH WRITTEN AND SIGNED.
The reason of the statute, on this point, is, that it is now so easy a thing for men to put their contracts in writing, and sign them, and their failure to do so opens the door to so much doubt, fraud, and litigation, that men who neglect to have their contracts â of any considerable importance â written and signed, ought not to have the benefit of courts of justice to enforce them. And this reason is a wise one; and that experience has confirmed its wisdom and necessity, is demonstrated by the fact that it has been acted upon in England for nearly two hundred years, and has been so nearly universally adopted in this country, and that nobody thinks of repealing it.
We all know, too, how careful most men are to have their contracts written and signed, even when this statute does not require it. For example, most men, if they have money due them, of no larger amount than five or ten dollars, are careful to take a note for it. If they buy even a small bill of goods, paying for it at the time of delivery, they take a receipted bill for it. If they pay a small balance of a book account, or any other small debt previously contracted, they take a written receipt for it.
Furthermore, the law everywhere (probably) in our country, as well as in England, requires that a large class of contracts, such as wills, deeds, etc., shall not only be written and signed, but also sealed, witnessed, and acknowledged. And in the case of married women conveying their rights in real estate, the law, in many States, requires that the women shall be examined separate and apart from their husbands, and declare that they sign their contracts free of any fear or compulsion of their husbands.
Such are some of the precautions which the laws require, and which individuals â from motives of common prudence, even in cases not required by law â take, to put their contracts in writing, and have them signed, and, to guard against all uncertainties and controversies in regard to their meaning and validity. And yet we have what purports, or professes, or is claimed, to be a contract â the Constitution â made eighty years ago, by men who are now all dead, and who never had any power to bind US, but which (it is claimed) has nevertheless bound three generations of men, consisting of many millions, and which (it is claimed) will be binding upon all the millions that are to come; but which nobody ever signed, sealed, delivered, witnessed, or acknowledged; and which few persons, compared with the whole number that are claimed to be bound by it, have ever read, or even seen, or ever will read, or see. And of those who ever have read it, or ever will read it, scarcely any two, perhaps no two, have ever agreed, or ever will agree, as to what it means.
Moreover, this supposed contract, which would not be received in any court of justice sitting under its authority, if offered to prove a debt of five dollars, owing by one man to another, is one by which â AS IT IS GENERALLY INTERPRETED BY THOSE WHO PRETEND TO ADMINISTER IT â all men, women and children throughout the country, and through all time, surrender not only all their property, but also their liberties, and even lives, into the hands of men who by this supposed contract, are expressly made wholly irresponsible for their disposal of them. And we are so insane, or so wicked, as to destroy property and lives without limit, in fighting to compel men to fulfill a supposed contract, which, inasmuch as it has never been signed by anybody, is, on general princples of law and reason â such principles as we are all governed by in regard to other contracts â the merest waste of paper, binding upon nobody, fit only to be thrown into the fire; or, if preserved, preserved only to serve as a witness and a warning of the folly and wickedness of mankind.
It is no exaggeration, but a literal truth, to say that, by the Constitution â NOT AS I INTERPRET IT, BUT AS IT IS INTERPRETED BY THOSE WHO PRETEND TO ADMINISTER IT â the properties, liberties, and lives of the entire people of the United States are surrendered unreservedly into the hands of men who, it is provided by the Constitution itself, shall never be "questioned" as to any disposal they make of them.
Thus the Constitution (Art. I, Sec. 6) provides that, "for any speech or debate (or vote), in either house, they (the senators and representatives) shall not be questioned in any other place."
The whole law-making power is given to these senators and representatives (when acting by a two-thirds vote); [1] and this provision protects them from all responsibility for the laws they make. [1] And this two-thirds vote may be but two-thirds of a quorum â that is two-thirds of a majority â instead of two-thirds of the whole. The Constitution also enables them to secure the execution of all their laws, by giving them power to withhold the salaries of, and to impeach and remove, all judicial and executive officers, who refuse to execute them.
Thus the whole power of the government is in their hands, and they are made utterly irresponsible for the use they make of it. What is this but absolute, irresponsible power?
It is no answer to this view of the case to say that these men are under oath to use their power only within certain limits; for what care they, or what should they care, for oaths or limits, when it is expressly provided, by the Constitution itself, that they shall never be "questioned," or held to any resonsibility whatever, for violating their oaths, or transgressing those limits?
Neither is it any answer to this view of the case to say that the men holding this absolute, irresponsible power, must be men chosen by the people (or portions of them) to hold it. A man is none the less a slave because he is allowed to choose a new master once in a term of years. Neither are a people any the less slaves because permitted periodically to choose new masters. What makes them slaves is the fact that they now are, and are always hereafter to be, in the hands of men whose power over them is, and always is to be, absolute and irresponsible. [2] [2] Of what appreciable value is it to any man, as an individual, that he is allowed a voice in choosing these public masters? His voice is only one of several millions.
The right of absolute and irresponsible dominion is the right of property, and the right of property is the right of absolute, irresponsible dominion. The two are identical; the one necessarily implies the other. Neither can exist without the other. If, therefore, Congress have that absolute and irresponsible law-making power, which the Constitution â according to their interpretation of it â gives them, it can only be because they own us as property. If they own us as property, they are our masters, and their will is our law. If they do not own us as property, they are not our masters, and their will, as such, is of no authority over us.
But these men who claim and exercise this absolute and irresponsible dominion over us, dare not be consistent, and claim either to be our masters, or to own us as property. They say they are only our servants, agents, attorneys, and representatives. But this declaration involves an absurdity, a contradiction. No man can be my servant, agent, attorney, or representative, and be, at the same time, uncontrollable by me, and irresponsible to me for his acts. It is of no importance that I appointed him, and put all power in his hands. If I made him uncontrollable by me, and irresponsible to me, he is no longer my servant, agent, attorney, or representative. If I gave him absolute, irresponsible power over my property, I gave him the property. If I gave him absolute, irresponsible power over myself, I made him my master, and gave myself to him as a slave. And it is of no importance whether I called him master or servant, agent or owner. The only question is, what power did I put in his hands? Was it an absolute and irresponsible one? or a limited and responsible one?
For still another reason they are neither our servants, agents, attorneys, nor representatives. And that reason is, that we do not make ourselves responsible for their acts. If a man is my servant, agent, or attorney, I necessarily make myself responsible for all his acts done within the limits of the power I have intrusted to him. If I have intrusted him, as my agent, with either absolute power, or any power at all, over the persons or properties of other men than myself, I thereby necessarily make myself responsible to those other persons for any injuries he may do them, so long as he acts within the limits of the power I have granted him. But no individual who may be injured in his person or property, by acts of Congress, can come to the individual electors, and hold them responsible for these acts of their so-called agents or representatives. This fact proves that these pretended agents of the people, of everybody, are really the agents of nobody.
If, then, nobody is individually responsible for the acts of Congress, the members of Congress are nobody's agents. And if they are nobody's agents, they are themselves individually responsible for their own acts, and for the acts of all whom they employ. And the authority they are exercising is simply their own individual authority; and, by the law of nature â the highest of all laws â anybody injured by their acts, anybody who is deprived by them of his property or his liberty, has the same right to hold them individually responsible, that he has to hold any other trespasser individually responsible. He has the same right to resist them, and their agents, that he has to resist any other trespassers.
It is plain, then, that on general principles of law and reason â such principles as we all act upon in courts of justice and in common life â the Constitution is no contract; that it binds nobody, and never did bind anybody; and that all those who pretend to act by its authority, are really acting without any legitimate authority at all; that, on general principles of law and reason, they are mere usurpers, and that everybody not only has the right, but is morally bound, to treat them as such.
If the people of this country wish to maintain such a government as the Constitution describes, there is no reason in the world why they should not sign the instrument itself, and thus make known their wishes in an open, authentic manner; in such manner as the common sense and experience of mankind have shown to be reasonable and necessary in such cases; AND IN SUCH MANNER AS TO MAKE THEMSELVES (AS THEY OUGHT TO DO) INDIVIDUALLY RESPONSIBLE FOR THE ACTS OF THE GOVERNMENT. But the people have never been asked to sign it. And the only reason why they have never been asked to sign it, has been that it has been known that they never would sign it; that they were neither such fools nor knaves as they must needs have been to be willing to sign it; that (at least as it has been practically interpreted) it is not what any sensible and honest man wants for himself; nor such as he has any right to impose upon others. It is, to all moral intents and purposes, as destitute of obligations as the compacts which robbers and thieves and pirates enter into with each other, but never sign.
If any considerable number of the people believe the Constitution to be good, why do they not sign it themselves, and make laws for, and administer them upon, each other; leaving all other persons (who do not interfere with them) in peace? Until they have tried the experiment for themselves, how can they have the face to impose the Constitution upon, or even to recommend it to, others? Plainly the reason for absurd and inconsistent conduct is that they want the Constitution, not solely for any honest or legitimate use it can be of to themselves or others, but for the dishonest and illegitimate power it gives them over the persons and properties of others. But for this latter reason, all their eulogiums on the Constitution, all their exhortations, and all their expenditures of money and blood to sustain it, would be wanting.


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Hitachi CG18DSDL/JL 18v cordless grass trimmer March 2012
Cordless grass trimmer from Hitachi
A grass trimmer is the easiest way to give your lawn those finishing touches. Which? Gardening takes a first look at this new cordless model from Hitachi to see how well it performs
Nothing sets off the perfect lawn better than a well trimmed edge. This new cordless grass trimmer from Hitachi claims to have up to 30 minutes running time on a single charge, and lower noise and vibration levels in comparison with other cordless grass trimmers, but will it leave your lawn as well finished as our Best Buys?
Hitachi original disc motor
At first glance this looks like an impressive machine. It seems well constructed and durable with a steel shaft and large plastic head guard. Driven by an 18v Li-ion battery, it has a unique disc motor housed in the large head, which directly drives the trimmer.
Low noise and vibration
It has an incredibly low noise output (quoted as 69db), so you won't be disturbing your neighbours on a quiet Sunday afternoon. It has no smoky emissions and we found that there was very little vibration, which is great if you need to use it for longer periods.
90-minute charge time and up to 30 minutes running time per charge
The battery took 90 minutes to charge and gave us 30 minutes running time until we saw a noticeable drop off in power. This should be enough for most lawns, and is nearly twice as long as our current Best Buy (Flymo Contour cordless 500XT). It would give you plenty of time to trim the edges of the lawn, but would not be enough to deal with any large areas of long grass.
Lightweight Li-ion batteries
The handle is comfortable to use and the trimmer is easy to manoeuvre, weighing 4.4Kg in total. We found that it was light enough for quick tasks, but it did become tiring when we used it for a longer period.
How it arrived
The grass trimmer arrived in a large box and required some assembly before we could set to work with it. All the necessary tools were provided and it was simple to put together. Once we had attached the handle and head guard and charged the battery, we were ready to go.
How well it worked
The grass trimmer coped admirably with most tasks. It trimmed along the edge of lawns and at the bottom of fences well, but wasn't as good at trimming a vertical edge. The lack of an articulating head meant that we had to alter our grip, rather than move the cutting head. It dealt well with cutting long grass, but the single cutting line meant it struggled with the thickest tussocks and woody plants, such as thistles.
Pros: well constructed, long battery life, very low vibration levels and extremely quiet.
Cons:at £299, it is considerably more expensive than both our cordless Best Buy (Flymo Contour cordless 500XT, £80) and our petrol Best Buy (Stihl FS40, £169).


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Compiled by the Government Communication and Information System Date: 25 Jun 2012 Title: Gauteng health dept probes Tshwane hospital fire -------------------- Pretoria - The Gauteng Department of Health is investigating the cause of the fire that broke out at one of the theatres at the Tshwane District Hospital last night. One unused warmer, a roller mattress and ceiling were damaged by the fire. Gauteng Health Department spokesperson Simon Zwane said no one was injured. "The fire was contained to one theatre as all doors were closed at the time," he said. The Department of Infrastructure Development has done an initial assessment and an extensive investigation will be conducted today. According to Zwane, elective surgeries had been cancelled for Tuesday. However, the hospital will continue to do emergency surgical procedures at its ophthalmic theatre which was not affected by the fire. - BuaNews |


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The Elder Scrolls IV: Oblivion Updates
- We return from a season break to bring you video game music galore, featuring Celtic-influenced dirges, fantasy rock and some pop.Feature - Posted Jun 27, 2012 7:56 am GMT
- Everything you ever wanted to know about The Elder Scrolls is in one handy video. Presented by Danny O'Dwyer.Video - Posted Feb 22, 2012 10:34 am GMT
- Boobs, guns in Skyrim, Minecraft in Left 4 Dead. What else could you want?Video - Posted Feb 17, 2012 9:00 pm GMT
- Bethesda bundling its 2006 and 2008 role-playing game hits on Xbox 360 and PC in North America for $30 and $20, respectively; PS3 version blocked.News - Posted Feb 17, 2012 6:52 pm GMT
- Game developers have always stood on the shoulders of giants. Or peeked over the shoulders of giants to copy off their tests.Feature - Posted Jan 27, 2012 10:31 pm GMT
- Johnny explains the recent legal battle between Mojang and Bethesda, while Danny eats a sandwich.Video - Posted Oct 17, 2011 12:26 pm GMT
- Bethesda rereleasing popular RPG this summer for the Xbox 360, PS3, and PC according to Overstock.com; GOTY Edition, Collector's Edition content, and $10 off Skyrim included.News - Posted May 23, 2011 3:59 pm GMT
- Bethesda announces that new role-playing game won't use Gamebryo, the tech behind Fallout 3, New Vegas, and previous Scrolls.News - Posted Dec 13, 2010 1:49 pm GMT
- Following rumors, Bethesda reveals the next installment in its award-winning fantasy role-playing game series will arrive late next year; first trailer inside.News - Posted Dec 12, 2010 1:50 am GMT
- European reports indicate Bethesda's next big project will be a "chronological" follow-up to award-winning 2006 fantasy RPG.Staff Blog - Posted Nov 23, 2010 4:05 pm GMT
- Private equity firm makes second major investment in ZeniMax Media for "increased game development, expanded publishing operations, and strategic acquisitions."News - Posted Oct 6, 2010 8:02 pm GMT
- Bethesda locks down subtitle of Elder Scrolls IV for "motion picture theatrical films in the field of fantasy games."News - Posted Sep 9, 2010 10:49 pm GMT
- QuakeCon 2010: Sound designers from three different studios discuss the specifics, and the philosophy, behind audio design for games.News - Posted Aug 14, 2010 1:29 am GMT
- QuakeCon 2010: Infinity Ward vets join Bethesda and id Software devs to trade stories from days creating The Elder Scrolls, Rage, and Call of Duty: Modern Warfare.News - Posted Aug 13, 2010 7:11 pm GMT
- QuakeCon 2010: Developers from Respawn, id Software, Bethesda, and Splash Damage kick off annual convention by trying to figure out exactly what their jobs entail.News - Posted Aug 12, 2010 11:57 pm GMT
- Ex-baseballer Curt Schilling's studio inks deal to publish PC, 360, and PS3 single-player RPG penned by author R.A. Salvatore; Oblivion, Morrowind vet lead designer; Spawn's Todd McFarlane art directing.News - Posted Mar 9, 2010 3:00 pm GMT
- Bethesda's ongoing legal spat with Interplay yields info on multimillion-dollar "World of Warcraft"-style online game that purportedly should have been announced last year.Staff Blog - Posted Jan 21, 2010 12:02 am GMT
- [UPDATE] Call of Duty 2, Elder Scrolls IV, and 22 other full 360 titles available at launch; Adidas, Quiksilver, Gears of War 2, Halo 3 duds added to virtual clothier.News - Posted Aug 5, 2009 8:57 pm GMT
- When The Elder Scrolls IV: Oblivion was released, it was hailed by critics for its sprawling open world and the potentially intimidating freedom of choice it offered players. While Oblivion represented a major breakthrough for developer Bethesda Softworks, the foundation of the title's gameplay was...Staff Blog - Posted Jul 10, 2009 12:39 am GMT
- Quake, Doom, Fallout, Oblivion come under one roof as ZeniMax Media purchases developer of Rage; [UPDATE] co-founder John Romero voices disapproval.News - Posted Jun 24, 2009 6:09 pm GMT
The Elder Scrolls IV: Oblivion
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- Publisher(s): 2K Games
- Developer(s): Bethesda Softworks
- Genre: Role-Playing
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Elder Scrolls: Oblivion Navigation
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Correctly position the flowers. 200 devious puzzles await your clever solutions.
Someone has messed up your beautiful flower arrangements. By clicking on the trellis wheels, rearrange the flowers as shown in the lower right corner of the screen. Clicking on the right side of a trellis wheel will turn it clockwise. Click the left side of the wheel to turn it counter-clockwise. When a flower is in the correct position it will begin to pulsate. When all of the flowers are in their correct positions the puzzle/level is completed. Completing all 4 puzzles of a flower bed, (completing the clover) gives you a petal for the flower on the SELECT A FLOWER BED (puzzle set) screen. Completing this flower unlocks the next garden/column of flower beds. 200 devious puzzles await your clever solutions. Visit AttnSpanGames.com
Other software by Chris Oberth
[More software from Chris Oberth]
Keywords of Trellis Trouble


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This is the first archive post from an older version of apexad.net and I think a well deserving one as well. This post probably brought more hits from search engines to apexad.net than any other post. Some text was removed from the original post. Presented for your scientific analysis (or something else), the Keira Knightley Measurements from 2006 (although still accurate, most likely) are below.
Is Keira Knightley perfect? An objective analysis of her measurement's may finally tell the answer.
5′ 7″ according to IMDB
5′ 7″ according to telegraph.co.uk
5′ 8″ according to POTC Keira Knightley standup
Considering that last one is life size, we'll go with 5′ 8″ (1.7272 meters).
32B according to telegraph.co.uk
32C in promotions according to dailymail.co.uk
27″ according to US Weekly
size 8 (which is 30″-32″) according to telegraph.co.uk
Overall Measurements
If we utilize the above data, all things being equal, Keira Knightley is 32B-27-32 (81.28-68.58-81.28 in cm), which is perfect (perfectly symmetrical and not overly tall or short). Couple this with the fact that she is an amazing actress and her british accent.


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Alpha & Omega Ministries Apologetics Blog
The Catholic Verses: Matthew 23:1-3 (Part V)
02/10/2005 - James White
At this point Armstrong opines,It reminds me of the old silly Protestant tale that the popes speak infallibly and ex cathedra (cathedra is the Greek word for seat in Matthew 23:2) only when sitting in a certain chair in the Vatican --- because the phrase means literally "from the bishop's chair" --- whereas it was a figurative and idiomatic usage). (sic)Of course, I have never made such a statement, but the fact remains that in the context of the condemnation of the Pharisees in Matthew 23, the identity of "Moses' seat" and its function in synagogue worship is central. If one allows the function of Moses' seat to be removed from the discussion (as Armstrong does), you lose the connection with the condemnation of the Pharisees: the reason they are hypocrites is because they should know better: they read from the Scriptures on a regular basis, and then turn around and do away with that teaching by their traditions, and those traditions result in actions that are contrary to the Word. This is why you do as they say in the context of the synagogue worship, but you do not do what they do. Since we know Christ held men accountable to have known the Corban rule was contrary to God's Word, and the Pharisees taught this, even claiming it came from Moses, then clearly we must allow the limitation of the function of Moses' seat to stand. And this Armstrong will not allow. He misconstrues the proper recognition of the synagogue context of Moses' seat, and hence the limitation of its purview, with a woodenly literalistic idea about whether one is standing or sitting. He writes,
Jesus says that they sat "on Moses' seat; so practice and observe whatever they tell you." In other words, because they had the authority, based on the position of occupying Moses' seat, they were to be obeyed. It is like referring to a chairman of a company or committee. He occupies the "chair"; therefore he has authority. No one thinks he has the authority only when he sits in a certain chair reading the corporation charter or the Constitution or some other official document.Notice the importance of this to Armstrong's argument: he must create an authority that resides in the Pharisees separate from their place in the worship of God's people in the synagogue. So, instead of the biblical limitation of their authority to the role they have taken in the synagogue, Armstrong speaks of the Pharisees (who are about to be condemned roundly) as having an inherent authority, and hence they are to be obeyed. Yet in Matthew 23, what is to be obeyed is not an inherent authority in the scribes and Pharisees, but, as the "therefore" of v. 3 shows us, the reason for obedience is the seat of Moses, not an authority separate from it. But having missed this distinction, Armstrong continues, "Yet this is how White would exclusively interpret Jesus' words." No, White would not force Jesus into internal contradiction, ignore the fact that He holds His disciples and the crowd accountable for exercising judgment on the deeds of the Pharisees (even those deeds they based upon "tradition"), and rip this section out of its role as the introduction not to the lauding of the scribes and Pharisees, but their condemnation. But continuing with his misunderstanding he cites from the Eerdman's Bible Dictionary, likewise seemingly not understanding that the definition offered is not at all contrary to what I have written. The ISBE is likewise noted, and its definition, "It is used also of the exalted position occupied by men of marked rank or influence, either in good or evil." Of course, in this case, it is in reference to evil men, as the rest of Matthew 23 demonstrates. Armstrong continues,
White makes no mention of these considerations, but it is difficult to believe that he is not aware of them (since he is a Bible scholar well acquainted with the nuances of biblical meanings). They do not fit in very well with the case he is trying to make, so he omits them. But the reader is thereby left with an incomplete picture.Actually, it is Armstrong who has the incomplete understanding of my own position, as has been demonstrated. On that basis he, seemingly, accuses me of purposefully omitting these "considerations" so as to strengthen my case, or worse, deceive my readers.
In the next section Armstrong comes out fully with his insistence that Jesus was here binding Christians to the oral traditions of the Pharisees, and this will certainly provide the fullest basis for the complete rejection and refutation of his reading of Matthew 23.
02:00:00 - Category: Roman Catholicism - Link to this article -


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Striker Reid returns to Argyle on loan from Yeovil
FORMER Plymouth Argyle striker Reuben Reid has become the fifth new recruit to the Pilgrims' squad under recently-appointed manager John Sheridan.
The 24-year-old has re-signed for the club today on a one-month loan from League One outfit Yeovil Town.
Reid is set to be included in the Argyle squad for their relegation 'six-pointer' against Accrington Stanley at Home Park tomorrow (3pm) and will wear the number 24 shirt.
He started his professional career at Argyle and made seven league appearances, including one start, before signing for Brentford in February 2008.
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Prior to that, Reid had been loaned to four clubs, including Torquay United.
Former Argyle and Yeovil player Ryan Dickson tweeted this morning: All the best to Reuben Reid down at Plymouth! On his day one of the most talented players I know! #pafc
Reid signed a two-year contract for Yeovil last summer after being released by Oldham Athletic.
He grabbed a hat-trick for the Glovers when they beat Argyle 5-0 in a pre-season friendly at Dorchester Town FC in July.
Reid has made 11 starts and 14 substitute appearances for Yeovil this term and scored six goals.
Argyle manager John Sheridan had made it clear he wanted to add another striker to his squad, especially after telling Rhys Griffiths he could leave the club.


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Shattered Horizon reviewGame: Shattered HorizonPlatform: PC Genre: First-Person Shooter (Sci-Fi) Developer: Futuremark Games Studio |
More Reviews by Sohail Saleem
Disgaea 2: Dark Hero Days (PSP)
If you're a fan of complex strategy games and missed out on the PlayStation 2 version, be sure that you don't make the same mistake the second time around! |
Tropico 3 (PC)
A city building game that adds enough new gameplay elements to make it stand out of the crowd. |
Order of War (PC)
If you like your RTS games simple, then this game is for you. |
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Easy to digest, delicious low-fat, low-carb protein shake with no soy, lactose or added sugar. Whey Protein Energizer features 20 grams of whey protein, branched chain amino acids and adaptogenic herbs to enhance athletic performance, support for immunity and recovery and comprehensive digestive enzyme support – with no bloating. Suitable for prenatal use.
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The Energizer AAA-Cell Battery LED Head Light features 4 different modes that are designed for a variety of uses in the dark. It features a pivoting light and comes with an adjustable head strap for added comfort during use. The light is designed to run on 3 AAA-cell batteries and can light distances up to 90 ft.
ANSI rated | Yes | Assembled Depth (in.) | 1.6 in |
Assembled Height (in.) | 7.5 in | Assembled Width (in.) | 5.8 in |
Batteries Included | Yes | Battery Type Required | AAA |
Battery Voltage (volts) | 1.5 | Bulb Type | LED |
Casing material | Plastic | Color | Blue |
Color Family | Oranges / Peaches | Distance (ft.) | 90 |
Flashlight type | Other | High/low switch | Yes |
Impact Resistant | Yes | Lanyard | No |
Light stick | No | Lumens | 58 |
Manufacturer Warranty | None | Multicolor | Yes |
Nonslip grip | No | Number of Batteries Required | 3 |
Package Quantity | 3 | Pivoting Light | Yes |
Power Source | Battery | Product Depth (in.) | 1.5 |
Product Height (in.) | 7.5 | Product Weight (lb.) | .25 |
Product Width (in.) | 5.75 | Rechargeable | No |
Returnable | 90-Day | Run time (hrs.) | 16 |
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Pokémon Video Game News
Top Story
Start Your Battles in the 2013 Spring Friendly!
17 May, 2013
Play to earn your place at the top of the Global Battle Union tournament leaderboards!
Read the StoryMore Headlines
Visit the official Pokémon X and Pokémon Y site!
13 May, 2013 in Video Games
New Pokémon and information has been revealed about the upcoming Pokémon games on the official site. Check it out!
Read More -
Get a Bianca-themed Pokédex Skin!
09 May, 2013 in Video Games
Head to the Pokémon Global Link for a new Pokédex skin for your Pokémon Black Version 2 or Pokémon White Version 2 game!
Read More -
Receive the Mythical Pokémon Deoxys Today!
08 May, 2013 in Video Games
This special distribution event lasts until May 31st. Get details!
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A Set of Berries for Wi-Fi Competition Players!
02 May, 2013 in Video Games
Qualifying competitors in the 2013 International Challenge April can now get their Salac and Liechi Berries!
Read More -
New Pokémon Dolls available for the Pokémon Dream World!
02 May, 2013 in Video Games
Check your Pokémon Trainer Club Mailbox for a password that will unlock two new Pokémon Dolls in the Pokémon Global Link!
Read More -
The results are in from the 2013 International Challenge April!
25 Apr, 2013 in Video Games
Find out how you finished in the most recent Global Battle Union tournament!
Read More -
Pokémon League Players: Claim an Awesome Dragonite Now!
25 Apr, 2013 in Video Games Play! Pokémon
If you attended a League Event during the Nimbasa Gym Season, your reward is waiting at the Pokémon Global Link!
Read More -
One More Round of Additional Dungeons!
18 Apr, 2013 in Video Games
The final collection of additional dungeons for Pokémon Mystery Dungeon: Gates to Infinity is available for purchase and download.
Read More -
A Legendary Connection Is Confirmed!
17 Apr, 2013 in Video Games
It's been confirmed that the newly discovered Pokémon from Pokémon X and Pokémon Y has some sort of connection with the Legendary Mewtwo. Learn more by watching a new video!
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Apple Quicktime 3.0 or higher needed to display QuicktimeVR. If your browser does not already have it installed, it should prompt you to go to Apple's site to download it.
Dinosaurs at the Museum of Natural History in New York:
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Special collaboration skateboards will be available in a celebrity auction launching December 3 on eBay, and will be on display through the end of the auction at the GRAMMY Museum in downtown Los Angeles, California. Ben Harper, a member of the nonprofit Tony Hawk Foundation Board Of Directors, conceived the idea to use pro skaters old decks to write song lyrics on and raise funds to build positive recreational outlets for at-risk youth.
Tom Petty drew a self portrait on skate legend Mike Vallely's board, which also includes lyrics to "I Won't Back Down."


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2 Month Old Female Labs
On Friday I pulled two absolutely adorable, approximately two month old, black, female labs from the Riverside Shelter. They have been affectionately named Kit and Kat (courtesy of my husband, Tang). As you can tell from the photos, they both have mange (demodectic) and have lost some of their hair, Kit moreso than Kat. Because the shelter believed they would not be adopted due to their condition, they were going to euthanize them. I just did not have the heart to stand for that so here they are. ;-p
These two girls are wonderful (for labs, of course! LOL!). They are social, silly, intelligent and sweeter than chocolate. They are being treated for the mange and hopefully with a great diet and supplements, their hair will start to grow back very soon. Kit is the more affectionate of the two, although it's relatively speaking because Kat is also very affectionate. Kat is a born retriever, showing great enthusiasm for the tennis ball being thrown through the dining room/kitchen. Kit retrieves but not with the same desire as Kat. If anyone is interested or knows someone who might be interested in adopting Kit or Kat, please see our website for our adoption process. www.cbrrescue.org. The adoption fee is $400 and includes the mange treatment, worming, vaccinations, microchipping and spay. They have also had fecals/parvo tests done which were clean. It's rare that the adoption fees cover our expenses for the dogs and Kit and Kat are not going to be an exception. They are going to make excellent family members.
Tracy & Chase (PB 22'6"), Kona (PB 26'11"), Quincy (PB 8'11"), Camden (19'7") and Chester (22'4") Save a Life, Adopt a Rescue Dog www.petfinder.com www.adoptapet.com www.petharbor.com Last edited by tlhesq : 02-27-2008 at 12:22 PM. |
They are adorable! Thank you for what you do!
Sandra, Jim & MickeyD First dog timed out in 2009! 2008 First Platinum Award Winner MickeyD PB 24' 2" 2007 "Entertainer on the Dock" My Mom won "Best Cheerleader 2007" Peja "Winner of the May Photo Contest" Jazzie 3 year old Labradoodle PB? Please help rescue visit www.aaarf.petfinder.org "Personally I've always felt the best doctor in the world is a veterinarian he can't ask his patients whats the matter he's just got to know" Will Rogers |
Boy are they cute, cute, cute! Wish I could take them both! Can you imagine the look on my husband's face?!?! "Look hon, now we have an even 10 dogs!"
Life without a dog? Is that even possible? Alisa, Parker, Colby, Abraham & Eggs (the blabs), & Gracie Lou (the Mastador) Team Blabador is proudly sponsored by Merial, makers of Heartgard and Frontline Plus www.merial.com |
Tracy Thank you
How are they doing after a week or so?
Are they clearing up at all. I know they are happy Good luck with these babies... How sweet Greg JR Becca and the 4 legged kids Quincyo, Ms Matches, Ms Jessie and SURGEEEE!!
A GOOD DOG IS A TIRED DOG AND A TIRED DOG IS A GOOD DOG!! "Dogs are not our whole life but they make our lives whole" "If dogs do not go to Heaven I want to go where they go." |
They are doing great. Thanks for asking, Greg. All the flakiness is gone and hair is starting to sprout. That's a good sign. Kit will have a longer process than Kat, but she's such a good girl and has no idea. These two are a couple of the most well-socialized pups I've seen. Great personalities. And of course they are spoiled rotten at Chez Tracy and Tang. They are learning their basic obedience, having to sit and wait for their dog bowl, and are very smart little girls. Both treat/food motivated which makes training so much easier. I'll get some more pictures and upload them.
Tracy & Chase (PB 22'6"), Kona (PB 26'11"), Quincy (PB 8'11"), Camden (19'7") and Chester (22'4") Save a Life, Adopt a Rescue Dog www.petfinder.com www.adoptapet.com www.petharbor.com |
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CD/LP/Track Review
Geri Allen: The Life of a Song (2004)
It's a safe bet to say that any good album will not only bear repeated listens, it will benefit by them, as hitherto unheard layers are revealed and subtle nuances are brought to light. But Geri Allen's new release, The Life of a Song , demands to be heard more than once because there is such an overriding sense of joy in the making that it completely overshadows the other equally impressive aspects of the record. And that's not a bad thing. In a time where so many artists are captivated by their own intent, their own severity, Allen stands out as an artist who is clearly just happy to be alive and doing what she loves, and this feeling dominates an album that shimmers and glows with its own buoyancy.
Allen has been so busy the past few years with artists including Charles Lloyd, T.S. Monk, and her husband, trumpeter Wallace Roney, that it's easy to gloss over the fact that six years have passed since her last recording as a leader. But growth is a constant, and Allen's development is clearly palpable. On a programme of mostly original compositions, with three standards thrown in for good measure, Allen demonstrates an ability to make music that demands attention and challenges the ear, while at the same time remaining completely accessible. And with bassist Dave Holland and drummer Jack DeJohnette fleshing out this mainly trio affair, she has a rhythm team that is capable of maintaining an approachable backbone that, at the same time, yields a richer, more detailed tapestry on further examination.
"LWB's House (The Remix)," for example, may start with a deceptively simple chord pattern that somehow brings to mind memories of Bill Cosby's Huxtable household, but the melody, with its slight dissonance, describes a place that feels a little bit like controlled chaos. "In Appreciation: A Celebration Song" starts with a simple two-chord vamp, but Allen knows how to take it just the slightest bit outside, in the best tradition of Herbie Hancock, without making it too obscure. The tune then segues into a more melodic four-chord pattern, setting the stage for a characteristically lyrical solo from Holland, before shifting into a more open vamp where Allen solos with a more impressionistic bent, as she returns to the original theme.
Even when Allen gets more intense, as she does on the modal workout "Holdin' Court," there is still an underlying feeling of optimism. You can sense that incontestable vivaciousness, even on the tender "Unconditional Love" and lightly swinging title track. And her treatment of the three standards, especially the lush version of Mal Waldron's "Soul Eyes," featuring a three-piece horn section, is poignant without being maudlin.
Geri Allen has been, to some extent, a musician's musician for far too long. With The Life of a Song she delivers a lighthearted yet never insubstantial or compromising album that will hopefully bring her the more widespread attention she so richly deserves.
Track Listing: LWB's House (The Remix); Mounts and Mountains; Lush Life; In Appreciation: A Celebration Song; The Experimental Movement; Holdin' Court; Dance of the Infidels; Unconditional Love; The Life of a Song; Black Bottom; Soul Eyes
Personnel: Geri Allen (piano), Dave Holland (bass), Jack DeJohnette (drums)
On "Soul Eyes" only: Marcus Belgrave (flugelhorn), Dwight Andrews (saxophone), Clifton Anderson (trombone)
Record Label: Telarc Records
Style: Straight-ahead/Mainstream


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www. is not fair!
12:37pm Friday 15th March 2013 in Letters
THINGS are beginning to look grim for the older generation, that includes me at 75 years old.
Fortunately I can still use the computer and am on the internet, but I believe I am in the minority.
Everything, whether the news, buying, or information, it's go to www. Making enquiries for cheaper motor insurance the other day, I found several firms and made phone calls. I don't know how much these calls will have cost, but it was my preferred way of making enquiries. Previously, direct debit payments cost a further £20, so I opted to pay in a lump sum. If I wanted to pay by cheque, it would have cost a further £3. I then asked for the paperwork to be posted, that is costing a further £2.
All the ways that the older generation is used to using, cost extra, is this fair? Even if they had the skills to go online, they would not necessarily have the inclination.
I don't and I have it to hand, but so many don't have the inclination, or the time and many others don't have the access.
So telling everyone to go to www. just is not fair! I feel like starting a revolution, but sadly I do not have the energy.
Is there anyone out there that understands this marginalisation and would be sympathetic to fight our corner?
JANET BOWEN Hayston Avenue Hakin Milford Haven