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Mystic's High Street House closes
Mystic - Cost reductions and the state Department of Children and Families' move away from group settings for care of youth has led to the closing of a Mystic group home hosting troubled teenage girls.
The High Street House program, run by Noank Group Home and Support Services, officially ended its long-running program for teenage girls in state custody on April 1. Eleven employees of the nonprofit lost their jobs as a result of DCF's $1 million cut in funding. The one remaining client in the six-bed home was moved to another facility, said Noank Group Home Executive Director Sandy Easton.
Four former employees have found other jobs, she said, including one who is working at one of the two other homes run by the Noank Group Homes.
DCF's Juvenile Services Division had referred teenage girls, ages 14 to 18, to the High Street House program from more secure facilities for specialized services that helped with the transition back to their families and communities, Easton said.
She said similar facilities are closing across the state, a reflection of the shift in philosophy at DCF where more youth are being placed in foster homes, kinship care and returned to their families.
"It hurts to lose a home, but one of the reasons for it is we're dependent on referrals from DCF. DCF was making very few, and in some cases, no referrals to the High Street House. We couldn't keep up the population because of that," Easton said.
Since 2011, DCF has worked to reduce the number of children in group settings, favoring instead placement of the children in family settings, said DCF spokesman Gary Kleeblatt. Under Commissioner Joette Katz, there has been major drop in number of children in congregate care - from 1,428 in 2011 to 941 last month.
"We've been able to successfully move children into family settings," Kleeblatt said. "We do that because children are better off with families overall. We no longer require as many congregate care settings as we did in the past. It really reflects a healthy balancing of the system for caring for children."
A secondary impact is DCF has been able to spend less money than it had in the past.
"But that's not what's driving this. What's driving this is what's best for kids," Kleeblatt said.
A new focus
The High Street House was one of three therapeutic group homes for teenage girls run by Noank Group Homes. Programs at the two remaining homes remain funded independently of each other, each with annual budgets of about $939,000, Easton said. DCF's Behavioral Health Services Division refers youth to Main Street House in Noank and Gray Farm House in Ledyard.
Each of the programs is staffed around the clock to provide treatment services and include positions of program director, a registered nurse, psychiatrist, clinicians, residential supervisors and youth coaches. Along with clinical therapy, Easton said the girls are being mentored and taught life and relational skills.
Noank Group Homes also runs the Community Housing Assistance Program for men and women ages 18 and older who have been in DCF care.
Easton, who retires in June due to health reasons, said the closing represents an opportunity to shift focus and seek funds for a new, yet-to-be-determined service. Easton, who has been in human services for 40 years and executive director at Noank Group Homes for the past five, said her first job in the field was with High Street House as a program director.
"When the first place you ever worked closes, there is a sadness that's hard to explain," Easton said. "But we will survive."
Board President Kelly Reardon said it was a difficult and challenging but also exciting time for the 40-year-old agency.
"We have the building and infrastructure to support something new," Reardon said. "We're looking at our options to implement something in that space. Times are tough, so we don't anticipate the state will fund anything."
Instead, Reardon said the agency will look to private sources and grants for funding.
Reardon said the search continues for an executive director and envisions "someone with a new vision that can lead us in a new direction while staying true to our mission."
Reardon said the many ideas have been considered, including the idea of servicing homeless teenage gay and lesbian youth, a segment of the population for which no group homes or facilities currently exist within the state.
"We're exploring all of our options," Reardon said. "We don't intend to let the home sit vacant."
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If you can dodge an infrared vision array, you can dodge a ball.
That was the motto of teams in the University of Colorado's Mechatronics class, who have been building autonomous, dodgeball-playing robots all semester.
The 11 teams capped off the spring semester on Monday afternoon with a robot dodgeball tournament inside the Integrated Teaching and Learning Laboratory on the Boulder campus. Two robots at a time were placed inside a small, robot-sized arena filled with bright orange Ping-Pong balls.
Once the students put the mechanical machines in the ring, the robots were on their own for four minutes. The bots made decisions based on student-designed programming -- no remote controls -- and tried to lob as many balls as possible at the other robot.
One robot named "Meg" after TV's "Family Guy" character suffered a brutal 17-7 defeat to "The Shredder." Meg got stuck and couldn't seem to get moving again, while her creators watched helplessly from the sidelines.
"(The Shredder) is the best robot by far," said Eric Phaneuf, one of Meg's creators. "They have 10 vision sensors and we have one. We can't track them, so that was pretty much it."
Each robot was built with an infrared vision array, or sensors to detect either red or green lights on the other robot. Once the robot senses his foe, an onboard microprocessor controls motors, which theoretically move the robot toward its target.
That's how it's supposed to work anyway, Phaneuf said. With only one sensor, Meg's capabilities of finding The Shredder, approaching and lobbing a ball at it were limited, he said. The team even put a photograph of the real cartoon Meg on the robot as an "intimidation factor," said senior John Evanyo.
"We gave them a run for their money," said Gaurav Soin, another Meg creator.
ITLL co-director and the Mechatronics instructor Derek Reamon kept score of how many balls made contact with each robot from the sidelines. He's been teaching the class since 2002, and at the beginning of each semester, he warns students how time consuming building an autonomous robot from scratch can be.
Some students don't come back after that first lecture, he said, but the ones who hang around finish the semester with real-world experience to talk about in job interviews.
The robots require integrating mechanical systems and electrical systems, which is a valuable workplace skill, Reamon said.
"The people who hire our students, these skills are really directly applicable," he said. "(Some) can go work on Mars Rovers -- that's pretty much a more sophisticated version of the robots we're working on. It can also be medical devices that require some micro-controller inside. Really most any major industry would be pleased to have people that are proficient in systems integration."
The class brainstorms a semester-long goal at the beginning of the class. In the past, Reamon said students have decided to make their robots joust, race each other like in the video game "Mario Kart" and a find and diffuse a fictional bomb.
As the competition went on, faces crowded the floor-to-ceiling windows that looked in on the classroom. Spectators stood on chairs to get a better look at the action. One component of the demonstration is to show others how exciting science can be, Reamon said.
Patty and Ron Oelschlager drove from Colorado Springs to watch their son Max's robot. They brought with them bright orange flags, the same color as Max's bot, to cheer him on. Patty Oelschlager pointed to a plaque in the hall with the Confucius quote "I hear, I forget. I see, I remember. I do, I understand," and said she was glad her son got to practice the skills he learned in class at CU.
"It's hands-on, it's creative," Patty Oelschlager said. "This is the coolest thing that has happened."
Nearby, junior Teller Junak and his group made the finishing adjustments to their robot, Joe, complete with scorpion pincers and a tail.
Because he learned about "the guts" of robot Joe, Junak said he constantly contemplates the inner workings of everyday systems, like a garage door opener.
"This is why I joined mechanical engineering," Junak said. "Because I like figuring out how stuff works and building things, actually making physical things that do stuff and move around."
--Follow Sarah Kuta on Twitter: @SarahKuta.

subset: commoncrawl


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Games Played for Week 9
4 Games – Celtics, Nets, Nuggets, Rockets, Clippers, Heat.
3 Games – Hawks, Bobcats, Bulls, Cavaliers, Mavericks, Pistons, Warriors, Pacers, Lakers, Bucks, Hornets, Knicks, Thunder, Magic, Sixers, Suns, Blazers, Spurs, Kings, Raptors, Jazz, Wizards.
2 Games – Grizzlies, Timberwolves.
Guys I'd consider dropping this week for a hot free agent include C.J. Miles, Marco Belinelli, Vince Carter, Corey Brewer, Jason Maxiell, Patrick Patterson, Caron Butler, Eric Bledsoe, Ersan Ilyasova, Mike Dunleavy, Kris Humphries, Andray Blatche, Al-Farouq Aminu, Glen Davis, Danny Green, Gary Neal, Stephen Jackson, DeJuan Blair and Kevin Seraphin. DeAndre Jordan has really been unproductive lately, but I'm reluctant to let go. It's also time to grab Amare Stoudemire if he's still available in your league, and Nene is doing enough to be given consideration, if you can handle the injury headaches.
Follow me on Twitter by clicking here.
Point Guards
Jarrett Jack Warriors 49 percent owned in Yahoo! Leagues.
Jack blew up on Saturday night for season highs of 29 points and 11 assists, and nearly led the Warriors to a win over the Lakers. He was on the list in last week's column and has racked up a whopping 19 points, 4.0 rebounds, 7.6 assists and 2.2 3-pointers over his last five games. And this is with a healthy Stephen Curry and Klay Thompson playing in front of him. He's not stealing the ball, but it really doesn't matter. Jack should be owned in all leagues until further notice, and is in the mix to win the Western Conference Player of the Week award.
Darren Collison Mavericks 73 percent owned.
Derek Fisher asked for his release from the Mavericks in order to spend time with his family, clearing the way for Collison to return to the starting unit. He's started in two straight games for the Mavs but left Friday's game due to an illness. He should bounce back from his struggles when on the bench and if he was dropped in your league, he should be a hot pickup, as point guard options are limited in fantasy. He is averaging 12 points, six assists and a steal as a starter this season.
Isaiah Thomas Kings 46 percent owned.
Thomas is starting to come on again for the Kings, although the absence of Tyreke Evans (knee) has been partly responsible. Thomas is still coming off the bench behind Aaron Brooks, but is averaging 15 points, 1.8 rebounds, 2.2 assists and 1.6 3-pointers over his last five games. At some point, he's probably going to be starting again for the Kings, which is what the players reportedly want to see happen. And when it does, he'll be worth owning again in all leagues. Pick him up in weeklies, but just keep him on the bench as long as he's still coming off of it in real life.
Andre Miller Nuggets 41 percent owned.
Ty Lawson left Saturday's game with an Achilles injury, and while it's being called "precautionary," those injuries can be a little scary. Miller could see a boost in minutes if the Nuggets take it easy with Lawson, who played just 17 minutes in his last game. If it happens, Miller will become a must-own player. He is returning 13th-round fantasy value this season, but if Lawson is forced from the lineup, he'll be a nice short-term add. But obviously, his value will hinge directly on the health of Lawson.
Jamaal Tinsley Jazz 1 percent owned.
Mo Williams left Saturday's game with a sprained right thumb and X-rays were negative. This is the type of injury that could linger and affect his shot and ball handling, and Tinsley looks like the player who would benefit if Williams were to miss time. He's a prospective add in deep leagues, but would only be worth it if Williams were to miss some games.
Shooting Guards
Jordan Crawford Wizards 65 percent owned.
Crawford is the leading points scorer on my points-based team this week, averaging nearly 22 points, 5.75 rebounds, 7.5 assists, 1.5 steals and 2.5 3-pointers over his last four games, which included a triple-double on Tuesday. He'll take a hit if and when John Wall returns, but should be owned and started in all leagues until further notice. The downside is that he's shooting just 42 percent over those four games, but the rest of his numbers are fantasy gold and he's in the running to win the Eastern Conference Player of the Week award.
Shannon Brown Suns 31 percent owned.
Brown is feeling it as the starting shooting guard in Phoenix, averaging 17 points, 4.0 rebounds, 1.8 assists, 1.6 steals and 1.8 3-pointers over his last five games, while shooting a very respectable 49 percent from the floor and 100 percent from the line over that stretch. As long as he's starting for the Suns, he's worth picking up in all fantasy leagues.
Jodie Meeks Lakers 22 percent owned.
Meeks still isn't starting at shooting guard for the Lakers, but it could be coming at some point in the near future. Even coming off the bench, he's averaging 15.4 points, 4.2 rebounds, 1.4 steals and 3.0 3-pointers in his last five games. Mike D'Antoni likes the way he spreads the floor and Meeks is a great add if you need threes.
Alexey Shved Wolves 20 percent owned.
Shved disappeared in a couple back-to-back games this week, but has also scored 12, 18 and 13 in three of his last five games. He just missed a triple-double on Thursday with 12 points, seven boards, 12 assists, a steal and two 3-pointers, and appears to be locked in as the starting shooting guard in Minnesota. He'll have his share of off nights, but is worth owning in most leagues as long as he's starting. Just keep in mind the Wolves only play twice this week.
Nate Robinson Bulls 20 percent owned.
Robinson is still coming off the bench behind a banged up Kirk Hinrich, but has still managed to average close to 10 points, 3.6 assists, a steal and 1.4 3-pointers over his last five. And if Hinrich ever goes down, you'll be glad you've got Robinson on your team. I just wouldn't start him in weekly leagues as long as Captain Kirk is healthy.
Small Forwards
Jared Dudley Suns 67 percent owned.
Dudley is starting at small forward for the Suns and is finally living up to the hype we were giving him prior to the start of the season. He's clocking in at 17 points, 4.2 rebounds, 5.2 assists, 2.0 steals and 2.2 3-pointers over his last five games, is showing no signs of going back to the bench, and should be owned in all leagues.
Kyle Korver Hawks 39 percent owned.
Korver's health will be a concern all year, but he's healthy enough to be back in the Hawks' starting lineup and averaging more than 12 points, nearly six rebounds, two assists, one steal, one block and 2.75 3-pointers over his last four games. As long as he's healthy and playing for the Hawks, he's going to rack up a lot of 3-pointers and has the ability to contribute across the board in fantasy.
Alan Anderson Raptors 10 percent owned and Terrence Ross.
Anderson is still coming off the bench, but is averaging 17 points, 3.0 rebounds, 1.75 assists, 1.25 steals and three 3-pointers over his last four games. And if he ever does crack the Raptors' starting five, look out. Terrence Ross is also worth a look in deeper leagues, averaging 10 points and 19 minutes per game over his last five.
Dorell Wright Sixers 39 percent owned.
Wright is suddenly relevant again in Philly, averaging 13.4 points, 5.6 rebounds, 4.6 assists, 2.2 3-pointers and 29 minutes over his last five games. He scored 25 and 20 points in back-to-back games on Tuesday and Wednesday, but he was also helped by the absence of Jrue Holiday, who is back from his foot injury. He'll have to compete with Evan Turner and Jason Richardson for minutes, but as long as he's getting 20 per game, he should put up serviceable numbers across the board.
Matt Barnes Clippers 22 percent owned.
Barnes has been hot for a couple weeks and is averaging 15 points, four rebounds, 1.4 assists, 0.6 steals, 1.6 blocks and 1.4 3-pointers, while shooting nearly 58 percent from the floor over his last five games. He's getting 27 minutes a night and is productive enough across the board to be grabbed in all leagues right now, despite coming off the bench. And it doesn't hurt that the Clips are one of just a few teams playing four times next week.
Power Forwards
Gustavo Ayon Magic 5 percent owned.
Ayon looks like the primary beneficiary in the absence of Glen Davis, who should miss at least a month with a shoulder injury. Ayon wasn't doing much prior to Davis going down, but had 12 points, 13 rebounds and a steal on 4-of-4 shooting in 28 minutes on Friday. With Davis out for so long and Ayon's solid numbers last season, he looks like a must-add player to me.
Jason Thompson Kings 55 percent owned.
Thompson gets a boost with DeMarcus Cousins suspended indefinitely, although it doesn't sound like the Kings will keep him out for too long. Cousins is also a serious trade candidate, which would also work in Thompson's favor. JT's averaging 11.8 points, 9.0 rebounds and 1.4 blocks over his last five games, and is worth a pick up, with or without Cousins around.
Ed Davis Raptors 29 percent and Amir Johnson 14 percent owned.
Davis got off to a rocky start when Andrea Bargnani went down, but is starting to turn it on. He's averaging 8.8 points, 6.6 rebounds, 2.0 assists, 0.6 steals and 1.2 blocks over his last five games on 50 percent shooting. He may not be a must-own player, but he's a safe pick up if you need a big man, and probably available in your league. Johnson is clocking in with similar averages over his last five: 8.8 points, 7.4 rebounds, 1.6 steals and 1.8 blocks on 62 percent shooting in 28 minutes per game. The Raptors play three times in the upcoming week, and both big men are worth a look in most formats - especially now that center Jonas Valanciunas could miss a lot of time after breaking a finger on his shooting hand on Friday.
Tristan Thompson Cavaliers 25 percent owned.
Thompson has seen a boost with Anderson Varejao missing games with a knee injury, but it doesn't sound like Varejao will miss much more time going forward. He's missed three straight and TT has double-doubled in all three of them, but also had 10 points in each of Varejao's last two games before going down. That puts him at 11.4 points, 10.4 rebounds and 1.2 blocks over his last five, making him worth a look in many leagues. Just beware that his minutes will likely drop closer to 25 per game when Varejao is back, instead of the 35 he's been getting in his absence.
Derrick Favors Jazz 64 percent owned.
Favors is checking in at 10.8 points, 5.4 rebounds, a steal and 1.6 blocks over his last five games, and is averaging nearly 26 minutes per game over his last three. He will always be limited as long as Al Jefferson and Paul Millsap are healthy, but is a guy I like hanging onto in hopes that the Jazz trade a big man at some point this season.
Nikola Vucevic Magic 67 percent owned.
Vucevic should also benefit from the absence of Glen Davis (shoulder) and was already having a pretty special season. He's checking in at 12.6 points, 13.2 rebounds and 1.2 blocks over his last five games and has double-doubled in four of those. And without Davis around, he could be even better. Make sure he's not available in your league.
Robin Lopez Hornets 46 percent owned.
Ro-Lo was struggling coming into last week, totaling just 14 points, four rebounds and zero blocks in games last Sunday and Tuesday, but exploded onto the scene on Wednesday when he had 22 points, nine boards and two blocks. He backed that one up with 10 points, six boards and a block on Friday, and went nuts on Saturday with 24 points, 11 boards, two steals and six blocks. He's back and feeling it again, so make sure he wasn't dropped in your league. Over his last five, he's averaging 14 points, 6.0 rebounds and 1.8 blocks.
Spencer Hawes Sixers 49 percent owned.
Hawes is relevant again in Philly and should stay that way until Andrew Bynum finally shows his face. Then again, that's still not guaranteed to happen, and Hawes is averaging 15.6 points, 6.0 rebounds, 0.6 blocks and 0.6 3-pointers over his last five games, hitting double figures in scoring in each of them. He's getting 24 minutes per game and is a serviceable center if you need one.
Andre Drummond Pistons 20 percent owned.
Drummond continues to make some noise off the Pistons bench, but really needs more minutes to be in most starting lineups. He's averaging 7.8 points, 9.6 rebounds and 2.6 blocks over his last five games in 23 minutes per night, and those minutes have to keep inching upward for the dead-end Pistons. As usual, he's a guy I like to keep at the end of my fantasy bench, just in case the explosion ever comes.
Bismack Biyombo Bobcats 20 percent owned.
Biyombo's scoring is still a concern, as he's averaging just 6.6 points over his last five games, but he's also chipping in with 7.6 rebounds and 2.0 blocks over that stretch. If you can afford to take the hit in scoring, he should be able to help owners in need of boards and blocks. But I doubt he'll ever start averaging 10 points per game this season.


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This discussion focuses on Libya since the 18th century. For a treatment of earlier periods and of the country in its regional context, see North Africa.
Largely desert with some limited potential for urban and sedentary life in the northwest and northeast, Libya has historically never been heavily populated or a power centre. Like that of its neighbour Algeria, Libya's very name is a neologism, created by the conquering Italians early in the 20th century. Also like that of Algeria, much of Libya's earlier history—not only in the Islamic period but even before—reveals that both Tripolitania and Cyrenaica were more closely linked with neighbouring territories Tunisia and Egypt, respectively, than with each other. Even during the Ottoman era, the country was divided into two parts, one linked to Tripoli in the west and the other to Banghāzī in the east.
Libya thus owes its present unity as a state less to earlier history or geographic characteristics than to several recent factors: the unifying effect of the Sanūsiyyah movement since the 19th century; Italian colonialism from 1911 until after World War II; an early independence by default, since the great powers could agree on no other solution; and the discovery of oil in commercial quantities in the late 1950s. Yet the Sanūsiyyah is based largely in the eastern region of Cyrenaica and has never really penetrated the more populous northwestern region of Tripolitania. Italian colonization was brief and brutal. Moreover, most of the hard-earned gains in infrastructure implanted in the colonial period were destroyed by contending armies during World War II. Sudden oil wealth has been both a boon and a curse as changes to the political and social fabric, as well as to the economy, have accelerated. This difficult legacy of disparate elements and forces helps to explain the unique character of present-day Libya.
Part of the Ottoman Empire from the early 16th century, Libya experienced autonomous rule (analogous to that in Ottoman Algeria and Tunisia) under the Karamanli dynasty from 1711 to 1835. In the latter year the Ottomans took advantage of a succession dispute and local disorder to reestablish direct administration. For the next 77 years the area was administered by officials from the Ottoman capital of Constantinople (present-day Istanbul) and shared in the limited modernization common to the rest of the empire. In Libya the most significant event of the period was the foundation in 1837 of the Sanūsiyyah, an Islamic order, or fraternity, that preached a puritanical form of Islam, giving the people instruction and material assistance and so creating among them a sense of unity. The first Sanūsī zāwiyah (monastic complex) in Libya was established in 1843 near the ruins of Cyrene in eastern Cyrenaica. The order spread principally in that province but also found adherents in the south. The Grand al-Sanūsī, as the founder came to be called, moved his headquarters to the oasis of Al-Jaghbūb near the Egyptian frontier, and in 1895 his son and successor, Sīdī Muḥammad Idrīs al-Mahdī, transferred it farther south into the Sahara to the oasis group of Al-Kufrah. Though the Ottomans welcomed the order's opposition to the spread of French influence northward from Chad and Tibesti, they regarded with suspicion the political influence it exerted within Cyrenaica. In 1908 the Young Turk revolution gave a new impulse to reform; in 1911, however, the Italians, who had banking and other interests in the country, launched an invasion.
The Ottomans sued for peace in 1912, but Italy found it more difficult to subdue the local population. Resistance to the Italian occupation continued throughout World War I. After the war Italy considered coming to terms with nationalist forces in Tripolitania and with the Sanūsiyyah, which was strong in Cyrenaica. These negotiations foundered, however, and the arrival of a strong governor, Giuseppe Volpi, in Libya and a Fascist government in Italy (1922) inaugurated an Italian policy of thorough colonization. The coastal areas of Tripolitania were subdued by 1923, but in Cyrenaica Sanūsī resistance, led by ʿUmar al-Mukhtār, continued until his capture and execution in 1931.
In the 1920s and '30s the Italian government expended large sums on developing towns, roads, and agricultural colonies for Italian settlers. The most ambitious effort was the program of Italian immigration called "demographic colonization," launched by the Fascist leader Benito Mussolini in 1935. As a result of these efforts, by the outbreak of World War II, some 150,000 Italians had settled in Libya and constituted roughly one-fifth of that country's total population.
These colonizing efforts and the resulting economic development of Libya were largely destroyed during the North Africa campaigns of 1941–43. Cyrenaica changed hands three times, and by the end of 1942 all of the Italian settlers had left. Cyrenaica largely reverted to pastoralism. Economic and administrative development fostered by Italy survived in Tripolitania; however, Libya by 1945 was impoverished, underpopulated, and also divided into regions—Tripolitania, Cyrenaica, and Fezzan—of differing political, economic, and religious traditions.
The future of Libya gave rise to long discussions after the war. In view of the contribution to the fighting made by a volunteer Sanūsī force, the British foreign minister pledged in 1942 that the Sanūsīs would not again be subjected to Italian rule. During the discussions, which lasted four years, suggestions included an Italian trusteeship, a United Nations (UN) trusteeship, a Soviet mandate for Tripolitania, and various compromises. Finally, in November 1949, the UN General Assembly voted that Libya should become a united and independent kingdom no later than Jan. 1, 1952.
A constitution creating a federal state with a separate parliament for each province was drawn up, and the pro-British head of the Sanūsiyyah, Sīdī Muḥammad Idrīs al-Mahdī al-Sanūsī, was chosen king by a national assembly in 1950. On Dec. 24, 1951, King Idris I declared the country independent. Political parties were prohibited, and the king's authority was sovereign. Though not themselves Sanūsīs, the Tripolitanians accepted the monarchy largely in order to profit from the British promise that the Sanūsīs would not again be subjected to Italian rule. King Idris, however, showed a marked preference for living in Cyrenaica, where he built a new capital on the site of the Sanūsī zāwiyah at Al-Bayḍāʾ. Though Libya joined the Arab League in 1953 and in 1956 refused British troops permission to land during the Suez Crisis, the government in general adopted a pro-Western position in international affairs.
With the discovery of significant oil reserves in 1959, Libya changed abruptly from being dependent on international aid and the rent from U.S. and British air bases to being an oil-rich monarchy. Major petroleum deposits in both Tripolitania and Cyrenaica ensured the country income on a vast scale. The discovery was followed by an enormous expansion in all government services, massive construction projects, and a corresponding rise in the economic standard and the cost of living.
Precipitated by the king's failure to speak out against Israel during the June War (1967), a coup was carried out on Sept. 1, 1969, by a group of young army officers led by Col. Muammar al-Qaddafi, who deposed the king and proclaimed Libya a republic. The new regime, passionately Pan-Arab, broke the monarchy's close ties to Britain and the United States and also began an assertive policy that led to higher oil prices along with 51 percent Libyan participation in oil company activities and, in some cases, outright nationalization.
Equally assertive in plans for Arab unity, Libya obtained at least the formal beginnings of unity with Egypt, Sudan, and Tunisia, but these and other such plans failed as differences arose between the governments concerned. Qaddafi's Libya supported the Palestinian cause and intervened to support it, as well as other guerrilla and revolutionary organizations in Africa and the Middle East. Such moves alienated the Western countries and some Arab states. In July–August 1977 hostilities broke out between Libya and Egypt, and, as a result, many Egyptians working in Libya were expelled. Indeed, despite expressed concern for Arab unity, the regime's relations with most Arab countries deteriorated. Qaddafi signed a treaty of union with Morocco's King Hassan II in August 1984, but Hassan abrogated the treaty two years later.
The regime, under Qaddafi's ideological guidance, continued to introduce innovations. On March 2, 1977, the General People's Congress declared that Libya was to be known as the People's Socialist Libyan Arab Jamāhīriyyah (the latter term is a neologism meaning "government through the masses"). By the early 1980s, however, a drop in the demand and price for oil on the world market was beginning to hamper Qaddafi's efforts to play a strong regional role. Ambitious efforts to radically change Libya's economy and society slowed, and there were signs of domestic discontent. Libyan opposition movements launched sporadic attacks against Qaddafi and his military supporters but met with arrest and execution.
Libya's relationship with the United States, which had been an important trading partner, deteriorated in the early 1980s as the U.S. government increasingly protested Qaddafi's support of Palestinian Arab militants. An escalating series of retaliatory trade restrictions and military skirmishes culminated in a U.S. bombing raid of Tripoli and Banghāzī in 1986, in which Qaddafi's adopted daughter was among the casualties. U.S. claims that Libya was producing chemical warfare materials contributed to the tension between the two countries in the late 1980s and '90s. Within the region, Libya sought throughout the 1970s and '80s to control the mineral-rich Aozou strip along the disputed border with neighbouring Chad. These efforts produced intermittent warfare in Chad and confrontation with both France and the United States. In 1987 Libyan forces were bested by Chad's more mobile troops, and diplomatic ties with that country were restored late the following year. Libya denied involvement in Chad's December 1990 coup led by Idriss Déby (see Chad: Civil war).
In 1996 the United States and the UN implemented a series of economic sanctions against Libya for its purported involvement in destroying a civilian airliner over Lockerbie, Scot., in 1988. In the late 1990s, in an effort to placate the international community, Libya turned over the alleged perpetrators of the bombing to international authorities and accepted a ruling by the international court in The Hague stating that the contested Aozou territory along the border with Chad belonged to that country and not to Libya. The United Kingdom restored diplomatic relations with Libya at the end of the decade, and UN sanctions were lifted in 2003; later that year Libya announced that it would stop producing chemical weapons. The United States responded by dropping most of its sanctions, and the restoration of full diplomatic ties between the two countries was completed in 2006. In 2007 five Bulgarian nurses and a Palestinian doctor who had been sentenced to death in Libya after being tried on charges of having deliberately infected children there with HIV were extradited to Bulgaria and quickly pardoned by its president, defusing widespread outcry over the case and preventing the situation from posing an obstacle to Libya's return to the international community.
In the years that followed the lifting of sanctions, one of Qaddafi's sons, Sayf al-Islam al-Qaddafi, emerged as a proponent of reform and helped lead Libya toward adjustments in its domestic and foreign policy. Measures including efforts to attract Western business and plans to foster tourism promised to gradually draw Libya more substantially into the global community.
In February 2011, in the midst of a wave of popular demonstrations in the Middle East and North Africa, antigovernment rallies were held in Banghāzī by protesters angered by the arrest of a human rights lawyer, Fethi Tarbel. The protesters called for Qaddafi to step down and for the release of political prisoners. Libyan security forces used water cannons and live fire against the crowds, resulting in a number of injuries. In response to the demonstrations, a pro-government rally was broadcast on state television.
As the protests intensified, with demonstrators taking control of Banghāzī and unrest spreading to Tripoli, the Libyan government began using lethal force against demonstrators. Security forces and squads of mercenaries fired live ammunition into crowds of demonstrators. Demonstrators also were attacked with tanks and artillery and from the air with warplanes and helicopter gunships. The regime restricted communications, blocking the Internet and interrupting telephone service throughout the country. On February 21 one of Qaddafi's sons, Sayf al-Islam, gave a defiant address on state television, blaming outside agitators for the unrest and saying that further demonstrations could lead to civil war in the country. He vowed that the regime would fight "to the last bullet."
The government's sudden escalation of violence against protesters and other civilians drew international condemnation from foreign leaders and human rights organizations. It also seemed to damage the coherence of the regime, causing a number of high-level officials, including the minister of justice and a number of senior Libyan diplomats, to resign in protest or issue statements condemning the regime. A number of the Libyan embassies around the world began to fly Libya's pre-Qaddafi flag, signaling support for the uprising. Support for Qaddafi also seemed to waver in some segments of the military; as the Libyan air force carried out attacks against demonstrators, two Libyan fighter pilots flew their jets to Malta, choosing to defect rather than obey orders to bomb Banghāzī.
On February 22 Qaddafi delivered an angry, rambling speech on state television, condemning the protesters as traitors and calling on his supporters to fight them. He resisted calls to step down and vowed to remain in Libya. Although he denied having previously used force against protesters, he repeatedly vowed to use violence to remain in power.
Clashes continued, and Qaddafi's hold on power weakened as Libyan military units increasingly sided with the opposition against the regime. As demonstrators acquired weapons from government arms depots and joined forces with defected military units, the anti-Qaddafi movement began to take the form of an armed rebellion. The newly armed rebel forces were able to expel most pro-Qaddafi troops from the eastern portion of Libya, including the city of Banghāzī, and many western cities by February 23. The Libyan-Egyptian border was opened, allowing foreign journalists into the country for the first time since the conflict began. Pro-Qaddafi paramilitary units continued to hold the city of Tripoli, where Qaddafi and members of his family and inner circle remained.
As Qaddafi massed his forces in the Tripoli area to hold off the rebels there, his public statements seemed to indicate that he was becoming increasingly isolated and desperate. Speaking by telephone on Libyan state television on February 24, Qaddafi once again lashed out at protesters, saying that the young people at the core of the protest movement were acting under the influence of hallucinogenic drugs and that the demonstrations were being controlled by al-Qaeda.
Foreign leaders continued to condemn the violence. However, international efforts to intervene or pressure the regime to end the bloodshed were complicated by the presence of many foreign nationals in Libya still waiting to be evacuated.
The regime continued its efforts to hold the capital, launching attacks around Tripoli, some of which were repelled by rebel forces. On February 25 pro-Qaddafi gunmen in Tripoli attacked unarmed protesters and others as they emerged from mosques after Friday prayers.
International pressure for Qaddafi to step down increased as violence continued and foreign nationals were evacuated. The UN Security Council unanimously approved a measure that included sanctions against the Qaddafi regime, imposing a travel ban and an arms embargo and freezing the Qaddafi family's assets. The measure also referred the case to the International Criminal Court (ICC). The United States, the European Union, and a number of other countries also imposed sanctions. On February 28 the U.S. announced that it had frozen at least $30 billion in Libyan assets.
Amid continuing skirmishes as rebel forces strengthened their positions outside Tripoli, Qaddafi invited a number of Western journalists to the city in an attempt to demonstrate that the situation remained under control in the capital. In interviews he continued to blame al-Qaeda and hallucinogenic drugs for the uprising. He claimed that Western leaders who had called for him to step down did so out of a desire to colonize Libya, and he insisted that he was still well loved by Libyans.
A rebel leadership council, formed by the merger of local rebel groups, emerged in Banghāzī in early March. The council, known as the Interim Transitional National Council, declared that its aims would be to act as the rebellion's military leadership and as the representative of the Libyan opposition, provide services in rebel-held areas, and guide the country's transition to democratic government.
Conditions in Libya worsened as the armed struggle continued, and thousands of people, mostly migrant workers from Egypt and Tunisia, fled toward the borders. Governments and humanitarian organizations began to organize efforts to address worsening shortages of food, fuel, and medical supplies throughout the country.
After the rebels succeeded in taking control of eastern Libya and a number of cities in the west, the conflict appeared to enter a stalemate. The Qaddafi regime still controlled enough soldiers and weapons to hold Tripoli and to stage fresh assaults, which rebel fighters, although poorly equipped, were largely able to repel. Most fighting took place in the towns around Tripoli and in the central coastal region, where rebels and Qaddafi loyalists battled for control of the oil-export terminals on the Gulf of Sidra. On March 2 the regime launched air strikes and a ground assault on the towns of Marsa el-Brega and Ajdābiyā in an attempt to take back the nearby oil refineries and export facilities. After briefly advancing into Marsa el-Brega, loyalist forces were pushed back by a surge of rebel fighters arriving from the east.
International pressure on the Qaddafi regime continued to build. On March 3 the chief prosecutor of the ICC announced that the court would investigate Qaddafi and members of his inner circle for alleged crimes against humanity.
As the fighting continued, forces loyal to Qaddafi seemed to gain momentum, launching successful assaults to retake control in strategic areas around Tripoli and on the coast of the Gulf of Sidra. Attacking with fighter jets, tanks, and artillery, by March 10 they had driven rebel forces from Al-Zāwiyah, west of Tripoli, and from the oil-export centre of Ras Lanuf. Those gains highlighted the Qaddafi loyalists' advantages in weaponry, training, and organization.
As Qaddafi appeared to gain the upper hand, the international community continued to debate possible diplomatic and military responses to the rapidly developing conflict. Countries worked to establish contact with the Interim Transitional National Council, although only France granted it official recognition, announcing on March 10 that it would treat the council as Libya's legitimate government. International condemnation of the Qaddafi regime continued to build, and at an emergency summit on March 11 the European Union unanimously called for Qaddafi to step down. However, the international community remained divided over the possibility of military intervention—most likely in the form of a no-fly zone over Libya, a measure long requested by the rebels to prevent Qaddafi loyalists from launching air attacks. Some countries, including France and the United Kingdom, signaled their support for such an operation, while others, including the United States and Germany, expressed their reservations, emphasizing the need for broad international consensus and warning against possible unforeseen consequences of military intervention. The African Union (AU) rejected any military intervention in Libya, asserting that the crisis should be resolved through negotiations, whereas the Arab League passed a resolution on March 13 calling on the UN Security Council to impose a no-fly zone over Libya.
On March 15 Qaddafi loyalists launched a heavy assault on the eastern city of Ajdābiyā, the last large rebel-held city on the route to Banghāzī. As Qaddafi loyalists advanced on the remaining rebel positions in Banghāzī and Tobruk in the east and Miṣrātah in the west, the UN Security Council voted on March 17 to authorize military action, including a no-fly zone to protect Libyan civilians. The Qaddafi regime responded by declaring an immediate cease-fire, although there were reports that pro-Qaddafi forces continued to launch attacks after the announcement and that heavy fighting continued in Banghāzī.
Beginning March 19, a coalition of U.S. and European forces with warplanes and cruise missiles attacked targets in Libya in an effort to disable Libya's air force and air defense systems so that the U.N.-authorized no-fly zone could be imposed. Coalition missiles struck buildings in a compound used by Qaddafi as a command centre, and in eastern Libya warplanes attacked a pro-Qaddafi armoured column positioned outside Banghāzī. Emboldened by the air strikes, rebel forces once again launched an offensive to challenge pro-Qaddafi forces' hold on the oil centres on the coast. Qaddafi denounced the coalition attacks as an act of aggression against Libya and vowed to continue fighting international forces and the rebels.
Coalition spokesmen announced on March 23 that the Libyan air force had been completely disabled by coalition air strikes. However, heavy fighting continued on the ground. Pro-Qaddafi units massed around the rebel-held city of Miṣrātah and the contested city of Ajdābiyā, shelling both heavily and causing significant civilian casualties. Attacks by coalition warplanes soon weakened pro-Qaddafi ground forces in eastern Libya, allowing rebels to quickly advance and retake Ajdābiyā, Marsa el-Brega, Ras Lanuf, and Bin Jawwad.
On March 27 the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) officially took command of military operations previously directed by the United States, France, and the United Kingdom in Libya. The handover came after several days of debate among NATO countries over the limits of international military intervention; several countries argued that the coalition's aggressive targeting of pro-Qaddafi ground forces had exceeded the mandate set by the UN Security Council to protect civilians.
On March 30 Libyan foreign minister Moussa Koussa defected, fleeing to the United Kingdom. The defection of Koussa, a former head of Libyan intelligence and longtime member of Qaddafi's inner circle, was interpreted as a sign that support for Qaddafi among senior Libyan officials had begun to wane.
As the fighting progressed, it began to appear that, even with NATO attacks on pro-Qaddafi forces, the Libyan rebels—a poorly armed, disorganized force with little military training—would be unable to oust Qaddafi or achieve decisive successes against Qaddafi's professional troops. Diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis intensified, with an AU delegation traveling to Tripoli on April 10 to present a cease-fire plan to Qaddafi. AU representatives announced that Qaddafi had accepted the plan, although pro-Qaddafi forces continued to launch attacks on April 11. The plan was rejected by the rebel leaders on the grounds that it did not provide for Qaddafi's departure from Libya.
As the stalemate continued, the United Kingdom announced on April 19 that it would send a team of military liaison officers to Libya to advise rebel leaders on military strategy, organization, and logistics. The next day France and Italy announced that they would also send advisers. All three countries specified that their officers would not participate in fighting. The Libyan foreign minister condemned the decision to send military advisers, saying that such aid to the rebels would only prolong the conflict.
On April 30 a NATO air strike on a house in Qaddafi's compound in Tripoli killed Qaddafi's youngest son, Sayf al-Arab, along with three of Qaddafi's grandchildren. Qaddafi, who was present at the site of the strike, avoided injury. More strikes in early May targeted government buildings associated with Qaddafi and Libya's senior military leadership, but NATO representatives denied claims that NATO had adopted a strategy of trying to kill Qaddafi and other high-ranking Libyan officials.


text:
Lady Pioneers basketball pulls off upset, wins substate title
Moments after the final whistle screeched, the tears rained down like April showers and they didn't stop.
"It feels unreal," Leavenworth's Rashayla Mathis said between gasps for air. "It feels so good to have all the hard work pay off."
In the middle of the Topeka Seaman High School gymnasium, the Lady Pioneer senior stood within a sea of fans, friends and family.
All around her cheers, tears and laughter spread like wildfire, but for Mathis, one notion overwhelmed everything else.
"We just did it as a team from beginning to end," she said. "We did it as a family."
On Friday, the Leavenworth girls' basketball team upset top-seeded Topeka Seaman 60-54 for to claim a substate championship.
With the win, the Lady Pioneers earned a bid in next week's Class 5A state tournament.
"Defense," LV coach Derek Zeck said. "From the start, the girls put so much energy in their defense and it showed. We strived to do that all year and tonight, we won because of that defense."
The game was the ultimate grudge match. Seaman, 17-3, struggled with the Lady Pioneers' inside presence.
Yet, the home team's quality guard play balanced out the difference in the first two quarters, so at half, LV held a slim 25-23 advantage.
Midway through the third, though, the Leavenworth fortifications began to wear down its host.
The Lady Pioneers then attacked the tired Lady Vikings with conviction.
That led to Seaman foul trouble, easier baskets for the visitors and eventually a 10-point advantage with four minutes left in regulation.
In the final two minutes, the home team made a last-ditch run, cutting the lead to four.
Nevertheless, Leavenworth made clutch free throws when it was needed to ice away the win.
"We were in this exact position earlier this season and we let the game get away," Zeck said. "This win shows the development and growth this team has made."
The Lady Pioneers, 14-8, will begin play at the Class 5A state championship tournament beginning on Wednesday.
Game times, seeds and opponents will be announced later today.


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Polygon has what details PC maker Xi3 is revealing about "Piston," a Steam-optimized mini computer that seems to be the first blow in Valve's much discussed foray into gaming hardware. This is be a powerful little PC in a cool form factor, said to be based on its "performance level" X7A PC, a version of a modular PC that failed to achieve its Kickstarter goals last year. This seems clearly aimed at the living room and Valve's "Big Picture" initiative.
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ROCKFORD — A lawyer for Police Chief Chet Epperson is attempting to derail the police union's attempt to have the chief's actions during an October incident reviewed by the Rockford Board of Fire and Police Commissioners.
Union leaders filed a formal complaint with the commission against the chief, claiming that he undermined and endangered his officers during what should have been a routine welfare check in October at the home of NAACP Rockford Chapter President Lloyd Johnston.
"The police officers are concerned about the manner in which this incident was handled," said Dan McGrail, a lawyer representing the police union and its president, police officer Terry Peterson. "They just want to make sure there is a fair, thorough investigation of all the facts to determine if it was handled properly. And they don't believe it was."
Neither Peterson, Epperson nor union members were present Monday for what was a first step in deciding what is turning out to be a complex and highly technical set of legal arguments.
McGrail was assisted by locally renowned criminal defense attorney Dan Cain.
Arguing that the commissioners do not have the authority to decide complaints against the chief leveled by Rockford police officers, Thomas McGuire, Epperson's lawyer, told commissioners that he had filed an unfair labor practice complaint with the Illinois Labor Relations Board.
He also has filed a motion to dismiss the union's complaint against the chief.
McGuire said the union should have followed grievance procedures laid out in its labor contract rather than seek a disciplinary hearing before the board.
Such grievances typically are decided outside of public view through an arbitration process. Disciplinary matters taken before the police and fire board have in the past been conducted in public, but it has been years since the board has heard one.
McGuire argues in his motion that it is Mayor Larry Morrissey, not the union, who has the authority to bring a complaint against the chief to the board. He also argues that the city legal department has the sole authority to prosecute a matter before the board, "not a private attorney on behalf of the union/local."
McGuire said that the union's complaint against Epperson "intrudes into the management rights clause" of its labor agreement with the city and ignores grievance procedures.
Board secretary Ian Linnabary was appointed hearing officer over McGuire's objections that the board doesn't have the power to appoint such an officer. Linnabary ordered everyone involved to preserve evidence in the case and granted subpoenas seeking any police department reports or documents related to it.
Linnabary is granting the union time to respond to McGuire's motion to dismiss and will listen to arguments July 21 before a probable cause hearing — meant to determine whether to proceed to an actual hearing over the union complaint — proceeds.
The complaint claims that Epperson performed his duties incompetently during the Oct. 30 incident.
Officers were dispatched to Johnston's house after his ex-wife, living in New York, reported a possible fight she heard over the phone involving their grown son before the line went dead. There turned out to be no fight.
But police officers needed to conduct a welfare check on Johnston's son. Johnston declined to allow the officers inside, asserting a constitutional right against illegal searches and seizures.
Johnston called Epperson and put him on speaker phone, complaining that the officers on his porch were overly aggressive and rude, and had threatened to kick in his door while refusing to say why they were there.
In his police report, Officer D'Evyron Boone said he could hear Epperson on speaker phone say not to "let them into the house and tell them to leave." Boone wrote that he had heard Epperson say he was sending a police supervisor to the residence.
Jeff Kolkey: 815-987-1374; firstname.lastname@example.com; @jeffkolkey