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Food Safety Demo Sites
NACCHO in collaboration with the National Center for Environmental Health at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (NCEH/CDC) selected twelve local health departments to implement innovative programs in food safety within their health departments and communities. The twelve projects focused on infrastructure, marketing, training, and program assessment. These are four development areas identified by local health officials as important aspects needed to improve local health department capacity to address food safety.
Food Safety Demonstration Sites
Periodically, NACCHO has the opportunity to fund local health departments (LHDs) to conduct demonstration projects to advance innovation at the local level. The Food Safety Demonstration Site Project's report summarizes the results of the results of 17 LHDs selected as demonstration sites. More »


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Summertime is here! Before you head off to your summer destination, you can plan ahead with some help from nature. Don�t let minor stings and aches spoil your travel fun! Put together a natural first aid kit so you are prepared for the unexpected.
When traveling, it�s always easier to have things close by and avoid the emergency scramble to find things and/or communicate your needs in a foreign language. All it takes is a few trips to an organic store and a pharmacy to take care of the essentials.
So what are some emergency essentials to keep on hand? The Belgian Red Cross has a First Aid kit available for around 20 euros and contains all the basics including bandages, an emergency thermal wrap, etc. In addition, here are some natural remedies (in alphabetical order) to get you started.
Arnica � a tube in gel or cream form of this is useful for any trauma � but do not use on open wounds. Arnica also comes in oil form which you can use on sore and strained muscles. Try arnica in homeopathic form for internal use to minimize trauma.
Aloe Vera � the gel of this plant is great for sunburns and skin irritations.
Calendula � available in many forms including cream, this plant has soothing, anti-inflammatory and anti-bacterial properties often used for healing wounds and burns. Many baby creams and oils contain calendula to help skin irritations.
Charcoal � look for this at a bio store and get the activated charcoal variety. This is a highly absorbent powder that is great for stomach ailments including diarrhea. It comes in powder, granular or capsule form (easiest when traveling).
Clay � Bring along a tube of ready-to-use green clay paste made from raw illite clay which can be used for clay packs and compresses in case of bone or muscle damage.
Essential oil-based insect repellant � make your own or buy one of the ready-prepared mixes that include essential oils like lemongrass, peppermint, cedar, geranium, or rosemary.
Natural eye drops made from euphrasia are useful for long flights. They come in handy, single-use tubes.
Ginger � with anti-spasmodic properties, ginger capsules are especially useful for motion sickness. Keep on hand for car or sea sickness. Another easy way to bring it with you is in tea bag form. You can also try specially formulated wrist bands that use acupressure to soothe stomach upsets.
Homeopathic remedies � head over to a specialist pharmacy like Debrus-Tensi near Montgomery for some tubes to help with common problems like runny nose, fever, stings, and overindulgence. You can also get homeopathic bug bite ointments.
Oregano � another plant with anti-bacterial properties that comes in capsule form, oregano is useful at the onset of a cold or sore throat. Pranarom has a whole line of essential oil formulas that come in capsule or spray form for easy transport and storage.
Other essential oils that come in handy include lavender and tea tree oil. Lavender is easy to use directly on the skin (test a small area first to ensure there are no allergies) and helps with burns and wounds. It�s also good for relaxing and for easing headaches. Both lavender and tea tree take the swelling and itch out of mosquito bites. Tea tree has anti-inflammatory and antiseptic properties.
Rescue Remedy - Bach flower remedies for calming all kinds of emotions like anger, grief, and fear are also handy to have. There is also a specific night time formula to help with sleeplessness.
Keep all of the above in a safe place � you can get creative and store them all in a recycled cookie tin or lunch box, and remember to include some padding for the glass bottles so the contents stay safe for traveling.
Happy travels!
Start the New School Year with Healthy Habits for Your Little Ones
Now is your chance to introduce some healthy routines to help keep your child fit and in good health throughout the school year. You can plan routines for everything from physical activity and sleep, to healthy meals and snacks at home and at school. Incorporating some natural solutions can also keep those pesky lice bugs at bay!
Living in Tune with Spring
By adjusting our lifestyles to live more in sync with nature and our environment, we can restore the balance that we describe as good health.
Living according to the season is an ancient principle for good health, happiness and wellbeing. Our individual bodies are a reflection of the environment. Human beings and all living things are part of nature. We are inseparable from nature and the seasons influence our functioning. To live in balance and harmony, our lifestyles should reflect the current season's rhythms. So what we eat, what we do and how we do things should all reflect the energies of each season. By conforming to nature, we increase our chances of staying healthy and preventing disease from dictating our lifestyles.
Winter Conservation and Strengthening Your Immune System
Conserving energy doesn't just apply to your heating and electricity. Winter is the end of an annual cycle in nature. It's also the season for quiet rest and energy conservation for our bodies. Shorter days mean less natural light and warmth � the perfect justification for going to bed earlier to get more hours of much needed sleep!
GMO's and our health
Last month's article on genetically modified organisms (GMOs), Threshing out the Promises from Reality: a Look at GMOs, highlighted some of the environmental, health and economic issues behind GMOs. Here we'll look a little deeper at how GMOs affect our health. Is there really a danger in consuming GMOs, and if so, what is being done about it?
Sweden introduces climate labelling for food
Sweden is developing standards to help consumers make conscious choices about the impact of their decisions on global warming. Products with at least 25% greenhouse gas savings will be marked in each food category, starting with plant production, dairy and fish products. The label is a joint initiative by the Federation of Swedish Farmers, two food labelling organisations and various dairy and meat co-operatives. Read more..
Eco-challenge: Detox Your Home
- There are many eco-friendly alternatives for traditional cleaning products: why not try out new brands like e.g. Ecover? They have the whole range of products from toilet cleaners to whitening washing powders.
- Dishwashing machines work equally well with products from eco-friendly brands like e.g. Ecover
- For washing machines there are many alternatives: Omnio Bianco marseille, Froggy and Ecover have powders and liquid (and Ecover has a very effective product to treat dirty stains with before washing in the machine), or try the magnetic washing balls, or washing nuts (available in bio shops)
- Have you tried washing your windows with vinegar or products like Ecover before?
- Think of your health and use eco-friendly scents based on essential oils for your home and especially for your toilets!
Eco-challenge: Start Biking
Monthly eco-challenge: Start biking!
Fix that bike of yours and oil it, because the season just asks for it!
No more excuses, only advantages for taking that bike forward! Check out www.bicycle.irisnet.be and www.fridaybikeday.be to find all the good reasons to bike!
And have a look at our website under transport and holiday to find the perfect tools, maps, travel itineraries, and accessories to make you feel good!
Choose your options: to bike daily to work or school, to select all distances below 6km (or more for the brave ones) or to dedicate at least one day per week to a biking tour to start with!
yoga kids
YogaKids is a unique approach to integrative learning using yoga as a pathway. Reading, music, creative arts and earthcare blend seamlessly with yoga movement to educate the "whole" child. The YogaKids curriculum provides children, from the ages of 5 to 12, with an exciting new way to explore and appreciate their creative potential. Children learn invaluable skills that set the groundwork for meeting challenges and growing strong physically, mentally and emotionally, cultivating self-esteem for a lifetime of successful achievement.
Yogakids has recreated traditional yoga techniques in playful, simple and fun ways. Using the Multiple Intelligences Theory of Harvard educator Howard Gardner as a foundation, each pose becomes a springboard for activities that open the doorway to fully integrated learning. We hiss like snakes when we do the cobra pose and squawk in the eagle pose.
The dog pose is always a favorite because, not only do we bark, we also walk around the room on all fours and cock our legs, "pssssss!" That gets everyone laughing. There's a serious purpose too. When we do the flamingo pose, for instance, we talk about their ecology (what flamingos eat, where they live, why their feathers are pink). I also teach basic anatomy so the children can understand how their bodies work, and how they're building strength, flexibility and coordination through yoga. YogaKids creates the ultimate learning adventure while helping youths de-stress and relax. If you'd like to learn more about YogaKids, please do not hesitate to contact me or visit the website: www.yogakids.com
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Eco-challenge: Eat Less Meat
Monthly eco-challenge: Eat less meat!
The "eco-foodprint" of eating meat has been underestimated and here are just a few examples:
- Cattle are producing 18% of all green house gases.
- 78% of all agricultural land is used for cattle (fodder and grazing).
- More than 2/3 of all agricultural production in Europe is used for fodder.
- To produce 1 kg of meat, you need 15.000 litres of water, while 1 kg of grain or potatoes only need 1.000 litres.
- Water pollution, deforestation, energy use, air pollution, loss of biodiversity, more waste and antibiotics in our food are but a few other negative effects on the environment (see the FAO document �Livestock�s Long Shadow� for more details).
- The well-being of the animals has often been totally neglected, especially in big farming industries
What can you do?
- Eat organic meat and meat from small-scale farming where the well-being of the animals has been taken into account.
- Eat less meat and replace it with alternatives like fish (see our sustainable fish guides), beans, peas, lentils, tofu, seitan, cheese, eggs or other sources of proteine.
- Alternate between different types of meat (the bigger the animal, the more it pollutes).
- Take smaller portions of meat when you eat it and "beef up" your plate with veggies instead.
- Try out all kinds of vegetarian dishes and be creative when you barbeque.
- Join in with the Donderdag Veggie Dag ("Thursday Veggie Day", introduced in Ghent by the Ethical Vegetarian Alternative)
- Or just go vegetarian!
If you want to know more on the impact of your diet on our planet, read Jane Goodall�s �Harvest for Hope. A Guide to Mindful Eating�. The book is also sold at Sunbeams events.
This article was originally published in the June 2009 edition of the Sunbeams newsletter.


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The Anglo-Irish Collection reflects the research and personal interests of Dr. Francis J. Thompson, whose library was donated to Special Collections by his wife Marjorie after his death in 1989. The materials mainly encompass Irish history, literature, politics and art from the late 19th and early 20th centuries, with a focus on Fenianism and the Irish Literary Revival — the topic of Dr. Thompson's doctoral dissertation from NYU.
The collection has many items autographed by their authors, including a book of poetry by W.B. Yeats, a collection of translations by Douglas Hyde (the first President of the Irish Free State), and an assortment of books written by infamous Fenians: James Stephens, John O'Leary, Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa and P.S. O'Hegarty among them.
There are also numerous items of interest to those studying the Irish language and its attempted revival at the end of the 19th century. There are bilingual volumes of poetry, and editions of turn-of-the-century journals devoted to the promotion of the Irish language, literature and customs. For example, there is a bound collection of various copies of the Irish Fireside ; first published in 1883, this served as a literary supplement to The Weekly Freeman, and had as its goal the fostering of native talents, especially among children.
Irish Fireside is an extremely rare and difficult-to-find item, and is full of fascinating contributions from all walks of life. Included in each issue are serial novelizations, political essays, historical and philological studies, cartoons, poetry, and even a 'Gossip' column. Although the goal of the magazine was to encourage artistic growth in Gaelic Ireland, the majority of contributions are in English. The idea being: even if you must speak their language, stop imitating the English.
There are also a number of first-edition, autographed volumes of poetry by W.B. Yeats, Seumas O'Sullivan, and Denis Devin, as well as autographed prose works by Liam O'Flaherty, Benedict Kiely and Jack B. Yeats. Various artistic plates are in the collection as well, including a very small work by Jack B. Yeats.
If this period of Irish history is of interest, Special and Digital Collections also houses the private papers, journals, and correspondence of Dr. Francis J. Thompson. Included in his collection are numerous lectures, essays and articles written about Fenianism and the Irish Literary Revival. There are also a series of interview notes from 1936, while Dr. Thompson doing research in Ireland for his dissertation. These are candid interviews with well-known literary figures, radicals and journalists such as Maud Gonne, Lennox Robinson, Seumas O'Sullivan, and P.S. O'Hegarty. A bound copy of Dr. Thompson's dissertation, "Fenianism and the Celtic Renaissance" is also available. This collection will be growing in the future, thanks to generous donations from Dr. Thompson's children, Sally, Dan, and John.


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Germans hand EC evidence on Intel
All Markt up
AMD vs Intel The EC's anti-trust probe of Intel is growing and taking on a German flavor.
European regulators have agreed to investigate claims made by AMD that Intel persuaded Metro AG to make sure PCs sold at its Media Markt stores had Intel Inside only. German anti-trust officials were already been looking into the matter and have now handed off their findings to the EC.
AMD has long maintained that Intel used unscrupulous tactics to ensure that server and PC makers and retailers shied away from AMD's processors. Intel, by contrast, has argued that it competed fairly.
Since AMD launched its anti-trust action against Intel, the company has managed to make large market share gains in the PC and server segments. Companies such as Dell, IBM and Supermicro have abandoned their very pro Intel positions in favor of selling a broad mix of products from both vendors.
Officials in the US, Asia and Europe have all been looking into AMD's claims.
"Intel's illegal exclusivity agreement with Media Market is another recent example of what those in the industry have known for years - that Intel abuses its super dominant monopoly in order to perpetuate its iron grip on the industry," said Thomas M. McCoy, an EVP at AMD. "Intel's hidden agreements with Metro AG have not only manipulated the market to Intel's own advantage, they have deceived consumers across Europe by depriving them of the choice of the best products at the best prices." ®


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This checklist will help you remember the important steps that need to be taken between now and your 65th birthday or when you become Medicare eligible.
Print this helpful Turning 65 Checklist .


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Opinion: We need a full-scale investigation into Wasserman Schultz IT aide matter
EDITOR'S NOTE: Boris Epshteyn formerly served as a Senior Advisor to the Trump Campaign and served in the White House as Special Assistant to The President and Assistant Communications Director for Surrogate Operations.
WASHINGTON (Sinclair Broadcast Group) - Computer safety.
We protect our most important digital information with passwords and other security measures.
We expect that our members of Congress, and those who work for them, would take protecting the sensitive information of the American people as seriously.
Let me explain.
Imran Awan had been an IT staffer for 10 years, working for various House Democrats, including former DNC chair Debbie Wasserman Schultz of Florida. He was arrested last month on bank fraud charges as he was attempting to leave the country to go to Pakistan. However, his troubles started much earlier.
According to a March Politico report, Awan was among a group of people who were suspected of stealing equipment and committing violations of the House IT network.
As a result, all but Awan were fired by the other House Democrats when reports of wrongdoing initially surfaced. For some reason, Wasserman Schultz kept him on her payroll until his arrest in late July.
She suggested in a written statement the whole incident is a result of ethnic or religious bias. That is a weak excuse. Bias did not make Awan wire $165,000 to Pakistan.
Some Republican lawmakers are now justifiably calling for a congressional investigation into the scope of Awan's access to members' computer systems.
"We don't know what they did, we don't know if they got information that could be used to blackmail. I mean, was there information on their computers? We need to know," Rep. Louie Gohmert, R-Texas, said in an interview.
I completely agree. These are important questions to get answered. Also – why did Wasserman Schultz not fire Awan back in the spring?
The bottom line is this - sensitive information cannot be taken lightly; it is a matter of national security. We need to know if IT security was breached, we need to have complete cooperation from all sides, including that of Wasserman Schultz, for an in-depth investigation into the Awan matter.


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Cedar Valley's Youth Read - Author Ingrid Law
The 2013 featured book is Savvy by Ingrid Law. There will be a presentation and book signing. Books will be available for purchase. Ms. Law's visit is made possible by the Kathryn Ray Foundation and the Waterloo and Cedar Falls Friends of the Library organizations.
Filed under: author


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Medical Assistance
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Greensboro exhibit highlights presidential visits
Greensboro exhibit highlights presidential visits
An exhibit about presidential visits to Greensboro is continuing at the city's historical museum through the day on which either President Barack Obama or former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney will be inaugurated.
The exhibit at the Greensboro Historical Museum is titled "The President is Here!" and features images, documents and memorabilia from visits by at least 17 presidents. Also included in the exhibit is a map that pinpoints each presidential stop throughout the city. It's scheduled to end on Jan. 21, 2013.
It begins with George Washington's visit in 1791 and continues through Obama's visits in 2008.


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Serve this beautiful side dish warm or cold. You can make the beets a day or two in advance to streamline day-of preparations.
| Serves 8 / Serve this beautiful side dish warm or cold. You can make the beets a day or two in advance to streamline day-of preparations.
2 pounds beets, halved if large
2 cloves garlic
1 Fresno chili pepper, roughly chopped
3 sprigs fresh thyme
1 orange, roughly chopped
2 tablespoons olive oil
1 teaspoon white wine vinegar
1/4 cup crème fraîche
2 tablespoons chopped fresh chives
1. Preheat oven to 375°. Peel beets, then toss in a high-sided roasting dish with garlic, chili pepper, thyme, orange, and olive oil. Cook for about 1 hour, or until a knife inserted comes out easily. (If making in advance, cool and store all roasted ingredients in the refrigerator.)
2. When ready to serve, remove beets and slice into pieces about 1/3-inch thick. Toss beet slices with vinegar and a pinch of salt and pepper. Spread on a plate and drizzle with crème fraîche. Sprinkle with chives.
Recipe provided by Hugo Matheson, chef and co-owner of The Kitchen, an ecoconscious eatery in Boulder, Colorado (www.thekitchencafe.com).
PER SERVING: 117 cal, 47% fat cal, 6g fat, 2g sat fat, 10mg chol, 2g protein, 14g carb, 4g fiber, 92mg sodium


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95/03/06 Foreign Relations, 1961-63, Vol XXIII, Southeast Asia
Office of the Historian
Office of the Historian
Bureau of Public Affairs
United States Department of State
March 6, 1995
While the growing insurgencies in Laos and South Vietnam dominated the Kennedy administration's policy toward Southeast Asia, there were significant issues in the rest of the region. Foreign Relations, 1961-1963, volume XXIII, Southeast Asia, released today, documents U.S. policy deliberations and decisions concerning Southeast Asia beyond Vietnam and Laos. The volume contains a regional compilation of documents that focus on the role of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization and bilateral compilations on U.S. relations with Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand.
The wars in South Vietnam and Laos encouraged Thailand's government to seek additional security commitments from the United States. The most public confirmation of these assurances was the joint communique of Secretary of State Dean Rusk and Foreign Minister Thanat Khoman of March 1962. There were also private assurances, and, in mid-1962, the United States dispatched troops to Thailand both as a signal to the North Vietnamese and their allies in Laos and as an overt assurance to Thailand. The inability of SEATO to respond effectively to the challenges in Laos and South Vietnam weakened the organization and allowed friction among its membership. The conflict in South Vietnam caused friction between Prince Sihanouk of Cambodia and the United States. Relations reached their nadir in December 1963. U.S. relations with Burma were not as directly tied to the conflicts in Laos and South Vietnam as was U.S. policy toward the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO).
Elsewhere in the area, the Kennedy administration was attempting to win over Sukarno's Indonesia by facilitating its claim to West Irian, then the Netherlands colony of West New Guinea. Determined not to lose Indonesia to Communist influence, White Houses officials overcame Secretary of State Rusk's skepticism of Sukarno and Rusk's attachment to the Netherlands, a NATO ally. They shifted U.S. policy from neutrality in the dispute toward pressure on the Netherlands to relinquish West New Guinea to Indonesia. The Netherlands had initially insisted on a long-term UN trusteeship and UN- supervised self-determination for the inhabitants. The final agreed plan included only a minimal UN role in the transfer procedures; it was a virtual handover from Netherlands to Indonesian control. President Kennedy and his brother, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, played a major role in this process. During the final stages, the President intervened to insist that Indonesia accept the Netherlands' last best offer and not escalate its guerrilla war against Netherlands forces in West New Guinea.
Opposition by both the Philippines and Indonesia to the creation of the Federation of Malaysia complicated the furtherance of U.S. objectives in Southeast Asia. The Philippines' opposition took the form of a diplomatic campaign based on a prior claim to part of Malaysia. Sukarno opposed the federation with the policy of confrontation which it had initially used in West Irian. U.S. relations with Australia were greatly influenced by Indonesia. The Australians opposed transfer of West New Guinea to Indonesia because Australia held the other half of the island in trust. The Australians were equally concerned about the Indonesian threat to the Federation of Malaysia since they had troops stationed there. Australia sought a special understanding that should its troops in Malaysia be attacked overtly by Indonesian forces, the United States and Australia would consult under the terms of the ANZUS treaty.
This volume presents the official record of U.S. policy drawn from documents originating in the Departments of State and Defense, the White House, the Central Intelligence Agency, and from papers of key participants. The Office of the Historian has prepared a summary of the volume. For additional information, contact Edward C. Keefer, Chief of the Asia and Americas Division, at (202) 6631131.
Volume XXIII (Department of State Publication No. 10174; GPO Stock No 044-000-02389-0; ISBN 0-16-042054-7) may be purchased from the U.S. Government Printing Office for $46.00 (postpaid; $57.50 for foreign orders). Please use the order form below.
Order from: Superintendent of Documents P.O. Box 371954 Pittsburgh, PA 15250-7954 Telephone: (202) 512-1800 Fax: (202) 512-2250
Foreign Relations of the United States
1961-1963, Volume XXIII
Southeast Asia
(This is not an official statement of policy by the Department of State; it is intended only as a guide to the contents of this volume.)
Since 1861, the Department of State's documentary series Foreign Relations of the United States has constituted the official record of the foreign policy and diplomacy of the United States. Historians in the Office of the Historian collect, arrange, and annotate the principal documents comprising the record of American foreign policy. The standards for the preparation of the series and the general deadlines for its publication are established by the Foreign Relations of the United States statute of October 28, 1991 (22 USC 4351, et seq.). U.S. policies during the administration of President John F. Kennedy are the subject of 25 print volumes and 6 microfiche supplements. Volumes in the Foreign Relations series are published when all necessary editing, declassification, and printing steps have been completed.
The documents in this volume are drawn from the centralized indexed files of the Department of State, the decentralized lot files of the Department's Executive Secretariat, and Bureau, Office, and Division lot files. In addition, the editors made extensive use of the Presidential and other papers at the John F. Kennedy Library in Boston, Massachusetts. Most of the documents were originally classified. The Historical Documents Review Division of the Department of State in concert with the appropriate offices in other agencies and foreign governments carried out their declassification.
The coverage in the Foreign Relations series of U.S. foreign policy in Southeast Asia for 1961-1963 is weighted toward Vietnam and Laos (volumes I-IV and XXIV, already published). This volume, which presents a selection of documents on the rest of Southeast Asia, has two principal themes: 1) the impact of pro-Communist insurgencies in South Vietnam and Laos on the rest of Southeast Asia, especially Thailand, Cambodia, and the members of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization and 2) the challenge posed by Indonesian irredentism in Southeast Asia.
The following is a summary of the important issues covered in the volume. Parenthetical citations are to numbered documents in the text. For additional copies of this summary or more information on the volume, contact Edward C. Keefer at (202) 663-1131 (fax: (202) 663-1289).
Southeast Asia Region
The regional compilation emphasizes U.S. policy toward the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), whose viability was threatened by insurgencies in Laos and South Vietnam. The composition of the organization prevented the member nations from proceeding against acts of aggression rapidly and effectively and the interests of SEATO members were often in conflict. The United States and most of the Asian members sought an active military role in the region, while the United Kingdom was reluctant to commit troops, and France was opposed to any level of military intervention in Southeast Asia. (1, 4, 5, 7, 26)
SEATO's internal contradictions and its inability to respond to threats in Laos and Vietnam led to a reappraisal of the organization. (4, 7, 10, 12, 14) The most drastic remedies sought to dismantle SEATO, but they were rejected on the grounds that the dissolution would "constitute an unacceptable defeat for U.S. policy." (10) Moreover, SEATO played a valuable role in sanctioning and providing a constitutional basis for U.S. actions in the region. (17, 36, 37)
Instead, modifications in the operation of SEATO were considered at the urging of Thailand, the sole SEATO member from the Southeast Asian mainland and the nation most threatened by the crisis in Laos. Thai officials tirelessly pressed to change the unanimous voting procedures which allowed a single member to veto any proposed action. (8, 9) Thailand urged a procedure whereby an affirmative vote by a majority or by three-fourths of the membership could sanction an action.
The United States saw no need to change voting practices, since the SEATO treaty already enabled its members to act individually or collectively in response to events in the region. In addition, little or no support existed among the other members for the three-fourths majority vote advocated by Thailand. As a result, the United States recommended leaving the established procedures intact, but allowing members to abstain from voting rather than casting a negative vote, thus vetoing an action. As long as a designated number of members voted affirmatively and no negative votes were cast, an action would be approved. Members choosing to abstain from voting were not required to participate in any action or operation adopted by the other members. To ensure speedy resolution of issues, votes on any action would take place within an agreed-upon period of time. (27, 35, 38) The compromise was accepted at the SEATO Council Meeting held in Paris April 8-10, 1963. (39, 40)
Burma was not as influenced by the insurgencies in Laos and South Vietnam as the rest of mainland Southeast Asia was. Instead, it suffered from a legacy of the Chinese civil war: the presence of Chinese Nationalist Party/Kuomintang (KMT) irregulars, supplied with U.S.-made weapons by Taiwan, who formed a virtually autonomous and hostile state within Burma. At Burmese Premier U Nu's urging, Secretary of State Rusk urged Chinese Nationalist President Chiang Kai-shek to demobilize and resettle these irregulars in Taiwan. (41, 42, 44, 45) In Burma, charges of U.S. support of the KMT irregulars sparked anti-American riots. (45) President Kennedy assured U Nu that the Republic of China had promised the United States that irregulars responsive to its influence would be withdrawn. (46) The Burmese, however, had received such assurances before. In September 1963, the Burmese Foreign Minister told Secretary Rusk that KMT irregulars were no longer a problem.
The threat of the KMT was not the only problem for Burma. On March 2, 1962, General Ne Win overthrew U Nu's government. (49) The new military regime declared its neutrality and looked inward, concentrating on the problem of ethnic minorities. There was a strong suspicion in some Burmese Army circles that the United States had and continued to support ethnic separatist movements in Burma, but the Central Intelligence Agency reported that U.S. personnel were encouraging Shan or Karen minorities. (50, 51) As Burma retreated into an indigenous form of Communism, the "Burmese Road to Socialism," and excluded Western influences, little scope remained for the United States to influence Burma. The immediate future of U.S.- Burmese relations looked very limited. (55, 56, 63-65)
The Khmer-American Friendship Bridge, linking Phnom Penh with the port of Sihanoukville, opened in July 1959. It was a physical and symbolic manifestation of merger of American technology and Cambodian development hopes. Within a few years it had unexpectedly and rapidly deteriorated to the point of disintegration and required extensive repairs, which were still not completed by the end of 1963. (134, 136) The story of the Khmer-American Friendship Bridge, its hopeful beginning followed by its rapid decline, symbolizes the history of relations between the United States and Cambodia during the 1961-1963 period.
Soon after taking office, President Kennedy cultivated a personal relationship with Cambodia's leader, Prince Norodom Sihanouk. This personal tie was reinforced by U.S. military and economic assistance intended to keep Cambodia neutral, independent, under the influence of the Western powers, and suspicious of the Communist bloc. (72) The success of U.S. relations with Cambodia depended heavily on the mercurial, sometimes volatile, personality of Prince Sihanouk, whose foreign policy decisions were usually unpredictable and often ill-conceived from the Western point of view. (75, 76) Sihanouk was, however, a genuinely popular leader, one who attempted to steer a course between East and West that would preserve Cambodia's independence, national identity, and sovereignty. (80)
Like other countries in Southeast Asia, Cambodia was intensely concerned about security. Although fearful of the spread of Communism into Cambodia, Sihanouk believed that a Communist victory in the region was "an inevitable wave of the future." With an eye on the future, he attempted to accommodate the Communist powers, while simultaneously continuing to maintain ties to the West. (82, 83) It was a balancing act that Sihanouk was not always able to perform successfully. (75, 76)
Sihanouk believed the most serious dangers to Cambodia's survival came from Thailand and South Vietnam, rather than from Communist China, the Soviet Union, or even North Vietnam. With the memory of recent plots against him hatched by Cambodian opponents in Thailand and by members of the South Vietnam Government, Sihanouk constantly suspected that his enemies in Bangkok and Saigon were planning his overthrow or his assassination. Because both Thailand and South Vietnam were firmly allied with the United States, Sihanouk believed that those states acted with the full knowledge, support, and approval of their patron. There was little the United States could do to disabuse Sihanouk of this view. (77)
Fear of his immediate neighbors spurred Sihanouk in mid- 1962 to seek an international agreement guaranteeing Cambodia's neutrality and territorial integrity. Sihanouk threatened that Cambodia would accept Chinese and Soviet protection should his plan not be accepted. (89, 90) The United States balked at granting guarantees on the grounds that they would seriously impact U.S. military and economic aid to Cambodia, require American military advisers to withdraw from the country, and negatively affect U.S. relations with both Thailand and South Vietnam. (94, 98) Finding little support from the major Western powers, Sihanouk eventually shelved the issue in mid-1963. (107)
The question of guarantees would have been unnecessary if Cambodia and its neighbors had been able to settle their differences diplomatically. Cambodia broke relations with Thailand in 1960 and was on the verge of doing the same with South Vietnam by mid-1962. Allegations of border violations and support for opposition groups and similar issues poisoned regional relations and eventually U.S.-Cambodian relations as well. (95, 100) Regional rivalries were so prevalent that the President's Military Representative, General Maxwell Taylor, concluded in September 1962 that Sihanouk's "morbid fear" of Thailand and South Vietnam had "created a situation of tension and emotionalism which might blow up at any time." (93)
In late 1963, the blow-up occurred. Sihanouk became increasingly agitated by the presence of Cambodian dissidents in Thailand and South Vietnam. By autumn, the issue absorbed him and he fixated on the dissident Khmer Serei, or Free Cambodians, created by his old enemy Son Ngoc Thanh. The Khmer Serei began broadcasting anti-Sihanouk messages into Cambodia from a transmitter thought to be in South Vietnam. Sihanouk publicly and vehemently condemned the group and their broadcasts. Although the Khmer Serei was small in number (about 400) and had no appreciable support within Cambodia, Sihanouk expended an inordinate amount of energy agitating against the group and its radio broadcasts. Sihanouk also raised allegations about U.S. complicity with the group. (108, 109)
Already upset by the Khmer Serei radio broadcasts, Sihanouk was further shaken by the coup in South Vietnam and the assassination of President Ngo Dinh Diem and his brother Ngo Dinh Nhu in Saigon on November 1, 1963. Believing that the United States and the Central Intelligence Agency were behind the coup, Sihanouk saw himself as the next target. His agitation was compounded by the effects of a rigid dietary regimen he had recently begun. The combination made him emotionally overwrought and prone to impulsive, irrational behavior. (108)
In this state and without consulting his advisers, Sihanouk unilaterally embarked on an erratic path, issuing an ultimatum that called for an end to the Khmer Serei broadcasts by January 1, 1964. If they continued, he declared, he intended to terminate all U.S. and French aid and ask U.S. personnel to leave Cambodia. In response, the United States attempted to find the onerous Khmer Serei radio transmitter and encouraged South Vietnam to suppress further broadcasts. (111, 114, 116)
After ebbing somewhat after President Kennedy's assassination on November 22, the crisis intensified during the last weeks of 1963 when it seemed to the United States that there was a problem "of keeping Sihanouk from committing [political and economic] suicide." (127) Sihanouk's anti-American policies had increasingly less support within Cambodia, and if U.S. aid abruptly ended, the United States feared that negative economic consequences could spark public dissatisfaction and even Sihanouk's ouster.
In late November and early December 1963, Sihanouk revived his oft-repeated but unsubstantiated charge of U.S. complicity against him. The United States asked for evidence to support the allegations, but Sihanouk produced nothing more than his conviction that the Thais and South Vietnamese could not harbor and support his opponents without U.S. approval. (109, 121, 122, 124) He carried his anti-American theme even further in a radio broadcast and a public speech, in which he celebrated the deaths of those identified as Cambodia's "only three enemies": Diem and Nhu, Sarit Thanarat of Thailand (who died of natural causes), and a third identified only as "the great boss of these aggressors," an unmistakable reference to the recently assassinated President Kennedy. The Cambodian people were instructed to revel in the deaths by participating in street celebrations and enjoying shortened workdays. (132)
The United States vigorously protested the reference to President Kennedy. Sihanouk immediately recalled his Embassy personnel from Washington. The United States responded by agreeing to reduce its diplomatic personnel in Cambodia. Sihanouk's reaction effectively ended U.S.- Cambodian negotiations then underway to plan for a gradual withdrawal of U.S. aid to reduce the negative impact of the termination on Cambodian society. The Ambassador in Phnom Penh concluded that the United States could no longer work with Cambodia as long as Sihanouk remained in power. By the end of 1963, Sihanouk was characterized as having a "pathological hatred" of the United States, expressed in a "constant campaign of abuse in public statements" intended to intensify anti-American feelings among the Cambodian population. (138, 141)
U.S.-Cambodian relations, which had appeared on the upswing at the start of the Kennedy administration in 1961, were now on the verge of collapse. Responsibility for the deterioration rested in large part on Sihanouk. At times, however, U.S. diplomats in Phnom Penh and policymakers in Washington gave into exasperation at Sihanouk's constant threats to align Cambodia more closely with the Communist powers. The United States might have done more to assuage Sihanouk's fears, but its other concerns in Southeast AsiaSouth Vietnam, Laos, and Indonesiatook precedence. U.S. relations with Sihanouk were to sink even lower during the Johnson administration. Indonesia
The Kennedy administration took office believing that previous U.S. policy toward Indonesia had been a mistake. Eisenhower's secret support of the rebellion of dissident army factions in the outer islands had alienated the central government in Java. Even when the Eisenhower administration ended its covert support of the rebels and decided to look to the Indonesian Army as the best hedge against the growing influence of the Indonesian Communist Party (the PKI), relations with President Sukarno remained strained. The principal reason for this friction was the Eisenhower administration's insistence on neutrality in the dispute between Indonesia and the Netherlands over West New Guinea (called West Irian by the Indonesians). Indonesia interpreted U.S. unwillingness to support Sukarno's claim to the Dutch colonial territory of West New Guinea as support for Dutch colonialism.
U.S. Ambassador to Indonesia, Howard P. Jones, waited only days after the inauguration of President Kennedy to submit a broad seven-point plan to prevent Indonesia from falling under Communist control and to win it over to the west. Key points in his plan were the resolution of the West New Guinea (WNG) question whereby Indonesia received a promise that the territory would be reunited with Indonesia. Equally important was the creation of a personal relationship between Presidents Kennedy and Sukarno. (143)
The suggested pro-Sukarno policy was not without its critics. In the Department of State, the Bureau of European Affairs was sympathetic to the Dutch view that annexation by Indonesia would simply trade white for brown colonialism, and wanted to put Indonesia on notice that the United States would not accept force as a solution to the dispute. (146) Secretary of State Dean Rusk supported closer relations between Sukarno and Kennedy (147), but he was not convinced that the United States should force its NATO ally to relinquish its colony directly to Indonesia. The Central Intelligence prepared a blistering anti-Sukarno brief. (155) There was, however, a group within the U.S. Government that was very interested in accommodation with Sukarno. White House and National Security Council staffers Robert Johnson and Robert Komer and the President's Deputy Special Assistant for National Security Affairs Walt Rostow initiated their own review of U.S.-Indonesian policy, using the advice of academic specialists and concluded that U.S. policy toward Indonesia needed to change. (154, 156, 157)
In early April 1961, Rusk presented the President with a proposal to support a U.N. trusteeship for WNG administered by Malaya. (158, 160) Komer considered the proposal inadequate since it did not spell out for the President that trusteeship was not just a "graceful out for the Netherlands," but also "a cover for eventually giving WNG to Indonesia." (159) When Kennedy met with Netherlands Foreign Minister Joseph Luns, he was skeptical. (162) Rusk was more sympathetic to Luns in his conversations, suggesting that the United States was still opposed to the use of force by Indonesia and considered trusteeship leading to self-determination the best course for WNG. (163, 164) The pro-Indonesia group at the White House were not pleased, believing that Rusk's solution would do nothing to avert a major crisis over "West Irian." (165-167)
President Sukarno's visit to Washington in late April 1961 provided the next focal point. State Department and White House officials presented the President with extensive briefing material recommending positions shaded to their own viewpoints. (168-171) When President Kennedy met with Sukarno, he soon discovered West Irian was the major issue on Sukarno's mind. Kennedy tried all the arguments against Indonesian annexation, but Sukarno parried them. When the President raised the issue of the trusteeship, Sukarno replied, "we would be willing to borrow the hand of the United Nations to transfer the territory to Indonesia." (172)
As a result of this conversation, the Department of State and the White House joined in a concerted effort to solve the WNG dispute before it escalated into regional war. They attempted to bridge the gap between the Dutch desire for a trusteeship that guaranteed self-determination for the inhabitants of WNG and the Indonesian demand that a trusteeship served only as an interim stage to Indonesian administration. The Department suggested leaving the final disposition of the territory open ended. (175) As part of the process, the Department also encouraged the Netherlands and Indonesia to hold secret bilateral negotiations. (176)
After consultations with the Netherlands in June 1961, the Department of State agreed that the United Nations offered the only practical means of solving the problem. (181, 182) When the matter was broached with Indonesia, it became clear that the Indonesians required assurances that "internationalization" of the problem through the United Nations would result in Indonesian control. They feared the Netherlands would use the United Nations to delay or prevent an Indonesian takeover. (185) Rusk worried about pushing the Dutch too far (187); the pro-Indonesia group at the White House feared the Dutch were not being pressed enough to dissuade Indonesia from reverting to the military option. (189, 190)
At the United Nations, Luns proposed transfer of the territory to the United Nations, which would dispatch a commission to organize a plebiscite on Papuan self- determination. (193) Rostow encouraged Kennedy to take the initiative with Rusk and insist that the only resolution of the issue was one that "looks to Indonesian control." Rostow suggested that the Dutch were "playing a double game" by attempting to keep West New Guinea out of Indonesia's hands and forcing the United States to side with the Dutch or seeming to "oppose the principle of self-determination." Rostow recommended speaking frankly to the Dutch by warning them that the ultimate end of their policies would be military collision with Indonesia and that meaningful self- determination for "stone-age Papuans" would take too long. (197)
At the U.N. General Assembly meeting in autumn 1961, the United States inspired a compromise resolution, which failed to obtain a 2/3 majority. The resolution was floated in the face of Indonesian opposition and temporarily worsened U.S.-Indonesian relations. White House advocates of a pro-Indonesian policy believed that the United States had acted not as an "honest Broker," but as an advocate of the wrong side. (200-203) Sukarno interpreted the U.S. campaign at the United Nations as a retreat from the policy of neutrality. Sukarno professed to be "shattered." (210)
On December 1, 1961, Kennedy's National Security Adviser, McGeorge Bundy, gave his support to Indonesia. Bundy told the President that "most of the specialists believed that the Secretary's [Rusk's] respect for the Australians and dislike of Sukarno has led him to take a position in the UN debate which, if continued, can only favor the Communists." Bundy realized that "Sukarno is not your own favorite statesman," but he endorsed Rostow and Robert Johnson's views that "no one in this towndoes not believe that, sooner or late, the Indonesia will get West Irian." The United States must work with this trend and not allow the Soviet bloc to exploit the issue to draw Indonesia even closer to it. (205) Bundy's intercession got the President's attention and moved U.S. policy away from neutrality toward active support of Indonesia. (208-210)
As a result, the United States encouraged both the Netherlands and Indonesia to engage in bilateral negotiations and suggested that U.N. Secretary-General U Thant should serve as a third party moderator. (218) Both sides were reluctant to enter negotiations without some guidelines. The Dutch insisted that the transfer of WNG have some provision for self-determination; the Indonesians required that the Dutch agree, as a prerequisite to the talks, that WNG's administration (not its sovereignty) be transferred to Indonesia. (224-225)
President Kennedy then sent his brother, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, to Indonesia and the Netherlands to encourage bilateral negotiations under U.N. aegis. While Robert Kennedy could give no assurances to the Indonesians that the Netherlands would agree to transfer WNG to Indonesia, he could say that the United States believed this was the likely outcome. Robert Kennedy himself feared he would be caught in the middle of the conflicting demands and be able to satisfy neither party. (226-230) Robert Kennedy encouraged Sukarno to talk without preconditions and offered the opinion that the result of the negotiations would end satisfactorily for Indonesia. (231) Kennedy sensed that Sukarno was willing to negotiate without preconditions so long as he knew that the United States would use its influence with the Netherlands to encourage a transfer. (232)
Rusk was still unwilling to give the Indonesians an assurance that the Dutch would not accept as the basis for talks. (235) Sukarno inched closer toward talks without preconditions, but with a mutually negotiated agenda. (236, 237) Robert Kennedy's discussions with the Dutch were guided by a Department of State-White House drafted telegram authorizing him to agree to the United States operating as the moderator of the talks, but insisting that the Netherlands agree that the agenda would include as an item the transfer of administration to Indonesia. (239) When Kennedy put his idea to the Dutch, they were shocked by what they considered a U.S. request for capitulation. A day after Robert Kennedy left The Hague, Luns considerably softened his opposition. (241)
In March 1962, Luns came to Washington to meet with U.S. officials, including the President, and asked permission to reinforce Netherlands naval presence in WNG through transit of the Panama Canal. The President turned him down flat. (244, 245) After this painful signal, the Dutch agreed to secret talks with a third party. The Indonesians also agreed to talks without preconditions provided that the transfer of WNG could be the first issue raised by Indonesia. (246) Both sides clearly wanted an American as the third party and former Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker was offered and accepted the job. (248)
The Ambassadorial level secret talks, held in Middleburg, Virginia, in late March 1962, began with promise but were soon stalemated, primarily because of Indonesia intransigence. To make matters worse, the Dutch and Indonesians engaged in sporadic naval engagements in the waters around WNG. It became clear in Washington that a demarche to Sukarno would be required to keep the negotiations moving. (251) Ellsworth Bunker proposed a formula whereby Indonesia was given administration of the territory and the Netherlands was assured that the United Nations would be involved in the process of self- determination for the inhabitants. The transfer process would take 2 years, with Indonesians replacing U.N. administrators during the second year. The United Nations would assist inhabitants in expressing their freedom of choice at a later date to be negotiated. (254)
Sukarno agreed to the formula (255), but the Netherlands did not. They claimed it was a shocking betrayal by the United States. (256, 258) Dutch disappointment soon waned and they began to suggest that if the Bunker formula was modified to give greater assurances for free choice, they might be willing to accept it. (259) Komer, who had became so pro-Indonesia as to become the butt of jokes among the White House staff about being Sukarno's personal representative, argued that the Dutch were stalling. (260, 261) Komer convinced the President to send Rusk a message suggesting that in a meeting with Luns in Athens, Rusk threaten to publish Bunker's formula. (262) This new initiative convinced the Dutch to work on the basis of the Bunker formula, but they were not yet willing to accept Indonesian administration. (263)
To get the Indonesians to resume secret talks, the Department instructed Jones to inform them that while the United States could not guarantee the success of the negotiations, there was a reasonable chance that they would succeed. (267) Komer's idea of a public surfacing of the Bunker formula as a prod to the Dutch was accepted within the Department of State. It was released as a U.N. document on May 25. (269, 270) The next day, the Netherlands formally agreed to resume the Middleburg talks. After some hesitation, (272, 273), Indonesia also agreed. The outstanding issues for the talks were the Indonesian desire to shorten the 2-year transition period and the Netherlands insistence that it was the absolute minimum time for a transfer. Both sides were concerned about mechanisms for self-determination. Indonesia wanted to minimize the role of the United Nations; the Netherlands wanted to maximize it. (274)
As the talks proceeded, the Indonesians proved difficult, insisting on a 1-year transition period, minimal U.N. participation, and special status for their paratrooper forces which had infiltrated into WNG. They threatened to recall Foreign Minister Subandrio, who had joined the talks in Middleburg. At Department of State suggestion (280), President Kennedy meet with Subandrio and told him that if the Indonesians resorted to force when they were on the brink of achieving one on the greatest diplomatic victories of all time, the United States would switch sides and support the Dutch. (281, 284, 285)
In the face of this direct threat, Sukarno acceded to revised terms of understanding whereby the Dutch would transfer administration to the United Nations, which could then start transferring administration to Indonesia after May 1, 1963 (less than a year). Indonesian forces within WNG would be at the disposal of the U.N. authority, which could also use Netherlands and Indonesian officials. One year before "self-determination," which could be no later than 1969, the United Nations would appoint a staff to advise and assist with arrangements. The Indonesian flag could be hoisted along with the U.N. flag after January 1, 1963.
The agreement was almost a total victory for Indonesia and a defeat for the Netherlands, who wanted to leave the territory, but not on terms that assured that WNG would soon be part of Indonesia. The underlying reason that the Kennedy administration pressed the Netherlands to accept this agreement was that it believed that Cold War considerations of preventing Indonesia from going Communist overrode the Dutch case. The Kennedy administration then sought to capitalize on the good will it had won in Indonesia by establishing better relations with Sukarno and upgrading U.S. economic and military assistance programs. (286, 287) The Department of State produced an extensive plan of action for Indonesia which combined immediate actions and longer term goals. (291) The President agreed that the emergency actions, such $60-70 million in P.L. 480 food aid, $17 million in technical assistance, a modest military assistance program, and $15-20 million in grants for spare parts and start-up material, but wanted more work done on the longer range measures. (294)
The plan to win over Indonesia had mixed results. Sukarno opposed the formation of the Malaysia Federation with threats and a guerrilla campaign. (300, 301) The Indonesian economy did not respond, and Sukarno was unable to introduce the kinds of reforms the United States believed that it required. (302) Ambassador Jones and staffers at the White House hoped that President Kennedy would accept Sukarno's longstanding invitation to visit Indonesia, but scheduling difficulties prevented a visit in 1963. (293, 303) Indonesia pressed U.S. oil companies to provide Indonesia with a larger share of the proceeds. A mission by Governor Wilson Wyatt succeeded in defusing the potential crisis. (306-308) The United States shifted its focus from economic development to the more immediate problem of stabilizing the failing Indonesian economy, but with little success. (311-313, 316)
Jones suggested that the downward trend in Indonesia made a Presidential trip even more important and hoped that a visit by Kennedy would moderate Sukarno. The Department agreed to inform Sukarno that Kennedy would visit Indonesia early in a second term provided Sukarno abandoned his policy of confrontation with the United Kingdom and Malaysia. (318) When informed of the possibility of a Kennedy visit, Sukarno was enthusiastic. On November 19, Jones, who was in Washington for consultations, received a commitment from the President to go to Indonesia. Three days later, Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas. The Johnson administration would face new challenges in U.S.-Indonesian relations. Malaysia
A federation of Malaya, Singapore, North Borneo (Sabah), and Sarawak had been a British goal since 1960 and was an idea to which the United States gave tacit support. (329) The United States viewed the potential Malaysian Federation as a stabilizing and anti-Communist measure, but Indonesia and the Philippines both opposed it. Miffed at not being consulted, Sukarno convinced himnself it was a colonialist plot; the Philippines opposed the federation because of their claims to parts of North Borneo. The Philippines pursued its claim through diplomatic channels, and Indonesia embarked on a policy of confrontation and guerrilla war in early 1963. (330)
One of Sukarno's tactics was a demand for a referendum in the Borneo Territories under U.N. auspices. The United States supported the idea even though it delayed postponement of the inauguration of the federation. Rusk and Kennedy convinced the skeptical British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan that "a little give now may be worth the risk, especially if the likely alternative is a further step- up of subversive pressure." (338) The United Nations reported on September 14, 1963, that the inhabitants of North Borneo and Sarawak favored joining Malaysia. Indonesia and the Philippines denounced the report; Indonesia stepped up its confrontation. (335)
Australia sent troops to Malaysia to combat Indonesian subversion and hoped to obtain from the United States an assurance that its troops in Malaysia would be covered under the ANZUS Treaty. Under Secretary of State Averell Harriman agreed with the Australians in June 1963 that ANZUS should cover Australian troops, but only in the case of overt attacknot subversionby Indonesia. After Australia gave a formal commitment to defend Malaysia on September 23, 1963, President Kennedy wanted further clarification; he did not want the Australians to turn around one day and say "where are the Americans." Nor did Kennedy want to fight another war in Southeast Asia. (337, 338) On October 16, McGeorge Bundy handed the Australian Ambassador a paper that promised that the United States would consult with Australia about appropriate political and military support if its troops were attacked. In view of extensive U.S. commitments, Australia could count only on U.S. air and sea forces and logistical support in the last resort. (343)
In late 1963, the United States encouraged Philippine- Indonesian-Malaysian contacts through quiet diplomacy in conjunction with the British, Australians, and New Zealanders while at the same time trying to use U.S. economic aid as a lever on Sukarno. (342, 345) The results were mixed and the Indonesian campaign of confrontation continued as a serious problem for the Johnson administration.
The Philippines
The Philippines was a longstanding U.S. ally on the island periphery of Southeast Asia. While the Philippines had its own low-level insurgent movement, the Kennedy administration's major concern was the problem of corruption, which tarnished the Philippines' reputation as a pro-Western leader of Southeast Asia. As the 1961 Presidential elections in the Philippines approached, the Kennedy administration tried to discourage political corruption and graft. (355-358)
The other main issue causing friction in U.S.- Philippine relations was World War II claims amounting to $73 million for war damages that Filipino individuals and businesses sustained during the retaking of the Philippines. At the strong urging of the Philippines, the Kennedy administration pressed and finally succeeded inconvincing a reluctant U.S. Congress to pass the Philippine War Damage Bill. (360, 373, 374, 375, 390)
Other irritants in U.S.-Philippine relations included currency reform, the level of military aid, the Philippine claim to parts of North Borneo, and Philippine opposition to the Malaysia Federation, but the administrations of newly- elected President Macapagal and President Kennedy generally worked well together during the 1961-1963 period. Thailand
Thailand was the U.S. ally in Southeast Asia most concerned about the outbreak of civil war in Laos in 1960 and SEATO's failure to respond to it. Thailand's security fears grew into what the U.S. Ambassador to Thailand termed a "morbid fear gripping the Thais." (412) After assuming office, the Kennedy administration initiated what would become a series of repeated affirmations expressing unequivocally the U.S. commitment to defend Thailand in the event of a Communist attack. (397-400) None of these assurances fully allayed Thai fears.
Strategically located, the headquarters for SEATO, and staunchly anti-Communist, Thailand was the rock for U.S. anti-Communist policy in Southeast Asia. The Kennedy administration was prepared to discourage Thailand from wavering from its pro-Western stance into neutrality. The administration underscored U.S. willingness to fulfill its military obligations in Thailand with the issuance of a joint communique by Secretary Rusk and Thai Foreign Minister Thanat Khoman in March 1962. The communique was the public confirmation of the full extent of the U.S. commitment to Thailand. In the communique and in private statements, the United States acknowledged its obligation to defend Thailand in the event of Communist aggression as defined in the SEATO Pact. The United States further assured Thailand that military intervention was not contingent on acquiring prior approval from or on the participation of other SEATO members. (427, 432, 453)
Notwithstanding these assurances, the Thais remained uneasy if not distrustful of the U.S. commitment to defend Thailand. They resented the United States making SEATO the centerpiece of its commitment and would have preferred a mutual defense treaty. For its part, the United States explained that the treaty legalized, rather than hindered or prevented, U.S. intervention in Southeast Asia. (471) When hostilities flared anew in Laos in May 1962, the United States quickly responded by sending ground forces and an air squadron to Thailand, a move intended not only to influence the Lao situation, but also to demonstrate to Thailand U.S. willingness and ability to act rapidly in its defense, should intervention become necessary.
The United States also extended to Thailand financial support in the form of grants, equipment, and loans to strengthen its social, economic, and defense capabilities and enhance internal security. Although a stable, homogeneous country, Thailand experienced an increased threat of infiltration and Communist insurgency by 1963 in its poorest northeast section. (410, 472, 474, 475) The Kennedy administration encouraged the Thais to make a greater contribution to the counterinsurgency effort by providing funding and manpower to expand its paramilitary and police forces and by creating a special border patrol police unit. (396, 409, 411) Such advice was not always received warmly by the Thai military, which had a vested interest in its conventional military establishment.
Even though the United States made a substantial investment in and commitment to Thailand, the Thais remained skeptical of U.S. resolve to assist its Asian ally and pointed to such developments as a perceived slow-down in receiving U.S. foreign aid, the U.S. decision to supply Cambodia with military equipment, and U.S. support of neutralist Souvanna Phouma to head a coalition government in Laos as adversely affecting Thailand's security. (424, 432, 435, 462, 471) Because the United States implemented those and other measures without adequately consulting them, the Thais charged that they were slighted and not respected as an ally. (462, 464, 466) The insecurity and friction culminated in a Thai call for a bilateral U.S.-Thai defense agreement and a strengthening of the SEATO charter.
Thai threats to break with the United States and pursue an independent policy were not taken overly seriously. The Kennedy administration knew that the U.S.-Thai relationship was fundamentally sound. Thai efforts to bend the United States to its wishes and threats to end its special relationship and go it alone were reflective of the inherent conflict between allies unequal in size and power and diverse in perception and outlook. Although fearful of being dominated by a strong, Western foreign power, the Thai leadership realized that in the face of North Vietnamese and Chinese threats Thailand's continued existence as an independent, non-Communist state was closely tied to financial, military, and political support it received from the United States.
Office of the Historian Bureau of Public Affairs January 1995


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Does anyone know of a good place to watch Pens games in Chicago? This is my first playoff season as a Chicago resident, and as much as I enjoy screaming at my TV, it would be nice to be a little more social during the games, preferably with fellow Pens fans.
I'm in the Old Town / Lincoln Park area but willing to travel a reasonable distance. Right now my only two leads are:
- The Dark Horse in Wrigleyville typically has Steelers flags flying during football season. However, being in Wrigleyville, it figures to be a mess any time the Cubs have a home game.
- The Riverview Tavern at Roscoe & Damen was mentioned to me by a fellow Pittsburgh fan who I met on the L several months ago. Said his friend is a part-owner and Pittsburgh native.
Any suggestions are welcome... I'm sure any sports bar will be showing the games now that there will be very little overlap, but it would be nice to find a place that is willing to turn the volume on and where I can meet some fellow Pens fans.


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Long Realty is pleased to bring you tips for Living in Arizona, courtesy of our local Long Advantage business partners. The articles below covers an array of helpful and insightful tips for the Arizona lifestyle. We hope you find this information useful.
Cozy Home - Safe Home… Heating Season Tips
November 27, 2015
Follow these simple tips to keep your family safe and cozy all winter long…
Have a full furnace maintenance performed by a qualified service professional. A complete maintenance service will clean and check all of the important safety functions of your furnace. This will include the burners and heat exchanger while checking for any leaks that could allow potential dangerous carbon monoxide to enter your home. Maintenance is also required by all manufacturers for the preservation of your equipment warranty so be sure to keep you service records.
Install a carbon monoxide (CO) alarm in your home. Your technician should have them on their truck. However, it's a good idea to mention it when setting your appointment.
Keep the area around your furnace room clean and unobstructed. NEVER store cleaning products or other combustible materials in or near your furnace.
If it is making funny sounds during start up or simply not operating normally shut it off and schedule a service call as soon as possible!
Change your filters monthly. A dirty filter can increase energy cost and damage your equipment, leading to more repairs and early failure. A simple reminder is to change your filter each month when you receive your utility bill.
Some money savings tips:
- Set your thermostat to the lowest comfortable temperature.
- Install a programmable thermostat, automatically lowering your thermostat setting while you are gone.
- Humidity helps the air feel warmer. Whole house humidifiers are a great benefit in addition to watering plants, cooking etc.
- Keep your drapes and shades on south facing walls open, allowing sunlight into your home.
Careful operation and maintenance of equipment can keep your family cozy and safe all winter!
More Living in Arizona TipsLoo & John Get an Update
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Help Your Dog Beat the Heat!
Don't Let Your A/C Break the Bank
House Plumbing Problems and Solutions
Home Buyer's Tips
Caring for Your Arizona Landscape in Winter
Creating a Home Office
How the American Home Has Evolved
Learn What to Look for When Choosing a Moving Company
Prepare Your Pool for Summer Fun
Time to Change Those Air Filters!
How to Keep Your Plants Cozy this Winter
Considering the Tucson Valley's Many Climate Zones
Taking Care of Ceramic Tile
What To Do When Your Washer Won't Drain
Security/Protection Systems for Homeowners
Cozy Home - Safe Home… Heating Season Tips
Sprucing Up Your Landscape for Fall
Benefits of Induction Cooking
Itching for Summer Vacation?
Maintaining Your Carpets
Getting Your Pool Ready for Summer
Spring Cleaning Tips for Your Home
Home Weatherizing Tips
Caring For Your Carpets
Three Easy Washer Maintenance Tips
Keep Cool for Less
Give the heart of your home a fresh new look in just 2-3 days!
Getting Your Pool Ready for Summer
Spring Cleaning Tips
Keep your drains running smoothly and smelling great!
What To Look For In A Moving Company
Caring for your Arizona landscape in Winter
Managing Winter Pests
Don't Forget About Your Pool This Winter
Choosing Home Accessories
It's Hot Out There
Ants Everywhere
Prepare Your Home for Monsoon Season Now
Tips for a Great Staycation
Dont Let Your A/C Break The Bank
How to Prevent Mold after Water Damage
Create a New Look in Your Home for Spring
Improving your Wireless Internet Experience
Families of the Sonoran Desert
Holiday Shopping Safety Tips
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Is Your Home Under Attack?
Becoming Green Clean Minded
Protect your recreational vehicles from extreme desert heat
Until there's a cure… Cleaning for a Reason
Arizona Lightning and Lightning Safety
Monsoon Season and Your Home
Keep Cool This Summer with Air Conditioning Maintenance
Be on the Lookout for Bees As Temperatures Rise
The information contained in these articles are provided by local area businesses. We believe this information to be accurate and reliable, but it is not guaranteed.


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Sidelined Manchester High Central athlete recalls tough year
August 08. 2014 9:06PM
AFTER a long and frustrating senior year at Manchester High Central, Nolan Flynn this summer at long last got back to doing what he loves to do: play ball.
That senior year followed three years as a student-athlete at Manchester West, which approved Flynn's transfer for the purpose of academics but denied him eligibility in athletics, preventing him from playing basketball and baseball for the Little Green.
Flynn returned to the diamond this summer, playing American Legion ball for Sweeney Post of Manchester. He discussed his year at Central during the Legion state tournament at Holman Stadium late last month. He also spoke well of his former teammates and coaches, particularly basketball coach Dan Bryson, at West.
"First of all, I have nothing against the kids and coaches I played with for three years at West," Flynn said. "Danny Bryson is a great coach, a great person who gave me an opportunity to play. All the West guys I played with were great.
"My decision to leave West was because of academics. There were many classes my senior year that were going to have over 30 kids, and when I heard that wasn't the case at Central, I decided to transfer there. I also wanted to go to Central because I live just five blocks from the school, and many of my friends I grew up with were all there. I wanted to graduate with them, and I did, which made me happy."
What didn't make Flynn happy was being forced to watch the Central basketball and baseball teams from the sidelines.
He said he and his family tried to explain to the West administration that he wasn't leaving for athletic reasons.
"My grade-point average at Central was 3.12 for my senior season," Flynn said. "I left West for academic reasons, not just because Central had a great basketball team."
When Flynn got to Central, he said, basketball coach Dave "Doc" Wheeler and the entire team welcomed him with open arms.
"Even though I couldn't play, I was still able to practice with the team, and I didn't miss one practice the whole year," Flynn said. "Still, it was hard on me and my family, particularly my dad, to watch Central play from the stands. It just tore me apart."
Yet the basketball players and coaches always treated Flynn as a member of their team, he said.
"I'll never forget the day I had a math test to make up after school, and the whole team waited for me just to be in the team picture," he said. "After we won the Division I state title, the team gave me one of the championship medals the NHIAA hands out to all the winning members on the team. Words can't describe what all of that meant to me. I love those guys for what they did for me."
Late in the regular season, Wheeler asked Flynn to address the team before a key game against Nashua North.
"Very emotional," Wheeler said of the atmosphere in the locker room during Flynn's speech. "So emotional that everyone in the locker room was in tears. Here's a kid who couldn't play a game for us all season telling us not to take anything for granted. He told the team to stay focused until we achieved our goal of winning the state title.
"Nolan is just a great kid — a great person and a champion. He will always be remembered as a player on the 2014 Division I championship team at Central."
Flynn will attend Plymouth State University this fall.
MANCHESTER Memorial High will host its annual men's alumni soccer game, featuring the school's current players against former players, on Saturday, Aug. 23, at 1 p.m. All alumni players are asked to wear a white shirt. For more information, call Memorial coach Chris Florek at 315-8106.
"City Sports" is published Saturdays in the New Hampshire Union Leader. Email staff reporter John Habib at firstname.lastname@example.com.


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Greer Muldowney is a fine art photographer and adjunct professor based in Boston, Massachusetts. She works in several formats, exploring ideas based upon- or working around-anything American; whether it looks that way or not. Her work has been exhibited in several galleries in the United States, Hong Kong and France. She writes:
'At 6,426 people per km2, Hong Kong boasts the most densely populated urban center in the world. The reality of sustainable practices, depletion of resources and a shifting global power paradigm pervade media involving China, and its Western syndicate territory, Hong Kong. By making imagery here, I ask viewers to contemplate these issues, but to also see these places as homes; not statistics.
'As the living cities and infrastructure that address cultural standards and progressive technologies. These photographs do not propose a reality so different from the spin of contemporary media, but asks an audience on the other side of the world, the Western world, to reflect on whether these images provide a surrogate for wonderment or trepidation for a changing global climate and future.'


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Wells Lamont Grain Leather Glove - 3 pk. - Medium
by Wells Lamont | Item #: 83012 | Model #: W1207M-SAM |
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Delivery estimates, taxes, and fees are based on ZIP Code. Club Pickup orders are based on your club's current price and item availability on the day of payment.
About this itemGet great longer wearing hand protection with this Wells Lamont leather work glove.
Known for being stubborn about quality, this Wells Lamont leather glove will offer you great hand protection. Made out of grain cowhide, this longer lasting glove is abrasion resistant and a very good work wear performer. We've reinforced the finger and thumb tips for longer wearing protection and added a keystone thumb for comfort. An elasticized wrist insured a snug secure fit. Whether your task be light or heavy duty, this glove is an excellent choice to fill that need.
- 3 pair pack
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- Reinforced finger & thumb tips
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Russ Armstrong Talks The Kubler!
"The Kubler" is the newest installment of The Director Series, a 4-week series of performances wherein a Director selects a cast and presents a different form. This month Russ Armstrong is directing "The Kubler." We interviewed Russ via email to learn more about the show.
1. What is The Kubler?
The Kubler is a best-of-both-worlds improv show. It allows great actors to chew up some big, intimate scenes and intersperses those with large group scenes from a strong ensemble. It's inspired by the Kubler-Ross model (umlaut, please!) which folks are more familiar with as "the five stages of grief." The Kubler-Ross is a hypothesis that humans process difficult news by progressing through these five stages in order; denial, anger, bargaining, depression and finally acceptance. Starting with a suggestion of some bad news someone has received, we take the audience through the five stages and throw in large group games in between. It rocks. But mostly it rocks because of Rick Andrews, Laura Grey, Sean Taylor, Lauren Olson, Dru Johnston, Desiree Nash, Jordan Klepper, Jana Schmieding, Alex Marino and Chet Siegel.
2. Why are you directing it?
I'm directing the Kubler because it gives me an opportunity to force great improvisers to work with me and offers a format that can really showcase top-notch players working together. Also, I was told I would receive intern credits.
Everyone knows this but I'll rehash it anyway. Improv will be solved in 2019 at the yet-to-be-formed Dungeon Fungeon in Staten Island after an inspired triple-Harold performed by the East Coast's best ensemble, John Mack's Warrior Punchbowl (Starring Brad Tomey!) It won't be the best show, and it won't be the last show, but their director, and the audience will insist, "That's what improv is supposed to be."
It'll be that or slowly we'll all move back to Chicago and crawl back up the vagina of The Compass Players, spin around there for a couple years in some swirling black hole of callbacks and then get spewed out across the continent once more not unlike this ever-contracting-and-expanding nutsack of a universe. Intern credit, please!
The Kubler opens this Thursday, March 7th at 10pm! MORE INFO!


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Smith Outfitters was founded in the Fall of 2010, in the small town of Steubenville, OH. as a means to fill the void in the law enforcement marketplace. In 2012 I obtained a Federal Firearms License (FFL). Later, in 2013 I added another license by becoming a class 3 dealer; holding a Special Occupational Tax (SOT). This new license enabled my company to sell suppressors, short barrel firearms and fully automatic weapons to all whom qualify. In 2015 I changed the business name to Smith Outfitters, LLC to accompany the growth and expansion of goods and services offered. Among our new product lines are fishing, hunting and camping gear. Smith Outfitters is aiming to be your local one-stop shop for the gear you need to get you out there. My brother, Shawn Smith, is 2016's newest addition to Smith Outfitters. With him by my side I am proud to call Smith Outfitters a family run business. Shawn is the certified gunsmith who will operate our Weirton, West Virginia location. This location allows us the availability to work on firearms but most importantly it allows us to sell and transfer firearms into another state; opening up the market to more customers that live close to our main store but couldn't purchase a handgun without transferring it to a shop in WV. The approval of our WV FFL at our Weirton gun shop has now eliminated that problem. Those who live across the border no longer have to pay transfer fees when purchasing a firearm from one of our two locations. However, when sending a firearm to one of the two locations from another shop or online store the fee is still $35 for the 1st item and $5 additional for each firearm up to the max of $50. From the creation of this business in 2010 to present day I have stood behind our products and services and will continue to do so for many years to come. No matter how small or large my company may become in the future our customers are number one; without them my business is nothing.
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Mfg Item #: 2218074
This steel drop-shot target from Umarex is adjustable and is secured to the ground by stakes that are included in the kit.
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Since its formation in late 1944, the Liberal Party has governed Australia for 47 years as well as holding power in all States for varying periods
We believe in individual freedom and free enterprise; and if you share this belief, then ours is the Party for you.
The Organisational and Parliamentary wings of the Liberal Party each have clearly defined and separate roles
Show your support for the Liberal Party by joining us today
Malcolm Turnbull was sworn in as the 29th Prime Minister of Australia on 15 September 2015. Malcolm served as Minister for the Environment and Water Resources in the Howard Government and Minister for Communications in the Abbott Government. Malcolm also served as Leader of the Opposition from 2008 to 2009 and has been the Member for Wentworth since 2004.
Find the lastest News, Media Releases, Speeches, and Transcripts:
The achievements of former Coalition Governments can be found here.


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September 22, 2008, 12:44 pm
Greeley ReMax offices merge
Two Greeley ReMax offices are joining forces to create a northern Colorado real estate powerhouse.
The combined 14.8 percent market share ReMax Optimum Group and ReMax Alliance makes the company the No. 1 real estate office in the Greeley area.
John DeWitt, managing broker for ReMax Alliance, will oversee the transition to a single location.
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OMAHA, Nebraska -- Welcome to the NCAA tournament, Norfolk State.
Might as well stick around a while.
Kyle O'Quinn had 26 points and 14 rebounds, making several key plays in the closing minutes, and the gritty No. 15 seed Spartans held on through a tense final minute to topple second-seeded Missouri 86-84 on Friday in the West Regional.
Pendarvis Williams and Chris McEachin each added 20 points for the MEAC champion Spartans (26-9), who made their first trip to the NCAA tournament a memorable one. They became the fifth No. 15 seed to beat a No. 2 and the first since fellow conference member Hampton in 2001.
O'Quinn had a chance to take some of the drama out of the finish when he went to the free throw line with 3.8 seconds to go, but the 70-percent foul shooter missed both tries.
Missouri coach Frank Haith called a timeout with 2.9 seconds left to set up a final play, and the ball wound up in the hands of Phil Pressey. He took a couple of hard dribbles and let loose a 3-pointer from the wing that clanked off the back iron as the buzzer sounded.
O'Quinn leaped for joy. Pressey fell to the court in disbelief.
And the roar that rose inside CenturyLink Arena from anybody wearing anything other than black and gold may have drowned out the sound of brackets getting torn up all over America.
Michael Dixon led Missouri (30-5) with 22 points, and Pressey and fellow guard Marcus Denmon finished with 20 points each. Pressey also contributed eight assists.
The Tigers rolled into the tournament on the strength of a dominant run to the Big 12 tournament title, rarely getting tested in three games in Kansas City. That was enough to make Missouri a trendy Final Four pick, something the school had never before accomplished.
Norfolk State made sure it wouldn't happen this year, either.
The plucky Spartans shot 54.2 percent from the field -- 62.5 percent in the second half—and managed to knock down 10 of 19 3-point shots. They also turned the ball over just 11 times against the Tigers' quick-handed guards, who had caused fits for most teams this season.
Missouri knew right away that Norfolk State wasn't going away easily.
The Spartans opened the game on 15-7 surge, turning most of the folks dressed in Florida blue and Virginia orange into surrogate fans. And when Missouri jumped ahead on the strength of three consecutive 3-pointers, Norfolk State didn't seem to be rattled.
Fifth-year coach Anthony Evans simply called a timeout to regroup, and McEachin curled in a 3-pointer when play resumed to push the Spartans back ahead.
Things were going so well for Norfolk State in the first half that O'Quinn, an 18-percent shooter from beyond the arc, swished one from the top of the key. The big guy added a conventional three-point play later in the half, slamming his hand onto the court after he was fouled and then stepping to the free throw line and giving Norfolk State a 38-36 lead.
Dixon's basket with 23.4 seconds left meant a tie game at halftime.
Missouri spent nearly the entire 20-minute break in its locker room. The Spartans were back on the court before it was even half over, putting up shots like it was a Sunday afternoon shootaround.
They must have liked the way things were going.
Marcos Tamares scored right out of halftime and the Spartans kept plugging away. Ricardo Ratliffe made a couple of baskets for Missouri and Williams hit another deep jumper for Norfolk State. Dixon hit a 3 from the corner and O'Quinn scored underneath.
The only time Missouri threatened to create some breathing room came when Pressey followed his own basket with a 3-pointer with 7:15 to go, giving the Tigers a 73-69 lead.
Tamares was there to provide a 3-pointer of his own.
The game was still tied 81-all when Rodney McCauley airballed a baseline jumper with 34.9 seconds left. O'Quinn was there to pluck it out of midair and put it back, getting fouled by the Tigers' Matt Pressey in the process. O'Quinn's free throw gave the Spartans an 84-81 lead.
O'Quinn added the first of two free throws moments later, but Pressey hit a deep 3-pointer from the wing with just a shade over 10 seconds left, giving Missouri Gov. Jay Nixon—seated two rows behind the Tigers' bench—reason to hope.
McCauley restored an 86-84 lead with the first of two free throws, and after a loose ball wound up in Norfolk State's hands, O'Quinn missed his two big foul shots.
That set the stage for Missouri's dramatic final possession.
A possession that nobody at tiny Norfolk State will ever forget.


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Rationed Rubber & what to Do about it
A. A. Knopf, 1942 - Rubber - 179 pages
Our elastic emergency. Rubber the remarkable. Rubber from the Jungles. Plantation rubber. Rubber from the laboratories. Vulcanization and compounding. "Reclaim" the stabilizer. Odd jobs for rubber. Natural rubber stocks - today. Synthetic rubber supplies - tomorrow. How to conserve rubber goods.
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Welcome to... Crochet by the Sea. It is the simple, beautiful things which capture my heart.Keeper of my home, producer of beauty with hook and yarn, lover of Vintage Beauty and times of simple elegance. Seaside or Woodland, beauty found in nature, the simple lovliness of an uncluttered and treasured life, the simple path is my choice.
About Me
- Faith
- I'm a lover of vintage times and simple elegance of another era. I'm waiting a while for my special little farmhouse. While I'm waiting, I'm making good use of my time creating lovlies with my crochet hook n thread or yarn, and baking and cooking from scratch for my family.
The Guardian Angel
Take your needle my child and
work at your pattern it will come out a
rose by and by. Life is like that...one
stitch at a time taken patiently.
~Oliver Wendell Holmes 1867~
Sunday, December 24, 2017
Merry Christmas
Thank you for stopping over my little place. Faith at Sunday, December 24, 2017
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