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Originally Published: The Hill, September 2, 2013
Originally Published: The Hill, September 2, 2013
Originally Published, The Hill, September 2, 2013
The shift in tactics comes as some leaders in the movement are voicing frustration that the more narrowly tailored activities used during the August recess have failed to maximize pressure on House Republican leaders to take up immigration legislation.
"I say that one of the problems we have is that Congress isn't hearing enough from the American people, that we're using too many sophisticated methods of communication," Rep. Luis Gutiérrez (D-Ill.) told reporters earlier this week. "We're buying ads there, and radio ads there, and hiring this lobbyist there. We need people power, and we need to concentrate."
A series of demonstrations and rallies are planned for major cities on Oct. 5, ahead of a march in Washington on Oct. 8, Gutiérrez said. He said organizers hoped to attract 15,000 people in the capital to pressure Congress.
With budget and debt-ceiling debates expected to dominate an abbreviated legislative calendar in September, immigration reform isn't likely to come to the House floor until October, lawmakers and aides have said.
Even then, advocates may have difficulty sustaining momentum for the issue, particularly if the fiscal fights drag out through the fall.
Immigration reform advocates defended their strategy for August, saying their goal was to "outgun" the movement's opponents and generate headlines in local rather than national press.
"It's been not huge marches on Washington, but those have been happening on Main Street, in key districts around the country," said Jeremy Robbins, director of the Partnership for a New American Economy, the group pushing for immigration reform backed by New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg. "And that's something we're very proud and optimistic with how that's gone."
"You do have to lobby," said Tom Snyder, who is managing the AFL-CIO's campaign for immigration reform that includes a path to citizenship.
The August plan, Snyder said in an interview, was for a "massive number of events in Republican districts, not necessarily huge rallies."
"We're planning to escalate the pressure in September, October and November," he said. "We're executing a plan that we made some time ago."
Opponents of comprehensive immigration reform said the relative lack of major activity in August was due to the slim chance that the House would actually consider legislation similar to the bill that passed the Senate in June. Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) has said the House won't vote on that measure and that any immigration proposal must gain the support of a majority of the Republican conference.
"As long as that's the case, there's not this great sense of looming danger out there," said Roy Beck, executive director of Numbers USA, which opposes a path to citizenship for illegal immigrants.
Beck voiced doubt that any plans for large rallies by reform advocates would alter the political dynamic. "I thought that was what they were planning for August. It sounds like more of the same," he said. "I don't see how more political theater is going to make a difference."
Originally Published: The Hill's Congress Blog, August 30, 2013
Controversy over a path toward citizenship is the most important roadblock to immigration reform.
Many conservatives oppose a path to citizenship because it's unfair to reward law breakers with citizenship. Rep. Raul Labrador (R-Ida.) said, "People that came here illegally knowingly – I don't think they should have a path to citizenship." On the political left, Rep. Luis Gutiérrez (D-ll.) said he, "is opposed to proposals that bar citizenship or create a permanent non-citizen underclass."
To Labrador's point, the heavy fines, fees and bureaucratic abuses that would prod every legalized immigrant on a path toward citizenship are hardly an award for legal behavior. And to Gutierrez, a legalization status less than citizenship is no more an underclass than the millions of green card or visa holders that currently happily live without becoming citizens.
There is a simple solution to this impasse that could satisfy both camps: Create two paths.
The first path should be toward a permanent work visa where the immigrant cannot apply for citizenship unless he or she serves in the armed forces or marries an American. This visa should be very cheap – hundreds of dollars – and granted quickly after national security, criminal, and health checks.
The second path should be toward a green card and eventual citizenship. This path should be more difficult and expensive, something similar to the Senate's path to citizenship. Those legalized unauthorized immigrants who want to become citizens should be able to do so.
For unauthorized immigrants uninterested in citizenship, who just want to work and live in the U.S. without fear of deportation, a simple and low-cost path toward a permanent work permit would save them headaches, uncertainty, and cash.
This would definitely be consistent with conservatives like Labrador who say that unauthorized immigrants do not want citizenship. "They're not clamoring for it," he said earlier this year. "It's only the activists here in Washington D.C. who keep clamoring for it."
If Labrador is right, most unauthorized immigrants would choose a more affordable and easier path toward legalization rather than a more expensive and difficult path toward citizenship – if they were given a choice.
A look at the polls, however, indicates that unauthorized immigrants do want citizenship. In fact, a recent Latino Decisions poll found that 87 percent want to become citizens. But if history is any guide, many of those respondents would choose a cheaper and easier form of legalization if it was offered.
The 1986 Reagan amnesty bill created an affordable and straightforward path to a green card and citizenship. But almost a generation later, only 45 percent of former unauthorized immigrants have naturalized. The 2013 bill would likely produce an even lower rate of naturalization, as the path to citizenship is much more arduous than the Reagan-era bill.
As a general rule, one-size fits all reforms rarely work well. A path to citizenship is not likely to be an exception, although it's better than the status quo. Allowing a second, simpler path toward a permanent work permit that won't lead to citizenship will allow otherwise law-abiding unauthorized immigrants, those who will be affected most, to choose their own level of legal status.
Conservatives can say that millions of unauthorized immigrants will be legalized and most won't choose citizenship, while leftists can say they created a path toward citizenship. Most importantly, the deportations can stop and immigration can be liberalized. All of these sides win.
Left-wing interest groups claim to know what's best for unauthorized immigrants, which is why many of them are pushing for a path toward citizenship. Conservatives claim that unauthorized immigrants don't want citizenship, so it shouldn't even be offered. Instead, there should be at least two paths toward legal status, one with citizenship and one without, and the immigrants themselves should choose which one they want to individually follow.
SOME of the first English words that Mario Rubio learned were "I am looking for work." A penniless Cuban immigrant, he asked a friend to write them out phonetically on a piece of paper so he could memorise them. He worked hard and eventually became an American citizen. Perhaps his greatest reward was that his children had a better start in life. His son Marco is now a Republican senator.
His family's story helps illustrate why the immigration reform Senator Rubio backs would increase the sum of human happiness, by freeing more people to pursue it. But like the sea between Cuba and Miami, the route to reform is rough.
On June 27th, by a convincing 68 votes to 32, the Senate passed an immigration bill co-sponsored by Mr Rubio. Now the action moves to the House of Representatives, where its passage is far from certain (see article). The Senate bill passed with support from both parties: all the Democrats voted for it, as did nearly a third of Republicans. House members would probably pass something similar, if allowed. But John Boehner, the Speaker, says he will not allow a vote on any bill unless a "majority of the majority" (ie, a majority of House Republicans) approve of it. That is a steep hurdle.
The Senate bill, were it to become law, would go a long way towards fixing America's broken immigration system. It would increase the number of visas for skilled workers, grant visas for entrepreneurs and establish a guest-worker programme for manual labourers. It would give the estimated 11m illegal immigrants in America a chance to come in from the shadows: after paying a fine and back taxes, working hard and staying out of trouble, they would eventually be eligible to apply for citizenship. And in a last-minute deal the bill added another $46 billion (up from $8 billion in the original version) to fortify the Mexican border, which is already bristling with fences, armed guards and drones, and to beef up systems for checking that firms do not hire illegal workers. This "border surge" managed to lure in wavering Republican senators. But it is not enough for House Republicans.
Many of them insist on a bill that "secures the border first". That is, they do not want any of the illegal immigrants now in America to be granted legal status until the border is so militarised that the flow of new ones slows almost to nothing. This would cost a fortune—America already spends more on border security than on all the main federal criminal law-enforcement agencies combined. And it would make only a marginal difference. So long as the supply of legal foreign workers falls far short of demand for their services, people will find a way in. It would be far better, for the immigrants themselves and for America, if they were allowed in legally.
More highly skilled immigrants would make America more innovative. More foreign entrepreneurs would create jobs for the native-born. More young, energetic newcomers would slow the rate at which America is ageing. More immigrants would mean more connections with fast-growing places such as China and India—connections that would accelerate trade and the exchange of ideas. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that the Senate bill would raise GDP, reduce the budget deficit and slightly increase the wages of the native-born. Countries built on immigration tend to be rich and dynamic: think of Australia, Canada and Singapore.
From "Tear down this wall" to "Build a fence"
Passing immigration reform would also be good for the Republican Party. Granted, to many in the House, it does not seem that way. Many represent districts gerrymandered to be whiter than a starlet's teeth. For such congressmen, the biggest worry is a primary challenge from a more conservative fellow Republican. Many will doubtless hear, at barbecues over the July 4th weekend, that voters want landmines in the Yuma desert and crocodiles in the Rio Grande. Pandering to such demands will help some Republicans hang on to their seats in 2014.
But if the Grand Old Party wants to retake the Senate or the White House, it cannot afford to alienate ethnic minorities. They will reject a party that rejects them, and they will one day be a majority. Half of the babies born in America today are non-white. By 2060 non-Hispanic whites will be only 43% of the population, predicts the Census Bureau. Long before then, a party that attracts barely a quarter of the Hispanic and Asian vote, as Mitt Romney did, will be incapable of winning national elections. Mr Rubio, who would like to be president one day, understands this. If his party does not, it will be swept aside not by Democrats, but by demography.
It's beginning to look as though we're not going to get an immigration reform law this year. House Republicans are moving in a direction that will probably be unacceptable to the Senate majority and the White House. Conservative commentators like my friends Bill Kristol and Rich Lowry are arguing that the status quo is better than the comprehensive approach passed by the Senate. The whole effort is in peril.
This could be a tragedy for the country and political suicide for Republicans, especially because the conservative arguments against the comprehensive approach are not compelling.
After all, the Senate bill fulfills the four biggest conservative objectives. Conservatives say they want economic growth. The Senate immigration bill is the biggest pro-growth item on the agenda today. Based on estimates from the Congressional Budget Office, the Senate bill would increase the gross domestic product by 3.3 percent by 2023 and by 5.4 percent by 2033. A separate study by the American Action Forum found that it would increase per capita income by $1,700 after 10 years.
Conservatives say they want to bring down debt. According to government estimates, the Senate bill would reduce federal deficits by up to $850 billion over the next 20 years. The Senate bill reduces the 75-year Social Security fund shortfall by half-a-trillion dollars.
Conservatives say they want to reduce illegal immigration. The Senate bill spends huge amounts of money to secure the border. According to the C.B.O., the bill would reduce illegal immigration by somewhere between 33 percent to 50 percent. True, it would not totally eliminate illegal immigration, but it would do a lot better than current law, which reduces illegal immigration by 0 percent.
Conservatives say they want to avoid a European-style demographic collapse. But without more immigrants, and the higher fertility rates they bring, that is exactly what the U.S. faces. Plus, this bill radically increases the number of high-skilled immigrants. It takes millions of long-term resident families out of the shadows so they can lead more mainstream lives.
These are all gigantic benefits. They are like Himalayan peaks compared with the foothill-size complaints conservatives are lodging.
The first conservative complaint is that, as Kristol and Lowry put it, "the enforcement provisions are riddled with exceptions, loopholes and waivers." If Obama can waive the parts of Obamacare he finds inconvenient, why won't he end up waiving a requirement for the use of E-Verify.
There's some truth to this critique, and maybe the House should pass a version of the Senate bill that has fewer waivers and loopholes. But, at some point, this argument just becomes an excuse to oppose every piece of legislation, ever. All legislation allows the executive branch to have some discretion. It's always possible to imagine ways in which a law may be distorted in violation of its intent. But if you are going to use that logic to oppose something, you are going to end up opposing tax reform, welfare reform, the Civil Rights Act and everything else.
The second conservative complaint is that the bill would flood the country with more low-skilled workers, driving down wages. This is an argument borrowed from the reactionary left, and it shows. In the first place, the recent research suggests that increased immigration drives down wages far less than expected. Low-skilled immigrants don't directly compete with the native-born. They do entry-level work, create wealth and push natives into better jobs.
Furthermore, conservatives are not supposed to take a static, protectionist view of economics. They're not supposed to believe that growth can be created or even preserved if government protects favored groups from competition. Conservatives are supposed to believe in the logic of capitalism; that if you encourage the movement of goods, ideas and people, then you increase dynamism, you increase creative destruction and you end up creating more wealth that improves lives over all.
The final conservative point of opposition is a political one. Republicans should not try to win back lower-middle-class voters with immigration reform; they should do it with a working-class agenda.
This argument would be slightly plausible if Republicans had even a hint of such an agenda, but they don't. Even then it would fail. Before Asians, Hispanics and all the other groups can be won with economic plans, they need to feel respected and understood by the G.O.P. They need to feel that Republicans respect their ethnic and cultural identity. If Republicans reject immigration reform, that will be a giant sign of disrespect, and nothing else Republicans say will even be heard.
Whether this bill passes or not, this country is heading toward a multiethnic future. Republicans can either shape that future in a conservative direction or, as I've tried to argue, they can become the receding roar of a white America that is never coming back.
That's what's at stake.
By Frank Thorp, Luke Russert and Carrie Dann, NBC News
Wed Jul 10, 2013 5:54 PM EDT
House Republicans huddled behind closed doors Wednesday in a long-awaited "special conference" to
discuss tactics, air grievances and plot the way forward – or out of – the national debate over
comprehensive immigration reform.
While the "lively" meeting didn't yield any major breakthroughs among the deeply divided GOP
conference, Republican leaders made clear in a statement afterward that any legislation that gives
too much responsibility to the Obama administration is a non-starter in the House.
The American people "don't trust a Democratic-controlled Washington, and they're alarmed by the
president's ongoing insistence on enacting a single, massive, Obamacare-like bill rather than
pursuing a step-by-step, common-sense approach to actually fix the problem," leaders wrote after
the meeting. "The president has also demonstrated he is willing to unilaterally delay or ignore
significant portions of laws he himself has signed, raising concerns among Americans that this
administration cannot be trusted to deliver on its promises to secure the border and enforce laws
as part of a single, massive bill like the one passed by the Senate."
Republican Rep. Tim Huelskamp of Kansas put it more bluntly.
"Trusting Barack Obama with border security is like trusting my daughter with Bill Clinton," he
said. "We just don't trust him."
The gathering served to offer members a spectrum of options for addressing an issue that has long
split the Republican Party and some say could permanently damage its standing with the rapidly
growing bloc of Latino voters.
At the beginning of the meeting, House Speaker John Boehner reiterated that the House will not take
up the "flawed" Senate-passed bill but urged some type of action. And Wisconsin Rep. Paul Ryan, the
high-profile former vice presidential nominee who supports the reform effort, presented an economic
argument for immigration legislation and noted the nation's declining birthrate without the influx
of new residents, sources in the room said.
"I think we got consensus that the system is broken and needs to be fixed and I feel pretty good
about where we are," Ryan told reporters after the meeting.
But many Republicans from ruby red districts have little incentive to support a reform effort
largely opposed by their conservative constituents. Some fear that any bill could result in
"amnesty" if it is conferenced or blended with the Senate-passed measure.
And even the leaders of the House GOP argue that the Senate bill's reliance on federal agencies to
enforce border security members won't sit well with Americans skeptical of the Obama
California Republican Rep. Jeff Denham was one of those in the meeting who advocated for a
comprehensive reform but said the Senate bill gave too much discretion for border security to the
Department of Homeland Security.
"It's time for action," he said, according to a participant in the meeting. "We need comprehensive
immigration reform, but we need a guarantee in this. We need to make sure that we are able to
secure the border by using our congressional oversight – not Janet Napolitano, but the power of
this body."
One type of immigration action could take the form of legislation to address those who were brought
to the country illegally as children – or DREAMers – who have been among the most organized and
sympathetic advocates for reform.
Rep. Darrell Issa told reporters outside the meeting that members discussed the possibility of
offering a pathway to citizenship for the DREAMer group.
That's an idea which seems to have measurable "consensus" from the GOP, said Rep. Raul Labrador,
R-Idaho, an influential conservative voice on the immigration issue who left the House's group of
bipartisan reform negotiators because of disagreements with their approach.
But it seems that any movement is unlikely to happen before the House adjourns for August recess.
Some members are working on individual pieces of border security and visa regulation legislation
that could theoretically be bundled into a package that could pass the GOP-dominated lower chamber but
would likely be dead on arrival in the Senate. Others, mindful of the potential political
consequences of being blamed for the slow death of a bill important to the growing Latino voting
bloc, hope that group of bipartisan negotiators can finalize a product that could find middle
ground between both parties.
And some, like immigration opponent Rep. Steve King of Iowa, have vocally opposed the passage of
any measure at all, saying the conference process in the Senate would insert a pathway to
citizenship for some undocumented immigrants into any House-passed bill.
"I'm not going to support any kind of legalization because legalization is amnesty, is eventual
citizenship, if not instantaneous citizenship," King told reporters Tuesday, "We don't have a moral
obligation to solve that problem, the people who came here illegally came here to live in the shadows.
Several things were clear before the GOP gathered for the meeting Wednesday afternoon.
First, House leaders won't bring up the Senate bill – which one GOP member said almost all members
in the meeting agreed was "inherently flawed" – for an up-or-down vote.
House Ways and Means Chairman Dave Camp tweeted after the meeting that the House couldn't take up
the Senate bill if it wanted to because legislation that raises revenues must originate in the
House, according to the Constitution.
And second, the Democratic insistence on its long-held prioritization of a path to citizenship for
most undocumented immigrants is problematic.
Manuel Balce Ceneta / AP Christopher Guitterez, 6, who was born in Fairfax, Va., joins his Salvadoran mother, not in picture, during a rally for citizenship
on Capitol Hill in in Washington, Wednesday, July 10, 2013, coinciding with the GOP House Caucus
meeting. Gang of Eight leader and New York Democrat Sen. Chuck Schumer said Tuesday that must include a
pathway to citizenship in any House legislation or Democrats will kill it.
That didn't sit well with GOP rank-and-file.
"For him to him to say basically, 'If you can't do my way then we're not going anything at all,' I
think would be very sad in the process," said Rep. James Lankford of Oklahoma.
Labrador said earlier Wednesday on MSNBC that the ultimatum means the burden will lie on Democrats
if the legislation stalls. "If Chuck Schumer is not going to accept anything unless he gets 100 percent of what he wants, then
he's the one who's killing immigration reform."
By Beth Fouhy | The Lookout – Tue, Jan 22, 2013
Cendy (screengrab from www.thedreamisnow.org)
The teenage girl peers into the camera, ready to divulge a secret.
"All my siblings are documented except me," says the girl, identified onscreen as Cendy. "I know I have a lot of potential but that I might not get there because my status will hold me back."
Cendy is one of millions of immigrants who were brought illegally to the U.S. as children—a group known as "DREAMers" by advocates of the Dream Act, a federal bill first introduced in the Senate in 2001 to allow them a pathway to permanent residency. To push for passage of the provisions in the Dream Act, Cendy and others agreed to share their stories on www.thedreamisnow.org, a website launched Tuesday by filmmaker Davis Guggenheim ("Waiting for Superman" and "An Inconvenient Truth" ) and philanthropist Laurene Powell Jobs, the widow of Apple founder Steve Jobs.
The project allows young undocumented immigrants to submit videos describing how their lives would change if the Dream Act were passed. Others can also submit posts, including teachers, relatives and friends of the young immigrants, as well as those involved in developing policy around immigration.
The videos will be posted on the website, and Guggenheim will compile them into a documentary film.
"The documentary becomes a living, breathing petition," Guggenheim told Yahoo News. "These DREAMers are putting everything on the line. When they come out like this, they are saying, 'I'm ready to risk it all for what I believe.'"
Immigration reform looms large as a legislative priority for President Barack Obama and for Republicans hoping to improve the party's status among Hispanic voters.
Powell Jobs told Yahoo News the new project was an effort to harness the momentum around the issue and give visibility to the young people who would benefit from the Dream Act.
"There needed to be a demystification—to put a face to these people, to hear the individual stories," Powell Jobs said in one of the few interviews she has granted since Steve Jobs' death in 2011.
Powell Jobs told Yahoo News her interest in the Dream Act had been sparked through College Track, an initiative she founded to help low-income and minority students attend college. Many of the students in the program are undocumented.
"They're our children's friends. They are people we know. This is a huge national problem that needs resolution," Powell Jobs said.
The Dream Act would legalize young people under the age of 30 who entered the U.S. before they were 15 and have lived in the country continuously for five years. To earn legal status and eventually a path to citizenship, applicants would have to prove they have no criminal record and either enlist in the military or attend at least two years of college. (Some versions of the bill would require only a high-school degree for the legal status.)
The Dream Act has been supported by both Republicans and Democrats since its introduction even as the two parties have been sharply divided over other aspects of immigration reform. But the bill has never been enacted—the closest it came was in December 2010, when it passed the House but fell 5 votes short in the Senate of the 60 needed to avert a filibuster.
Despite criticism by some immigration rights activists for a record number of deportations during his administration, Obama took other steps last June to offer young undocumented immigrants some legal protections.
Obama announced a program of "deferred action," directing his administration to stop deporting those under 30 who came to the U.S. before age 16 and have a high-school diploma or have enlisted in the military. Those who qualify can also apply for a renewable two-year work permit.
"They pledge allegiance to our flag. They are Americans in their hearts, in their minds, in every single way but one: on paper," Obama said when he announced the plan in July.
The action did not confer a path to citizenship and was considered only a partial remedy for young immigrants seeking legal status. But it was praised as a step in the right direction by immigration rights activists, even as Republicans claimed it was baldly political and circumvented the legislative process.
After Obama soundly won re-election in November in part by taking 71 percent of the Hispanic vote, Republicans have begun to reassess their position on immigration and, in particular, the provisions of the Dream Act.
Florida Sen. Marco Rubio, the son of Cuban immigrants and a GOP rising star, has indicated he will introduce some immigration reform measures that could include expedited legal status for young undocumented immigrants. But Rubio's earlier proposal to legalize DREAMers did not include a path to citizenship, making it a nonstarter for most immigration rights activists.
Powell Jobs said Rubio's latest discussion of granting expedited status to young immigrants seemed "reasonable and principled," but that she wanted to learn more. "The key is to see the legislation once it's written," she said.
The young people taping their stories for thedreamisnow.org are unlikely to face legal backlash or deportation because of Obama's deferred action directive. But they could face other repercussions, like potentially losing their jobs if they don't yet have work permits.
Cendy, a 16-year-old high-school sophomore from Aurora, Colo., said she was willing to take her chances.
Cendy, who declined to give her last name to Yahoo News to protect her parents, said she agreed to be part of the project in part to dispense with her secret.
"It was a little scary at first," she said. "But the benefit of coming out, not being afraid anymore, got a lot of weight off my shoulders."
|By: Manu Raju and Carrie Budoff Brown and Anna Palmer (POLITICO)
April 17, 2013 05:03 AM EDT
|The meeting was supposed to be a half-hour update for immigration reform proponents — but they weren't about to let the Democratic senators get off that easily.The advocates were furious that Democrats might cave to Republican demands to make the pathway to citizenship contingent upon border security benchmarks, including the sign off of governors from southwestern states. They felt locked out of the process. And now, they had no idea what the negotiators were trading away just weeks before the Gang of Eight's immigration bill was slated to be publicly released.
Frank Sharry, a longtime proponent of a comprehensive bill, aggressively protested the border language to Democratic Sens. Chuck Schumer, Dick Durbin and Robert Menendez — and as a whole, the group warned that if an anti-reform governor like Arizona's Jan Brewer were given veto power, the emerging proposal would be a "big problem for us."
(Also on POLITICO: Tragedy interrupts immigration momentum)
Schumer stayed at the February session an extra 40 minutes, even missing his flight back to New York, to reassure advocates that they weren't being sold out. But he also advised them to step back in line: "This is what we have to do to get a path to citizenship. You have to understand that."
The intense back-channel talks between members, staffers and outside groups have produced the most sweeping immigration bill in six years. The legislation comes after weeks of tense member-level meetings — often with powerful special interests they had to keep at bay in order to craft a fragile, bipartisan coalition. The deal required painful compromises, suffered near breakdowns and endured cooling-off periods, including when the group walked away from the negotiating table for part of the Easter recess before re-engaging in the horse trading.
Powerful aides to several senators, particularly to Schumer and Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), pieced together a compromise driven as much by trying to get the policy right as by giving the senators a way to sell it politically.
Rubio emerged as a source of constant attention, concern and lobbying within the group. Republicans and Democrats were desperate to keep him in the fold, convinced that they needed his support to sell the proposal to deeply skeptical conservatives.
(DOCUMENT: Senate Gang of 8 immigration reform bill)
"By the way, tell your boss he already paid for the caterer, he's got to go through with the wedding now," Schumer's chief aide Leon Fresco, fired off in an email to Rubio's negotiator, Enrique Gonzalez, when it looked like the Florida Republican was getting wobbly late last month.
President Barack Obama was forced to step in and personally convince Republicans that he was acting in good faith after the apparently inadvertently released draft of a White House bill.
After 24 meetings among senators themselves and marathon sessions between staff for months, the senators struck a deal that, if passed, would enact the most significant changes to immigration laws in nearly three decades. But to get there, they've had to cajole their longtime allies to get behind the effort and aggressively move to limit defections from major players who have the power to stop the bill in its tracks. And they went to great lengths to prevent media leaks, even instituting a self-imposed rule to thwart the press from staking out their consequential meetings.
(CARTOONS: Matt Wuerker on immigration)
"There is always tense times in these kinds of things," said Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), a leader of the group. "But there was always a commitment to get things done."
This account of the behind-the-scenes drama that culminated Tuesday with the release of a bipartisan bill was drawn from dozens of interviews with key players at the White House and in Congress who were directly involved in the talks.
Recruiting Rubio
Nobody would have predicted it a year ago, when the leading Republican presidential candidate was touting "self-deportation" as a solution for dealing with the country's undocumented population.
But Obama's 40-percentage-point win among Hispanics changed the dynamic, literally overnight. Top conservative pundits, such as Sean Hannity and Bill O'Reilly, removed a major obstacle when they endorsed a pathway to citizenship. Even Republican Party leaders suggested it was time to take up the issue.
And the major Republican players on immigration, after years of distancing themselves from Democratic proponents of reform, wanted to give it another go.
"We're getting the band back together," Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) told Schumer in a phone call the weekend after the November election, referring to the 2007 group that worked unsuccessfully for a comprehensive bill. Schumer claimed his heart went "pitter-patter" when he heard McCain would be involved.
And yet, the same circle of negotiators from past reform efforts just wouldn't do.
The experience from 2007 was seared into memories, studied and analyzed for clues of past mistakes and how proponents could make it right the next time. The politics in 2013 for Republicans supportive of immigration reform were as favorable as they had ever been, diminishing the odds that a fevered, impassioned right wing would scuttle the reform effort before it even started. McCain and Graham knew the issue inside and out, but they lacked gravitas with conservatives.
The group needed a protection policy, and top Democrats and Republicans came up with the same solution: Recruit Rubio.
Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) urged Graham and McCain to include Rubio in the talks, while Senate Majority Whip Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) lobbied Rubio at the Senate gym.
The tea party darling and 2016 presidential prospect pushed his own version of the DREAM Act to legalize young undocumented immigrants last year, but like most Republicans, he had his doubts about a comprehensive approach to overhauling the system and favored dealing with the issues one by one.
Durbin told Rubio that a pathway to citizenship needed to be a central part of the talks. If that's the case, Rubio responded, then tougher border security measures must be part of the plan, and the cost of legalizing 11 million undocumented immigrants needed to undergo a rigorous review as well.
"He said [a pathway to citizenship] would have to be under some pretty strict circumstances, and I said, 'Let's talk,'" Durbin recalled on Tuesday.
Thus, they had their first deal — one in a series of concessions, allowances and considerations that Rubio would secure from Democrats and Republicans over the next three months on policy, politics and PR strategy, all with a single-minded goal of keeping him on board and conservatives at bay.
The negotiators rounded out the group with two freshman senators whose home states underscored the imperative of getting something done. Jeff Flake (R-Ariz.), as a border-state official, was one of the original architects of comprehensive immigration reform during his time in the House. And Michael Bennet (D-Colo.) owed his election victory to Hispanic voters, who rewarded him for his full-throated endorsement of immigration reform on the 2010 campaign trail when even other Democrats weren't talking it up.
The group tried to expand to 10 members, but Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) clashed with McCain over whether to do a comprehensive bill or a piecemeal approach. Had Lee joined, Democrats were prepared to recruit Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.).
But in retrospect, it turned out to be the right mix of liberals and conservatives, veterans and newcomers, taskmasters and political tacticians.
Schumer spent time early on assuring the group that his party, including Obama, didn't want to jam Republicans. They wanted a solution, not a political issue, for the next election. The process would be fair, Schumer said, and each senator had an equal vote inside the negotiating room. In a subtle nod to that political equanimity, they alternated meetings between McCain's office and Schumer's office, and sometimes met off the Senate floor during votes.
McCain forced the group to work quickly, assuming that the political will to get something done would diminish with each passing week. And Schumer swore that the negotiations would not become a repeat of the 2009 bipartisan health care talks led by Sen. Max Baucus (D-Mont.) that dragged on for months. No media stakeouts at each meeting, Schumer insisted.
"This isn't Baucus Beach," a senior Democratic aide said, referring to the area outside Baucus's office where reporters camped out during the health care talks and harangued senators for details.
The group spoke so frequently that Schumer memorized the seven other senator's phone numbers. They even developed their own inside jokes.
In one of the first meetings, Schumer was reading aloud the agenda when his chief immigration aide, Leon Fresco, a precocious Cuban-American lawyer from Miami who approached negotiating sessions like they were debate camp, piped up to correct his boss after he had misspoke.
"Shut up, Leon," McCain told Fresco, prompting the group to erupt in laughter. McCain repeated that same line — "Shut up, Leon" — whenever Schumer opened the meetings with a review of the agenda.
Fresco turned out to be a dominant force in the talks, as did Rubio aide Gonzalez, another Hispanic-American immigration attorney from Florida whom Rubio hired earlier this year to represent him in the talks. The two became friendly as they haggled over dinner with the rest of the Senate aides, a mix of Hill newcomers like them and low-key immigration veterans like Kerri Talbot, who represented Menendez (D-N.J.), and Joe Zogby, counsel to Durbin.
Fresco came to Schumer in 2009 on the recommendation of fellow Yale Law School classmate Serena Hoy, a top immigration aide to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.). After immigration talks failed in 2010, Fresco ingratiated himself with the press-savvy Schumer by coming up with sure-fire media hits. He tipped off the senator to a $45 baggage carry-on fee instituted by Spirit Airlines, which Fresco flew back and forth to Miami, and Schumer promptly introduced a bill to ban it, garnering blanket coverage.
Fresco, who Schumer called "my immigration genius," brought that political eye to the talks, repeatedly coming up solutions that allowed both parties to claim victory.
"Brutal" talks almost fall apart
Just as the group moved forward internally, an administration slip-up pulled them back.
The leak of the White House draft bill to USA Today in February seemed to confirm the GOP's worst fears that Obama didn't really want the group to succeed. Schumer felt blindsided and Rubio declared the liberal document "dead on arrival" in the Senate.
Obama, who had a confrontational relationship with McCain and Graham since the Benghazi attacks, called the two Republicans to the White House — and in a breakthrough for the trio, they left convinced that the president would back them up.
But the next problem was just around the corner.
The group had made it a top priority to avert the same labor and business battles attracting future low-skilled foreign workers that doomed the immigration bill in 2007. Yet the issue still proved to be one of the chief obstacles again, leading to an impasse. By several accounts, it amounted to the low point in the negotiations.
"The issue at one point looked like it just stopped us cold," Durbin acknowledged.
Lawmakers had wanted wanted to issue a joint statement before they left for the Easter break saying a deal had been reached on all the major points of contention. But that never happened.
On March 20 and 21, just before the recess, the group was holed up in a conference room just off the Senate floor. Late on the night of March 20, Schumer tweaked an offer previously rejected by the GOP senators, but this time the Republicans believed they could live with it.
But labor balked.
Schumer called up Richard Trumka, head of the AFL-CIO, who told the senator, "I know you're trying. But we'd need this language changed," according to a source familiar with the call.
Labor unions began to accuse the U.S. Chamber of Commerce of not working in good faith.
Staff and the senators were drained — particularly since those talks occurred just off the Senate floor and through the night during a marathon budget voting session that went until nearly 5 a.m.
It got so bad that they took a break to cool off over the recess.
"We kinda went to our respective corners and had to rethink," Flake said, describing the talks as "brutal."
He said he thought the group "wouldn't salvage it."
"Coming back to the room and trying to hash it out — we all invested so much time and effort into this and to see it break down like that, it didn't sit very well," Flake said.
While negotiations stalled in Washington, four of the gang members headed to the Arizona border with Mexico — publicly keeping a positive face on the progress they were making while revealing few details on how they planned to pay for the billions expected to go to border security.
At that time, staff dialed back their negotiations to give everyone a break from the heated and marathon sessions. After the breakdown, the AFL-CIO's Ana Avendaño, the Chamber's Randy Johnson and Fresco continued to try and hammer out the details — and they continued to narrow their differences until they struck a March 29 agreement over a plan to balance the need for foreign workers with the concerns over costing American jobs.
Not wanting one of them to back out, at 9:30 that night from his Brooklyn home, Schumer held a conference call with Trumka, and Tom Donohue, the Chamber leader, and both said "yes." Donahue suggested the three should grab dinner to celebrate, and Schumer offered to pay for the bill.
The Saturday after the deal was reached between the Chamber and the AFL, Schumer called White House Chief of Staff Denis McDonough, who was being briefed about the talks.
Upon learning of the deal, McDonough said: "You guys are kicking ass."
But on Easter Sunday, Schumer was surprised when Rubio blasted out a statement saying that it was premature to consider a deal in hand, prompting media speculation that the Florida Republican was poised to drop out of the talks.
Fresco shot an email to Gonzalez later that day, urging him to keep Rubio on board. And a worried Schumer called Rubio that Monday night, and the two men spoke by phone, assuaging the New York Democrat's fears that the Florida Republican was wavering over the proposal.
Still, there were ample issues left to resolve. But the group leaked details of the agreement to create the impression that a deal was imminent on the overall bill.
The full group did not meet again until the middle of last week when an agreement appeared to be within reach, electing instead for staff-level talks and negotiations among a smaller number of senators as they worked through the remaining sticking points over the specifics of high-tech visas and a separate agriculture-worker visa program.
As the rest of Washington and country gets a look at what the group spent months negotiating, the senators are optimistic that they struck the right balance, even as the compromises will anger many people.
Sharry, the legalization advocate, said he can now see what the negotiators were trying to do on border security.
Rubio can tell conservatives that the border will finally be secured, employers will be required to check the immigration status of their workers, and visa holders will be tracked. But Democrats can say border security benchmarks won't impede the path to citizenship.
"It is pretty clever," Sharry acknowledged this week. "They are both right."
Tarini Parti contributed to this report.
A bipartisan group of lawmakers formally filed an 844-page immigration bill on the Senate floor early Wednesday, setting the stage for months of public debate over the proposal.
Leading Capitol Hill opponents of the proposal to overhaul the nation's immigration systemare coalescing around a strategy to kill the bill by delaying the legislative process as long as possible, providing time to offer "poison pill" amendments aimed at breaking apart the fragile bipartisan group that developed the plan, according to lawmakers and legislative aides.
Read the full text of the proposal, with key sections annotated by Washington Post reporters.
Results from an unscientific survey of Washington Post readers
The tactics, used successfully by opponents of an immigration bill during a 2007 debate in the Senate, are part of an effort to exploit public fissures over core components of the comprehensive legislation introduced Tuesday by eight lawmakers who spent months negotiating the details.
The authors of the bill are considering whether to formally embrace it at a news conference Thursday, a move designed to build momentum for the plan. Conservative critics cautioned Tuesday that the legislative process must not be rushed.
An open process "is essential to gaining public confidence in the content of the bill. We know it's complicated," said Sen. John Cornyn (Tex.), the top GOP member on the Senate Judiciary Committee's immigration subcommittee. "I can't see any reason to undermine confidence by trying to jam it through without adequate time for people to read it and to hear from their constituents."
Cornyn aides said the senator is not necessarily against the bill. They said he is encouraged by the bipartisan progress but wants adequate time for debate.
Sen. Charles E. Grassley (R-Iowa) called the pace of the legislative process — with Judiciary Committee hearings set for Friday and Monday — a "serious problem." Rep. Steve King (R-Iowa) suggested to the conservative National Review that caution on immigration is important in light of early speculation that the Boston Marathonbombings might have been carried out by a foreign national with a student visa — speculation that authorities said is not based on any specific finding.
The highly anticipated legislation crafted by the eight Democratic and Republican senators is divided into four sections: border security, immigrant visas, interior enforcement and reforms to nonimmigrant visas (workplace programs).
"We have always welcomed newcomers to the United States and will continue to do so," reads the introduction. "But in order to qualify for the honor and privilege of eventual citizenship, our laws must be followed."
The bill states that illegal immigration has, in some cases, become a threat to national security and that strengthening the laws will help improve the nation economically, militarily and ethically.
Aides said Sen. Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) filed the bill after 1:30 a.m. on behalf of himself and his seven colleagues in the working group, known as the "Gang of Eight": Democrats Robert Menendez (N.J), Richard J. Durbin (Ill.) and Michael F. Bennet (Colo.), and Republicans Lindsey O. Graham (S.C.), John McCain (Ariz.), Marco Rubio (Fla.) and Jeff Flake (Ariz.).
The bill has several major components, including a 13-year pathway to citizenship — predicated on new border-control measures — for up to 11 million immigrants in the country illegally; new visa programs for high- and low-skilled workers; reductions to some categories of family-based visas; and a greater emphasis on employment and education skills.
Lessons from '07
Read the full text of the proposal, with key sections annotated by Washington Post reporters.
Results from an unscientific survey of Washington Post readers
Democrats and immigration advocates, along with some GOP supporters, say they have learned from the failed immigration push in 2007, when a flurry of amendments on border control and a path to citizenship for illegal immigrants helped sink the legislation before it came to the floor for a vote.
Although the 2007 bipartisan legislation had support from President George W. Bush, the effort failed after an amendment to eliminate a new visa program for low-skilled foreign workers after five years was approved by a single vote, angering business groups and costing GOP support. Then-Sen. Barack Obama (D-Ill.), at the time a presidential candidate vying for labor unions' support, voted in favor of that amendment.
Schumer and McCain briefed President Obama at the White House on Tuesday afternoon.
"One thing he made clear is he wants to have an open process, but he doesn't want to delay and drag this out because that's the way bills get killed," Schumer said. "That's one of the most important points he made."
Schumer said the goal is to have the Judiciary Committee open the bill for amendments in early May and get it to the Senate floor by early June. In a statement, Obama urged the Senate "to quickly move this bill forward" and pledged to "do whatever it takes to make sure that comprehensive immigration reform becomes a reality as soon as possible."
Opponents take aim
Members of the Senate working group have agreed to band together to oppose any amendments of the core provisions.
But conservatives are taking aim, arguing that allowing undocumented workers to remain in the country amounts to "amnesty," that the border-control steps are not strong enough, that the guest-worker program will undercut Americans at a time of high unemployment, and that the bill will amount to trillions of dollars in new federal costs.
Those factors make immigration reform "a heavy lift," said Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach, a lawyer who helped Arizona draft one of the nation's strictest immigration laws in 2008. "Twenty million Americans are unemployed or underemployed. At any other normal time, no one would breathe about amnesty."
But supporters say the political landscape has changed dramatically since 2007. Latinos overwhelmingly supported Obama's reelection, and GOP leaders have said the party must do more to appeal to them.
Rubio has received tacit support from conservative talk-show hosts Rush Limbaugh and Sean Hannity after promising the tough border-control measures will be in place before undocumented immigrants earn green cards.
"The theory in 2007 was the longer they could draw it out, a populist upsurge would bring down the bill," said Deepak Bhargava, executive director of the liberal Center for Community Change. "But this time, we'll match them toe to toe."
After months of negotiations, a group of Democrats and Republicans in the Senate are poised to release a broad immigration reform bill within the next few days.
The bill would create a pathway to citizenship for some of the country's 11 million undocumented immigrants and earmark billions for border security.
See Also: Border Security Focus Could Backfire for Republican
Although senators working on the bill have stressed that the document still isn't finalized, some important details have leaked in the past week.
Here's what you need to know:
1. The Border Security "Trigger" The bill creates a pathway to citizenship for undocumented immigrants who meet certain qualifications, but applicants would need to undergo a 10-year probationary period before being eligible for a green card.
The decade-long wait comes with another caveat: The federal government will need to meet certain border security benchmarks before any undocumented immigrants can receive a green card.
The benchmarks? An operational border security plan, a completed border fence, a mandatory employment verification system across the country and a system to track exits at airports and seaports, according toreports in several news outlets.
The border security plan would require surveillance of 100 percent of the U.S.-Mexico border and 90 percent effectiveness in border enforcement, The New York Times reported.
If those goals are met, immigrants who completed the 10-year waiting period would be eligible to apply for a green card.
2. The Cut-Off Date Of the estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants in the U.S., hundreds of thousands may not be eligible for the path to citizenship being offered by the Senate, the AP reported on Friday.
The bill requires that applicants prove they were in the country before December 31, 2011, the AP reported. That means anyone who arrived after that date would be excluded.
There will be other requirements, too, like proving you have a clean criminal record and that you have enough job stability to stay off welfare. How the bill defines those things — criminality and financial stability — could decide the fate of thousands.
3. More Visas for Workers The majority of immigrants who receive legal permanent residence in the U.S. get their visas because of family ties.
But the Senate bill will add a major new "merit-based" program, The New York Times reported on Thursday.
Here's what will happen, according to the Times:
Over a 10-year period, the government will seek to clear the backlog of 4.7 million immigrants waiting to come to the U.S.
After that, the bill will create a new, merit-based visa program that will offer legal permanent residence based on work skills.
At the same time, some family-based visas will be eliminated. Siblings of U.S. citizens would no longer be eligible for green cards, the documents that show legal permanent residence.
The exact balance of family visas to employment visas in the Senate proposal isn't clear, but the bill would focus on bringing in more workers of all skill levels.


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Closing the Gap is an autobiography of Willie Davis, the NFL great who helped define the hard-nosed, in-your-fave defense of the original football daynasty, the 1960's Green Bay Packers. This book also illustrates his persona off the field where he had a reputation of strict discipline that matched his leadership mentality. The book recounts the competitor as one of the game?s strongest, quickest, and most agile defensive linemen in his time, showcasing a team captain who led the Green and Gold to five championships and earned a bust in the Pro Football Hall of Fame. Distinguished from many other athletes of his generation, Davis's success continued well after he took off his pads. His reputation as one of the most respected businessmen in America is discussed, including his time serving on the board of directors for Fortune 500 companies, taking part in various foundations, and speaking to audiences of all ages about his experiences. From growing up in a poor, segregated small town in the South to the intense pressure he endured as a college athlete contemplating his future, this evocation pays homage to a man who has worked hard to achieve all that he has, always appreciating the fruits of his labors with care, respect, and devout passion. This book was published in 2012.

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Obituary of Michael Blackcloud
Michael Victor Blackcloud
Bergen - Michael Victor Blackcloud, 73, of Bergen, Line Inspector at General Motors Corp., Rochester, NYdied Sunday, December 3, 2017 at his home, in Bergen.
Mr. Blackcloud was born July 21, 1944 in Kenel, SD, the son of the late David and Josephine (Bearking) Blackcloud.
He is survived by his wife, Fay M. (Mason) Blackcloud of Batvia; 3 children, Rodney (Delia) Bickham of Bergen, Ann Dunn of Batavia and David Blackcloud of Bergen; a sister, Mary Monsees of Spencerport; a brother, Claude (Kristine) Blackcloud of Churchville;He is also survived by 7 grandchildren, 5 great-grandchildren and several nieces and nephews.
Private services will be held at the convenience of the family. In lieu of flowers, memorials may be made to Premier Genesee Center for Nursing and Rehabilition, 278 Bank Street, Batavia, NY 14020. Arrangements were completed by H.E. Turner & Co. Funeral Home of Bergen..


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Well I'm back as my great 1/32 scale experiment wasn't exactly the success I had hoped it would be. As I found out the world of 1/32 scale has its limitations; subject matter, quality of non-Tamiya kits, and price were some of the issues I ran into. So after two 6 month long builds, I decided that 1/48s scale is where I should be.
And honestly, I missed my friends here on Aeroscale, so I decided to come back and become an active member once again. Being a life long Grumman devotee, My 1st 1/48 scale build is the Eduard Limited edition F6F-3 Profipak:
Included is a beautiful set of decals for 5 aircraft printed by Cartograf
As with most builds, I started with the cockpit cleaning up parts. Then I primed them with Mig Ammo Black Acrylic primer.
The PE IP is extremely well done which consists of a instrument plate and a top plate with nicely done bezels. I've been using Pledge for the lenses, but this time I just wasn't happy with the results so I added a final coat of Tamiya X-22 Clear Gloss. Now they looked like glass lenses. Unfortunately, in the pictures it's really hard to tell.
Grumman's painted their F6F-3 interiors after the 1st 100 or so Interior Green which includes the IP. The problem is that the PE parts are painted what looks like Bronze Green, but it's nowhere close to Interior Green ANA 611 which is very close to FS 34151. I used MRP ANA 611 Interior Green straight from the bottle after my brother suggested a working flow rate of 12-10 psi as I was experiencing some spitting at 14-15 ps1. After dark wash the colors should blend closer together. I did have an issue with all the little PE knobs and levers. I just can't work with them as they're way to small for this one eyed near sighted old man. So I made sprue levers and white glue knobs painted black. I also managed to loose the gun sight glass on my Workbench, so I punched out a disc from plastic sheet, then a 2nd disc which I cut in half, glued to the other one, then filed a flat surface to glue it to the base of the site. Looks good enough
Next up was the belts and Harnesses. I'm always leery of PE ones as they don't bend very well, and always pop off with the slight touch. the Eduard ones are each made with separate pull straps that really look quite nice. I glued everything with Gorilla Thin CCA glue, and the parts really stuck in place almost on touch. At 1st I scrapped the paint off where I was going to glue them to, then I tried right on the paint, and it glued up just fine. In the larger then life size picture below, I can see where I need to touch up the headrest area. In real life I just never saw this run.
Next I turned my attention to the fuselage halves. I painted them ANA 611 Interior Green, then when dry, I masked off the rear area just behind the seat bulkhead and painted the area FS 36440 which is the accepted match for Grumman Gray, which then was a standard practice for their aircraft interiors and inside the cowl.
Then I dry fitted the cockpit tub to see how it fits, and it fits the fuselage like a glove. Hopefully when close up the fuselage halves, the fit will be perfect on both sides. From the reviews I've read, there shouldn't be any issues. I gave the pit and cockpit side walls a dirty black wash, then installed the pit
I also brushed on some of the MRP Interior paint to help blend in the IP. It helped some, but the color difference is still there. The rear compartment right behind the cockpit firewall has been painted Grumman Gray. the accepted color match is FS 36440. Even when the fuselage halves are closed up, looking through the rear cockpit windows, the Grumman Gray is clearly visible.
I decided to modify the rear wheel assembly so that I can install it as a finishing item, rather then now. This will allow me to work on the seam running through the rear wheel well, and let me paint it as a separate component without having to mask it or try to paint it after installation. So I installed the rear cockpit windows on both sides which fit perfectly, and closed up the fuselage. The fit is just outstanding to say the least.
As I assumed, once the fuselage halves are closed up, there isn't that much of the cockpit that one can easily see, but enough to make the detailing and careful paint worth while.
Thanks for stopping by and checking out my build to date. It's always much appreciated


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Know more about this business than we do? Cool! Please submit any corrections or missing details you may have.Help us make it right
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Jim Smith Excavating can be found at Se Wilde Rd 17316. The following is offered: Excavation Work. The entry is present with us since Sep 8, 2010 and was last updated on Nov 12, 2013. In Clackamas there are 6 other Excavation Work. An overview can be found here.
Jim Smith Excavating is located at 17316 Se Wilde Rd, Clackamas, OR. This location is in the Clackamas neighborhood. This business specializes in General Contractors.


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Method to Integrate sqrt(1-x^2)
Date: 9/11/96 at 16:21:20 From: Anonymous Subject: Method to Integrate sqrt(1-x^2) What is the integral of [sqrt(1-x^2)]dx from [-1,1]?
Date: 9/12/96 at 0:21:33 From: Doctor Pete Subject: Re: Method to Integrate sqrt(1-x^2) Hint: Use a trigonometric substitution of the form x = f(u), dx = f'(u) du. Also, you might want to remember the identity (Cos[x]^2) = (1+Cos[2x])/2, which comes from the half-angle formula Cos[x/2] = Sqrt[(1+Cos[x])/2] . This method will take you through two substitutions, the second of which is obvious. Apply the limits after you find the indefinite integral in terms of your original variable x, or alternatively, you can apply the substitutions to the limits as you go. If you need more help, feel free to ask. -Doctor Pete, The Math Forum Check out our web site! http://mathforum.org/dr.math/
Date: 9/13/96 at 14:5:18 From: Doctor Ceeks Subject: Re: Method to Integrate sqrt(1-x^2) Hi, Another way is to recognize this as the area of the semi-circle of unit radius...so that the answer is pi/2. -Doctor Ceeks, The Math Forum Check out our web site! http://mathforum.org/dr.math/
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Evan Kaufman, ODDepartment: Ophthalmology Division: Ophthalmology Title: Assistant Professor
Contact InformationPrimary Location:
Eye Clinic 1300 Jefferson Park Ave. Charlottesville, VA 22908 Phone: 434.982.0070 | Fax: 434.244.9436
Dr. Kaufman moved to Charlottesville, VA in 2014 to join the faculty at the University of Virginia. He is involved in training residents, fitting specialty contacts and running a primary care clinic.
Dr. Kaufman grew up in Charlotte, North Carolina and got his undergraduate degree from Southern Illinois University. He then went on to earn his doctorate at the Indiana School of Optometry. After graduation, he continued his education and completed a residency in ocular disease at the University of Kentucky. He is an adjunct clinical instructor at the New England College of Optometry. He also is a fan of UVA football and loves to tailgate at the games.


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Maybe the solution to the DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals) is to require USA citizenship through the usual process. Once each is a citizen, he/she will receive the privileges of citizenship: voting, taxation, a voice with other citizens, and all the rights and importance of being a member of our great country. (See Amendments 14 and 15.) If citizenship is negated by each, then they should return to their country of origin so U.S. citizens do not have to support their lifestyle. Why would each not want to become a citizen, especially since they do not want to be deported?
Coeur d�Alene


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Only one and a half more work days until I am back at one of my favorite places on the planet, Walt Disney World for the Princess Half Marathon race weekend. My sister is flying in from Chicago tomorrow evening. Pete is picking me up early from work on Friday and then it is off to the land of the mouse. Whenever it is time for another race weekend at Disney, I seriously get giddy like a school girl. There is just something about Walt Disney World that brings my back to my childhood. I could probably blame my parents for taking us there all the time when we were younger but I won't.
When you start a weight loss journey, the scale instantly becomes your best friend and your worst enemy. Some times, the scale shows you a number that you really want to see but most of the time it doesn't. The number you see is most likely lower than the number you started at but it is not as low as you were expecting or it may even be a little bit higher than the previous week. More often than not, the scale is your worst enemy when you are trying to lose weight. You bust your butt at the gym and you watch your calories like a hawk but the scale still doesn't show you the number that you want. The scale will test your patience and resolve.
Last week was a pretty rough week for me. On Monday, I knew that it was not going to be easy for me to make it through the week. My body wasn't feeling great and I spent most of the week fearing that another episode like December would happen. I was afraid to work out and I really wanted to devour all the chocolate. Most days, I struggled to stay under my calorie allotment and several days I actually went over. When I finally started to feel normal, I just wasn't in the mood to work out or focus on my calories. I had already chucked the week and assumed that I would see a gain when I weighed myself on Monday morning.
- (Re)Starting Weigh In (12/15/14): 171.4 lbs.
- Last Week's Weigh In (2/9/15): 166.2 lbs.
- This Week's Weigh In (2/16/15): 167.0 lbs.
- This Week's Weight Change: +0.8 lbs. (+0.48%)
- Total Weight Change: –4.4 lbs. (-2.56%)
When I saw the number on the scale on Monday morning, I wasn't surprised at all. I knew that I hadn't done anything to deserve a loss or even maintenance. I was still disappointed and a little upset. I tried to figure out what I could have done differently while I was in the shower. The scale won and I was letting it get under my skin. I was also frustrated that my total loss wasn't more after 9 weeks of trying to lose weight. My daily calorie allotment has been based on trying to lose one pound a week so I should be closer to 9 pounds than I actually was. Am I not committed enough? Should I change up what I eat every day? Do I need to try a new fitness routine?
Once my initial anxiety was over, I realized that I don't need to drastically change anything. I have lost weight. I haven't lost as much as I would have liked but the number on the scale has moved in the right direction. Not every week is going to be perfect and I need to remember that. My pants are starting to feel a little looser and I have already started using the next notch in my belt. (Hello NSV!) Losing weight is a weekly struggle but it is also about the long term. Every week is not going to be good. If the scale keeps moving in the right direction, then I am winning.
Since I am spending the weekend at Walt Disney World, it will be even harder to stick to my plan. I may be running two races but that doesn't mean I can eat everything in sight. I need to be mindful of the food that I choose to eat and how much of it that I do eat. I really love to overindulge when I am at Disney but I don't want to do that this time. I would really like to see a smaller number on the scale on Tuesday morning. I also need to make sure that I am drinking plenty of water and staying hydrated.
How are you doing on your weight loss goals? How do you feel when you hit a stumbling block?


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This is an online lesson associated with activities during Solar Week, a twice-yearly event in March and October during which classrooms are able to interact with scientists studying the Sun. This activity is scheduled to occur during Monday of... (View More) Solar Week. The lesson introduces the concept of astronomical filters and their connections to imaging different objects in space. Learners will explore perceptions of images as seen using different colors of light, construct a filter wheel, and practice investigating various astronomical images using the filter wheel. This material was designed to highlight how filters are useful to astronomers and show how a real astronomical telescope uses filters to image the Sun. Outside of Solar Week, information, activities, and resources are archived and available online at any time. (View Less)
This is an activity about magnetism. Learners will experiment using horseshoe and bar magnets along with various materials in order to identify the effects of magnets on each other and on other materials. This is the third activity as part of the... (View More) iMAGiNETICspace: Where Imagination, Magnetism, and Space Collide educator's guide. Instructions for downloading the iBook educator's guide and the associated Transmedia book student guide are available at the resource link. (View Less)
This is an activity about magnetic fields. Learners will use various magnets, magnetic film, and a compass to see and illustrate what magnetic fields look like. This is the fourth activity as part of the iMAGiNETICspace: Where Imagination,... (View More) Magnetism, and Space Collide educator's guide. Instructions for downloading the iBook educator's guide and the associated Transmedia book student guide are available at the resource link. (View Less)
Participants will use scientific practices to investigate answers to questions involving the color of the sky, sunsets, the Sun, and oceans. This activity requires use of a clear acrylic or glass container to hold water, a strong flashlight,... (View More) batteries for the flashlight, and powdered creamer or milk. (View Less)
Learners will weigh themselves on scales modified to represent their weights on other worlds to explore the concept of gravity and its relationship to weight. They consider how their weights would be the highest of all the planets while standing on... (View More) Jupiter, but their mass remains the same no matter where in the solar system they are. They compare the features of different planets to determine which characteristics cause a planet to have more or less gravity. This activity is part of Explore! Jupiter's Family Secrets, a series designed to engage children in space and planetary science in libraries and informal learning environments. (View Less)
This is a demonstration about the density of the planets. Learners will compare the relative sizes and masses of scale models of the planets as represented by fruits and other foods. They will then dunk the "planets" in water to highlight the fact... (View More) that even a large, massive planet - such as Saturn - can have low density. They discuss how a planet's density is related to whether it is mainly made up of rock or gas. This activity is part of Explore! Jupiter's Family Secrets, a series designed to engage children in space and planetary science in libraries and informal learning environments. (View Less)
Learners will model the gravitational fields of planets on a flexible surface. Children place and move balls of different sizes and densities on a plastic sheet to develop a mental picture of how the mass of an object influences how much effect it... (View More) has on the surrounding space. This activity is part of Explore! Jupiter's Family Secrets, a series designed to engage children in space and planetary science in libraries and informal learning environments. (View Less)
In this demonstration activity, students make structural models of gas molecules using pipe cleaners and polystyrene balls and test their molecules for their resonant frequency. Students shake the models, count vibrations, and compare the resonance... (View More) frequencies of different gases. Students learn that photons of infrared energy vibrate at the right frequency to transfer their energy to carbon dioxide and methane, which in turn causes those molecules to vibrate, which is experienced in the real world as heat. The teacher's guide includes illustrative videos for this resource. This activity is supported by a textbook chapter, What's So Special about CO²?, part of the unit, Climate Change, in Global Systems Science (GSS), an interdisciplinary course for high school students that emphasizes how scientists from a wide variety of fields work together to understand significant problems of global impact. (View Less)
Materials Cost: $1 - $5 per group of students
Learners will explore different ways of displaying visual spectra, including colored "barcode" spectra, like those produced by a diffraction grating, and line plots displaying intensity versus color, or wavelength. Students learn that a diffraction... (View More) grating acts like a prism, bending light into its component colors. The activity is part of Project Spectra, a science and engineering program for middle-high school students, focusing on how light is used to explore the Solar System. (View Less)
This is an activity about the Doppler effect. Learners begin by simulating the noise made by a passing siren. After learning that the change in pitch results from movement, they investigate the definition of frequency, calculate change in frequency,... (View More) and learn how this applies to light and the study of astronomy. This lesson requires a Doppler ball, also referred to as a buzzer ball. (View Less)


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Norman Reedus Would Take Matters Into His Own Hands During an NYC Zombie Apocalypse
He'd enjoy some alone time at the Trump Hotel.
At last night's Cinema Society screening of Trance, we asked The Walking Dead's Norman Reedus how he'd survive a zombie outbreak in Manhattan. "I would go to the Trump Hotel, lock myself in the penthouse, and watch South Park," he told us. "Wait it out. Oh, and jerk off." The whole time? It might take a while. "Not the way I do it! It'll be over in fifteen seconds." Note to the rest of The Walking Dead cast: That's how you answer a zombie-apocalypse question for the one-millionth time.


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Educators and researchers have examined the effectiveness of grade retention for decades. From the early 1980s to the present, opinions regarding the merit of grade retention have varied from being positive for some students and in some circumstances, to being overwhelmingly negative and of little value in promoting academic achievement in others. Several conclusions regarding the helpfulness and harmfulness of retention can be drawn from the wealth of research that has been conducted. Overall, one point is clear—retention is not effective in producing significant gains in student achievement or in having lasting benefits for struggling students (Alexander et al., 1994; Shepard & Smith, 1989; Thompson, 1999).
Prevalence and Cost of Grade Retention
The prevalence of grade retention, much like social promotion, is unknown, because school districts rarely keep records of how many children are retained each year. Estimates can be derived, however, from census data. These estimates show that the number of grade-retained children ranges from six to nine percent annually (Association of California School Administrators, 1999; Center for Policy and Research in Education [CPRE], 1990). For students in urban school districts, the retention rate has been estimated to be approximately 50 percent (AFT, 1997). The cost of retaining or reeducating U.S. students for at least one year is staggering. For example, in 1996 to 1997 there were about 46 million children enrolled in public schools in the United States with an average cost per pupil expenditure of$5,923 (NCES, 1999b). Using these figures, this means that at least 3.2 million children (7 percent) were retained in grade at a cost of almost $19 billion.
Retention and Academic Achievement
Retention can help some students and in certain circumstances, but there are serious risks associated with it (Thompson, 1999). The majority of studies show that retention is not effective in promoting positive academic achievement, especially in the long run. Holmes (1989) conducted a meta-analysis of 63 empirical studies that examined the effectiveness of retention. Fifty-four of the 63 studies showed that at-risk children who were promoted achieved at the same or higher levels than comparable peers who were retained and spent two years rather than one in a grade. Other studies have also confirmed these findings and found that when retained and promoted students of like ability were compared, the promoted students outperformed the retained students the next year (Norton, 1990; Walters & Borgers, 1995).
Children are often retained in kindergarten or first grade in the belief that if a student must be retained, it is best to do so very early in a child's school career. Several well-designed studies show, however, that retaining children in kindergarten and first grade ultimately can be ineffective and harmful. A large study in the Chicago public schools showed that retained children, especially in first grade, did not improve over time (Reynolds, Temple, & McCoy, 1997). Alexander and colleagues (1994) followed 775 students in Baltimore city schools for eight years. They found that children retained in first grade improved their achievement test scores the year they were retained. However, these same retainees achieved in second grade and every grade thereafter at the same relative level as their first year in first grade. Researchers speculate first grade retention may be especially difficult for young children because of the difficulty they experience transitioning into a formal school environment. Being removed from peers with whom they have formed a relationship appears to hinder their development rather than foster positive growth (Entwisle & Alexander, 1993).
There is a considerable amount of research that also shows that kindergarten retention and use of transition grades (such as two-year kindergarten programs) have no lasting academic advantage over other children who were never retained but were also equally unready because of immaturity or low achievement. Children who spent the extra year in kindergarten were just as likely as their promoted counterparts to be at the bottom of the third grade class (Gredler, 1984; Holmes, 1989; Meisels, 1992; Nason, 1991; Rose, Medway, Cantrell, & Marus, 1983; Shepard & Smith, 1986, 1989).
Retention and Social and Health Implications
Children who are retained tend to feel more poorly about their capabilities, score lower on measures of personal and psychological adjustment, and display more discipline problems. Clinical interviews with students show that they felt angry or sad about the retention and feared the reaction of family and friends. Some were teased by neighbors and reported having a difficult time adjusting to school (Byrnes, 1989; Holmes, 1989; Norton, 1990; Shepard & Smith, 1989).
Being retained in a grade has also been strongly correlated with dropping out of school. Children who are retained one year are five times more likely to drop out of school than those who have never been retained. Children who are retained two or more years have almost a 100 percent probability of becoming dropouts compared with similar low performers who are promoted (CPRE, 1990).
School failure has also been linked to participation in health-risk behaviors (cigarette use, alcohol use, and weapons-related violence) for adolescents, according to data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Blum, Beuhring, Shew, Bearing, Sieving, & Resnick, 2000). In-home interviews with a nationally representative sample of about 10,000 students ages 12 to 17 and their families showed that school failure is more likely to predict participation in violent activities, use of alcohol, and involvement in sexual activity than is poverty, race, or family structure. The researchers concluded that school failure should be viewed as a public health problem (Blum et al., 2000).
Conclusions about Retention
Even though a few studies have found that retention can have a positive short-term benefit (Alexander et al., 1994; Holmes, 1989), the vast majority have shown either no long-term advantage, harm, or a consistent "washout" effect (Gredler, 1984; Holmes, 1989; Mantizicopoulos & Morrison, 1992; Meisels, 1992; Nason, 1991; Reynolds et al., 1997; Rose et al., 1983; Shepard & Smith, 1986, 1989). This indicates that the potential benefit does not warrant the risk. Even researchers who otherwise support retention do not view it as a tool for helping children succeed in school (Alexander et al., 1994).
© ______ 2007, Merrill, an imprint of Pearson Education Inc. Used by permission. All rights reserved. The reproduction, duplication, or distribution of this material by any means including but not limited to email and blogs is strictly prohibited without the explicit permission of the publisher.


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From Conservapedia
This page must mention the court cases McCulloch v. Maryland (in which it was decided the states could not tax the federal government) and incorporation doctrine (the application of the Bill of Rights to the states by the 14th Amendment). --Snotbowst 22:07, 6 May 2008 (EDT)
This page must also mention that the claim that USA is "nearly unique" (I hope no English teacher sees that) as a Federal system is patently wrong. I live in Australia which has a federal and state parliaments. It is a Federation. Canada is basically the same. Brazil. Germany ditto. And so on. AlanE 23:56, 9 January 2015 (EST)


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The ACI Scholarly Blog Index is a collection of scholarly and authoritative blogs from experts in all fields of science, social sciences, and the humanities.
Web researchers can search the ACI Scholarly Blog Index to find authoritative content from blogs in a variety of academic and research disciplines. While keyword searches to explore blog content are probably the most common type of search, web researchers can also find blogs using the blog title, blog author, and other variables. Search results can then be further refined with the facets located on the left; for example, to filter results by Library of Congress Classification, publication, author degree, and many others. For more information on searching, please explore our Search Help FAQ located on the ACI Help Desk page.
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B. Geoff McIntire, California, USA. The London, England-based Dempsey took his grandfather's name for his recording moniker. Originally from California, McIntire laid the foundations for his future in the music ...
From: Dempsey in Encyclopedia of Popular Music »
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Remember the loan my husband applied for almost two weeks ago? It was approved last week. That was fast, may be because he has a good credit rating. That is the advantage of having good credit ratings, your loan will always be approved. But what if you have a poor credit rating? Can you still apply for a loan? Of course you can. You may not realize it, but even if you have very poor credit you can get fast cash for emergencies with Auto Title Loans Hayward and Auto Title Loans Fresno. You can get the money you need when you need it. If you own a car, truck or van with a minimum wholesale value of $5,000 you can get cash in 1 hour with bad credit ok while you keep and drive your vehicle. You are considered for approval even if you have bad credit history, tax liens, repossessions, bankruptcies, and have been denied credit elsewhere. All you need is a clean title on a vehicle that is paid off. Auto Title Loans are becoming popular option for people in need of fast cash since banks are becoming stricter. So if you have bad credit rating but you need cash to pay some emergencies like tax debts, medical bills or unexpected car and house repairs, don't lose hope. Apply for an automobile title fast loans, get your cash while still driving your car.
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