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Human Cultural Evolution: The Malthusian Theory
by Lynden S. Williams
This is the first of three papers that examine the 'supply-side' theory of human cultural evolution and the alternative 'demand-side' theory. The 'supply-side' theory was expounded by Thomas Malthus in the early 1800's as The Principle of Population, and in 1830 in a shortened version as A Summary View of the Principle of Population, referred to generally as the Malthusian Theory. The 'demand-side' theory was laid out by Ester Boserup in her book The Conditions of Agricultural Growth: The Economics of Agrarian Change under Population Pressure, published in 1965. We will begin with an examination of the 'supply-side' (or Malthusian) theory, and turn to the 'demand-side' (or Boserup) theory in the next paper. The third paper will examine human cultural evolution and argue the Boserup Theory is the better explanation of how and why those evolutionary processes occurred, and explore some of the implications.
Many persons with interest in this topic will be tempted to assume they need not read this first section on the Malthusian Theory; we have known about that theory since high school, and have no need to review it. I suggest that text book explanations of the Malthusian Theory usually emphasize the two postulates Malthus employed to support his view and often fail to even acknowledge the logical deduction that constitutes the core of this theory. Most historians would reject the Malthusian Theory, but when one reads their work it is often apparent that Theory is prominent in their thinking (see reference to V. Gordon Childe below). In order to understand the Boserup Theory, we must have a clear understanding of the alternative Malthusian Theory.
I am strongly biased against the Malthusian Theory, but I cannot disprove that Theory. I can show that the postulates he used to support his theory have been incorrect over the past 200 years since he espoused them. But that does not preclude the possibility that the theory may be correct for reasons that he did not state, or correct in some places or at some times in the past; and it certainly does not preclude the possibility that it can hold true in the future. I am strongly biased in favor of the Boserup Theory, but I cannot prove it is correct. I can demonstrate how and why the Boserup Theory could explain much of human cultural evolution and why that explanation is far more persuasive. But that does not preclude the possibility that the alternative perspective could have produced the same result, nor can I know with any degree of certainty whether the Boserup Theory will be relevant to the future of humans.
The Issue
What caused early humanoids to become omnivorous (the change from vegetarian to a diet that includes meat)? Was that change predictable? Can we know what sorts of individuals or groups first made that change? What caused early people to leave their homeland in the hot wet tropics of Africa and take up residence in the seasonally dry tropical savannas? What caused them to migrate into the seasonally cold latitudes of Europe? Was their motive the same as for those who had previously migrated to the savannas? Did that same motive cause some groups to become farmers, and later, to develop the urban-industrial society? If so, we may be able to identify the 'prime driver' in human cultural evolution, and have a real basis for explaining how and why the transformation of humans from hunter-gatherers in the hot wet tropics to urban-industrial societies, covering most of the ice-free land surface of the earth, occurred. And, if there is one more stage in human cultural evolution, we may have some basis for speculating which societies will make that transition.
Each stage in human cultural evolution was coincident with a rapid expansion of the population and therefore must have also been coincident with a significant expansion in the production of food. Obviously these two variables must increase (or decline) in tandem; the human population could not increase without an increase in the supply of food, and people would not gather or produce food and other goods unless there was demand. But which is the basic cause and which is an effect? If an increase in food production causes or allows people to increase their population then the 'prime drivers' of human cultural evolution must have been those individuals and societies that discovered or learned how to increase the food supply. If an increase in population causes people to increase their supply of food, then we need to focus on why population pressure occurred in one region or among one group, rather than some other region or group.
For most of human history 'supply' consists primarily of basic food, and changes in 'demand' resulted from population growth or decline. The supply-side theory holds that increased or decreased production is the cause for changes in demand—that is, population growth or decline. The demand-side theory holds that an increase in demand resulting from population growth is usually necessary to stimulate those innovations and changed methods that would cause supply to increase. Obviously, basic food is a small, albeit essential, component of demand in most countries today, and it constitutes an equally small share of the total supply of goods and services. However, whether supply and demand is made up mostly of basic food or a combination of food and other goods and services, the question remains: Is it increased supply of goods and services that causes demand to increase, or is it increased demand for those goods and services that caused the supply to increase? It is argued here that the 'supply-side', or Malthusian Theory, and 'demand-side', or Boserup Theory, are equally relevant today as in the past when the primary issue related to food production and population growth.
The Malthusian and Boserup Theories imply human histories that are so contradictory and so divergent in their cause and effect interpretations, that the two stories can scarcely be recognized as dealing with the same species on the same planet. Without a clear understanding of both theories, one cannot have a valid basis for judging the validity of historical arguments presented. Any serious student of human cultural evolution must be able to recognize the perspective of the speaker with regard to the cause and effect relationship between increased productivity and growth in demand. Providing that basis for recognizing that perspective and ability to contrast that perspective with the alternative view, is the purpose of this, and the following papers.
Ladder of Civilization
In the Old Stone Age men relied for a living entirely on hunting, fishing, and gathering wild berries, roots, slugs, and shellfish. Their numbers were restricted by the provision of food made for them by Nature...In Neolithic times men control their own food supply by cultivating plants and breeding animals...so that... a community can now produce more food than it needs to consume, and can increase production to meet the requirement of an expanding population. ...To secure bronze tools a community must produce a surplus of foodstuffs to support bodies of specialist miners, smelters, and smiths withdrawn from direct food production. V. Gordon Childe.[1]
Clearly Childe subscribed to the 'supply-side' or Malthusian Theory of human cultural evolution. That is, he assumed that the plant-animal symbiosis we call agriculture resulted from discovery or innovation by humans in a deliberate effort to increase production in order to provide for a growing population. Many plants and animals evolved a mutually beneficial symbiosis with one or more other life forms. That evolutionary process is well known to biologists and known to occur over a period of thousands of years. Humans, in contrast to other life forms, can become aware of this process and greatly speed and refine it. But do we suppose humans achieved it as a discovery or innovation? Don't we know animals tend to scatter seeds of the plants they consume? Don't we know that some of those plants become dependent upon the animal to scatter their seeds, and gradually lose the ability to fly on the wind or whatever method they used previously to get themselves planted? Do we suppose humans were not molded by the same evolutionary processes that designed other forms of life? And incidentally, why would early humans have produced more food than they needed? Did they anticipate an urban market where they could exchange their surplus food for manufactured products?
Similarly, the movie Space Odyssey 2001 included an introductory segment meant to illustrate the evolution of man as a tool maker and tool user. The scene was set in a tropical grassland region during the dry season as two clans of pre-humans compete for a water hole. The clan with the largest and strongest male wins that competition and the clan of the weaker male is forced to retreat. Later a male member of the weaker clan absent-mindedly picks up a short tree limb and in frustration slaps it at a nearby skull; he notices that the skull is smashed. He hits at another skull and gets the same result; one can see and feel the jubilation and exhilaration of the 'inventor or discoverer' of the club. The next day at the water hole the tide turns against the big strong male and in favor of our inventive hero. [Obviously, no historian would have bought into that story. Pre-humans could never have competed on the savannas without weapons that would bring down the large grassland animals and allow them to defend themselves against the large predators. And, the issue of why pre-humans, who did not use the club, had an opposable thumb with which to hold it, was not addressed.[2]]
These two examples are typical of how human cultural evolution is generally portrayed—that is, as a struggle up from brute savagery to civilization, in which each rung in that ladder was achieved by innovation or discovery. Indeed, the focus of history is often on the timing of those advances and the individual or group that achieved the break through that allowed humans to move to a higher level of civilization and presumably higher level of well-being. Thus, the discoverers or innovators who are able to bring a more productive technology or land use system into existence are often considered the prime drivers in human cultural evolution. In that sense, history is a celebration of those individuals and groups who made it possible for humanity to escape the forests of Africa and settle the savannas and later settle the seasonally cold latitudes, to become food producers rather than hunter-gatherers of wild plants and animals, and to achieve the urban-industrial lifestyle. Certainly Thomas Malthus subscribed to that theory of human cultural evolution.
The "Malthusian Theory" demonstrated how and why human population growth would lead necessarily to impoverishment or indeed starvation, unless new methods and technology were sufficient to offset diminishing marginal returns to labor.[3] He was well aware that in the past (prior to 1800) improved methods of food production were sufficient to provide for a growing population. He did not, however, believe innovation could provide for a growing population in the future. Discussion of the Malthusian Theory is often confined to the issue of whether introduction of improved methods and technology can continue to provide for a growing population and higher levels of well-being in the future, rather than whether or not that theory, and the human cultural evolution it implies, is correct.
The central tenants of the Malthusian Theory, the tendency for populations to increase through time and the Law of Diminishing Returns to Labor, greatly precede Thomas Malthus. Likewise, the view of human cultural evolution as a struggle up the ladder of civilization with innovation and discovery being the cause for that progress, has probably been taken as 'common knowledge' from the beginning of human speculation about the how and why of our history. Malthus is credited with organizing those ideas into a comprehensive theory of cultural evolution.
History is often presented as a Malthusian interpretation of the relationship between innovation and population (or production) growth. Environmentalists and futurists of other stripes may disavow that Theory. However, their predictions and projections of the human future are often largely predicated on the Malthusian interpretation of human cultural evolution. If we are to understand human cultural evolution and projections of that past into the future, we need to have a clear understanding of the fundamental ideas those projections are based upon. And, we need to understand as well that there is an alternative theory which produces a radically different interpretation of how and why humans have come to be as we are, and what changes are to be expected in the future.
The Malthusian Theory
THE IRON LAW OF WAGES: "In the natural advance of society, the wages of labor will have a tendency to fall, as far as they are regulated by supply and demand; for the supply of labor will continue to increase at the same rate, while the demand for them will increase at a slower rate." David Ricardo.
The Iron Law of Wages was first stated by Ferdinand Lassalle, although the theory behind it was formulated earlier by Thomas Malthus. The essence of the Iron Law of Wages is that anything that would cause wages to rise above the minimum subsistence level would set into motion forces (namely an increase in labor produced by population growth) that would necessarily bring wages back to the subsistence level. In short, only absence of food could prevent population growth to, or somewhat beyond, the capacity of potential production.
Malthus stated:[4] "...we cannot fail to be struck with a prodigious power of increase in plants and animals" (p. 44). Using the example of wheat, he noted that a single acre of wheat can easily yield sufficient seed to plant six acres the next season, and those six acres could yield seed for thirty-six acres in the following season; at that rate of increase the entire surface of the earth could be covered with wheat in just fourteen years [614 = 78 billion acres; compared to about 37 billion acres of land on earth]. Likewise, he noted that sheep are able to double their numbers every two years; if we begin with the number of sheep that can be sustained on one acre of pasture and double that number every two years, the entire land surface of the earth would be filled to capacity with sheep in just seventy-six years. Malthus observed that the land surface of the earth could not be covered with wheat or sheep because: (among other reasons) ..."it would be impossible for the most enlightened human efforts to make all the soil of the earth equal in fertility to the average quality of land now in use" (p. 45). With regard to plants and non-human animals Malthus concluded: "...notwithstanding this prodigious power of increase in vegetables and animals, their actual increase is extremely slow"; because the resource base upon which they depend cannot be increased at that rate. In the case of non-human life, he noted that the resource base was mostly fixed, except to the extent that humans can modify that resource base, say for cultigens and domestic animals.
Applying this principle of population to human population growth, Malthus noted that: "It may be safely asserted, therefore, that population, when unchecked, increases in a geometrical progression of such a nature as to double itself every twenty-five years" (p. 52). He based that assumption on the doubling of the U.S. population between 1795 and 1820 which he ascribed to the abundance of good land resources available to the population (there was very little immigration into the U.S. between 1795 and 1820). He assumed that all human populations would double every 25 years if they also had ample productive resources available to them. A 25-year doubling period implies a geometric rate of three percent annually, so that it would take several hundred years to reach the astronomical numbers that wheat could achieve in fourteen years and sheep in seventy-six years. For example, if 1,000 people maintained a growth rate of 3 percent annually, in 600 years they would number 50 billion [1,000 X (1.03^600) = about 50 billion). Notwithstanding the greater amount of time required, the term 'prodigious' is certainly not an improper characterization of the potential for human population growth. Malthus noted that: "If his natural capacity of increase be greater than can be permanently supplied with food from a limited territory, his increase must be constantly retarded by the difficulty of procuring the means of subsistence" (p. 45).
Malthus knew people could increase production by working their land more intensively. That is, people can space plants closer, cultivate more often, cover plants with glass to prevent freezing, apply more fertilizer, water plants more carefully, etc. However, he noted that in the absence of an increase in farm land, increased food production would require "the gradual and laborious improvement of the land already cultivated… (and that) the yearly increment of food would …have a tendency to diminish, and the amount of the increase of each successive ten years would probably be less than of the preceding" (p. 52). The economic law of diminishing returns to labor assures that additional units of labor applied to a constant amount of land, will (absent a change in methods) result in a reduction in the marginal (and thus average) return to labor. Malthus continued: "By the laws of nature man cannot live without food. Whatever may be the rate at which population would increase if unchecked, it never can actually increase in any country beyond the food necessary to support it" (p. 54). He stated: "Elevated as man is above all other animals by his intellectual faculties, it is not to be supposed that the physical laws to which he is subjected should be essentially different from those which are observed to prevail in other parts of animated nature. ...suppose that by great attention to agriculture, its produce could be permanently increased every twenty-five years by a quantity equal to that which it at present produces...a rate decidedly beyond any probability of realization (emphasis mine). The most sanguine cultivators could hardly expect that in the course of the next two hundred years each farm in this country on an average would produce eight times as much as it produces at present, and still less that this rate of increase could continue so that each farm would produce twenty times as much as at present in five hundred years, and forty times as much in one thousand years. Yet this would be an arithmetical progression and would fall short, beyond all comparison, of the natural increase of population in a geometrical progression" (p. 53).
Malthus also knew that diminishing returns to labor could be offset by innovation and new technology. He stated: "while improvements in agriculture ... might for some time occasion a rapid increase of food and population ... These variations, however, obviously arise from causes which do not impeach the general tendency of a continued increase of produce in a limited territory to diminish the power of its increase in (the) future" (p. 52). Furthermore, he believed the law of diminishing returns applied to innovation, as well as to labor, land, and capital. That is, he assumed that an innovation allowing production to increase from say 30 to 40 bushels per acre would be more easily achieved than one that increased production from 40 bushels to 50, and indeed he suggested that the potential for such innovations is very limited, or perhaps absolutely limited; he stated: "..we are indebted wholly to the ignorance and bad government of our ancestors. If they had properly called forth the resources of the soil, it is quite certain that we should not have but scanty means left of further increasing our food" (p. 57). Thus, each innovation that increases production will not only serve to increase the population, but will also limit the potential for new innovation that could further increase production.
The issue raised by Malthus was not whether human population growth would continue or stop. He was certain that it would stop; it would either be stopped by positive checks or it will be stopped by preventive checks. Either people would continue to do what comes naturally and soon find growth stopped by hunger and poverty (positive checks), or we will see that disaster coming and reduce our fertility before we run out of food (preventive checks). Given those two options, Malthus (and all other rational people) preferred the latter. Obviously, Malthus was aware of the fact that humans could limit their growth by birth control, abortion, and infanticide; however, he opposed those methods because he believed they were wrong (vice, as he put it). He therefore recommended postponement of marriage or abstaining from sex as the appropriate "preventive checks" on population growth.
Malthus' objection to birth control and abortion is not material to his theory, and inclusion of birth control/abortion in that model does not make the "neo-Malthusian model" new. Malthus' religious beliefs have nothing to do with the validity or lack of validity of his theory. [On the other hand, modern Malthusianists usually emphasize environmental degradation and destruction associated with population growth, rather than (or in addition to) diminishing returns to labor and technology, as the essential limit on increased production; in that sense it is neo-Malthusian.]
Given the dire consequences of population growth, and Malthus' belief that the "laboring classes" were unlikely to limit their growth by preventive checks, he suggested that attempts to limit the suffering and hunger of the poor (provided at that time by the "poor tax") would be counterproductive. He hoped that only the most desperate would accept such assistance. He stated: "...if it is so discreditable to receive parochial relief, that great exertions are made to avoid it, and few or none marry with a certain prospect of being obliged to have recourse to it, there is no doubt that those who were really in distress might be adequately assisted with little danger of a constantly increasing proportion of paupers." If on the other hand, welfare payments are socially acceptable and sufficient to reduce poverty to the point that..."many marry with the almost certain prospect of becoming paupers, and the proportion of their numbers to the whole population is, in consequence, continually increasing, it is certain that the partial good attained must be much more than counterbalanced by the general deterioration in the condition of the great mass of the society and the prospect of its daily growing worse"... then welfare (parochial relief) will do more harm than good (p. 69).
Both Marx and Engels objected vigorously to Malthus' theory. Marx described Malthus' essay as schoolboyish, and he accused Malthus of plagiarism and being self-serving. He attributed the jubilant reception of Malthus' work by the English oligarchy as proof of the work's attempt to disrupt the efforts by some to improve the lot of humankind. Marx's work is often cited as an alternative to the Malthusian Theory, even though his objections to the Malthusian Principle of Population was largely confined to a single footnote, and his labor theory of value did not challenge Malthus' contention that increased production is the cause of population growth, other than suggesting it would be relevant only in capitalist countries. One can certainly view the social implications of the Malthusian Theory as objectionable or even despicable; however, objections based on idealism and morality do not constitute a valid argument against that theory, and certainly do not constitute alternative theory.
The Malthusian Theory is frequently misstated as: Human populations increase geometrically and the food supply increases arithmetically. In fact, Malthus said populations would tend to grow geometrically if food and space were available, but with rare, short term exceptions, food and space will certainly not be available, and therefore human populations will certainly not grow geometrically. He said the arithmetic rate of increase in food production would be the best that could be hoped for, but with rare short term exceptions, an arithmetic rate of increase would be decidedly beyond any probability of realization. An accurate summary of the Malthusian Theory should be stated as his logical deduction (not the postulates he used to support that deduction), namely: That the increase in human populations will be constantly retarded by the difficulty of procuring the means of subsistence, and therefore population growth is dependent upon a prior or simultaneous increase in the food supply.
That passion between the sexes would assure that people would tend to have as many children as they can feed, and that the number of surviving children will depend upon the amount of food they have, was mostly taken by Malthus as too obvious to require much elaboration. He therefore concentrated his efforts on explaining the capacity of humans to increase their population geometrically, and the Law of diminishing returns to labor which would, absent more productive methods, result in lower marginal returns to increased labor, and thus lower average returns for the total population. The concept of diminishing returns to labor is now considered to be a universal economic law so that Malthus' explanation and defense of that law can be considered redundant. Likewise, it is clear that humans and other living creatures have the biological capacity to increase their numbers geometrically. Therefore, much of the content of Malthus' work can now be considered to be obviously correct.
On the other hand, diminishing returns to innovation and technology is certainly not accepted today as obviously true. And, the 'facts' that people have as many children as they can feed, and that the primary limitation on population growth is the food supply have been false over most of the world during the past two hundred years, and were probably always false. Humans can (obviously do) limit their fertility for reasons that are totally unrelated to their ability or inability to feed additional children. And, the application of innovation and technology can produce (obviously has produced) a rapid rate of growth in production of goods and services, including food.
The Malthusian Theory conforms to the Biological Law of Zero Population Growth. Whereas any form of living creature is biologically capable of increasing at a geometric rate through time, it will certainly not do so over the long term. Said another way, the long-term rate of growth of any species has always been, and must always remain, zero percent. The biological law of zero population growth must be qualified as follows: First, for some species, the population may vary radically from decade to decade (from year to year in the cases of species such as insects and birds) because of short-term environmental factors, even though the long-term average remains relatively constant. Second, major changes in climate may produce periods when the number of individuals of a species will increase to a new higher carrying capacity and periods when that number will decrease to a lower carrying capacity. Third, when a species transfers into a suitable environment where it was previously absent, it will tend to increase geometrically as an exotic (and may provide a growing food supply for some other species), until the new environment is filled (or in most cases overfilled, at the expense of native life forms). And fourth, all species had a beginning and presumably will have an end; therefore there must have been a time when their numbers increased and there will be a time when their numbers will decrease to zero. And, of course, we must include a fifth exception to the law of zero population growth: a species that can radically change the environment and methods of production by cultural rather than biological chance (that is, humans) is capable of greatly expanding production and thus accommodating vast increases in population.
By the time of the 1830 restatement of his Principle of Population, Malthus had become aware that people in some areas of Europe had reduced their fertility in spite of the apparent fact that they possessed sufficient food for larger families. That is, an adequate food supply caused people to reduce their fertility, rather than (in keeping with his theory) increase the number of children they have. He quotes M. Muret regarding the reduction in the fertility rate in Switzerland: "But whence comes it that the country where children escape the best from the dangers of infancy, and where the mean life (income)...is higher than in any other, should be precisely that in which the fecundity is the smallest? How comes it again, that of all our parishes, the one which gives the mean life the highest, should also be the one where the tendency to increase is the smallest?" (p. 64). That is, the tendency for fertility to be inversely related to income, which we recognize as almost universal today, was already apparent in 1830.
Muret (and Malthus) was confused by this relationship between fertility and the food supply. Muret stated that he would hazard a conjecture that: "God has wisely ordered things in such a manner as that the force of life (income) in each country should be in the inverse ratio of its fecundity"... so that the better off will not over-people themselves and the poor by their extraordinary fecundity, will be able to sustain their population (p. 64). Malthus did not appear to agree with Muret that lower fertility among those with better access to food was caused by lower fecundity, but simply saw the Switzerland case stated by Muret as an exception to his theory. He stated: "There can be little doubt that in this case the extreme healthiness of the people, arising from their situation and employments, had more effect in producing the prudential check to population than the prudential check in producing the extreme healthiness" (p. 64). That is, healthiness (higher incomes or better access to food) seemed to be the cause rather than a consequence of lower fertility—reversing the lines of causation in his model.
Nevertheless, Malthus did not see this as evidence that his theory was incorrect. He noted (with regard to Switzerland): "There is no land so little capable of providing for an increasing population as mountainous pastures. And that: ...the actual progress of population is, with very few exceptions, determined by the relative difficulty of procuring the means of subsistence and not by the relative natural powers of increase..." (p. 65). That is, Malthus mostly rejected the idea that people with higher incomes would tend to reduce their fertility except as preventive checks intended to prevent future impoverishment. He held to the notion that checks on population were mostly related to an insufficient food supply (positive checks) or fear that population growth would produce such an insufficiency (preventive checks). In the case of Switzerland and other healthy populations in Europe, he believed people used preventive checks (the prudential restraint on marriage) to prevent over-population and thereby assure that their offspring will share their healthy lifestyle.
According to the Malthusian Theory population growth is a dependent variable (dependent upon an increase in food), and growth in the food supply is an independent variable (independent of population growth). If we were to graph the relationship between the number of people and the amount of food according to the Malthusian Theory, we would put population on the Y-axis and the food supply on the X-axis, to indicate that an increase or decrease in the food supply would lead directly to a concomitant increase or decrease in the population.[5]
Critique of the Malthusian Theory
With the advantage of hindsight we know that Malthus was wrong about the disinclination of humans to limit their population growth unless forced to do so by scarcity or the threat of future scarcity. European people the world over, and more recently most Asians and Latin Americans, have greatly reduced their rate of growth even though they could easily support much larger populations. Indeed, declining fertility around the world is more closely associated with abundance than scarcity; it is the middle and upper classes that are more inclined to reduce their fertility, and the poor who appear most resistant to that change (as was observed in the early 1800's in Europe by Muret). And indeed, it is mostly those populations with 'cradle-to-grave' government care that now experience negative rates of population growth. We also have anthropological evidence that hunter-gatherer societies maintain their populations well below the carrying capacity even though higher fertility rates are clearly possible. We must agree that it is possible that there were times and places where people did or do reproduce as rapidly as possible until they reach the carrying capacity and face poverty or starvation. Nevertheless, we have no definitive proof that this was or is true. Therefore, anyone who holds the view that some people reproduce until they reach carrying capacity, has a very large burden of proof to show why those people behave in a manner so startlingly different from Europeans, Asians, and Latin Americans who clearly have not behaved in that way.
Malthus also knew that, in contrast to other animals, humans could increase their numbers without additional space by changing their method of producing food. Other species can only accomplish that by biological change, which is very slow; humans do that by cultural change that can be very fast. Obviously, he was aware that the population of England was growing, and he knew there had not been a previous die off, nor did England gain access to additional farm land. England was able to feed more people because of new methods of production. Nevertheless, he assumed that possible improvements in farming methods were severely limited and such innovations would at best provide a temporary arithmetic increase in food production.
Over the past 200 years increases in agricultural production proves Malthus' assumption that such increases would be temporary was wrong. The human population has grown geometrically over the past 200 years, and the pace of technological change in agriculture has been more than adequate to maintain a rate of increase in food production equal to or exceeding the rate of population growth. There can be absolutely no question about this: Malthus has been wrong so far! The world population has doubled three times since Malthus wrote his essay, and notwithstanding that eight-fold increase in numbers, the percentage (not just the number) of the world population very well fed (or overfed) has never been higher. No one believes technological change can make the food supply infinitely large, but only a great fool thinks no further increases in production are possible.
A second critique of the Malthusian Theory is based on biological evolution. We now know that symbiotic relationships that develop between life forms is driven primarily by evolution. Animals tend to scatter the seeds of those plants they gather, causing plants to favor those characteristics preferred by the gatherer rather than characteristics that would favor seed dispersion by wind. Similarly, the mutual dependency, or symbiosis, that develops between animals is driven by evolutionary processes. We refer to those plants that become symbiotic with humans as cultigens, and animals as domestics. However, the evolutionary processes that produce symbiosis between life forms is not confined to humans. Birds plant many of the trees and shrubs that produce the fruits they consume; that is, the seed passes through the digestive system of the bird and is expelled (and fertilized) some distance away. Indeed, the purpose of a nutritious 'fruit' surrounding a plant's seeds is precisely to attract an animal to consume it in order to disburse the seed. Notice that seeds tend to be toxic or bitter, so that the consumer spits them out, or have the ability to pass through the digestive system of the consumer and remain viable when planted and fertilized (for example tomato seeds passing through humans). Squirrels save nuts in an underground cache, which (because of their high mortality rate) they often fail to retrieve, and thus plant. Notice that nut trees prevent consumption of their seeds by large grazing animals (that would not plant them) by producing a very hard shell around the seed, or a poison spot (such as the buckeye tree), which the squirrel can easily open or chew around.[6] Obviously, domestication differs for humans because they become aware of the process and take measures to speed and control it. But, that awareness must come many thousands of years after the evolutionary process has been underway.
The fact that the two postulates Malthus used to support his theory have proven to be false means his logical deduction (that increased production is the cause for population growth) is not necessarily true. However, it is possible that Malthus' deduction is true for reasons other than those he articulated, or that they are true in some places but not others. For example, if the production systems that have provided for the vast increase in the world population cannot be maintained in a sustainable manner, then the Malthusian Trap has simply been postponed, rather than avoided. Nevertheless, Neo-Malthusians have a heavy burden of proof to explain how and why some human populations will tend to increase their numbers until they reach the carrying capacity and face starvation, and why population growth will not stimulate the development of technology needed to allow production to increase, as it has in the past. Likewise, sustainability has always been a work in progress; we need some theory or evidence to suggest that people will be unable or unwilling to correct the deleterious impacts of their production methods, as they generally have in the past.
In hindsight it is difficult to understand how Malthus could have been unaware of the power of innovation and new technology. After all, he lived in the very heart of the industrial revolution. Nevertheless, before we become too critical of Malthus, we must ask ourselves: How can some modern scholars believe the earth has now reached the limit on food and other production, believe the land and raw materials will soon be used up, and believe there cannot be new ways of doing things? Modern Malthusianist Paul Ehrlich (who wrote The Population Bomb in the late 1960's) stated (in his widely read Playboy interview, Aug. 1970) that Malthus was essentially correct, he just got his timing wrong (by not anticipating the flood of innovation that accompanied the industrial revolution). Ehrlich stated: "we now know almost exactly what future innovations are possible" [what an incredible statement!], and given the most optimistic assessment they could not possibly provide for the growing human population beyond a few more years. Ehrlich predicted mild food rationing in the U.S. by 1975 (by which time most of the darker skinned persons in Africa, Asia, and Latin America would have mostly starved), with the world population declining to two billion by the year 2000, and leveling off at perhaps one billion later. He also predicted that we would run out of many minerals and other raw materials so that the modern industrial system would cease to operate. Ehrlich was totally wrong about everything he wrote in his book and stated in his Playboy interview; however, that has not diminished his giant stature within the radical environmental movement.[7] Of course, pessimistic futurists have always looked into the bag of future innovations and, finding it empty, declared that no such innovations could be possible; said another way, pessimistic futurists are not innovators!
[1] V. Gordon Childe, Man Makes Himself, New York: New American Library, 1951.
[2] Environment creates form: Notice that fish, sea mammals (seals, dolphins, whales), and sea birds (penguins), all have the same shape—designed by their ocean environment. Likewise, the club reversed the thumb to the hand. Chimps can use clubs, but obviously they have not used them long enough to fully oppose the thumb to the hand. And, there is no way early humans could have survived on the savannas without weapons that would allow them to compete against the very aggressive predators and be able to kill the large animals that inhabit that climate zone.
[3] The 'marginal return' to labor is the additional increase in production resulting from the last worker; the economic Law of Diminishing 'Marginal' Returns to labor affirms that at some point an additional worker will necessarily produce less. Take the extreme case: a plot of land may require at least two workers to achieve a harvest; thus hiring the second worker may result in increasing 'marginal' returns. A third worker may also increase total returns, but not as much as the second worker. The third worker would be hired only if the lower return exceeds the wage. Likewise, a forth worker on the same plot may also increase production, but not as much as the third or second. We say the wage (plus benefits and administrative costs) must equal the marginal return to labor. At some point, hiring an additional worker will not compensate the owner sufficiently to pay the wage; and, of course there is a point at which an additional worker will result in no additional return. After the 'marginal return' to labor begins to decline, obviously the average return per worker will also decline.
4 When we graph the relationship between two variables we place, by convention, the independent or cause variable on the X or horizontal axis and the dependent or result variable on the Y or vertical axis. For example, if we plot the relationship between income and life expectancy we would place income on the X or horizontal axis and life expectancy on the Y or vertical axis, suggesting that higher incomes causes increased life expectancy (because of better health care, and because we see no reason why longer life expectance would cause higher income).
[6] I am not suggesting that plants and animals design their evolutionary processes purposefully to achieve some desirable goal. Some plants and animals lucked into a superior method of spreading their seed or increasing their food supply through the evolutionary process of symbiosis with other life forms; that process does not require purposeful action or even awareness. I am suggesting that the same evolutionary processes explain the domestication of plants and animals by humans as well.
[7] I attended a conference at La Selva research station in Costa Rica in the early 1980's at which Paul Ehrlich was present. At one point a Costa Rican scholar was presenting a paper dealing with some aspect of tropical biology. Ehrlich interrupted the presentation with the question of why Costa Ricans were not dealing with their 'overpopulation' problem. The question was in such poor Spanish that only an English speaker with some knowledge of Spanish or a Spanish speaker with some knowledge of English could have understood. The man responded that he did not believe Costa Rica had an 'overpopulation' problem, and that was not the topic of his presentation. Ehrlich continued his questioning until the gentleman finally gave up his presentation and sat down. I know that many persons in attendance were very upset by that outburst. Perhaps some subscribed to Ehrlich's 'Population Bomb' theory; but we all knew that to challenge Environmentalist Saint Paul Ehrlich would be a fatal mistake.


text:
By Adama Diarra
BAMAKO (Reuters) - Gunmen have freed four election workers and a deputy mayor a day after they were kidnapped in Mali's remote northern town of Tessalit, a local official said on Sunday.
An unexploded bomb was later discovered in the market of Kidal, another major northern town, adding to security concerns over a vote next week that some fear could lead to further instability, after a coup and Islamist uprising, due to poor preparations.
"The five hostages were picked up this morning by French soldiers outside the town. We do not know what led to them being freed," Cheick Fanta Mady Bouare, the prefect of Tessalit, told Reuters.
France sent troops to Mali early this year in an offensive against al Qaeda-linked fighters that last year seized the desert north alongside separatist Tuareg rebels.
The Islamists have been largely scattered and the Tuaregs have signed a deal to allow the vote to take place and then negotiate on their demands with an elected government.
The kidnapping follows accusations from Mali's government that the MNLA rebels had violated the ceasefire deal this week after four people died in clashes between pro-separatist Tuareg youths and black Africans in Kidal.
Bouare, the prefect, said that Baye Ag Diknane, a member of the MNLA, was arrested in connection for the kidnapping. It was not clear if he was acting on MNLA orders.
Residents and officials in Kidal said the bomb was found in the town's market, prompting people to flee the area.
"French soldiers came and cleared the area before working to deactivate the bomb," said Abou Maiga, a trader in the town.
"Everyone was panicking in Kidal this morning," he added.
Despite pockets of violence and fears hundreds of thousands of voters will not get the cards they need to vote on time, Mali is under intense foreign pressure to hold the vote on July 28.
Dramane Dembele, candidate for ADEMA, one of Mali's most-established parties, is expected to visit Kidal on Sunday.
On Saturday, Soumaila Cisse, another frontrunner in the race, said the kidnappings were regrettable but incidents like these would not undermine the credibility of the vote.
"Events in remote parts of the country should not disturb normal progress," he told Reuters. "People are trying to prevent the elections from taking place but we should resist this provocation."
(Additional reporting by Joe Penney; Writing by David Lewis; Editing by Sonya Hepinstall)

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Saturday, October 29
I honestly can't imagine life without you ...
Saturday, October 8
Friday, August 5
Your hand fits in mine like it's made just for me...
Friday, February 26
Sunday, January 10
did you actually think you mattered to him? silly girl ...
Labels: Heartbreak
You always say you hate to see me hurt, you hate to see me cry, so all those times that you hurt me, did you close your eyes?
Thursday, January 7
To Love ...
I am in love with your smile
I am in love with your voice
I am in love with your body
I am in love with your laugh
I am in love with your eyes
I am in love with YOU!
Love is a powerful drug, when you feel it you really feel it, it will make you feel speechless, restless, giddy, sad etc. It can suspend time, making the whole world seem still except for you and the one you love. It feeds you more than any nourishment, it feeds your soul, and you feel full in the presence of love. It is so magical that it thrills, excites and scares you all at the same time, it's one of the greatest feelings ever!
"Real love is always chaotic. You lose control; you lose perspective. You lose the ability to protect yourself. The greater the love, the greater the chaos. It's given and that's the secret."
Labels: Love
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text:
Tonda Hughes, PhD, RN, FAAN
- Professor Emerita
Dr. Hughes has a distinguished career focusing on women's mental health and substance use (total funding exceeding $20 million USD). She is well known for her ground breaking work in the 1980s related to chemically dependent nurses, and is a nationally and internationally recognized expert in the area of alcohol use among sexual minority (lesbian and bisexual) women. Her pioneering studies on the predictors and consequences of alcohol use among sexual minority women have received continuous funding since 1999 from the U.S. National Institutes of Health and other sources and have grown into the world's longest running longitudinal study of alcohol use and health among sexual minority women. She has served as Co-Investigator on numerous other funded studies with researchers from major U.S. and Australian institutions, including the University of Melbourne and Deakin University. Dr. Hughes holds Honorary Professor appointments at the University of Technology-Sydney and Deakin University (Australia), Oxford Brookes University (Oxford, England) and the University of Pennsylvania.
Dr. Hughes supervised masters, doctoral and postdoctoral students/fellows, and international visiting scholars. Most recently she taught Global Health Nursing for UIC and international undergraduate students. Prior to assuming her previous administrative role as Head of the Department Health Systems Science, she taught graduate core courses in the UIC Interdisciplinary Women's Health Concentration. She participated in more than a dozen training grants and served as mentor or consultant to numerous researchers at UIC, throughout the US, and in Canada, England, India, Japan, Thailand, Rwanda, South Africa, South Korea, Australia and New Zealand.
Hughes served as primary or national mentor for three Robert Wood Johnson Faculty Nurse Scholars. In addition, she was co-investigator/co-director of the UIC Building Interdisciplinary Research Careers in Women's Health (BIRCWH), NIH Office of Research on Women's Health, K12 HD055892, 2007-2017 and was part of the leadership team for a National Institutes of Health and Fogarty International Center, D43 (PI, S. Weine). This project focused on building research capacity in low- and middle-income countries concerning the major global health problem of migration-related non-communicable diseases.
The impact of Dr. Hughes' research is evident in the myriad awards she has received from diverse organizations on local, national, and international levels.
- 2017 Global Alliance for Behavioral Health and Social Justice Recognition Award for contributions in behavioral health that create humane social justice policy.
- 2016 Named Nursing Collegiate Professor, UIC College of Nursing
- 2016 GLMA: Health Professionals Advancing LGBT Equality Achievement Award for exemplary commitment to improving the health of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people.
- 2016 GLMA Nursing Section Award of Excellence
- 2015-18 University Scholar, University of Illinois
- 2015 Inducted into the Institute of Medicine-Chicago
- 2015 Inducted into the International Nurse Researcher Hall of Fame, Sigma Theta Tau International (awarded to fewer than 100 nurses worldwide)
- 2014 Inaugural Distinguished Researcher Award, University of Illinois College of Nursing
- 2014 Betty Ford Award (National), Association of Medical Education and Research in Substance Abuse
- 2014 Distinguished Contribution Award, Midwest Nursing Research Society
- 2011 Inducted into University of Kentucky, College of Nursing, Hall of Fame
- 2010 Outstanding Alumni Award. One of 50 outstanding alumni honored at the 50th anniversary celebration of the University of Kentucky College of Nursing
- 2010 Fellow, Leadership for Academic Nursing, American Association of Colleges of Nursing
- 2009 Nursing Leadership Recognition Award, Sigma Theta Tau (Alpha Lambda)
- 2008 Honorary Professorial Fellow, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia
- 2006 Oak Park Area Lesbian and Gay Association, OPAL Award (for contributions to LGBT health)
- 2003 Inducted into Chicago Gay and Lesbian Hall of Fame, Chicago Commission on Human Relations
- 2003 Community Leadership Award, Chicago Lesbian Community Cancer Project
- 2002 Research Award, Sigma Theta Tau International (Alpha Lambda Chapter)
- 2001 Fellow, American Academy of Nursing
- 1998 Research Award, Outstanding Contributions to Addictions Research, National Nurses Society on Addictions
- 1996 Graduate Faculty Excellence in Teaching Award, UIC Graduate Student Organization
- 1995 Outstanding Alumnus, College of Allied Health and Nursing, Eastern Kentucky University, Richmond, Kentucky
- 1992 Teaching Award (Integration of substance abuse into undergraduate nursing curriculum), UIC, HIGH 5 Project (Fund for the Improvement of Postsecondary Education [FIPSE])
- 1991 Research Award (Outstanding contributions to addictions research), Illinois Nurses Society on Addictions
- 1990 Dean's Award, outstanding PhD graduate, UIC College of Nursing. Selected on the basis of scholarship, research, and scholarly productivity
- 1989 American Journal of Nursing Book of the Year Award for Addiction in the Nursing Profession: Approaches to Intervention and Recovery (Co-edited with M. Haack)
Dr. Hughes has published more than 160 peer-reviewed journal articles, book chapters and other scholarly papers—as well as presented scores of scientific papers, workshops and invited addresses at national and international research conferences.
Selected Publications
Google Scholar H index=39; i10 index=81; Scopus H index=29; Peer-reviewed1, Data-based2
Matthews, A.K., Cho, Y., Hughes, T.L., Wilsnack, S.C., Aranda, F. & Johnson, T.P. (2017). Victimization in adulthood mediates the relationship between childhood victimization and smoking in heterosexual and sexual minority women. Nicotine and Tobacco Research, 4, 1, 17-23. 1,2 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/ntr/ntx052. PMID: 28113006
Matthews, A.K., Steffen, A., Hughes, T.L., Aranda, F., Martin, K. (2017). Demographic, healthcare, and contextual factors associated with smoking status among sexual-minority women. LGBT Health, 4(1), 17-23. 1,2 doi:10.1089/lgbt.2016.0039.
Rhew, I., Stappenbeck, C.A., Bedard-Gilligan, M., Hughes, T.L. & Kaysen, D. (2017, March. Epub ahead of print). Effects of sexual assault on alcohol use and consequences among young adult sexual minority women. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology. 1,2 doi: 10.1037/ccp0000202.
Riley, B., Hughes, T.L., Wilsnack, S.C., Johnson, T.P., Benson, P., & Aranda, F. (2017). Validating a hazardous drinking index in a sample of sexual minority women: Reliability, validity and predictive accuracy. Substance Use & Misuse, 52(1), 43-51.1,2 doi: 10.1080/10826084.2016.1214150. PMID: 27661289.
Steele, S.M., Everett, B.G., & Hughes, T.L. (2017). Influence of perceived femininity, masculinity, race/ethnicity and socioeconomic status on intimate partner violence among sexual-minority women. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 17-23. 1,2 doi: 10.1177/0886260516683176.
Yingling, C., Colter, K. & Hughes, T.L. (2017). Building nurses' capacity to address health inequities: Incorporating LGBT health content in a family nurse practitioner program. Journal of Clinical Nursing, 38(1), 42–49.
Kim, N., Hughes, T.L., Park, C., Quinn, L., & Kong, D. (2016). Altered autonomic functions and distressed personality traits in male adolescents with internet gaming addiction. Cyberpsychology, Behavior and Social Networking, 19(11): 667-673. 1,2 doi:10.1089/cyber.2016.0282. PMID: 27831751.
Everett, B., Hatzenbuehler, M. & Hughes, T.L. (2016). The impact of civil union legislation on minority stress, depression, and hazardous drinking in a diverse sample of sexual-minority women: A quasi-natural experiment. Social Science & Medicine, 169, 180-190. 1,2 doi: 0.1016/j.socscimed.2016.09.036.
Dirkes, J., Hughes, T.L., Johnson, T.P., Ramirez-Valles, J., Bostwick, W.B., & Kuhns, L. (2016). Sexual identity development: Relationship to lifetime suicidal ideation in sexual minority women. Journal of Clinical Nursing, 25: 3545-3556.1,2 doi: 10.1111/jocn.13313.
Everett, B., *Talley, A.E., Hughes, T.L., Wilsnack, S.C., & Johnson, T.P. (2016). Sexual identity mobility and psychological distress: A longitudinal analysis of moderating factors among sexual minority women. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 45(7), 1731-44.1,2 doi:10.1007/s10508-016-0755-x
Jeong, Y.M., *Veldhuis, C., Aranda, F., & Hughes, T.L. (2016). Racial/ethnic differences in unmet needs for mental health and substance use treatment in a community-based sample of sexual minority women. Journal of Clinical Nursing, 25(23-24), 3557-3569. 1,2 doi: 10.1111/jocn.13477. PMID: 27461857.
Talley, A., Grimaldo, G., Wilsnack, S.C., Hughes, T.L, & Kristjanson, A. (2016). Childhood victimization, internalizing symptoms and substance use among women who identify as mostly heterosexual. LGBT Health, 3(4), 1-9.1,2 doi: 10.1089/lgbt.2015.0073. PMID: 27269733.
Mueller, A. & Hughes, T.L. (2016). Making the invisible visible: A systematic review of research on sexual minority women's health in Southern Africa. BMC Public Health, 16, 307 1,2 doi:10.1186/s12889-016-2980-6. PMID: 27066890
Everett, B., McCabe, K., Hughes, T.L. (2016). Unintended pregnancy, depression, and hazardous drinking in a community-based sample of sexual minority women. Journal of Women's Health, 25(9), 904-11.1,2 doi:10.1089/jwh.2015.5290. PMID: 26977978.
Hughes, T.L., Wilsnack, S.C. & Kantor, L. (2016). The influence of gender and sexual orientation on alcohol use and alcohol-related problems: Toward a global perspective. Alcohol Research: Current Reviews, 38(1), 121-132. 1 PMID: 27159819
Kim, N., Hughes, T.L., Park, C., Quinn, L., & Kong, D. (2016). Resting-state peripheral catecholamine and anxiety levels in Korean male adolescents with internet game addiction. Cyberpsychology, Behavior, and Social Networking, 19(3), 202-208.1,2 doi: 10.1089/cyber.2015.0411. PMID: 26849530
Brysiewicz, P., Hughes, T.L., & McCreary, L.L. (2015). Promoting innovation in global nursing practice. Rwanda Journal of Medicine and Health Sciences, 2(2), 41-45. 1 http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/rj.v2i2.7F.
McNair, R.P., Pennay, A., Hughes, T.L., Brown, R., Leonard, W., & Lubman, D. (2015). A model for lesbian, bisexual and queer related influences on alcohol consumption and implications for policy and practice. Culture, Health and Sexuality, 18(4):405-421.1,2 doi:10.1080/13691058.2015.1089602. PMID: 26466746.
Brown, R., McNair, R., Szalacha, L., Livingston, T. & Hughes, T.L. (2015). Cancer risk factors, diagnosis and sexual identity in the Australian Longitudinal Study of Women's Health. Women's Health Issues, 25(5):509-16 1,2 doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.whi.2015.04.001. PMID: 26044972.
Hughes, T.L., Wilsnack, S.C., & Kristjanson, A. (2015). Substance use and related problems among U.S. women who identify as mostly heterosexual. BMC Public Health, 15, 803.1,2 doi: 10.1186/s12889-015-2143-1. PMID: 26289792
Hughes, T.L. & Sommers, L. (2015). Health disparities among sexual minority women. In women and health: The key for sustainable development. The Lancet, 386(9999), 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(15)60497-4
Talley, A.E., Aranda, F.A., Hughes, T.L., Everett, B., & Johnson, T. (2015). Longitudinal associations among discordant sexual orientation dimensions and hazardous drinking in a cohort of sexual minority women. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 1-21. 1,2 doi: 10.1177/0022146515582099. PMID: 25911224
Bostwick, W.B., Hughes, T.L, & Everett, B. (2015). Health behavior, status and outcomes among a community-based sample of lesbian and bisexual women. LGBT Health, 2(2),121-6 .1,2doi:10.1089/lgbt.2014.0074
Hequembourg, A., Parks, K., Collins, R. L., Hughes, T.L. (2015). Sexual assault risks among gay and bisexual men. Journal of Sex Research, 52(3), 282-295. 1,2 PMCID: PMC4117833
Hughes, T.L. (2015). Developing a research career focusing on a stigmatized and marginalized population: Sexual minority women's drinking. Substance Abuse, 36, 144-148. 2 doi:10.1080/08897077.2015.1007202
Martin, K., Johnson, T.P. & Hughes, T.L. (2015). Using respondent driven sampling (RDS) to recruit sexual minority women. Survey Practice, 8(2). 1,2 http://surveypractice.org/index.php/SurveyPractice/article/view/273
Aranda, F., Matthews, A.K., Hughes, T.L., Muramatsu, N., Wilsnack, S.C., & Johnson, T.P. (2015). Coming out in color: The effects of level of sexual identity disclosure on depression. Journal of Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 2, 247-57. 1,2
Anderson, J., Hughes, T.L., Zou, C., Wilsnack, S.C. (2014). Lifetime victimization and physical health outcomes among lesbian and heterosexual women. PLoS ONE 9(7): e101939. 1,2 PMID: 25068978.
Bostwick, W. B., Boyd, C., Hughes, T.L., McCabe, S.E., & West, B. (2014). Discrimination and mental health among lesbian, gay and bisexual adults in the United States. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 84(1), 35-45.1,2 doi: 10.1037/h0098851. PMID: 24826824.
Hughes, T.L., Johnson, T.P., Steffen, A., Wilsnack, S.C., & Everett, B. (2014). Lifetime victimization, hazardous drinking and depression among heterosexual and sexual minority women. LGBT Health, 1(3), 1-12. 1,2 doi:10.1089/lgbt.2014.0014.
Talley, A., Hughes, T.L. , Aranda, F., Bickett, M., & Marshal, M. (2014). Exploring the impact of sexual orientation on alcohol-use behaviors in adolescents: Intersections with sex, age and ethnicity. American Journal of Public Health, 104(2), 295-303. 1,2 doi:10.2105/AJPH.2013.301627. PMID: 24328614.
Alvy, L., Hughes, T.L., Wilsnack, S.C., & Kristjanson, A.F. (2013). Sexual identity group differences in child abuse and neglect. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 28(10), 2088-21111,2 doi: 10.1177/0886260512471081. PMID: 23345571.
Corte, C., Matthews, A.K, Brown, R. & Hughes, T.L. (2013). Advancing health equity in disparity populations. A focused issue on lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people. Journal of the American Psychiatric Nurses Association, 19, 239-240. doi:10.1177/1078390313505767.
Johnson, T.P., Hughes, T.L., Cho, Y., Wilsnack, S.C., Aranda, F., & Szalacha, L. (2013). Hazardous drinking, depression and anxiety among sexual minority women: Self-medication or impaired functioning? Journal of Studies on Alcohol and Drugs,74(4), 565-575.1,2 PMID: 23739020.
Marshal, M.P., Dermot, S.S., Cheong, J.W., Burton, C.M., Friedman, M.S., Aranda, F., & Hughes, T.L. (2013). Trajectories of depressive symptoms and suicidality among heterosexual and sexual minority youth. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 42, 1243-1256. 1,2 doi:10.1007/s10964-013-9970-0. PMID: 23784511.
Matthews, A.K., Young, C., Hughes, T.L., Wilsnack, S.C., & Johnson, T.P. (2013). The influence of childhood physical abuse on adult health status in sexual minority women: The mediating role of smoking. Women's Health Issues, 23(2), 95-102.1,2 doi: 10.1016/j.whi.2012.11.007. PMID: 23415321.
Wilsnack, S.C., Kristjanson, A.F., Hughes, T.L., & Benson, P.W. (2012). Characteristics of childhood sexual abuse in lesbian and heterosexual women. Child Abuse and Neglect, 36(3), 260-265.1,2 doi: 10.1016/j.chiabu.2011.10.008. PMID: 22425697.
McCabe, S.E., Hughes, T.L., Bostwick, W.B. & Morales, M., & Boyd, C. (2011). Measurement of sexual identity in surveys: Implications for substance abuse research. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 41, 649-657. 1,2 doi: 10.1007/s10508-011-9768-7. PMID: 21573706.
Bloomfield, K., Wicki, M., Wilsnack, S.C., Hughes, T.L., & Geml, G. (2011). International differences in alcohol use according to sexual orientation. Substance Abuse, 32, 210-219.1,2 doi: 10.1080/08897077.2011.598404. PMID: 22014251
Hughes, T.L. (2011). Alcohol use and alcohol-related problems among sexual minority women. Alcoholism Treatment Quarterly, 29, 403-435.1 PMID: 16353369.
McNair, R. P., Szalacha, L.A., & Hughes, T.L. (2011). Health status, health services use, and satisfaction according to sexual identity of young Australian women. Women's Health Issues, 21, 40-47.1,2 PMID: 21185989.
Bostwick, W.B., Boyd, C.J., Hughes, T.L., & McCabe, S.E. (2010). Dimensions of sexual orientation and the prevalence of mood and anxiety disorders in the United States. American Journal of Public Health, 100, 468-475.1,2 PMCID: PMC2820045.
Hughes, T.L., McCabe, S.E., Wilsnack, S.C., Boyd, C., & West, B.T. (2010). Victimization and substance use disorders in a national sample of heterosexual and sexual minority women and men. Addiction, 105, 2130-2140.1,2 PMCID: PMC3006226.
Hughes, T.L., Szalacha, L.A. & McNair, R.P. (2010). Substance use and mental health disparities: Comparisons across sexual identity groups in a national sample of young Australian women. Social Science & Medicine, 71, 824-831.1,2 PMID: 20579794.
McCabe, S.E., Bostwick, W.B., Hughes, T.L., West, B.T., & Boyd, C.J. (2010). The relationship between discrimination and substance use disorders among lesbian, gay and bisexual adults in the United States. American Journal of Public Health, 100, 1946-1952.1,2 PMID: 20075317.
McCabe, S.E., Hughes, T.L., Bostwick, W.B., West, B.T., & Boyd, C.J. (2009). Sexual orientation, substance use behaviors and substance dependence in the United States. Addiction, 14, 1333-1345.1,2 PMCID: PMC2975030.
Hughes, T.L., Johnson, T.P., & Matthews, A. (2008). Sexual orientation and smoking: Results from the Multi-Site Women's Health Study. Substance Use & Misuse, 43(8-9), 1218-1239.1,2 PMCID: PMC2882163.
Wilsnack, S.C., Hughes, T.L., Johnson, T.P., Bostwick, W.B., Szalacha, L.A., Benson, P., Aranda, F., & Kinnison, K.E. (2008). Drinking and drinking-related problems among heterosexual and sexual minority women. Journal of Studies on Alcohol and Drugs, 69, 129-139.1,2 PMID:18080073.
Aaron, D.J. & Hughes, T.L. (2007). Association of childhood sexual abuse to obesity in a community sample of lesbians. Obesity, 15, 1023-1028.1,2 PMID: 17426338.
Hughes, T.L., Johnson, T.P., Wilsnack, S.C., & Szalacha, L. (2007). Childhood risk factors for alcohol abuse and psychological distress among adult lesbians. Child Abuse & Neglect, 31(7), 769-789.1,2 PMCID: PMC2600503.
Hughes, T.L., Wilsnack, S.C., Szalacha, L.A., Johnson, T., Bostwick, W.B., Seymour, R. , Aranda, F., Benson, P., & Kinnison, K.E. (2006). Age and racial/ethnic differences in drinking and drinking-related problems in a community sample of lesbians. Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 67, 579-590.1,2 PMID: 6736078.
Hughes, T.L. (2005). Alcohol use and alcohol-related problems among lesbians and gay men. Annual Review of Nursing Research, 23, 283-325. PMID: 16353369.
McCabe, S.E., Hughes, T.L., Bostwick, W. & Boyd, C. (2005). Assessment of differences in dimensions of sexual orientation: Implications for substance use research in a college-age population. Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 66, 620-629. 1,2 PMID: 16331847.
McCabe, S.E., Hughes, T.L., & Boyd, C. (2004). Substance use and misuse: Are bisexual women at greater risk? Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 36(2), 217-225.1,2 PMID: 15369203.
Hughes, T.L. (2003). Lesbians' drinking patterns: Beyond the data. Substance Use and Misuse, 38, 1739-1758.1,2 PMID: 14582576.
Hughes, T.L., Matthews, A., Razzano, C., & Aranda, F. (2003). Psychological distress in African American lesbian and heterosexual women. Journal of Lesbian Studies, 7(1), 51-68.1,2
McCabe, S.E., Boyd, C.J., Hughes, T.L. & d'Arcy, H. (2003). Sexual identity and substance use among undergraduate students. Substance Abuse, 24(2), 77-91.1,2 PMID: 12766375.
Hughes, T.L., & Eliason, M. (2002). Substance use and abuse in lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender populations. The Journal of Primary Prevention, 22(3), 263-298.1 doi: 10.1023/a:1013669705086
Matthews, A., Hughes, T.L., Razzano, L., Johnson, T., & Cassidy, R. (2002). Prediction of depressive distress in a community sample of women: The role of sexual orientation. American Journal of Public Health, 92(7), 1131-1139.1,2 PMID: 12084697.
Hughes, T.L., Johnson, T., & Wilsnack, S.C. (2001). Sexual assault and alcohol abuse: A comparison of lesbians and heterosexual women. Journal of Substance Abuse, 13, 515-532.1,2 PMID: 11775080.
Nawyn, S., Richman, J., Rospenda, K., & Hughes, T.L. (2000). Sexual Identity and alcohol-related outcomes: Contributions of workplace harassment. Journal of Substance Abuse, 11, 289-304.1,2 PMID:11026127.
Hughes, T.L. & Wilsnack, S.C. (1997). Use of alcohol among lesbians: Research and clinical implications. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 67(1), 20-36.1 PMID:9034019
Hughes, T.L. & Wilsnack, S. (1994). Research on lesbians and alcohol: Gaps and implications. Alcohol Health and Research World, 18(3), 202-205.1
NCBI My Bibliography link:
Recent Research Funding
2016-2021 Impact of supportive policies on minority stress, drinking and health among women (3R01 AA013328-10; PI: T. Hughes) National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism. $3,341,998 (Total costs).
2015-2016 Impact of supportive policies on minority stress, drinking and health among women. Office of Research on Women's Health, R56 (2R01 AA013328-10; PI: T. Hughes). $247,624 (Total costs).
2015-2017 E-Diaries to assess health effects of microaggressions among bisexual women (PI: Bostwick; Co-I: T. Hughes). National Institute on Minority Health & Health Disparities, R21MD009585, $371,583.
2014-2019 Sexual orientation differences: Prevalence & correlates of substance use & abuse (PIs: Drabble & Trocki, University of San Jose & Alcohol Research Group, Berkeley, Co-PI/Site PI: T. Hughes). National Institute on Drug Abuse, R01DA036606. $2,034,442.
2010-2015 Young sexual minority women and high risk drinking (PI: D. Kaysen, University of Washington, Co-I: T. Hughes). National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism, R01AA018292, $2,158,044.
2009-2015 Cumulative stress and hazardous drinking in a community sample of lesbians (PI: T. Hughes). National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism, 2R01AA013328. $2,118,222.
Research Training Grants
2014-2017 Building an effective partnership for innovative nursing education and research to advance public health in India. (PI: T. Hughes). US-India Educational Foundation, Obama-Singh 21st Century Knowledge Initiative. $190,000.
2014-2017 Rwanda Human Resources for Health Program
To address Rwanda's critical human resource shortage in the health professions this program utilizes the skills and knowledge of US-based faculty in nursing/midwifery and medicine to expand and improve the existing Rwandan health education system with the long-term goal of creating a world-class, sustainable health care system for the country. UIC Project PI
2014-2017 Building research capacity in low- and middle-income countries concerning the major global health problem of migration-related non-communicable diseases. (PI: S. Weine, UIC College of Medicine). National Institutes of Health and Fogarty International Center, D43. Faculty and Member of UIC Leadership Team.
2007–2015 Building Interdisciplinary Research Careers in Women's Health (BIRCWH) (PI: S. Geller, Co-Investigator/Co-Director: T. Hughes). NIH Office of Research on Women's Health, K12 HD055892-06, $462,959 (Direct costs).
2000–2017 AIDS International Training and Research Program at UIC. (PI: J. Levy, UIC School of Public Health). National Institutes of Health and Fogarty International Center, D43 TW001419. Research Training Faculty.


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Originally posted by Karbofos
reply to post by ngchunter
I've heard this argument many times. That's what NASA says. No evidence is enough for non believers( like it's a church or something)
we did it, and that's a proof.
Originally posted by Karbofos
reply to post by ngchunter
Where are those samples?
Kept in the secret facility for future generation? Well I think there are no samples.
Originally posted by GrinchNoMore
I like how people believe the module that looks like a cheap tent had anything to do with keeping humans alive and safe....and how i am supposed to believe it actually took off and flew back to earth.
It is beyond laughable that these missions went off as they are portrayed, its not even funny how people actually wanted to believe it so much that they forgot just how ridiculous the whole thing was.
Originally posted by Karbofos
reply to post by ngchunter
Samples were stolen, and that makes them real?
Originally posted by ngchunter
Originally posted by Karbofos
reply to post by ngchunter
Samples were stolen, and that makes them real?
You can't steal something that doesn't exist. If you're an actual geologist then by all means, apply to study the samples and you can study them for yourself without having to steal them. You can also get them for educational purposes:
Originally posted by consigliere
While reading this article on NASA's new deep space exploration spacecraft.
A pretty cool article in itself
One quote jumped right out at me,,,
"We are committed to human exploration beyond low-Earth orbit and look forward to developing the next generation of systems to take us there," NASA adminstrator Charlie Bolden said in a statement.
If I'm not mistaken this implies we have never been beyond low Earth orbit! Which to me speaks volumes regarding our "moon missions". I personally don't believe we have.
Now don't get me wrong I'm a conspiracy theorist to the heart, and maybe I'm reading too much into this,,,,or am I? What do you think?
Originally posted by TamtammyMacx
I read somewhere that that the moon's surface is so statically charged that it would have been impossible to bring the rocks into the LEM because the LEM was never revamped like the command module and its cabin was still a 100% Oxygen environment and it was too dangerous.
Originally posted by tom502
Originally posted by C3RB3RU5
reply to post by consigliere
If you really don't believe in the moon landing, consider two things:
1. The mirrors we placed on the moon that reflect light back to us :O
2. People who watched the moon landing through their own telescopes
We went to the moon. Oh, and astronauts brought back some rock samples from ze moon. But I guess we got those from the space-rock-black-market, right?
The Soviets placed mirrors on the Moon with unmanned missions. The US probably has too, that is not proof man landed and walked on the Moon.


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|Separate WCs
|1,722 sq. ft.
|Property type
|Minimum Stay
|7 nights
This beautiful spacious 160m2 farmhouse has stone walls and many original features including oak beams. It has been lovingly restored since 2005 when it was purchased. It has 2 newly fitted bathrooms and a separate WC.
We offer a welcome basket with tea, coffee, sugar, milk, biscuits, salt, pepper etc to all our guests and a chilled bottle of champagne on arrival for all bookings of one week or more.
We also have the Gite next door, Les Hirondelles ref: 1191179 which sleeps 4/5 people. Both properties are private and are not overlooked but can connect via a gate in the back garden if desired. This is particularly useful for larger parties or family celebrations/significant birthdays.
At La Sablonniere there is a large 25m2 kitchen with a Leisure range style cooker, upright fridge freezer, dishwasher, washing machine and microwave; farmhouse table and benches. The living area looks out onto the terrace in a private walled courtyard leading to a large 1350m2 garden with 2 swings, garden furniture and barbeque.
The hamlet of Les Epeaux de Meursac is made up of stone and rendered houses some of which date back to the 1400's. The population of Meursac is circa 2000.
It is in a rural setting which if you like nature you will love. This is known as a twitcher's paradise with many birds of prey and owls. There are also tiny bats, swallows and lizards.
It is a tranquil place yet is only a 20 minute drive away from beach resorts of Royan, Meschers and St George de Didonnes, and inland the roman town of 'Saintes'. It is in the vineyard area of Bordeaux and also Cognac; and is known for its shellfish especially the oysters of Marennes and Oleron which are eaten all over France.
There is a double bedroom on the ground floor overlooking the garden, there is a shower room with a basin and WC next to it (New 2015) and it connects through a door to the kitchen.
From the kitchen there is a staircase leading to the 1st floor where there are 3 further bedrooms and a bathroom.
2 of the Bedrooms have a double bed and a single bed in each, the third has a king size four poster bed.
The bathroom on the 1st floor has a bath with a shower over, basin and a toilet and a towel radiator.
From the kitchen there is a door leading to a utility room with a WC.
From the utility room a door leads to the living room in the 'Chai' which has 2 sets of French doors leading to the terrace and garden.
The Chai is an old barn attached to the house which we renovated in 2006. It has stone internal walls and painted beams with full height to the roof height. There is a staircase from the living room leading to the mezzanine bedroom which has an IKEA single bed which converts to a 180cm wide bed.
The living room has an extending dining room table and chairs which seats 8 adults or 6 adults & 4 children. There is a settee and armchairs and a wood burning stove.
We have a high chair, cot and baby bath at your disposal.
We also have Wifi which was installed in 2015.
We are Sophie and Richard Leech and we live in Silkstone near Barnsley where we both work full time. I am a Practice Manager for a GP Practice in Leeds and Richard is a Director of a family business together with his Mother and Brother and they are agents selling sports apparel to retailers in the North of England. Richard is also Chairman of our Parish Council and we are both involved in community projects on a voluntary basis.
Sophie Leech purchased this farmhouse in 2005
We bought this house in 2005 as it was just 20 minutes from my French grandparents house in Vaux sur Mer, shortly after we got married. We called it 'La Sablonniere' after our favourite white wine from Vouvray that we had at our wedding. The house was a bit of a ruin when we bought it with just a kitchen and ground floor bathroom and two bedrooms. But we fell in love with it and could see the potential albeit with a lot of imagination! It took a lot of hard work and even more money to get it to the standard it is today. We have spent every holiday at the house working on it renovating the 'Chai' and the 1st floor into 2 further bedrooms and a bathroom. We redecorate every year a different part of the interior and take pride in presenting it in the best way we can. We are re-doing the ground floor bathroom this winter as its the only room we have left to refurbish.
We love the Chai now, its our favourite room. The sun pours in in the morning and the 2 French doors open straight onto the terrace. It has a wood burning stove which is unbelievably efficient and gives the room a cosy feel on cool evenings. We left some of the internal walls in limestone which looks amazing and although we couldn't keep any of the original beams as they had perished, we have left the new beams exposed to full roof height and have whitewashed them.
The garden has been a labour of love too and we have recruited a wonderful gardener now, Antoine, who comes every 2 weeks to look after it. We invested in a ride on mower last year as the garden measures half an acre! We have planted a herb garden near the terrace for our guests to use at the suggestion of a past guest, which is very handy for barbeques.
We stayed in this charming, cozy house with friends for two wonderful weeks last summer. We were two Finnish families with 5 kids, and the house was absolutely perfect for us, just the right size for our group, not too big, but big enough that everyone could get their own space when needed.
From the very first moment we saw the house we fell in love, it was decorated so warmly and beautifully, with lots of lovely items, it was just like a real home! And even much better than in photos. Kitchen equipment was good and everything worked well. The gateway to the house was a bit narrow for the MB Vito we had, but a good driver manages quite well with it.
Everything worked nicely, and the neighbour lady that took care of the house was charming and so kind to us, she explained everything and we got some good advises from her. Although she didn't speak much English, but I could manage with my poor French. I LOVED the bread van that went by every day, although it took a while before we found out which time that was. I can't count how many breads we bought from it... Oh, and the restaurant in Meursac is a gem! We loved driving around the countryside on Sundays spotting country markets in many villages, oh what finds! Oh the little narrow roads through variety of little villages, such charming places everywhere. I truly recommend this place to all that want to stay in a quiet little French village, and who don't need swimming pool (a public pool is in village nearby so that was convenient) or too modern or fancy house. If you want rural, cozy, simple charmy and easy going house, this is the a perfect choice!
This was our fourth stay at La Sablonnière. As usual we enjoyed the space, the decoration and the equipment of the house (in particular the kitchen) and the beautiful garden.
Great location in the middle of the lovely French countryside and yet only 20 minutes away from the seaside.
We spent a wonderful two weeks in the gîte and can't wait to come back. The gîte itself is spotless and thoughtfully-equipped with everything you need for a home-from-home experience. Sophie and Richard's taste and attention to detail is second to none. The garden is a joy and our two dogs really loved having a safe space to run around in. The neighbours in the hamlet were really friendly and we had some invitations to coffee with some of them which made us feel really welcome. We really love the area anyway, but the proximity to Saintes is a particular benefit as it's one of our favourite places in France. I can't recommend Les Hirondelles highly enough and we would definitely book again. Sophie and Richard, thank you so much for everything.
A really lovely gite in a small hamlet close to the amenities of Meursac. We thoroughly enjoyed our fortnight in this lovely place. The gite was spacious and comfortable, the kitchen well equipped, beds were comfy, showers powerful - the garden enormous! We were able to enjoy eating and relaxing on the shady terrace and the kids loved the space to play and use the swings. A great location for the coast around Royan and for the lovely city of Saintes. We look forward to returning next year.
Sophie is a super thoughtful host. Although this was a 4 night stop over for us, she had prepared a basket that basically had everything we need for 2 weeks there! We also had 3 dogs and they enjoyed the garden immensely. Sophie left us dog biscuits and bowls....how lovely! When we arrived, it was in the midst of a super heat wave but luckily, this is a stone house so it remained. For the rooms upstairs, we were also glad that she had fans in there. Having said that, believe the heat wave was an usual occurrence for France /Europe this year. Great water pressure, extremely well equipped kitchen and a lovely area to visit. Lots to do.
This was perfect for our group - 1 family + 2 children, 1 family + 3 children and 1 set of grandparents!
The garden was perfect for the kids (aged 2-7yrs) with plenty of space for the paddling pool and badminton set that we brought along. We used a bungee around the gate so no-one was able to get out and this gave great reassurance that the children could run around and play to their heart's content. They also enjoyed the swing in the garden. There was good privacy and a rotary washing line for the daily washes and drying of wetsuits/swimming costumes.
Meals were eaten outside in the courtyard and 2 large parasols provided good shelter from the sun during lunchtime.
The bedrooms were good and the provision of fans was very much appreciated during our stay. It rained for just one morning during our two week stay - we were lucky, and grateful - although it meant that the bedrooms were warmer at bedtime. The grandparents valued the ground floor bedroom and the 3 older children slept well in the double/single room. The provision of 2 cots meant that the smaller children were able to sleep in the remaining 2 double rooms, with their parents.
The rooms and whole property were very clean and well maintained. The kitchen is full of utensils and everything you need to feed a large family. Fatyma was helpful when we needed to speak to her (it helped that one of us was able to speak French though) and Anne next door was helpful when we needed details of a doctor when one of the littlies had a temperature.
The addition of WiFi was great too and useful for looking into what to do in the area, opening times, maps etc. The area is lovely and was perfect for the adults who, between them, went running, cycling and bird watching!
During our 2 week stay we went to the beach 5 times and to the local swimming pool (open during the afternoons) 3 times! Both activities were fab value for money and the kids LOVED them (as did the adults!). The swimming pool is quietest at opening time (and also much easier to monitor 5 children in the water!) and gets busier from 4.30pm/5.00pm.
For the beaches, we went to Plage de Foncillon, Plage de la Grande Côte and then we discovered Plage de la Giraudière (L'ile d'Oléron) and went there 3 times!! 1hr away but well worth the trip! Bodyboarding was *amazing* for the adults and 3 older kids.
We visited Zoo La Palmyre (full day needed) and also did other various sightseeing trips.
La Sablonnière is perfect and highly recommended! Thank you!
A great farmhouse for families of all sizes and generations. The house has been sympathetically restored and has comfortable accommodation and a very generous garden, where anyone can find a quiet spot to catch those summer rays for lazy afternoons with a good book.
There is a lovely courtyard/terrace for idling away an evening over a good family meal, a game of cards and possibly accompanied by a glass of Vin Rouge! In fact we spent many evenings not doing much more than that!
The location is ideal for the local beaches of the Gironde, Saint-Georges-de-Didonne and the beautiful villages of Mornac-sur-Seudre and Talmont are well worth a visit. For those wanting to venture a little further afield, its about an hour to the Cote Sauvage, La Rochelle or Cognac.
For those wanting to expend a bit more energy, it's well worth taking or hiring bicycles as the local roads are nearly empty and within a few minutes, you're nestled amongst beautiful fields of sunflowers and vinyards.
We had a great family holiday and love the area and wouldn't hesitate to recommend La Sablonniere.
Thanks to Sophie for helping with all our queries and making our stay as pleasurable as it was.
This beautiful restored stone farmhouse is situated in the countryside amongst sunflower fields and vineyards in the small hamlet of Les Epeaux de Meursac.
It is 22 km from Royan and the roman town of Saintes, and is a 20 minute drive away from the nearest beaches at Meschers and 5 minutes away from the nearest restaurant and shops.
We are surrounded by pretty medieval villages amongst the most beautiful in France such as Talmont and Pons.
|Rental Period
|Minimum Price
|Additional Nights
|Weekend Night
|Event Price
High Season
30 Jun 2018 - 1 Sep 2018
7 night minimum stay
for 7 nights
My Standard Rate
7 night minimum stay
for 7 nights
|Refundable Damage Deposit
|Pet Fee
We do not accept cheques vacanciers


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We choose not to list our equipment classes as they are personally chosen by you and your instructor. Online sign in is not used at our studio as together we find the class that is appropriate for you. We have classes from 7:30 am until 9:00 pm Monday through Saturday and always have a class for your schedule. If not, we create it! This is about what works for you.
Private Melt Classes can be arranged by email or call.
We can also arrange sessions at your location for private training and groups. Yes, we will come to you. Please contact us for pricing and availability.
Classes require reservation unless listed as "drop-in". Reserve via email here and we will confirm your enrollment. First come, first served, as space is limited.
Drop in Classes for you all week!
Mat Class
Mat Class Saturday's 9:30 am - 10:30 am $15.00 per class
Mat classes are a quick way to improve mobility and excercises apply directly to the Reformer. You'll enjoy regular classes more with a mat foundation.
Body Tapping to be scheduled
Body Tapping has long been used in the eastern world as a holistic healing method.
- Eases pain and increases blood flow which can help you feel more vibrant
- Enhances energy by stumulating pre-defined meridians for the body
- Assists in releasing negative feelings that may be weighing you down
- Allows you to reach a deeper connection with yourself
- Helps with weight loss
Meditative Yoga with Mary
Thursday's at 7:15 pm
How are you harmoniziong with people, places and life's circumstanses?
This class offers gentle poses and plenty of time to shed anxiety while relaxing to the soft orchestration of Tuning Forks.
Return to center, rest your mind, free your heart and mellow out with sound vibrations tuned to the body and specific to a weekly theme.
Drop in class
Thursday's 7:15 pm - 8:15 pm
Price is $25 per class
Group Prices vary based on group size. Prices can be found under the Studios tab. Maximum class size of 4- 8 for reformer/specialty group classes. There are no make ups for missed groups classes. Fees will not be deducted for missed group classes.
American Red Cross CPR/AED Adult, Child, Infant and First Aid (2 year certification) classes available for groups and individuals. Please call for schedule and pricing.


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Question: What does a poem have to do with a book report?
Answer: The poem has two sides to it, one positive, one negative, in response to the book. The question is in the middle of the page, the positive response on the left, the negative response on the right.
Example: What did I think about the book? Positive: "Loved it." Negative, "Hated it."
Unfinished sentence: "It was the…." Positive, "Best." Negative, "Worst."
Unfinished sentence: "The Ballyhoo Review gave it five stars. I give it…." Positive, "Ten." Negative, "No more than three."
Unfinished sentence: "The beginning of the book was…." Positive, "Engaging." Negative , "Boring."
Comment: And so on. The best parts of the contrasting positive and negative statements occur later on the page. Sorry, it would not be fair to copy the entire poem, but you could read it yourself by requesting it at ncte.org. Your students might get a kick out of it. RayS.
Title: "De Gustibus Non Est Disputandum (A poem for Two Voices)." SD Collins. Language Arts (May 2011), p. 396.
NOTE: ESL (English as a Second Language). Beginning on June 27, 2011, I began a series of article reviews dealing with teaching English as a second language. This series of article reviews continues right through the present time in July 2011. The articles suggest practical techniques for working with ESL students. You will find these reviews at http://www.raysteh2-rays.blogspot.com/. The title of the blog is "Teaching English How To…." RayS.


text:
Category: Board News
2017-2018 Year-in-Review Trustee Newsletter
YCDSB Healthy Schools 2017-2018
Congratulations to all YCDSB Students who made healthy choices this year. Have a safe and active summer.Ophea Healthy Schools Certification York Region Public Health Healthy Schools
Green Walk for Mental Health
Nature does wonders for our overall well-being. Embrace the outdoors for a positive boost.
Voter Information for Catholic Ratepayers
Power off and …Unplug for Health and Well-being!
Tips to reduce screen time:
- Embrace spring by heading outdoors to play
- Go for a family walk
- Start a new novel
- Begin a new hobby
- Keep track of your screen time and reduce your time on social media/gaming/programs
- Schedule family game nights (cards, board games)
- Exercise everyday
... Continue reading "Power off and …Unplug for Health and Well-being!"


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The fifth 'Fly Your Ideas' competition from Airbus is now accepting applications from around the world.
Every two years, the Airbus 'Fly Your Ideas' competition challenges students from around the world to to develop innovations for the aviation industry, in collaboration with the company, tackling real challenges and developing valuable skills for the students' future careers. 2016's key challenges cover everything from business models and passenger experience through to design engineering and manufacturing, with entrants asked such questions as, 'How can big data improve flight operation efficiency?', 'How can AI support aircraft design and manufacturing?' and 'How can manufacturing be optimised to reduce waste and ensure sustainability?'.
New to the competition this year, entrants are being asked to submit solutions to genuine industry challenges that are either innovations for now or ideas for the future, with the hope of guaranteeing a cross section of proposals that are both applicable to problems today and also delivering 'blue-sky thinking' for tomorrow.
"Since Fly Your Ideas launched in 2008, more than 15,000 students have registered to participate, from over 600 universities in over 100 countries worldwide," says Gregor Dirks, Corporate Innovator, Airbus. "It is now a well-established global student challenge and we make changes to every edition to reflect the fast-moving ecosystem of aviation and innovation. This year's challenges were voted for by Airbus employees, so they offer 'on the ground', real-world industry challenges."
Dirks also highlighted past entrants and what they have gone on to achieve.
"Previous participants and winners have gone on to all sorts of different careers in the aviation and aeronautics industry, ranging from commercial airline pilots to engineers and entrepreneurs", he said. "Many also continue their studies, often with renewed focus on the topic that they developed for the challenge.
"Fly Your Ideas 2015 winners, Team MultiFun, have continued to develop their idea for commercial application, building on their experience and the contacts they made during the competition. Their project combines energy harvesting and energy storage into weight neutral structural panels with the intent of gathering energy from structural deflections in flight.
"Team Stanford ADG were finalists in 2009 with their proposal on inverted V-formation flight, building on the model of migrating birds to reduce energy consumption. This led to a partnership and a collaborative research project into extended aircraft formations, which was recently completed."
Fly Your Ideas is an opportunity for students worldwide to gain valuable employment skills, including teamwork, project management and presentation skills. Dirks notes that getting involved in the competition also means that teams get significant input from key Airbus employees.
"This unique senior-level access helps them to realise their projects," Dirks says. "It's a good way to build a network within the sector. Students have the opportunity to join online communities to exchange with experts, academics and students worldwide, mirroring the online digital environment of the education sector today. Of course there is also the top prize of €30,000 and the runners-up take home €15,000," he adds.
To find out more about the competition, visit www.airbus-fyi.com


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For your reference and to satisfy a curiosity of mine around the contagiousness of microbes and pathogens, especially Ebola.
To give a universal metric for
infectiousness contagiousness, this graphic uses the average 'basic reproduction number' (also rate or ratio), the number of additional cases generated by a single case of the disease. It's a statistical measure of how likely an infectious disease might spread through a population – if nothing is done to contain the outbreak. These numbers are scattered around in the literature so quite a lot of mining was necessary to surface them.
Correction 20th Oct 2014 – Relabelled the horizontal axis "contagiousness" (how spreadable a disease is through a population) rather than "infectiousness" (how communicable a disease is person-to-person).
» See the data
» See the image & discussion on The Guardian
» Check out our beautiful books
» Learn to be a dataviz ninja: Workshops are Beautiful


text: >blake's toms Wednesday, October 13, 2010 > Another pair of TOMS. These were for a teenage girl who loves music and these colors. I'm so thankful for my girls who are always available to advise me on younger, hipper looks than I would be able to come up with. Thanks, Lily!