text:
tag:www.gov.uk,2005:/government/announcements Announcements on GOV.UK HM Government 2016-06-30T13:17:56+01:00 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/332662 2016-06-30T13:17:56+01:00 2016-06-30T13:17:56+01:00 Speech: Leading the world in the new age of global science Speech by Jo Johnson MP, Minister for Universities and Science, at the Wellcome Trust.

It is a pleasure to be here at the Wellcome Trust. This living monument to medical research sits at the heart of one of the world's greatest knowledge quarters.

It is a cluster that includes University College and its associated hospitals, the University of the Arts, the British Library, the Francis Crick and the Alan Turing Institutes and companies including Google and Facebook.

This 'knowledge quarter', like many others around the country, embodies so much that is special about the UK as a research and innovation powerhouse as we face new challenges and ever stronger global competition.

As the Prime Minister set out last Friday, the government will continue to take forward the important legislation that we set before Parliament in the Queen's Speech.

So my focus today, as we look ahead to the passage of the Higher Education and Research Bill, is to reflect on what underpins our strengths as a knowledge economy – and the steps we are now taking, and must take, to preserve them into the future.

But first, a reflection on what the referendum result means for research and innovation in the UK.

I am only too aware of the many questions that will be in your minds following the vote last Thursday. The academic and business communities were strong voices for Remain during the referendum campaign – and I want to thank you all for the role that you played.

While it was not the outcome for which I and many of you campaigned, I accept this momentous decision by the British people and am committed to making it work.

Now is the time to focus on the future, and with an optimistic mindset. We must look for the positives, while we deal with the challenges.

Today is first an opportunity to remind ourselves that our economy is fundamentally strong and that UK research and innovation are world leading. And for me to give you my commitment to continue working with you to make the strongest possible case for higher education, research and innovation in the coming negotiation.

In legal terms, nothing changed overnight last Thursday. We remain an EU member during the 2-year renegotiation period, with all the rights and obligations that derive from this. EU students studying here, or looking to start in the autumn, remain eligible for student finance for the full duration of their courses. We remain fully open to scientists and researchers from across the EU. We hugely value the contribution of EU and international staff. And there are no immediate changes to their rights to live and work in the UK.

It is business as usual for Horizon 2020. I would be concerned about any discrimination against UK participants and am in close touch with Commissioner Moedas on these issues.

The UK also continues to lead in major non-EU research collaborations – from CERN in Switzerland to the European Space Agency. Just this month we confirmed the UK's application to become a full member of a major new particle accelerator, the European Spallation Source in Sweden.

But the prospect of Brexit inevitably poses new challenges, at a time when research itself is becoming more collaborative, and more global.

Our task now is to chart a course that protects the UK's status as a full-spectrum scientific power.

We have fundamental strengths on which we must now build.

First and foremost we have a long established system that supports, and therefore attracts, the brightest minds, at all stages of their careers. We fund excellent science wherever it is found, and ensure there is the freedom to tackle important scientific questions.

We recognise the talent pipeline is critical. So we are doing all we can to develop the next generation of researchers. This week we opened applications to our new Master's loan. We are also developing for the first time a new Doctoral loan to complement existing Research Council funding. In this Parliament we will have utterly transformed the funding landscape for post-graduate study.

As a government we recognise the contribution that our world-class research base makes to our economy and wellbeing, which is why at the Spending Review we committed to protect the science budget in real terms, and protect the funding that flows through Innovate UK in cash terms. These commitments remain.

Second, we have excellent scientific infrastructure here in the UK – in universities, in existing research institutes, such as the MRC Laboratory for Molecular Biology and the Wellcome Trust Sanger Institute, and in new institutes like 'The Crick' and 'Royce'. This is backed by a manifesto commitment of £6.9 billion capital funding up to 2021 – that's record levels of investment in new equipment, new laboratories and new research institutes.

Third, we have access to major research infrastructures across the world, such as the Large Hadron Collider, in which the UK plays a leading role. We are a major partner in building new infrastructure such as the Square Kilometre Array whose global headquarters will be based at Jodrell Bank; and in the LIGO Scientific Collaboration, which made the dramatic gravitational waves discovery. It was UK researchers, working with their counterparts, who made this discovery possible.

And we are hugely successful at innovation – second in the latest Global Innovation Index and one of the most attractive countries in the OECD for international business R&D investment. Only last week the prestigious MacRobert Award of the Royal Academy of Engineering was awarded to Blatchford, a global leader in the development of prosthetic limbs. They have integrated robotics into a prosthetic limb for above-knee amputations – it's a masterpiece of engineering that combines advanced materials with cutting edge deployment of ICT. Advances such as this are now being celebrated in the first ever UK Robotics Week.

But, while we can be confident that our fundamentals are strong, we need to evaluate the consequences to UK science and innovation of leaving the EU. And ask why, following the decision to leave, it is even more necessary for us to implement the proposals in the White Paper and Bill, and deliver on our manifesto commitment to implement the Nurse review.

So let me deal with each of these in turn.

Europe and the world

There is no doubt that UK researchers and businesses do extremely well in EU research funding programmes. And we helped to shape the European Research Council in our own image, with its emphasis on peer review and funding excellence.

It is too early to say what a new settlement will look like and exactly what our relationship to successor framework programmes will be – but I am confident that we can continue to thrive.

The UK has been a centre of scholarship for more than eight centuries. Our universities were knowledge hubs long before the EU ever came into existence. We are already extremely connected with the rest of the world – in 2012 nearly half of articles by UK researchers were co-authored by at least one non-UK researcher, second only to France amongst other leading research nations. These connections will continue. Our position as a science superpower, held since the dawn of the Enlightenment, can be maintained.

But this will require a concerted effort from government, the research community and, importantly, from the new leadership of UK Research and Innovation, under John Kingman.

The role of UK Research and Innovation (UKRI)

I have no doubt that the formation of UKRI will provide indispensable support to our research and innovation leadership during this period of change in our relationship with the European Union. Now, more than ever, as these communities face new challenges, we need a strong and unified voice to represent your interests across government, across Europe and around the world.

We are outstanding at discovery science – and are getting much better at turning those discoveries into economic benefit - but we must do even better.

The government is already taking steps to strengthen the research and innovation landscape. We will shortly publish a new national innovation plan. We have already protected research funding. We have maintained innovation funding through Innovate UK, and the R&D Tax Credit is benefitting record numbers of businesses. We are also continuing to grow our Catapult network, where the very best of the UK's businesses, scientists, clinicians and engineers work side-by-side. We are now developing a wider range of financial instruments to support innovative firms and better target public support.

But for every one of our successes, there are examples where UK scientific discovery has been developed off-shore, lost to a competitor, exploited elsewhere. We know the stories - from the early days of computing to pioneering imaging techniques such as medical ultrasound and CT scanning.

That's why we need UKRI to strengthen our ability to spot technology trends and develop a much more strategic approach to research investment.

Increasingly, innovation is occurring at the intersection between scientific disciplines and technologies – such as between biology, materials and computer sciences in the development of medical prosthetics. This means that many of the major problems that we face require inter- and multi- disciplinary solutions. We see this in the impact case studies collected for the REF, the Research Excellence Framework. And we know that many of the world's emerging scientific powers are not just growing their scientific capabilities, but they are increasingly investing in collaborative research that crosses traditional discipline boundaries and national borders.

Which brings us to the reasons that the government asked Sir Paul Nurse to conduct his review of the Research Councils. The Nurse Review powerfully made the case that while we are excellent at science, the collective research endeavour could be so much greater than the sum of its parts. It spelled out the gaps we need to fill:

a lack of strategic join-up between the disciplines and between the research base and policy-makers;

a fragmented approach to investment, that lacks the capability to address multi- and inter-disciplinary research as effectively as we might; and

historic weakness at commercialisation, with a need for a smoother pathway for innovation.

We have also listened carefully to the NAO report which saw the need for a more joined-up and strategic approach to our science capital investments. We are investing in our research infrastructure on a record scale, but the NAO said that we should develop a more strategic process for identifying priorities and proposing projects, potentially through the integrated organisation recommended by Sir Paul Nurse.

That is why we are legislating to establish UKRI, which will include the Research Councils, Innovate UK and a new Council – Research England.

So what will UKRI accomplish?

First and foremost, it will serve as a single, overarching and protective funding body that operates at arm's length from government and provides a strong voice for the research and innovation community. Now, more than ever, as these communities face a unique set of global challenges, we need a powerful voice to represent UK research and innovation on the world stage and ensure we maximise opportunities from all our global research collaborations.

Through UKRI, we have the promise of the best of both worlds – combining what works so well now, while ensuring we meet the challenges ahead.

But as well as a strong, strategic voice in UKRI, the Higher Education and Research Bill clearly sets out how Council leaders will retain their autonomy to fund the very best research and innovation activity, employ the best staff, and serve their individual discipline communities. They will continue to manage their specialist centres and institutes, as the Research Councils do now.

Whilst all staff will be employees of UKRI, recruitment and terms and conditions of staff in Councils and any associated institutes will be set by the Councils, in line with any flexibility granted by the government. And each UKRI Council will in the future enjoy greater freedom to develop their own delivery plans, working with their peers on the UKRI Board, at arm's length from officials and at a further remove from ministers in Whitehall. This means a net gain in academic autonomy.

Second, UKRI will ensure we have more consistent mechanisms to shape a national research and innovation strategy, with members of the research and innovation community in the driving seat. In the last Parliament, we made an important move in this direction – with David Willett's 'Eight Great Technologies' and the further development of cross-Research Council programmes. But the arrangements so far have been ad hoc and reliant on top down ministerial intervention, rather than bottom-up and organic direction-setting by the science community itself. We could clone David, so all future science ministers can be as wise and far-sighted as him. Or we could develop a capability - within UKRI - for the systematic development of the kind of research and innovation strategy that will help us to compete in the world for decades to come.

Through UKRI, we will have a national research and innovation strategy developed organically by the research and innovation community itself, helping to guide more than £6 billion in annual government investment and delivering greater coordination across the delivery plans of each of UKRI's 9 autonomous Councils.

Each part of UKRI will be able to work seamlessly with the others, supported by strong central infrastructure and analytical capability.

The ability to work swiftly and strategically across disciplines will be critical to the new Global Challenges Research Fund. At present, it is not within the legal remit of any of the Research Councils to hold, manage or distribute the necessary multi- and inter-disciplinary grants from the Fund. Moving forward, we will be able to fund challenges directly through 'common research funds' in addition to government allocating budgets across different disciplines.

Our reforms will ensure that the £1.5 billion Global Challenges Research Fund delivers the biggest bang for buck – strengthening the global impact of UK research.

Now, more than ever, it is time to show that Britain is outward-looking and engaged with these global challenges. And that's why I am pleased today to be able to make a further announcement about how we are investing to support this work. We are creating a new £1 million Newton Prize, starting next year. This will not be just a one off, but an annual prize – awarded for the best science or innovation projects that promote the economic development and social welfare of Newton partner countries or address the problems of poor people around the world. It will be awarded by an independent Newton Prize Committee. And I am very pleased to announce that Sir Venki Ramakrishnan, President of the Royal Society, has agreed to chair the Newton Prize Committee. Sir Venki brings a wealth of scientific and international experience and I am immensely grateful that he has agreed to do this.

Third, UKRI will have a remit that spans discovery through to commercialisation. Innovate UK will continue to focus on business-led innovation. It will continue to have a separate budget and serve the business community. But it will also have a clearer remit to help drive innovation from within the research base, aligning its innovation strategy with the Research Councils.

All of this will be underpinned by continued support for a sustainable, world class Higher Education sector. Research England will retain HEFCE's research and knowledge exchange functions, including Higher Education Innovation Funding.

HEIF is an essential mechanism to support universities in effectively contributing to UK growth. Research England and the new Office for Students will act together to deliver HEIF, as an example of the joint working between the two bodies and their shared remit to support business-university collaboration.

And as I set out in a speech earlier this month, we are taking other steps to bring teaching and research closer together. Our proposals include provisions for joint working, cooperation and information sharing between the OfS and UKRI. An emphasis on working together will run through the leadership and management of both bodies, supported by a legal framework that will be sufficiently flexible to deal effectively with areas of shared interest.

I also want the REF and the TEF to be mutually reinforcing. We will ask institutions to consider how they promote research-led teaching in their TEF submissions; and I have asked Lord Stern, as part of his review of the REF, to consider the impact of excellent research on teaching. We look forward to hearing the results of his review shortly.

It will continue to be a matter for each of the devolved administrations to consider how to turn REF results into 'dual support' funding. We are working with them, and I was in Scotland earlier this week, to discuss the steps we can take to ensure UKRI works to fund excellent science across the UK, just as Research Councils do now. UKRI is just that: an integrated organisation with a remit to think and act strategically across the whole of the country.

The balance of funding between the Councils will ultimately be decided by ministers, as it always has been. But, with the formation of UKRI, we will have a new mechanism for the whole research and innovation community to determine its own priorities, and to advise ministers as to their view on the optimal budget allocations.

Conclusion: 5 tests

By preserving the strengths of our research base, and building capability for the future, we have a real opportunity to ensure we are truly leading the world in this new era of global science and innovation.

And with both the funding and the strategy in place, we have every reason to be optimistic.

But we in government will need to continue to work closely with the research and innovation communities as we adjust to the realities of a new relationship with the rest of Europe.

The country that inspired the steam engine, the double helix and the World Wide Web has no guaranteed pass to the scientific premier league in the next century, nor can protected funding alone guarantee success.

The nature of the next scientific breakthroughs is changing, and we must adapt with it.

Now, more than ever, and as the Parliamentary process moves forward in the months ahead, we must galvanise our national research and innovation effort, and make sure it is fit for the future.

I have 5 tests for the success of these reforms:

Are we training and attracting world-class scientists and engineers, who are in turn able to help shape a more cohesive national research and innovation strategy?

Do we have a strong national champion for research and innovation, able to make a case in government, with the public and around the world in support of UK science and in pursuit of international collaboration?

Are we fully exploiting economic opportunities from our research base, especially in new and emerging technologies, maintaining our reputation as a global innovation leader?

Are we effectively targeting our efforts at society's biggest challenges, with the ability to support more multi- and inter-disciplinary research, and success at winning global recognition for UK-led breakthroughs?

And have we preserved for future generations the vital components of academic autonomy, made possible through the Haldane Principle and Dual Support, that underpin so much of what is great about UK academia?

We can pass these tests, and seize the opportunity – not just to preserve what already works well, but also to turn the challenges we now face to our advantage.

We must now work together to get this right. We have the chance both to maintain everything that is exceptional about UK research and innovation, and cement our unparalleled leadership in this new age of global science.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/332531 2016-06-29T16:06:20+01:00 2016-06-29T16:06:20+01:00 Speech: Sajid Javid's speech to the SMMT International Automotive Summit 2016 Speech by Business Secretary Sajid Javid to the Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders International Automotive Summit.

As the apocryphal Chinese curse says, "May you live in interesting times".

Well, it has certainly been an interesting seven days in Westminster.

If nothing else, our nation's political journalists are enjoying themselves tremendously!

The past week has produced millions of words of comment, analysis and discussion.

There's been endless Parliamentary parlour games and Westminster whispers.

But none of that should distract us from the very real, very serious issues at hand.

Since Friday morning we've seen instability in the stock market.

We've seen the pound drop to a 31-year low.

We've heard talk of major employers making plans to move jobs out of the UK.

There's no question about it, this is a challenging time for British business.

The nation and the economy are facing a situation is that completely without precedent.

Literally nobody has been here before.

There is no instruction manual.

And I know it's a situation the SMMT had hoped to avoid.

Like me, three-quarters of your members wanted Britain to remain a member of the European Union.

Just last week Mike called it "critical" for the future of British car-making.

From multinationals to small specialist suppliers, the industry was unambiguous in its support for Remain.

Now I'm not going to pretend the past couple of months never happened.

I'm not about to start backtracking on some of the warnings that were made.

I don't doubt that there will be difficult times ahead for Britain, particularly for British employers.

We're entering a period of uncertainty and – let's be completely honest – we don't have a good idea how long it will last. But you can only play with the cards you've been dealt.

The people of the United Kingdom have issued their orders.

And as a Cabinet Minister it's my job to put those orders into action.

So I won't be sitting around complaining, pointing fingers, or reflecting on what might have been.

The UK will be leaving the European Union.

I have to make sure that happens in a way that works for British business.

A way that works for you.

The easiest thing in the world would be to stand on the sidelines throwing rocks.

But I'm not that kind of politician.

And if there's one thing I've learned in my time as Business Secretary, it's that you're not that kind of industry.

You're forward-thinking.

You're innovative.

You don't shirk from challenges, you rise to them.

Those qualities helped you become one of Britain's most successful manufacturing sectors.

And those are the qualities that will help all of us to make it through the days to come.

So where do we go from here?

What happens next for Britain, for manufacturing, for the automotive industry?

Well, this decision may make conditions more challenging.

But it won't make things impossible.

It creates a number of large, complex issues to overcome.

But we can overcome them.

And yes, we are sailing into unchartered waters.

But we are far from rudderless.

Contrary to some of the more alarmist headlines, the business of government continues.

Since Friday I've been in regular touch with heads of some of our biggest companies to reassure them and talk about next steps.

Cabinet met on Monday and we agreed to set up a cross-government Europe taskforce.

Yesterday I met with Britain's business leaders, including Mike, to hear their views and set out our plans.

Through all that, my message for British business has been clear and simple.

Britain remains open for business.

This is not time for hasty decisions or rushed judgements.

The markets are volatile right now.

But this volatility has not come as a surprise.

All the experts predicted it.

And the government, the Bank of England and the Financial Conduct Authority have spent the past few months putting in place robust plans to deal with it.

The Treasury has been working with the major financial institutions to make sure they are able to deal with just this situation.

Swap lines had been arranged in advance, so the Bank of England can lend in foreign currency if needed.

The Bank of England stands ready to provide up to £250 billion to support banks and the smooth functioning of markets.

And the Chancellor has been in contact with G7 and European finance ministers, with the IMF, and with central bank governors around the world.

Most important of all, Britain's economy is fundamentally strong.

And for that, much of the credit must go to our Prime Minister.

When David Cameron arrived in Downing Street in 2010 he inherited an economy that was on the brink.

The deepest recession in living memory, spiralling debt, a deficit that was out of control.

It speaks volumes about the Prime Minister that, just six years later, the economy is almost unrecognisable.

We've gone from a record-breaking recession to record employment.

During the last Parliament more jobs were created in Birmingham than in the whole of France.

The country is home to more private sector businesses than at any point in history.

The deficit is down from 11 per cent of national income to just three per cent.

Even after this week's shock, the UK is still one of the biggest economies in the world.

And in a sky full of stars, your sector shines brighter than most.

The past few years have been incredible for the UK's automotive industry.

A vehicle rolls off our production lines every 16 seconds, most destined for export.

Last year we built more cars than at any point in the past decade.

From the consumer forecourt to Formula One gird, the UK's automotive expertise is clear to all.

And from apprenticeships to the Automotive Council to the Advanced Propulsion Centre, automotive has been a model of co-operation between government and industry.

The politicians and the engineers coming together to do what's right for business.

What's right for jobs.

What's right for the people of Britain.

That is how we achieved the level of success the sector is experiencing today – and that is going to continue no matter what.

So although I'm here today to talk, I'm also keen to listen.

What can we do for you right now and in the future?

What do you need from the negotiations to come?

What does Britain's motor industry want our new relationship with Europe to look like?

The decision the British people made last week will undoubtedly create many challenges.

But it also gives us a unique opportunity.

An opportunity to build from the ground up in a way that really works for Britain's employers and employees.

And I want you to be a part of that.

I want to hear from you in the weeks and months ahead.

You know your sector, your suppliers, your investors better than anyone.

And remember this.

We are still a member of the European Union.

We are still inside the single market.

None of that is going to change overnight.

There's a lot of negotiation to come, a lot of difficult decisions to make.

But let me reassure each and every one of you that I will be fighting each and every day to secure a settlement that works for British business.

We've all worked too hard to get our economy growing again.

Top of my list will be securing the tariff-free access to markets that are so important to Britain's automotive industry.

I also want to make sure Britain continues to attract the best design and manufacturing talent from across Europe and around the world.

And I want the UK to remain a leading destination for international investment in manufacturing.

Because we cannot afford to turn our backs on the world.

Last Thursday we saw a vote to have more control over immigration.

Not a vote to put up the "closed" sign.

It's almost 175 years since a young German named William Siemens arrived in Britain to set up what would become one of the world's biggest engineering firms.

In a letter to his brother he wrote that "England is the place if anything is to be done."

Long before the EU, long before the Common Market, the world knew that Britain was the place to do business.

That is not going to change.

Britain is open for business, and Britain will remain open for business.

Thank you.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/332332 2016-06-28T17:15:00+01:00 2016-06-28T17:15:00+01:00 Speech: EU referendum result: update on support for business Statement made by Business Secretary Sajid Javid following a roundtable with Britain's business leaders.

Good afternoon everyone, and thank you all for coming.

Following last week's historic decision by the British people, I've just chaired a meeting of the chairs of UK's largest business organisations, and CEOs and senior representatives from many of our biggest employers.

My message for them was very clear. Britain is open for business.

Yes, the financial markets are still reacting to the result.

But the fundamental facts remain unchanged.

The UK is still a member of the European Union, and still a member of the single market.

Employment is still at a record high.

And this government is still 100% committed to making the UK the best place in Europe to start and grow a business.

None of this has changed on Friday morning.

None of this will change overnight.

This is not the time for hasty decisions that will be regretted later.

Rather, it is the time for government to work with businesses large and small up and down the country so they don't just deal with the challenges that the result brings, but are also able to embrace the opportunities that it creates.

The biggest issue raised was the need to secure continued access to the single market.

While I'm not in a position to make promises, I assured everyone that my number one priority will be just that in the negotiations to come.

I also set out the wide-ranging, globe-spanning process of engagement that has been underway at my department since the result became known.

I've personally been in regular contact with many CEOs and business leaders, a process that will continue in the days and weeks that lie ahead.

Trade Minister Lord Price is in contact with many of Britain's biggest inward investors.

Over the next few months he will be visiting key overseas markets including China, Hong Kong and Brazil and reminding firms there that the UK is still very much open for business, just as before.

My department already has a single, named contact minister for more than 80 of Britain's top inward investors and exporters.

I'm ensuring that they will make contact with all of their companies over the next few weeks.

Similarly, the Prime Minister's business ambassadors and trade envoys, drawn from across the business world and political spectrum, are out there representing the UK in the key markets and sectors around the world.

UK Trade and Investment (UKTI) our international trade promotion body, has a presence in more than 100 markets around the world.

I've instructed all the heads of UKTI to engage with the key investors locally to reassure them that the UK remains open for business and an attractive inward investment destination.

Between now and the end of the year I will be leading a series of trade missions in order to communicate that message myself.

Our unrivalled network of ambassadors and high commissioners have been reaching out to their local governments.

In the past 48 hours we've heard senior politicians in Australia and South Korea calling for immediate talks on trade deals with the UK.

Of course, the impact of last week's vote will not just be felt among exporters and foreign investors.

Across the country there are millions of businesses, large and small, that are not directly trading into EU, but who also have questions.

In the weeks to come my ministerial team and I will be visiting businesses right across the country.

This is not just about big business and not just about London.

And I'm delighted that at today's meeting the heads of the largest business organisations - the CBI, IoD, FSB, BCC and EEF - they all agreed to work together with the government to provide consistent support and advice for their members.

As I've said before, we have to collaborate to ensure the best outcomes.

Unions also have an important role to play.

And I will be speaking to the TUC's Frances O'Grady this afternoon to discuss the best way to engage and work with them.

Over the past few days the main aim has been to reassure business.

But we've also received plenty of reassurance from business.

Investors have reaffirmed their commitment to the UK.

For example, Huawei has today confirmed to government that its planned £1.3 billion investment in the UK will go ahead.

The referendum will make no difference to that commitment.

Numerous other companies have offered us staff to help with negotiations.

We've had offers of support with surveys and intelligence gathering.

Again and again we have heard business leaders mirroring the government's position – that they are determined to make this work.

Although many were shocked by the result, they are all doing what British businesses have always done.

They are adapting, they are innovating, they are rising to the challenge.

Finally, let me remind all of Britain's businesses that, even in the face of market volatility, our economy remains fundamentally strong.

The deficit is down, employment is up, Britain is home to more private businesses than at any point in its history.

There will be challenging times ahead, of course, but we are more than well-placed to get through them.

There is much more to be done in the weeks and months that lie ahead.

And I look forward to working with businesses of all sizes.

Thank you.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/331694 2016-06-20T16:34:00+01:00 2016-06-20T16:34:00+01:00 Speech: From the Northern Powerhouse to global trade Business Secretary Sajid Javid explains how exporting can help small businesses build the Northern Powerhouse.

It's great to be back in Liverpool and at the International Festival of Business (IFB) for the second time in a week.

I was going to start today with a little joke about tonight's football.

But following the tragic murder of Jo Cox last week, politics doesn't really feel like the place for humour right now.

Jo's murder was a heinous attack on a talented, committed young woman.

It was an attack on a wife, a mother, a daughter.

And it was also an attack on the principles on which this country is built, on the idea that we choose democracy over violence.

Hatred doesn't begin with violence and murder.

That's where, left unchecked, it reaches its natural conclusion

But when we know where hatred leads we can stop it in its tracks.

And all of us who believe in democracy have a duty to do just that.

Exactly 197 years ago, on the 20 June 1819, cheering crowds greeted the SS Savannah as she docked here in Liverpool.

Her arrival marked the end of the first-ever steam-powered journey across the Atlantic, and the beginning of a new era for international trade.

It was a time when the north of England was at the heart of the global economy.

Factories produced goods on an industrial scale.

And ports like Liverpool, Tyne, and Hull shipped them to markets around the world.

A century and a half later, and with considerably less fanfare, a guy named Abdul Ghani-Javid arrived at the other end of the ship canal, in Manchester.

He was my dad, fresh from Pakistan.

And, like many of his fellow immigrants, he was drawn to the north of England because it was still the powerhouse of British industry.

Still making what the world wanted, and still doing it better than anyone else.

That was back in 1961.

Business was booming, everything looked rosy.

But it wasn't to last.

By the end of the decade exports were falling, imports were rising and the mills and factories were beginning to close.

Liverpool's once bustling docks fell into disuse and disrepair.

Since then, of course, the individual cities of the north have bounced back.

You just need to look at this brand-new, £65 million conference centre to see how Liverpool has found a new lease of life.

Manchester has become a thriving media hub.

Newcastle and Gateshead have been reinvented as cultural capitals.

But the success of the great northern cities has happened in isolated pockets.

Individual cities and local authorities acting alone, even in competition.

A lack of co-ordination and shared infrastructure has meant that the north has been less than the sum of its parts.

And that has had a really serious impact on the region's businesses.

Between 1981 and 2013, economic growth in most of northern England was well below that of the UK average.

Productivity is lower than the UK as a whole.

16% lower here in the north-west.

20% in Yorkshire and the Humber.

And a massive 27% in the north-east.

A lack of investment in skills left the north-east with an unemployment rate more than twice that of the south-east.

And outdated, overcrowded transport links mean northern businesses are quite literally being left behind.

That's something this government is not prepared to tolerate.

Which is why we're working with business and local government to create the Northern Powerhouse.

Across the whole region we're investing in science and technology.

We're investing in transport, in innovation, in digital.

We're investing in culture and tourism.

And we're devolving real power, giving the north a powerful new voice.

For example, the directly elected mayor of Liverpool has been described as holding the most powerful political post outside London.

So the Northern Powerhouse isn't just being built with warm words.

It's not some short-term marketing campaign.

It's a serious vision for the future of the north.

And it's a vision that has the potential to pay incredible dividends for the region.

If the north grew at the same rate as is forecast for the rest of the UK the economic potential is huge.

We could add £37 billion to the economy by the end of the next decade.

Here in the north-west it would mean a boost of £2,000 for every man, woman and child.

And that would be great news for businesses of all sizes.

But we're not going to get there simply by looking inwards.

Yes, the Northern Powerhouse will make it easier for Liverpool to do business with Manchester.

For Leeds to link up with Sheffield. But the real gains are to be made by connecting northern businesses with the rest of the world.

For too long the big names, the high-street brands and the giant multinationals have monopolised the arena of international trade.

Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) make up 99% of all British businesses.

They provide the vast majority of Britain's private sector jobs.

But they only account for a small fraction of exports.

Only 1 in 5 British SMEs export at all – across the EU, the average is 1 in 4.

Things are particularly bad for the medium-sized firms.

Only 34% of British mid-sized companies export.

In Germany the figure is 68%; in Spain it's 85%.

It's a huge missed opportunity.

Last year, researchers found that up to 150,000 SMEs that could be exporting are not doing so.

Yet if they embraced that opportunity, if they made the most of their potential, it wouldn't just be good news for the exporters.

The benefits of bigger sales would be felt all the way down the supply chain and right across the community.

Why are small businesses limiting their ambitions?

While the specifics vary from business to business and sector to sector, there are some key issues that I come across again and again.

First is a simple lack of awareness.

SMEs don't have agents and networks and feelers right around the world.

For too long it has been too hard for them to even find out that an export opportunity exists, never mind make the most of it.

Second is a lack of finance.

Many SMEs lack the resources to engage with the international markets, or don't know where to turn to access it.

Finally, there's a lack of confidence.

Too many British SMEs don't have a culture of exporting, it's not something they're used to.

And when you're running a small firm with tight margins, it can be exceptionally hard to justify a step into the unknown.

So there are some big challenges.

But none are insurmountable.

They can be overcome.

And as Business Secretary, my views are very clear.

If a UK business wants to export to its full potential, there should be nothing to stop it from doing so.

That's why this government is working hard to support SMEs that want to dip their toes into the international market.

That support comes in many forms.

At the top of the tree is a whole new approach to exporting.

For years, governments saw it simply as a matter for my department, the business department.

But that's a much too narrow view.

Under this administration, boosting international trade is a responsibility shared by the whole of government.

So the Home Office looks at how the visa system can help.

The Department for Transport makes sure UK business travellers can connect with the world.

The Department for Health offers its support to med-tech firms. And so on.

All that comes together in the cross-government Exports Implementation Taskforce, which I chair.

One of the first initiatives to come out of that taskforce was Exporting is GREAT.

Launched in November, it's a 5-year, multi-million pound campaign to boost Britain's overseas trade.

At its heart, and particularly useful for SMEs, is a website listing current export opportunities right around the world.

Updated in real time, it tells you what's needed where and how to go about supplying it.

I checked this morning and there are currently almost 2,000 export opportunities listed, many of them perfect for SMEs.

A government agency in Jamaica needs marine fenders and bollards.

A Peruvian construction firm has a tender out for protective workplace clothing.

There's even a supermarket chain in Argentina that wants to stock British jam!

It's all there on exportingisgreat.gov.uk – go take a look.

Of course, even in 2016 you can't just build business relationships from behind a computer screen.

It still helps to get boots on ground.

That's why I led the first ever Northern Powerhouse trade mission, taking a range of SMEs to Singapore and Malaysia last year.

We had 50 companies spending 3 days in the 2 countries.

And we built countless contacts that will help boost business for years to come.

But trade missions aren't your only opportunity to engage overseas.

A year from now, Kazakhstan will be playing host to an international expo in its capital, Astana.

The UK will be one of 75 countries hosting pavilions, with delegates attending from many more.

The overarching theme is 'Future Energy', but that doesn't mean it's only open to the BPs and Shells of the world.

There are opportunities for SMEs working in any aspect of oil and gas, renewables, education, financial services and more.

It's an amazing opportunity to put your business in front of 5 million visitors from familiar and emerging economies.

So if you want to be a part of that, get hold of one of the UK Trade and Investment staff here at the festival.

In fact, get in touch with UKTI if you need any help at all with exporting.

They have an expert presence in markets around the world – and it's their job to help you succeed.

So we're providing information about export opportunities and practical support to make the most of them.

And we're also helping with that tricky financial side.

Through UK Export Finance, the nation's export credit agency, we are helping small firms to minimise the financial risks of overseas trade.

Accessing working capital to fulfil export orders and making sure an overseas buyer will pay on time can be particularly daunting for SMEs, so we are increasingly focussing support on them.

And we are improving UK finance markets through the British Business Bank.

It's currently supporting over £1.8 billion of finance to over 40,000 smaller businesses, and a further £1.4 billion of finance to small mid-cap businesses.

Together, it all adds up to a wide-ranging package of support for small northern businesses that want to export.

The opportunities are out there, and you could be too.

[Content relating to the EU referendum removed]

Exports and growth go hand in hand.

That was true back in the days of the SS Savanah, and it's true today.

The history of Liverpool is built on international trade, and that's where its future lies.

The same applies right across the north, from Sheffield to Sunderland.

Exporting can really put the power into the Northern Powerhouse.

And it's not just for the big names.

Exporting is for you, too.

Today's customers don't think twice about going online and finding the best product at the best price, even if that means ordering from the other side of the world.

It has never been easier for SMEs to start exporting, and the potential rewards have never been greater.

Exporting is great for your business, it's great for your bottom line, it's great for your employees and it's great for the north.

So if you're running an SME with export potential, I only have one thing to ask.

What are you waiting for?

Thank you.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/331327 2016-06-15T10:53:55+01:00 2016-06-15T10:53:55+01:00 Speech: International Festival of Business: Blue Skies and the future of manufacturing Business Secretary Sajid Javid discusses the importance of innovation in British industry.

Good afternoon everyone.

It's great to be here in Liverpool.

It's great to be at the International Festival of Business (IFB).

And it's great to be kicking off the Blue Skies sessions.

Looking at the weather forecast I fear this is the only place we're going to get blue skies today!

We're here to talk about the future of manufacturing.

And it seems kind of appropriate that we've gathered next to the China and India suites.

Because within the past couple of decades both China and India have rapidly established themselves as major global manufacturers.

And that presents something of a dilemma for more traditional manufacturing countries like the UK.

Because developing nations often have a lot of factors on their side.

Cheaper labour, lower standards.

Raw materials on site.

And, sometimes, governments that are focused on economic success at the expense of workers' safety and wellbeing.

Faced with that, it's hard to see how British manufacturers can possibly compete.

We have higher standards.

Higher wages too, both secured over many years of development and growth.

And while we're rightly proud of that, it translates into higher costs.

The way I see it, we have 2 choices.

We can get into a race to the bottom with the developing economies.

We can cut corners, costs and quality in order to get by.

Or we can do what Britain has always done.

We can innovate.

We can do things nobody else can do.

We can take our skills and our experience and our history and our heritage and apply it to the challenges of the future.

And make no mistake, the future is coming and it is coming fast.

Whether you call it Industry 4.0 or the Fourth Industrial Revolution, it's impossible to deny that the way in which we live and work is undergoing a seismic shift.

People often talk about how nobody would have predicted a company the size of Kodak suddenly disappearing from view.

But the biggest changes aren't going to be in what we manufacture so much as how we manufacture.

Where we manufacture.

Even who does the manufacturing.

From 3D printing to virtual factories to the internet of things, the old order is being turned on its head.

And I don't want to see British manufacturers just responding to the changes and challenges the future will bring.

I want to see them shaping that future.

But before I get on to that, let me set one myth to bed once and for all.

I often hear people say that the UK is no longer a manufacturing nation.

That we simply don't make things anymore.

That's utter nonsense.

Our service economy has been an incredible success story and now accounts for something like 80% of British jobs.

But manufacturing is still going strong.

It contributed £168 billion to our economy last year.

In the past 10 years it has grown 2.5 times faster than the rest of UK PLC.

The sector spans almost 90,000 companies and provides work for literally millions of people.

And it accounts for half of all British exports.

The world wants what we're making.

2015 was the most successful year ever for our £23 billion aircraft industry.

Delivery numbers are up 44% since 2010.

A new car rolls off a British production line every 20 seconds, with 80% destined for export.

So around the world people are flying on British-built planes and driving in British-built cars.

And the Australians are even throwing British-made boomerangs!

That's right, the world's biggest boomerang manufacturer is based in south-west London.

And our Aussie friends provide one of their biggest export markets.

Although there's a chance they're just exporting one boomerang that keeps on coming back!

But the world doesn't just want to passively consume what we're selling.

The world wants in.

Since 2010, foreign direct investment in British manufacturing has risen by 60%.

Now, I used to work in international finance.

And I know that investment on that scale is a massive vote of confidence in a country's economy.

It's not all plain sailing.

Unprecedented conditions in the international steel market have had a devastating impact on too many British communities.

But alongside the steel industry, the unions and politicians of all parties, we're doing all we can secure the future of UK steelmaking.

That work is beginning to bear fruit.

The British Steel brand has returned to Scunthorpe thanks to Greybull Capital.

And bidders from around the world are keen to take over Tata's remaining British assets.

People know that British steelmakers are the best in the world and they're willing to invest serious money in the sector.

So British manufacturing has a proud history, and strong present.

And, most importantly, it also has a bright future.

As I said, that future doesn't lie in a race to the bottom with developing economies.

It lies in using our unique capability to shape the future of a sector that we did so much to create 2 centuries ago.

That's something we're already excelling at.

Around 70% of all UK research and development (R&D) spending takes place in manufacturing.

This is a sector that's used to pushing boundaries, used to experimenting.

Used to turning the blue sky thinking of today into the must-have products of tomorrow.

And I'm one business secretary who's determined to play an active role in making that happen.

Now it's not the job of government to come up with the ideas.

That's not something politicians and civil servants are generally very good at!

And it's certainly not our job to try and pick winners – to look at one company or one individual and throw taxpayers' money at them to try and secure success.

But what we can, should, must do, is create the environment in which modern manufacturing can thrive.

That's why, later this year, our national innovation plan will provide a clear framework for ensuring the UK is at the forefront of the fourth industrial revolution.

But our support goes way beyond that.

We're also encouraging long-term investment and a dynamic economy with open and competitive markets.

That includes cutting corporation tax to 17%, slashing a further £10 billion of red tape, and investing £6.9 billion in the UK's research infrastructure up to 2021.

We're also making sure our young people have the skills they need to fill the jobs of tomorrow, for which job descriptions have not yet been written.

We're developing digital skills capability.

We're reforming the computing science curriculum.

We're establishing a National Institute for Coding, and the new National College for Digital Skills.

And Higher Apprenticeships and Degree Apprenticeships are also helping to develop the higher level technical skills that manufacturers need.

Our High Value Manufacturing Catapult is helping smaller businesses access the R&D technology and knowhow they need in order to grow.

In its first 5 years of operation, around £300 million has been invested through the Catapult.

And in the past year alone it has worked with more than 1,600 private sector clients on over 1,300 projects.

Manufacturing is now a truly international industry, so this work doesn't begin and end at the UK border.

I'm personally working with the World Economic Forum to shape the focus of its work on the fourth industrial revolution.

The G20 has established a new industrial revolution task force.

And the UK is leading an EU-wide project on the digitisation of European industry.

[Content on EU referendum removed]

Now it's no coincidence that the IFB is being held here in Liverpool.

This is a city whose reputation is built on creativity, innovation, and reinvention.

Whether it's in industry or music or football, Liverpool is known throughout the world for doing things differently.

The Albert Dock, right next door, was revolutionary in its day, the first of its kind.

Today it's home to Tate Liverpool and The Beatles Story, both showcases for groundbreaking creative talent.

Up on Prince's Dock you can find the Liverpool City Region Local Enterprise Partnership.

It has a vision to make the city region a global manufacturing hotspot with the smartest networks, talent, technology and investment.

So Liverpool is synonymous with innovation.

And if businesses are going to thrive in the global markets of the 21st century they have to embrace that spirit themselves.

That's what this session is all about.

Over the next few weeks, each day will end with 'Blue Skies'.

It's an opportunity to hear from some of the great creative thinkers from all kinds of different fields.

The people who, as George Bernard Shaw put it, "dream things that never were; and say 'why not?'"

There's the first sailor to complete a non-stop solo circumnavigation.

The politician who ended apartheid.

The extreme adventurer who's all set to become the fastest woman on water.

Thinkers and dreamers, sure.

But most important of all do-ers.

They're the kind of people you're going to be hearing from at Blue Skies.

And they're the kind of people I want to be hearing from as Business Secretary.

My door is always open to blue sky thinkers who can help British industry thrive in the years to come.

Because Liverpool has long been inspiring the world.

And in the 21st century I want Britain's manufacturers to do the same.

Thank you.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/331069 2016-06-09T14:34:15+01:00 2016-06-09T14:34:15+01:00 Speech: The student journey – from teenage to middle-age Universities and Science Minister Jo Johnson calls on universities to seize the opportunity to give students more choice and better quality teaching.

Thank you to Aldwyn Cooper and Regents University for hosting the event today. And thank you to Nick (Hillman) and everyone at Higher Education Policy Institute (HEPI) for inviting me to speak at this year's conference.

Within the world of academia, you can find an expert on anything from anthropology to zoology, but those in higher education (HE) who study their own sector are a rare and important breed.

I'm sure I'm not the only person in this room who looks forward to those little blue A5 pamphlets landing on my desk.

So I would like to thank everyone who has contributed to HEPI's work this year and in particular those behind this year's Student Academic Experience Survey, which has received lots of coverage today.

Today, I plan to reflect on your theme (The Student Journey: from teenage to middle age) and how it fits with the white paper and bill which is now before Parliament.

It's a theme that chimes well with our plans for higher education, for 2 reasons:

Firstly, because everything we set out in our white paper is about ensuring students get the support they need throughout their journey – from the information available to them when they are applying, right the way through to their progression into the jobs market.

And secondly, because in a flexible and competitive labour market, we must continue to ensure there are opportunities to gain new qualifications at all stages of life. That's a principle that underpins the new part-time and post-graduate support we're introducing. I'll say a bit more about that later.

Higher Education and Research Bill

First, the white paper and bill.

From the 600 responses we had to the green paper, to the submissions to Lord Stern's Research Excellence Framework (REF) review, through to the input we are seeking to the Teaching Excellence Framework (TEF) technical consultation, and all the time and effort that will feed in to the Parliamentary process – we want you to continue to help us shape these plans.

We are now at the start of the legislative process.

The Higher Education and Research Bill introduced in the Commons last month responds to a recognition that the regulatory environment needs to reflect the realities of the changes since the 1992 Act, a quarter of a century ago.

There is a lot of catching up to do, but the economic case for a diverse and widely accessible higher education sector is as strong as ever.

Employers need the graduate-level skills, as much as our national and regional economies look to the university sector to boost productivity and help to create jobs. To quote the University Alliance's press release last week, higher education institutions are the "hub and spoke in UK innovation".

We are privileged to have such a successful higher education sector. Our universities top the league tables for research. The sector is the driving force behind our successful knowledge economy, and underpins many of the cultural and creative forces that put the Great in Great Britain.

We have made real progress in ensuring more people are able to benefit from access to our world-class higher education sector. The participation rate among young students from the most disadvantaged backgrounds has reached record levels – up from 13.6% in 2009 to 18.5% last year.

But, as we set out in our white paper, there are steps we must take to ensure our higher education system is fulfilling its potential both as a driver of productivity and an engine of social mobility. Among the questions we cannot afford to ignore and are seeking to address are:

is higher education as accessible as it could be?

do students have enough information and choice?

are courses sufficiently flexible in length and teaching methods?

does the teaching consistently meet students' expectations?

does the manner of regulation reflect the realities of the sector?

what more can we do to ensure all students get the best outcomes, irrespective of backgrounds?

are we making the most of our £6 billion annual investment in research and innovation?

These are not new questions, but they are ones we now have the opportunity to address.

This year's Student Academic Experience Survey confirms some recent trends:

a declining proportion of students are very satisfied with their course – from 37% in 2013 to 27% in 2016

18% of students feel they have enough information on how their fees are spent (unchanged from 2015)

1 in 3 (33%) say that with hindsight they would have chosen a different course

Overall, students' perception of value for money continues to fall. Just 37% of respondents feeling they receive good value for money compared to 40% in 2015, and 53% in 2012.

Student choice

As students now expect to meet more of the costs of their education through their future earnings, they rightly have a sharper eye for value, and higher expectations of quality.

So we have to ask ourselves what steps can be taken to make the whole 'student journey' even better.

At the start of the journey, there is the information and the choices available to students as they prepare their applications.

And as we set out in the white paper, we want students to be able to choose from a wider range of universities.

That's why the bill will level the playing field for high quality new entrants, making it simpler for innovative and specialist providers to set up, award degrees, drive-up quality, secure university status, and give applicants more choice about where and how to study.

Currently, high-quality new entrants are held back by rules that dictate that they must secure validation from an existing university before they can get up and running. This has been recognised as an inherently anti-competitive situation by the Competition and Markets Authority – one that potentially puts high-quality providers off and limits the choice and innovation that students deserve.

This year marks 40 years since the University of Buckingham, Britain's first 'private' university, was formally opened to 65 students. 98% of its students walk straight into a job. This is an example of what can be achieved by liberalising our higher education system.

Recently, we have seen providers with excellent reputations in their specialist field entering the sector and offering something distinctive to students.

Sotheby's Institute of Art, dealing in the intersection between art and commerce; Pearson College, where students can gain important business skills. And BPP, where you can complete a degree over 2 years, entering the workforce much more quickly.

And of course Regent's University, where we are today, has gradually expanded over time and is now a successful multi-disciplinary institution.

But the process for high-quality new universities is not as smooth or as swift as it could be.

Take Suffolk, one of the few counties in the country to lack its 'own' university. University Campus Suffolk has been in business since 2007. It had to wait until very recently to get its own degree awarding powers. And last month, almost a decade later, we were able to give it the green light to apply for university title.

Hereford is another HE 'cold spot', where there is the prospect of a real step-change in HE provision, through the 'new model in technology and engineering'. This has the potential to fill a national skills gap as well as meeting the needs of local students.

As these examples show, new higher education provision can offer diverse and innovative programmes of study, following in the footsteps of Ashridge, for example, who have recently launched their Creative MBA, backed by Lord Puttnam. This creative course has the potential to train the Oscar-winners of the future.

There will be those who worry about new universities challenging the established sector. And we have heard these concerns before.

Two of our most successful universities, University College London and King's College London, were dismissed as 'cockney' universities in the 1820s.

We heard it again when the great civic red brick universities emerged later in the nineteenth century, and the polytechnics in the 1990s. Over-education; a reduction in quality; a strain on the public purse.

Indeed, at the turn of the 20th century, some (Oxford) students apparently jeered: "He gets a degree in making jam / at Liverpool and Birmingham". Journalists asked: "What advantages can a Reading Degree confer, unless a "D.B." (Doctor of Biscuits) is established…"

How wrong they were.

And of course many opposed the conversion of the polytechnics in the 1990s.

Students deserve the choice that new universities can offer. They deserve choice, and they also deserve quality. That is why the government will make it easier for new universities to enter the sector, and it's why the quality bar for new entrants will remain high, reflecting the highest standards we expect of English higher education.

Through the Office for Students (OfS), we will ensure there is a level playing field for those seeking degree awarding powers and university title.

Poor quality or financially unsustainable providers at any level will not be able to enter, and all providers will need to continue to meet financial sustainability, management, and corporate governance requirements.

We are establishing the Office for Students with the tools it needs to regulate in a smarter, risk-based way, at arm's length from government, and maintaining institutional autonomy. This more risk-based approach means it will be able to:

focus on areas where risks are high and regulation is needed

reduce burdens on the best performing institutions

ensure that the way we regulate reflects the shape of the sector and the way it's funded

Social mobility

The student journey can only be regarded as a success if it is truly open to anyone, from any background, to take part.

That's why the other important feature of the Office for Students is the way it will have access and participation mainstreamed in everything it does.

The current powers of the Director for Fair Access will be incorporated into the OfS. We will create a nominated executive member of the OfS board, the Director for Fair Access and Participation.

And we will go further than before. The new OfS will have a statutory duty to promote equality of opportunity across the whole lifecycle for disadvantaged students, not just access, alongside its duty to promote choice. The OfS will have new powers not just to promote 'access' in these agreements but to ask universities to focus on 'access and participation'.

So new 'access and participation plans' will look beyond just the point of entry to ensure that universities are doing all they can to support the participation of students throughout their courses, helping to tackle drop-out rates and support disadvantaged students into employment.

We're underpinning this with more information than ever before to shine a spotlight on the institutions that are really playing their part, and those that need to do more.

That's why the new transparency duty included in the bill is so important.

We want students to make informed choices between institutions and courses – and this is especially important for those from disadvantaged and under-represented backgrounds, who may not be able to rely on their parents or others to guide their decisions.

Under the proposed transparency duty, all universities (approved providers) will be required to publish data on application and offer rates broken down by gender, ethnicity, and disadvantage from 2018.

We are already making progress, and I'm pleased that UCAS is today publishing data from around 100 universities on a voluntary basis. For the first time, we are able to compare and contrast offer rates between institutions.

This is something the Prime Minister called for in January and it's heartening to see the sector respond constructively. We have been calling on the higher education sector to publish much more information about their admissions process, and I welcome these first voluntary steps by those who have taken part.

This is a good start. But this is only a voluntary data release, and there are more than a hundred institutions that were not covered. That's why we are legislating to introduce a new transparency duty to cover all institutions.

Our legislation will ensure that all providers designated for the purposes of student support, whether they use UCAS or not, must publish this information. And the bill will secure the availability of this information in the future.

Our planned duty will potentially cover 400 or so institutions. And it will ensure that there are clear requirements on all universities to release more information about their admissions process, with real incentives on all institutions to go further and faster to promote social mobility.

Student journeys

The choices we want to make available to students are not just about where to study but how and when to study as well.

Lifelong learning is an essential element of today's labour market. If we want to continue to prosper as a great knowledge economy, we need to ensure that there are viable opportunities for people to gain qualifications in later life.

That is why we've introduced more financial support for part-time learners than ever before. We have introduced part-time tuition fee loans. Now we're introducing maintenance loans too – meaning we have utterly transformed the part-time funding landscape during this Parliament. And we've removed the equivalent or lower qualifications (ELQ) restriction on support for second degrees in STEM subjects.

And we are, for the first time, introducing student finance for postgraduate study – with the first Master's loans available this autumn.

But the choice of how and when to study must go further.

The future of our higher education system lies not just in spreading existing best practice, but also in the development of innovative delivery methods – such as degree apprenticeships, accelerated degrees, and the ability to accumulate credit and switch course.

So we have launched a call for evidence to understand student demand for switching degrees and 2-year programmes – and also to learn about the barriers. We want the whole sector to feed in views – to tell us what is working well, and to feed in ideas to make more flexible approaches to learning a reality.

UK Research and Innovation (UKRI)

Another area we want the sector to work with us on is the formation of UK Research and Innovation.

The UK has an unparalleled reputation for the excellence of its research and for a business environment that encourages innovation. And the government has taken the decision to protect the science budget at a time of difficult spending decisions. But being world-class is not just about investment. It's also about building collaborations across disciplines and between countries; finding new applications for technology; seizing commercial opportunities, and being able to respond swiftly to threats and challenges.

Our research and innovation structures have evolved over many decades and they have many strengths but Sir Paul Nurse recognised the need to 'support the research councils to collectively make up more than the sum of their parts'.

We share his vision to strengthen strategic thinking, reduce complexity and deal more effectively with multi-disciplinary and inter-disciplinary research.

As the bill makes clear, in setting up UKRI, we are also preserving our existing strengths. That includes:

preserving the autonomy and identity of the research councils and Innovate UK, so they can continue to serve their distinct communities

maintaining separate budgets for each part of UKRI

creating the first ever legal basis for the dual support system in England, with a requirement on us as ministers to have regard to the balance of spending between the 2 funding streams

This is legislation to enshrine in statute the dual support system – and the quality-related (QR) block grant to institutions – that has simply never existed before.

The bill also includes provisions to ensure joint working, cooperation and data sharing across all areas of shared interest between the OfS and UKRI, including being able to take a strategic view across academic and research careers.

Crucially, we are taking steps to bring teaching and research closer together. I want the REF and the TEF to be mutually reinforcing. We will ask institutions to consider how they promote research-led teaching in their TEF submissions; and I have also asked Lord Stern, as part of his review of the REF, to consider the impact of excellent teaching.

The opportunity here is to super-charge everything that is great about our universities and research base – protecting the funding and the autonomy that has served us so well, while putting in place the provisions that enable us to act strategically, and lead the world in our response to major challenges.

Conclusion

Our proposals are the latest in a long line that aim to extend the benefits of higher education to more people and enhance the global reputation of one of our greatest national assets – our universities.

And today's conference is a reminder about why we are doing this. The motivation is clear: to provide the opportunities for students from all backgrounds, as they progress 'from teenage to middle age' and beyond – from school into the wider workforce, or from their undergraduate course into post-graduate career in our research base, and with many other variations of that well-trodden path in between.

Whichever path a student chooses, their time at university is essential – for their own progress, and that of our country.

We want our universities to continue to innovate, to work more closely with employers in designing their courses and to find faster routes into the workplace, such as through more 2-year degrees. The message from this HEPI survey is clear, which is why our universities which are rightly recognised as world-class, must also seize this opportunity to ensure they are delivering real value to their students.

We want you to continue to engage with us as we move forward with our plans.

Please take a look at our call for evidence on course switching and accelerated degrees, and respond to the TEF technical consultation.

And have a great conference today. I'm looking forward to reading many more HEPI pamphlets, and to continuing the important discussion about the nature of the 'student journey'.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/329565 2016-05-20T15:00:50+01:00 2016-05-20T15:00:50+01:00 Speech: Manufacturing: doing what works Speech by Business Secretary Sajid Javid to the Company of Cutlers at the 380th Cutlers' Feast.

Master and Mistress Cutler.

Lord Lieutenant.

High Sheriff.

Lord Mayor.

My lords, ladies and gentlemen.

Let me start by thanking the Senior Warden for being so forthright in his remarks.

I always knew Yorkshiremen were direct!

But I was genuinely interested in what John had to say.

Because I'm not just here tonight to talk.

I'm here to listen.

After all, good friends are open and honest with each other.

And I hope that, 20 minutes from now, you'll appreciate that I've been candid with you too.

I know that might not be easy for all of you.

I can think of a few reasons why not everyone in Sheffield will be delighted to hear from me this evening!

For one thing I'm a proud member of the Conservative Party.

It's OK, you can boo if you want.

I'm also a big fan of the late Lady Thatcher.

When she spoke at this dinner 33 years ago she was greeted by 2,000 protesters being held back by mounted police.

It was one of the warmer welcomes she received in the north of England!

But if all that wasn't bad enough, I have one more sin to confess to the good people of Yorkshire.

I come, originally, from a distant, foreign land.

A place many of you will find strange.

A little primitive.

Even a little scary.

That's right.

I'm a Lancastrian.

I was born under the Red Rose, in Rochdale.

And the highlight of my year as Secretary of State for Sport was walking out from the pavilion at Old Trafford.

For that, I can only beg your forgiveness.

More than 400 years ago, calligrapher Peter Bales wrote that "for a good knife … Sheffield is best".

That was back in 1590, half a century before the Cutlers' Feast became an annual event.

Yet even then Sheffield's name was forged into the public imagination as a byword for quality in manufacturing.

In 2016 that's still the case.

The companies represented in this hall tonight are some of the finest engineers and metalworkers not just in Yorkshire or Britain but in the world.

But that doesn't mean Sheffield itself has remained unchanged for half a millennium.

Ask many young people what this city means to them and they won't mention heavy industry at all. They'll talk about the offbeat nightclubs. The Devonshire Quarter. Warp Records.

Business leaders will talk about the cutting-edge R&D and world-class universities.

Elite sportsmen and women will tell you about Ponds Forge or the Olympic Legacy Park.

Sheffield's story has always been one of regeneration, reinvention and renewal.

Not forgetting the past or ignoring it, but building on it.

Learning from it.

Shunning conventional wisdom and focusing on what works.

That's what makes this city so successful.

That's what makes your businesses so successful.

And at risk of blowing my own trumpet, that's what's made our government's support for industry so successful too.

That's why I was slightly puzzled by the Senior Warden's suggestion that Britain is crying out for an industrial strategy.

Because we already have one.

You can argue about what it should contain, what it should seek to achieve.

But you can't deny that it exists.

My department has had a fully functioning industrial strategy for several years now.

[Political content removed].

Working with business we've taken real action to put in place the strategic support that British industry needs.

We've set up the Aerospace Technology Institute.

The Advanced Propulsion Centre.

The Automotive Investment Organisation.

The Infrastructure and Projects Authority.

Today I visited the Advanced Manufacturing Research Centre, which we've supported with hundreds of millions of pounds.

There's the Nuclear Industry Council and the Offshore Wind Investment Organisation.

We've launched Catapult Centres, Innovation Centres and Catalyst Funds.

A short walk from Cutlers' Hall stands the headquarters of the British Business Bank.

That is what an industrial strategy looks like.

And the results are clear to see.

Manufacturing employment is up.

Manufacturing exports are up.

Manufacturing output is up.

All that in the face of an intensely competitive global market.

So I believe in industrial strategy all right.

I just think one that delivers growth and jobs is better than one delivers stagnation and decline.

And that applies to ALL industries, not just a chosen few.

Sheffield is still a manufacturing city in the UK's manufacturing heartland.

But it's also a city of vibrant, thriving cultural industries.

It's home to a rapidly growing tourist industry.

To a retail sector that, from Meadowhall to Fargate to Division Street, employs tens of thousands of people.

And all those sectors deserve our support too.

So the old industrial strategy's closed shop has been replaced with an open door.

We're still supporting the 11 key sectors Vince Cable identified, that's not changed.

But I'm not going to ignore a multi-billion pound part of the economy simply because its name's not on the list.

Britain's business leaders deserve a strategy as wide-ranging as the economy you serve so well.

A strategy of deeds, not words.

And that's exactly what you're getting from this government.

We're cutting Corporation Tax to the lowest level of any major industrialised nation.

So more of your hard-earned profits stay right here in Yorkshire rather than being sent off to Whitehall.

We've raised the investment allowance to its highest-ever permanent level.

So you don't get penalised for putting money back into your businesses.

We've lifted thousands of smaller companies out of Employer National Insurance Contributions.

So you don't get taxed for creating jobs.

We've passed the Enterprise Act, cut billions of pounds of red tape and protected funding for science technology, innovation and the future of manufacturing.

And we're continuing to take serious, sustained action to support the British steel industry.

Of course, there are some things no national government can do.

We cannot change the global steel price.

But that doesn't mean we're standing by and doing nothing.

We were the first government to implement new guidelines making it easier for the public sector to buy British steel.

We have paid out tens of millions of pounds to compensate energy intensive industries, and we will be exempting them from renewable policy costs.

We're working hard to help Tata find a buyer for its strip products and speciality steel division – I was at Stocksbridge just today.

We've made it clear that we'll offer financial support to help secure a deal.

And, despite what some political point-scorers would have you believe, we are consistently fighting for British steel in Europe.

I pushed for and secured an emergency meeting of the EU Council to co-ordinate a continent-wide approach.

I secured flexibility over new emissions rules so that steel companies aren't faced with even higher bills.

I have led calls for the speeding up of trade defence investigations.

And I have repeatedly supported tariffs on unfairly traded steel.

All have led to a significant drop in Chinese imports.

I'm not a fan of tariffs and duties.

I certainly don't believe in protectionism.

But I'm even less keen on unfair trading.

And where the rules of the free market are being flouted, I won't hesitate to step up and demand action.

Because I am a Business Secretary who is not afraid to fight for British industry.

Yes, I believe in the transformative power of capitalism.

Yes, I believe in free markets.

But, unlike some, I'm not bound by ideology.

I'm interested in doing what works, even if it means government stepping in to help.

That's why I'm proud to have introduced the National Living Wage.

That's why I'm proud to be introducing the Apprenticeship Levy.

And that's why I'm proud to play a role in creating a Northern Powerhouse.

I'm committed to it, and the government is committed to it.

It's not just rhetoric.

It's not just some short-term marketing campaign.

It's a serious vision for the future of the North.

And it's a vision that we're working hard to turn into reality.

For too long, the north was neglected by successive governments.

As a result, productivity is lower than average.

Skill levels are lower.

In the region that gave the world the railways, transport infrastructure has been allowed to decay.

Repairing that damage will take time.

It won't happen overnight.

But we're in this for the long-haul.

Last autumn we pledged to invest £13 billion in northern transport over the course of this Parliament.

Sheffield will be connected to Britain's new high speed rail network, linking this great city to its counterparts in the north, south and Midlands.

One of the National Colleges for High Speed Rail will be based in Doncaster.

Last year I took 50 companies to Singapore and Malaysia in the first-ever Northern Powerhouse overseas trade mission.

It was a huge success, helping employers from across the region build business links that will pay off for years to come.

Now the Senior Warden raised the Master Cutler's forthcoming trade mission to Canada.

I can promise that I'll be looking into that. What we can still do to help, both before you set off and once you're on the ground.

It's the kind of project the government should be supporting.

And it's exactly the kind of thing we have supported in the past.

Since 2012 we've offered financial assistance to at least 3 South Yorkshire International Trade Forum trips.

Back here at home we're investing £14 million in Sheffield's Advanced Wellbeing Research Centre.

We're investing £11 million in tech incubators here and in Manchester and Leeds.

£250 million will help support the region's Centre of Nuclear Excellence.

More than £300 million is coming to the Sheffield City Region through the local growth deal.

There's £8 million to build the digital infrastructure that all 21st century businesses rely on.

£14 million for the Enterprise Zone at Markham Vale.

All this is possible because we believe that government should be investing in business, not in more government.

That we can't go on spending and borrowing, manufacturing nothing but an ever-larger public sector.

That we cannot and should not leave a huge burden of debt for our children and grandchildren to pay off.

That's why I told my department to find £350 million of savings over the next 5 years.

I want BIS to be leaner.

I want it to be more efficient, more flexible, more focussed, just like the businesses it serves.

I want us to be spending money where it can really make a difference.

Those £350 million savings are being found in lots of ways.

We're cutting our headcount related to operating expenses by up to 40%.

We're halving the number of public bodies.

And we're reducing our number of offices.

The proposal to close our Sheffield office is one part of that.

This hall is full of business leaders.

You know that no employer ever takes pleasure in proposing redundancies, however necessary they may be.

It's painful, it's difficult.

And it's certainly not a reflection of the quality of work being done at St Paul's Place.

Nor is it a sign that we're turning our backs on the north and hunkering down in London.

Even if all of the proposed restructuring goes ahead, more than 80% of BIS staff will still be based outside the capital.

We're also reducing the size of our London footprint, both in terms of office space and headcount.

Above all, we're doing more with less so that we can really focus on what matters most.

Delivering for businesses across the country, across Yorkshire, and right here in Sheffield.

But the Northern Powerhouse has never been just about investment in infrastructure.

It's about giving the people of the north the tools they need to succeed, and the freedom they need to do so.

Nobody knows this part of the world better than you, and nobody is better-placed to build a better future for it.

That's why a core plank of the powerhouse is devolution.

Next year the people of the Sheffield city region will vote for their first ever directly elected mayor.

Breaking down barriers between counties, cities and local authorities, allowing the people of the region to come together and work together to deliver success.

London, Bristol and Liverpool have been revolutionised by single elected mayors.

Now it's your turn.

Of course, it's not the only vote that's coming up.

As you may have noticed, there's the small matter of the EU referendum to deal with too!

As the Senior Warden said, the uncertainty is already causing problems for businesses here in Sheffield.

That's something I'm hearing from businesses right across the UK.

But if on the 23 June we vote to leave the EU, we won't wake up the next morning and find the uncertainty has evaporated.

British businesses will be looking at years of it while we unpick existing trade agreements and negotiate new ones.

I spent enough time in business to know that uncertainty, doubt and fear stops investment and kills jobs.

That's the last thing Sheffield needs right now.

I recognise that the EU is a long way from perfect.

I share the Senior Warden's concerns about the gold-plating of directives, something I'm personally leading the fight against in Whitehall.

So I'm certainly not some born-again Europhile.

But I do love British business and British industry.

I want them to succeed, I want them to thrive.

And that's why I'd urge you all to head to the polling stations next month and vote for Britain to remain a member of the European Union.

Master Cutler, in centuries past this feast used to go on for up to two weeks.

I can't imagine what that did to local productivity levels!

But times have changed, and I fear I've already spoken for too long.

So let me finish by saying this.

These are exciting times for Sheffield.

And I'm not just talking about Wednesday making the play-off final!

Thanks to your ceaseless efforts and this government's unstinting support, the number of jobs in and around Sheffield has risen by 60,000 since 2010.

More people are working, fewer are claiming benefits.

The city region has got more productive.

More than 20,000 young people have started an apprenticeship.

The challenges facing business are many.

However, Sheffield is responding by doing what it has always done.

Adapting, innovating, doing things nobody else can do.

And as long as you do that, as long as you strive to succeed through honest endeavour, I will be proud to stand alongside you.

I will do everything I can to help nurture and support that success.

And I will always be ready to listen.

300 years ago Sheffield steelworkers kept trying to take their trade secrets and set up shop on the continent.

I'm told the company spent a small fortune stopping them.

But the fact is that Europe and the world wanted the ideas and the products that only Sheffield could produce.

That's what made 'Made in Sheffield' a badge of honour in the first place.

And that's why this city continues to thrive today.

So I'm not going to stand here and say "Sheffield was great and can be great again".

Because I know that Sheffield IS great.

And together we can make it greater still.

My lords, ladies and gentlemen: "The manufacturing industries of Hallamshire".

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/328696 2016-05-11T15:08:30+01:00 2016-05-11T15:08:30+01:00 Speech: Launch of intellectual property enforcement strategy Baroness Neville-Rolfe addresses the threat of illegal streaming services and set-top boxes at the launch of the intellectual property (IP) enforcement strategy.

Good morning, and welcome to the Department for Business. Today I am going to be talking about some of the challenges we are facing from the meteoric growth of illegal streaming services.

I am also going to discuss how we might work together to tackle this challenge head on, and that of course starts with you in this room.

But first, I want to talk about the wider enforcement landscape for intellectual property, the role of government, and to explain the framework that we have developed to guide our work over the coming years.

Intellectual property has been very important to the UK for a long time. We were at the forefront of developing patent rights. I understand that there is some evidence of a patent like system in ancient Greece, but in England, John Kempe and his company were granted letters patent in 1331. That's nearly 200 years before Columbus reached America.

Similarly with the Statute of Anne in 1710, the UK effectively invented the concept of copyright. Now there are 170 states signed up to the Berne convention.

Again with trade marks, the first trade mark legislation was passed by the English parliament, in 1266.

And of course we have made good use of these intellectual property rights once they were brought into being. The UK has led the world in publishing. Only 7 fiction books have ever sold more than 100 million copies, and 5 of those were from British authors. And to be clear I'm not including the Bible, or the Quran in the fiction category – there's a headline I don't want to be reading tomorrow.

Again with music, there have only been 7 artists so far to sell over 250 million records – and 4 of them were from the UK.

And of course we have, and continue to be, at the forefront of technological innovation protected by patents. From steam engines, to televisions, to graphene, again the UK punches well above its weight, and we are investing in great initiatives like the Digital Catapult, to spur ever more innovation.

But of course I don't need to tell you how central IP is to the UK. Most of you here in this room work in professions, or for companies that would not exist without IP rights, the licensing that takes place with those rights, and the investment that supports in content, in technology and in brands.

The problem we all face, is working out how we can ensure that these valuable IP rights are usable, and how we can ensure that their value is preserved in the face of relentless infringement on an enormous scale.

Professor Hargreaves stated it quite plainly in his 2010 report:

IP rights cannot succeed in their core economic function of incentivising innovation if rights are disregarded or are too expensive to enforce. Ineffective rights regimes are worse than no rights at all…

And that is where government comes in.

We often say that IP rights are private rights. In some cases the appropriate redress is through the civil courts, and rights holders can be left to get on with it. The problem is that when infringement is so widespread, and so damaging, that legitimate businesses are in danger of collapse, then that is no longer a private matter.

We are a government that stands right behind businesses, creators and innovators of all types. We cannot sit by while rights that have been developed over a long time to nurture innovation and encourage investment, are rendered useless. This is true whether it is caused by the deliberate behaviour of serious infringers, or by the unthinking actions of people who just don't appreciate the harm that is caused by watching free streaming sites or buying bargain counterfeit goods.

In our manifesto we pledged to make Britain the best place in Europe to innovate, patent new ideas and set up and expand a business. We pledged to protect intellectual property by continuing to require internet service providers to block sites that carry large amounts of illegal content. And we have pledged to build on our voluntary anti-piracy projects to warn internet users when they are breaching copyright, and to work to ensure that search engines do not link to the worst offending sites.

To sum things up more broadly than these specific pledges, we are committed to ensuring that the bargain between creator and the IP system is honoured. There must be a framework which supports the effective and appropriate enforcement of all IP rights. That framework has to be accessible, and it must keep pace with new models and channels of infringement.

I am taking the opportunity of this seminar today to launch our new strategy, 'Protecting creativity, supporting innovation: IP enforcement 2020'. This document lays out the areas that we see as the most pressing priorities, and some of the work that we see as most necessary to make sure that IP enforcement works.

In some ways we start from a favourable position. The UK has done well in recent years, being ranked highly for its IP system, and its enforcement environment in particular. But we must work tirelessly to keep ahead of the game.

The first piece of this puzzle, and the reason we have organised this seminar today, is to ensure that we know our enemy. Good evidence, and clear intelligence, about the harm caused by infringement and the business models that facilitate and profit from it, are central to an effective response.

That is why I have asked the Intellectual Property Office to develop a robust methodology for measuring the harm caused by IP infringement. I have tasked them with developing a comprehensive scoreboard to be published annually, combining data on the prevalence of civil and criminal IP infringement with the outcomes of enforcement activity and the best available estimates of their impact.

This means better reporting in the criminal justice system, better reporting of court cases and a deeper understanding of consumer behaviours and emerging trends. The IPO has been supporting industry and enforcement agencies with its IP Crime Intelligence Hub, and has built links into the police and trading standards to share that intelligence.

We must also stem the tide of infringing material online. The Prime Minister has announced a universal service obligation for broadband of 10 megabytes for every household by 2020. That will be amazing for consumers and legitimate online businesses, but an open door for pirates to push out yet more infringing content.

We need to make it easier for consumers to recognise legitimate content, and to understand the harm caused by piracy. We also need to find a new model for notice and takedown which does not require rights holders to send millions of notices only to see the same content reposted as soon as it is taken down.

We have had some successes here, with the creation of the Infringing Website List now beginning to starve pirate sites of the advertising money they need to survive, but we must push this approach out further, to other intermediaries and to other territories.

Of course despite this focus on exciting new technologies and the online world we cannot afford to take our eyes off the physical world either. Counterfeiting remains a huge problem - causing harm for brand owners in lost sales and harming consumers with substandard and sometimes dangerous goods.

We will continue to provide a dedicated intelligence resource to help enforcement agencies tackle counterfeiting. We will continue to tell anyone who will listen about the deep rooted and well proven links between IP crime and other criminal behaviour. We will champion the use of Proceeds of Crime seizures in IP investigations. Again – we don't just want to follow the money, we want to take it back from the criminals who have stolen it.

Now I spoke earlier about the idea that IP is a private right, and I hope I explained why I believe government has a central role to play in this fight. But I also believe that the most effective remedies come from helping people to help themselves.

Our strategy also commits us to look at the entirety of the legal framework, to ensure that whatever type of infringement, and whatever the IP right, creators and innovators are able to access recourse that is effective, and proportionate.

We have announced our intention to toughen penalties for online copyright infringement. We have also called on the EU as part of their work on the digital single market to protect the system of website blocking injunctions we have developed in the UK, and to ensure those same injunctions are available in other member states.

But we are also looking at new areas where we might need to create new legal tools to tackle new modes of infringement.

We will look for example at whether or not new legislation is needed to respond to the role of fulfilment houses, an odd term I know, and drop shippers in the distribution of counterfeit goods.

Following today's discussions we will look at the legislation around set-top boxes, and whether we have enough effective remedies to tackle their misuse.

We will also look across the framework, to ensure that there are effective sanctions, when there is infringement to be tackled.

Set-top boxes capable of accessing infringing broadcasts were initially an issue in business premises especially of pubs taking the opportunity to screen football matches without a valid subscription.

But more recently, as we will hear later, these set-top boxes have entered the mainstream consumer market. And I can see the appeal. If the only factor guiding a purchase decision is price, then a set-top box which allows you to watch countless premium channels for a modest one off payment is an attractive option.

But perhaps this also gives us an insight into the solution. We must work to educate consumers as to what exactly their bargain entails. If they knew that by buying these boxes and watching infringing streams they were directly damaging the future of their favourite programmes they might think twice.

This is not an easy message to get across. But in truth this is the tragedy of the commons writ large. Consumers understand that deliberate infringement has consequences, but many don't think they themselves really bear any responsibility. That is the mind-set we have to change.

Working with businesses to promote diverse sources of legal content will help to ensure that 'it's easier to infringe' or 'I can't get it elsewhere' are no longer valid excuses for infringement.

And educating consumers directly as to the effect their choices have, following the mould of the 'Get it Right from a Genuine Site' campaign, will help us build momentum for behaviour change.

IP is by its nature international. We will continue to engage closely with Europe in the light of the current digital single market programme.

But looking further afield a 2014 UKTI survey found that 1 in 4 UK businesses were deterred from entering an overseas market due to the risk of IP theft.

While some of this can be written off to unfamiliarity, language barriers, different legal systems and so on, there is clearly a real challenge for us here as well.

That is why our strategy also lays out our plans to build on the IP attaché network, to build influence in key UK markets and provide training and practical support to emerging markets, and to strengthen our links with established trading partners.

We will continue to share best practice with law enforcement and judiciary overseas, and we will continue to engage operationally where infringing activity crosses borders.

As I have mentioned, the issue of set-top boxes is a perfect example of a modern IP enforcement challenge.

Set-top boxes and IPTV constitute a disruptive technology. Both the boxes, and the online services which they access have legitimate uses, but they have been subverted on a massive scale.

The business of satellite and cable broadcasting is a multi-billion pound industry in Europe and brings a wide range of cultural, sporting, educational and leisure programmes to an immense audience.

Broadcast content is an area where the UK has a strong position. The reach of content like the English Premier League is truly global and there is hardly a corner of the earth that does not know about Manchester United and other British teams. I understand Leicester City led to chanting in the streets in Thailand and is being wooed for a Harvard Case Study.

Now broadcasting has come a long way since John Logie-Baird demonstrated the first working TV. The days of a monolithic central broadcaster producing all of their own content and beaming it out into the world with a big transmission tower are long gone.

Broadcasters and content owners today support a massive network of jobs and industry. In addition the infrastructure of the delivery companies creates employment and revenue that benefits the community and governments as well as shareholders.

Examples of this ecosystem include the domestic manufacturing industry that makes the receiver kit – decoders, the software industry that provides the systems and the security around them, the call centres that handle consumer issues…the list goes on.

The value of protecting the delivery of pay to view broadcasts was and has been recognised in the extension of legislation to protect the decoders necessary to receive the signal, allowing subscription services to generate income. It is already illegal to circumvent the security of such devices.

However as technology has developed and broadband speeds have increased, it is now entirely possible to receive programmes in high quality over the internet avoiding the use of decoders entirely.

Quite simply the original broadcast is captured at illegal data centres that can be located anywhere and is then re-transmitted as streamed signals over the internet.

Set-top boxes, which I must stress have perfectly legitimate uses, are then supplied pre-loaded with apps that can either be used to subscribe to an illegal site or get content for free whilst the site operator generates income from advertising.

These devices have quickly become widely available. In the first instance they appeared in pubs and clubs and the industry has invested huge time and effort in challenging them, However, they are now so prevalent that individual consumers are buying them in their droves, and getting free access to copyright material from any broadcaster, anywhere in the world.

The threat this poses to the industry is huge and already we have seen specialist providers such as one London-based small and medium-sized enterprises (SME) serving the ex-pat Chinese community being put out of business, with the loss of 50 jobs in London.

But this is not an easy problem to crack. The industry in the UK has done everything to ensure that where action can be taken it is. And we are confident that data centres streaming content illegally are very rare in the UK. But the internet knows no borders, and services based in more tolerant regimes overseas are having a direct impact upon our broadcasters, and our content creators.

We also have the fact that the devices themselves are not illegal – as I have mentioned they have legitimate uses and we cannot forget that.

Because it is the use they are put to, rather than the devices themselves which are the problem – it is unlikely that they can be successfully regulated like de-coders. In any case as smart TVs become more widely used set-top boxes will not be needed, as the TV itself will just need the right apps to access illegal content.

But this does not mean we are powerless. Officials in the UK and Europe have sought to influence our Chinese colleagues, so that they consider how they might restrict their manufacture and supply. I myself have visited China as a minister and have discussed exactly these sort of issues.

We are also acting at home, to prove to the world that we are willing to clean up our own back yard as well and tackle the demand side of the equation. Recently arrests have been made under conspiracy to defraud legislation, targeting those criminals who commercially order and supply set-top boxes with the intention that they will be used to illegally receive IPTV.

We think this is an effective approach and our work has been a major help to Hong Kong Customs in developing their own ability to prosecute traders in set-top boxes using similar legislation.

But despite these small glimmers of light, it is clear that we need some new thinking in this area. The satellite and cable industries and broadcasters continue to invest in better security and enforcement, but it is also clear that the criminals are serious and this sort of organised crime generates huge profits.

It is no coincidence that data centres for illegal streaming services tend to be concentrated in places like Russia and the Ukraine and are linked closely to dedicated fraud sites.

Now this is the part of the speech where I would love to be able to propose a solution, or to announce some targeted new law which would make everything better, but we are not there yet. That is why we have asked you here today. We must first gather the evidence and intelligence we need. Only then can we look at the legislative framework, at the role of education and awareness raising, and at how we can facilitate closer work within the industries affected.

There is no single device or clever trick which solve these sort of problems, but as our strategy lays out, we need instead to develop and maintain an entire toolbox of interventions and remedies.

I very much look forward to hearing more from you all on this very topical subject, and I hope that by the end of today we have moved at least a little forwards in developing a few new tools for our collective toolbox.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/325078 2016-03-29T18:33:00+01:00 2016-03-29T18:33:00+01:00 Speech: Francophonie Week 2016 Speech by Jo Johnson at the French Embassy on the importance of Franco-British cooperation as world leaders in science and innovation.
Updated: Added translation

Prenez garde! Je vais parlez francais!

There is a debate raging in Europe. Both sides are entrenched, immovable. Families are divided, with brothers on different sides. The question is to stay with something imperfect but reformable, or to make a leap into the unknown. I'm talking, of course, about whether France should get rid of the circumflex!

It's a pleasure to be invited to speak at today's event. Francophonie week is a wonderful celebration of a beautiful language. From growing up in Uccle in Belgium, to my MBA at Fountainebleau, to my time working as a journalist at the Financial Times in Paris, where I was married and where my daughter was born at the Franco-British hospital, making an effort to speak French has always been an important part of my life.

This week you're thinking about how the French language unites peoples from across the world. As Minister for Universities, Science and Innovation, I see how a shared scientific curiosity and desire to make things better plays a similar role in uniting our 2 cultures.

We work with France because it is a world leader in research and innovation. It is home to the world's largest multidisciplinary research agency and it hosts international agencies and research organisations such as the ESA and OECD.

We've worked together in competitive funding projects such as Horizon 2020. Under Horizon 2020's predecessor, there were 3,600 projects involving UK and French partners.

Indeed, France is the UK's fourth most important international research partner and the UK is France's third most important partner. Research collaborations between France and the UK from 2008 to 2012 had an 80% greater impact in terms of citations compared to the UK average.

This mutually advantageous collaboration is addressing challenges beyond just those that we face today. Last December France successfully led COP21 to think about how we tackle emerging threats to our environment. We are looking forward to working together closely on 'mission innovation' which seeks to continue to drive the good work done during that week.

Science and research is by no means the only area where we work together. Britain's financial sector, central to our country's prosperity, is also emblematic of our close and mutually beneficial relations. All of the main financial services firms have French staff at senior levels. Not least Xavier Rolet at the London Stock Exchange who has been CEO for the past 7 years.

Many French financial services firms found the UK fertile ground for their businesses. Companies like AXA, Societe Generale and BNP Paribas employ thousands of people here. And this isn't just in the traditional home of London. AXA spread across Ipswich and Basingstoke and Societe Generale is in Cambridge, Manchester and Edinburgh.

As well as crucial talent and thousands of jobs, the EU is the UK's biggest market for exports of financial services, generating a trade surplus of £20 billion – over a third of the UK's trade surplus in financial services in 2013.

And we must remember that when London attracts capital from around the world, this is thanks to its position within the EU, and this success in turn benefits the EU. Like the French aerospace industry, financial services are a cutting edge industry in Europe. To put that in danger would be like risking New York or Hong Kong or one of the new centres emerging in developing countries. Weakening London would damage the whole of the EU.

The EU has clear benefits to our economy, to the City and to our science and our ability to protect against future global threats. Our desire to thrive in a modern knowledge economy unites our 2 countries. To do this, we need to be building relationships, not turning our back on them.

It's clear that Britain will be safer, stronger and better off inside a reformed EU where France and UK can continue working together, whatever the future holds for the circumflex.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/324916 2016-03-24T14:50:00+00:00 2016-03-24T14:50:00+00:00 Speech: Government and the retail sector Baroness Neville-Rolfe speaks at the Retail Week Conference about the importance of retail to local and national economies.

Ladies and gentlemen, good morning. I am very delighted to be here at this enormous and business-like conference and I would like to start with an enormous thank you to Retail Week. I am still a subscriber and I have valued your support for the industry for many years.

I'm delighted to have been introduced by such an inspirational businesswoman as Jacqueline Gold. You've made Ann Summers a true British success story with gross annual sales turnover of over £150 million. For your contribution to women in business, entrepreneurship and the numerous charities which you support, I couldn't think of a more worthy recipient of the CBE. Have a great day at the palace.

I'm sorry that you have to put up with me in place of Sajid today. This is all the more unfortunate since he has family experience of retail at the sharp end. His father, while making his way up in the world, ran a market stall and later a shop.

However, I also have retail experience both at Tesco for 15 years and later as a non-executive on the board of Metro and as the President of Eurocommerce. So whatever you may say about ministers in the Department for Business you cannot, I hope, accuse us of ignorance of the retail sector.

I am therefore well aware that retail is hugely important to local and national economies. It impinges on everybody and employs 3 million people.

You do not need me to tell you that the retail sector is going through major structural changes nor that people are changing how and when they shop, making the environment extremely competitive. I expect you will have some fascinating presentations on these topics.

Of course as a member of the government I am keen to tell you what we have done for the sector. As an aside I will say I wrote the next paragraph before yesterday's announcements.

We have already:

provided £2.3 billion of finance to 40,000 smaller businesses through the British Business Bank

taken action to help companies like yours access new markets - I've visited China, India, South East Asia and European cities where British private companies are doing just that

we've lifted 450,000 employers out of national insurance contributions

And of course our economy is growing well. The retail sector is contributing strongly to that growth having expanded by over 10% in real terms since 2010.

The employment story is a particularly good one. More people are in work than at any point in British history, with almost 31.5 million people in employment at the end of 2015. Again retail contributes strongly to this providing just over 3 million jobs.

This is a good story. But we want to make it better so our focus now is on the difficult and long-term task of boosting productivity.

Since the recession, productivity growth in retail has been far greater than that seen in the economy as a whole. Nevertheless, productivity and wages in the sector remain below the UK average. I don't underestimate the challenge the National Living Wage presents to the retail sector. But with employment rates at a record high and GDP growth forecasted to be the highest in the G7 in 2016, I believe that the time is right to ensure low wage workers can take a greater share of the gains from growth.

I am very pleased that Sir Charlie Mayfield of the John Lewis Partnership is leading work looking at productivity in the retail sector; the results will be published in the summer.

A variety of measures in the Enterprise Bill will also help deliver our ambitions on higher productivity. We hope the bill will cement the UK's position as the best place in Europe to start and grow a business including through our ambition to create 3 million new apprenticeships.

Devolving power to local areas is a cornerstone of this Parliament. We need to rebalance the economy and empower local government through the devolution of powers away from Whitehall is one of our chosen mechanisms.

The result of the vote on Sunday trading is disappointing. Our proposal was about attracting more people to high streets and helping struggling local businesses. It would have made a lot of difference to many businesses up and down the country. We, however, remain committed to helping local areas and high streets compete effectively.

Business leaders have told us that business confidence is created by tax certainty and stability. We want a tax system that reflects this. The Business Tax Roadmap which sets out the government's plan on business taxes over the rest of the Parliament will help give business the clarity they need to invest with confidence.

Having a competitive and fair tax system is vital to the UK. In his Budget statement the Chancellor announced the biggest ever cut in business rates, worth almost £7 billion to business. Retailers have been calling for the smallest properties to be taken out of the tax regime and for a switch in annual indexation from RPI to CPI. The Chancellor has clearly been listening.

Corporation tax has been cut to the lowest level of any major economy and will be cut further to 17% in 2020, benefitting over a million companies.

We have also lifted hundreds of thousands of businesses out of Employer National Insurance Contributions, and set the highest ever permanent level for the annual investment allowance – so certainty again.

Government will also tackle overseas firms who sell goods VAT-free through online marketplaces to the detriment of legitimate UK retailers.

So what do current trends mean for the retail sector?

Despite the recession, the value of retail sales has increased every year for the last 12, and in 2015, was at £340 billion.

However, we recognise that changes in technology and consumer habits are revolutionising how people shop and how high streets and town centres are used.

British Retail Consortium's (BRC) recently published report 'Retail 2020' (PDF, 919 KB) has described the changes that can be expected to the retail landscape in the future.

I am optimistic about the future:

As Sir Charlie Mayfield has said, in the future customers will get better choice, better value, and more convenience. Retailing will be more productive, powered by better jobs that offer the chance to develop a wide array of skills and greater earnings.

The sector proved resilient in times of economic difficulty and I am pleased to see that high streets have started to turn the corner - according to the Local Data Company, vacancy rates are at a 6 year low.

High streets

…and although retail is no longer the sole purpose of high streets and town centres, it remains the dominant economic and social driver.

We know that some areas still have further to go, which is why we are making changes to planning laws, and tackling over-zealous parking practices.

But it is not all about physical stores.

Digital revolution

British households are pretty savvy when it comes to the internet, and this is seen in the retail sector more than most.

In the last year 12.5% of retail sales were conducted online, amounting to about £42.5 billion.

A digital economy is a productive one.

That's why we will be publishing our Digital Strategy this year, setting out what we will do to ensure that the benefits of digital are felt throughout the economy.

Creating a fully functional Digital Single Market in the EU can create further opportunities for UK companies - by removing barriers to e-commerce so that businesses can export easily across Europe, without hiring armies of lawyers and accountants to do so.

And because of our strong starting position, UK retailers – start up or established businesses, with both multichannel or online business models - stand to benefit hugely from these opportunities.

Infrastructure

The internet has revolutionised the way many of us work and shop. However, reliable transport links are still a vital part of any serious, growing economy.

Over the next 5 years we're going to invest £100 billion in infrastructure, creating new roads and getting rail investment back onto a sustainable footing,

UK as a destination

The retail sector is also looking further afield to maximise growth.

And it is not just savvy consumers that see the UK retail sector as a world leader. The UK is number 1 destination in Europe and number 2 globally for foreign direct investment in retail.

Global retailers are locating in the UK.

Pep and Co from South Africa (discount value clothing retailer), Kikki.K (stationery) from Sweden and Smiggle from Australia (stationery) are expanding across the UK.

Retail global giants like Asda/Walmart are increasing their footprint, not just in stores but in distribution and retail efficiency projects, including click and collect sites.

These are all examples of global confidence in the UK retail sector.

The rise and rise of internet retailing is also yielding foreign direct investment, with companies like VIP.com and Xiu.com from China investing in their UK operations, to grow the pipeline of UK companies selling to China.

The EU single market has had a positive impact on retail industry and consumers. It has already led to higher demand, innovation in service delivery and higher profits for businesses, and improved convenience and choice for consumers.

Exports

UK retailers have become adept at expanding in the EU and beyond. Further opportunities are emerging for retail from existing free trade agreements.

So to conclude, how can government and retailers work together to exploit the potential of the sector?

We want to work with retail to help improve its growth and performance at home and overseas and to assist you in taking up opportunities presented by the digital revolution.

In particular, we want to continue to effectively engage with you on progressing government priorities on skills, increasing exports, raising productivity, on cultivating socially responsible business practices and on digital transformation.

I look forward to hearing about your continued growth and success, locally, nationally and internationally.

Ladies and gentlemen thank you for listening.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/324074 2016-03-18T12:22:17+00:00 2016-03-18T12:22:17+00:00 Speech: Life sciences and health technology in the 21st century NHS Speech by Life Sciences Minister George Freeman at the Future of Healthcare Investor Forum.

Well Xavier, thank you for that very kind welcome and for pulling this event together. When we first spoke 18 months ago and you expressed a strong interest in helping to bring on this sector and to bring the public markets to the very exciting development that's been happening in the private markets in the UK, I didn't foresee how quickly it would have an impact on the sector and I'm going to say something in a minute about the extraordinary successes of 2015. I'm not complacent for a minute but this country is traditionally not very good at celebrating success so I think today is a moment to look back at some of the highlights of last year and some of the extraordinary things coming. I wanted to thank you and your team for the work that you're doing hosting this conference, the second, I hope it becomes an annual fixture and the work that you're doing on the ELITE programme to prepare some of the most exciting companies to come to market.

Can I just also thank the companies and the investors that are here - your time, your commitment to meet the companies and to take part in this is an important signal of this sectors commitment to itself and to leadership and it's hugely important, this event, and the issues and themes that come out of it. I can assure you that last year there were several policy points that came from this event that we've picked up at No.10 and we've fed through both into the manifesto and some of my policy making.

I wanted to say something this morning about the government's commitment to this sector and to the strategy and to share with you some thoughts about where we go next, to announce some very exciting latest figures and data on what's going on in the sector and to share with you some thoughts on where it and we go next in the next few years. Let me start by saying that it's an incredible pleasure and privilege to be back as the UKs first Minister for Life Sciences. A year ago we were looking down the barrels of a quinquennial democratic accountability moment and I was perfectly prepared to be the last Minister for Life Sciences. I would say that I have tried to pursue this agenda in a very non-partisan way, not least for this for this sector's benefit. It needs cross-party support and it needs a 10 to 15 year policy horizon and I'm delighted at the level of support we've had from all parties in support of what we are doing.

I would just say this, it turns out there is a global conference of life sciences ministers this year, I've joked in the past that it would have been a very small event with me chairing it, opening it giving the plenary, the lunchtime warm up act and taking the minutes. It turns out that other countries are rallying and I'm very much looking forward to attending the world's first conference for life science ministers. It is a tribute to this country's expertise and the recognition of our leadership on science, but also on finance and policy as well.

In an extraordinary year one of the highlights for me was being invited to the White House to brief the Obama team on what we're doing on genomics and on informatics and on precision medicine and on digitalisation and on unlocking the NHS as a research engine. Any of you who've been to the West Wing will imagine my disappointment, I arrived expecting to find CJ and the sofa and the bustle of a very small family of high power. The West Wing, it turns out, is a building that makes our Ministry of Defence look like a drawing room, it's a vast concrete building of about 20 storeys with flags on every corridor. And when we left the meeting and I said "where's the West Wing? When do we have the brush by with CJ?" they said "Minister, this is the West Wing" and brought me to the door and down the stairs was the White House like a little toy house, it's tiny, and they said "Minister, the West Wing is the administrative wing of the President, the West Wing you think of is our drawing room". But interestingly President Obama, that Sunday in his State of the Union speech, announced a very ambitious programme, matching our commitment here in precision medicine, in genomics, in informatics and that I think is an important reassurance to this sector and I'm working with cross party Congress and the Senate and White House policy chiefs on accelerated access and regulation so that we build a transatlantic and integrated regulatory pathway so that companies can have confidence we're building something that works for them and for you.

So let me just say something about the commitment and why it's so strong, it isn't just that this country is brilliant at biomedical research and deep science and that we need the financing activity and the growth, all of which is true and that we're good at it and some of the most exciting companies, that in the last decade have raised a lot of money in the US, were incubated here. In the genomics programme it's very striking to me that Illumina, our technology partner sequencing 100,000 NHS genomes, is using technology developed in Cambridge, by a Cambridge spin-out that was acquired by an American company and we're now paying for it back, proudly I'm delighted we are it's Cambridge technology, but boy would I like it if the company was able to raise money here and it was a UK company all the way through and that is part of our challenge to make sure that we keep these great technologies and build them here.

Our strategy at the beginning was more than that, it was how we embrace innovation and make our NHS not a late, reluctant procurer of ever more expensive innovation but a partner in the development of that innovation and how can we drive an integrated healthcare innovation economy.

So we're not just supporting the life sciences traditional bio-pharma from the Department of Business, but now we have a joined up strategy and at the Department of Health I'm responsible for the £14 billion drugs budget, for the Cancer Drugs Fund (CDF), for genomics, for the £1 billion a year National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) infrastructure in the NHS and now for all the data and digital policy making so we can drive a proper, integrated healthcare economy and we can unleash the power of the NHS to support 21st century research with genomics and informatics and quicker access to trials and to pull it through more quickly and the strap line is: we are absolutely determined that health and the NHS won't break this country, it will make this country. We want to lead in the technologies for the transformation of our own system and export them around the world and it's a model of growth that insists that the public sector has a duty to work with the private sector to support innovation and frankly needs that innovation to be a modern public service, it's a different mind-set at the Department of Health but we've embedded it and locked it in not just through the minister but through the creation of a major directorate in DH called 'Innovation, Technology and Growth', not 3 words traditionally associated with the Department of Health over the last 50 years, despite the NHS's extraordinary ability to innovate. I want you to understand that the commitment comes from the PM and the Chancellor and is hardwired right into the heart of government and at the next quinquennial democratic moment any incoming administration will discover an absolute commitment, its goes right to the heart of the UK government's sense of strategic priorities over the next decade.

And we announced, you'll remember, when we set out this strategy that as well as a commitment to the whole landscape, from deep science through translation infrastructure, business environment, NHS accessibility and reform of the pathway for innovation, we would also try and lead in 2 keys areas: in genomics and informatics. And in genomics, we set the world alight with the announcement that we'd be the first nation on Earth to sequence 100,000 entire genomes and put it together with all the phenotypic clinical hospital data. We set a company up to do it, Genomics England, and I'm delighted that the pace at which we've managed, after a little bit of wheel spinning in the first 6 months – it's a big project, we are now recognised globally as setting the pace in genomics and some of the companies you see downstairs are working off and feeding off that leadership, headquartered at Sanger but we've launched 12 Genomic Medicine Centres around the UK NHS and we've built the NHS into this from day one. We are determined to lead the world in the launch of genomic medicines, mainstreamed in the NHS. This won't be an innovation that we invented here and then was slow to procure, this will be an innovation, a whole revolution in healthcare that we lead here and then mainstreamed in our NHS, which I think gives investors a lot of confidence that this will be one that they can be confident that the UK is serious about purchasing as well as researching.

And now we're looking at informatics, the truth is we cannot run a 21st century NHS on paper and cardboard, and I'm prepared to be very clear with patients about the risks of that, unless we are clear about the problem we have to solve, I don't think we will carry the public and the press with us on the journey of digitalisation. Jeremy Hunt and I will shortly be making a series of announcements about how we tackle the regulatory, the political and the parliamentary issues around confidentiality and we will make sure in the next few years that we invest in patient benefits, apps on your phone so we can begin to get patients excited by a digital NHS because without that it will simply be more money for digitalisation of the system. We want to unleash patient power to drive this forward, focused on disease, focused on research and care pathways, and patients clamouring for more of these digital benefits, and it's interesting that a number of companies you see in the UK are digital companies driving convergence in that field.

Let me say something about the progress that's already happened and to make the announcement today that we've heralded. Since we launched this strategy collective government support has helped secure over £6 billion of new investment into the UK life science sector, linked to more than 17,000 additional jobs (1).There's a reason this sector is growing and there's a reason around the country people are beginning to realise this isn't just in Cambridge, this isn't just a niche sector, this is now going across the country and in my travels, next week I'm in Newcastle, I've been to Swindon, I've been to Milton Keynes, to South Wales, to Scotland, to Northern Ireland, this sector is driving economic recovery across the country. Our exports figures: In the first 3 quarters of 2015 UK life science exports are up 23%. Since we launched HealthcareUK 3 years ago to lead the international export mission, exporting NHS leadership and life science technologies, we've now secured £4.9 billion of exports and at the visits of the Chinese Premier and the Indian Prime Minister I signed with China a £2 billion life science exports deal made up of 17 individual deals, and with India a £1/4 billion deal and there's another 3/4s that that will trigger. And 48% of university spin outs in the UK now are life science related but across a very broad digital and med-tech and device spread. And I'm delighted to see the pace of collaboration between industry and charities and universities and the formal launch next week of the Apollo Fund between 3 of our great companies: GSK, AstraZeneca, Johnson and Johnson and 3 of our great universities: Imperial, UCL and Cambridge, £40 million is a sign of the commitment of industry to this emerging translational infrastructure.

London has an absolutely key part to play in this, you'll be surprised as a Cambridge man that I've been vocal in getting round the country to signal this is not just about Cambridge and it isn't, but London, I think for too long, has been underestimated, under recognised as a biomedical powerhouse and I'm really delighted that the Mayor has really recognised, and it's great to pay tribute and see Elliot here leading MedCity. London is not just a science powerhouse, with Imperial, with UCL and with Kings, each global ranking biomedical universities in their own right, with an extraordinary patient catchment but with this phenomenal city powerhouse of finance, high net worths, angel financing and whole range of fine-tech and extraordinary companies in that space. London has even more potential to become a global financing hub for these emerging technologies, we're doing it in TechCity and there's every reason we could do it in MedCity and make this country and this city not just a great place to do academic science but the place to come and get creative financing and build an insurgent 21st century life science company. This last year we've seen some extraordinary news, Immunocore raising £200 million, that's the second largest ever private, biotech financing. That's a British company, built here, designed here, British science and a wonderful team leading the world and anyone who was at JP Morgan last year and this year will have seen the level of interest that that deal alone and some of the others have done and it's a signal of some of the low hanging fruit in our sector through the less active financing period following the 2000 crash and the early 10 years following that.

We've got some incredible low hanging fruit now beginning to come through the pipeline, ready and properly matured and the old problem of stuff being spun out too soon has now been reversed by some incredible technology coming to the market which has had a lot of time to mature, if I can use a wine metaphor, this is ripe and has been well treated and is ready for serious financing to go to market. If you look at Circassia raising £275 million back on the main market, sending a really powerful signal around the world that the London market is open for these companies and these technologies and the UK is building these companies. In 2015, the UK life science sector raised £1.3 billion on the main markets, including AIM, and we raised £700 million in angel and private and VC financing, those are big numbers for a sector that has deemed to have been going through a quiet restructuring and a repositioning and I think it's not too soon to say that we are now beginning to see the re-emergence of a funding continuum.

It's not the funding continuum that I remember when I worked in this sector 15 years ago, quite siloed, the series A over the wall to series B over the wall to the pre-IPO and then market. This is led by some serious long term investors with a deep commitment to the sector and a deep understanding of it, both angels, private, some of the longer term VC, some of the corporate venturing and now some of the new institutional investor bodies, the Neil Woodfords, the Peter Keanes coming into this sector with deep pockets and building a new generation of serious companies, properly backed to go on and do global leadership. We've seen some wonderful companies downstairs and if you look around the country, companies like Cell Medica, Atlas Genetics, Bicycle Therapeutics, Oxford Therapeutics, but not just in the therapeutics space, it's companies like Abcodia doing extraordinary work on biomarkers, psychology online, some of the new companies that are doing convergence of digital, diagnostics, device and taking this convergent technology into breaking open old markets, creating new products and technologies. And I think it's just wonderful to see the LSE leading a discussion, which I am picking up with the City Minister, on making sure the markets are ready for these companies and opening up life science firms to the LSE's High Growth Segment with a free float as low as 10%. That is a sign that this sector and this market is serious.

Let me just close by saying something about where we go next. I hope you will have seen that in the recent funding Autumn Statement, in which the government set out it's funding for the rest of this Parliament, no sector has done better than this. I'm not trumpeting it in Parliament, I don't want to trigger Ministerial envy but I hope you can see that we defied some of the pundits. The Chancellor has ring-fenced the science budget and made the biggest ever historic commitment to science capital and revenue. We're also funding the Catapult programme in cell therapy, in precision medicine and we've also launched 2 new: in medicines manufacturing, which industry has told us is a priority and in the medicines technology field.

The Bio Medical Catalyst, which I'm really proud to have designed 5 odd years ago, we're looking at how we can make sure we keep that very powerful, small amount of money, but very powerful for triggering those collaborations between private and public and backing industry-led, early stage businesses. We've announced that we will ringfence the £1 billion a year into the NIHR, clinical infrastructure at the heart of the NHS. When you go to many of our hospitals now, downstairs you find a clinical research suite doing industry led trials, 250 odd trials going on around the UK and we've ringfenced that funding, it's a big commitment. And we'll shortly be announcing, on informatics, a major commitment in this Parliament to drive the digital healthcare agenda. The figure you heard in the Autumn Statement was £1 billion, I can tell you it's quite a lot bigger than that and we are absolutely determined, as we have been on genomics, that this will be driven by a partnership of NHS, as the flagship, working with emerging companies to pioneer new treatments.

And we furthermore announced that genomics, a further £250 million, this was never intended to be just an extraordinary technology project, which it is, and we're building the world's reference library for genomic medicine. With industries coming in and partnering with that company, led by Sir John Chisholm and his team, we've announced another £250 million and another 2 Genomics Medicines Centres, so the NHS is now leading on turning genomics into a mainstream genomics medicine service in the 21st century NHS, so increasingly you will go into the NHS and have a molecular diagnostic test and we won't just test for one thing, we'll test for all, we'll integrate it properly and we'll have a data contract with Genomics England so they tell the NHS what traits they have discovered are now linked to particular diseases and diagnostics and the NHS will supply information from it's extraordinary diagnostic footprint. And on digital health we are making a major commitment, not just to digitise the service but to support the digital health industry in the UK, McKinsey recently forecast that that will be worth £14 billion by 2021 and we see it as a major opportunity for this country. We are the most internet connected nation on Earth, we lead on the gaming and the technology and so much of the IT, if we can connect that creativity with our health sector then we are, we think, well positioned to be a leader in digital health.

Let me just close with these 2 commitments: We recognise that one of the things that has held this country back has been the NHS adoption and the challenge of getting the NHS, which is a brilliant producer of innovation, to become a much better adopter of technology so that we cannot just be a great place to invent but a great place to test and prove and that sits at the heart of the strategy the Prime Minister and I set out. Let me remind you what we said in 2011, every patient a research patient, every hospital a research hospital, and the Accelerated Access Review that I launched and which is about to report to me is looking fundamentally at 3 important questions: how can we help companies get to that all important point of clinical validation in the NHS? The early 'no' as well as the early 'yes'. Is this going to work? Is there any chance of you buying it? We need to make the NHS a much more powerful test bed for the life science sector. Secondly, how can we reform NICE and NHS England so that as companies bring digital devices, diagnostics, targeted precision medicines, medicines that have a molecular diagnostic attached that guarantees they'll work in different patient groups, that we have the flexible pathways to fast track them through to the right patients and we're creative about how we reimburse and value, we need to update NICE's methodology for the world of genomic and informatics medicine. And thirdly, how can we get better at taking a proven innovation that saves money in one bit of the NHS and rolling it out across the system? It's just not acceptable that some innovations, after 2 or 3 years, are still not rolled out across the system.

My final point is this, that challenge of modernising the NHS, which is being led now by the NHS itself, Simon Stevens in the Five Year Forward View set out a very powerful vision for how the NHS leadership, clinical and management, intend and want to be allowed to modernise that service and we're backing it hard, we've funded it and it is our great opportunity because in that the NHS is opening it's doors to these transformational technologies to drive modernisation for the system and I think the message for the life science sector is: come to the system with innovations that help patients, help diagnostics and help the system save money by moving from a model of late stage treatment of disease to earlier stage identification, prevention and management, and you are in business and my commitment to you is the Department of Health is in business to help build that integrated healthcare economy. This is a moment to reflect on the success of last year, some really exciting and extraordinary things beginning to happen. One of the most exciting, I went last week to see McLaren using Formula 1 telemetry, 400 data points streaming off every F1 car, McLaren provide it for the entire F1 fleet and they're now working with the NHS on helping children in Birmingham Hospital after cardiac to have wireless telemetry 24/7, constant algorithm underpinned data feeds to the nurses so the individual child monitor beeps only when that individual child has an unexpected event. And in Oxford they're working with NHS A&E on how they can use pit lane telemetry to improve A&E performance and that is a sign of our commitment to try and build these new partnerships.

Thank you Xavier for what the stock market is doing, I really look forward, this year, to coming back and welcoming the announcement of more floats, more fundings, more IPOs and that we can sustain momentum over the next 5 years. I hope our commitment from government is really clear and it's wonderful that with the support of the City we can begin to bring this sector really together so that institutional investors putting their money in an ISA know that it's going to fund British leadership in healthcare technology that will have an impact on their lives. And I think that is something we can not only be financially excited about but politically and socially excited that this country is doing something very very exciting. Thank you.

Footnotes

(1) The estimate includes new investment committed by the UK private sector as well as inward investment by foreign-owned companies over a four year period, from the launch of the Life Science Strategy in December 2011 through December 2015.

a. UK-domiciled investment includes an estimate of private sector investment announced over the period. The amount of UK-domiciled investment is not comprehensive. There is no means of comprehensively tracking private sector investment and routine published data sources do not adequately capture this type of information for the health and life science sector. The estimate is based on major private sector projects known to the government, as well as leveraged investment and new jobs linked to the RGF. It does not include leveraged investment and jobs from other government competitions such as Advanced Manufacturing Supply Chain Initiative, Biomedical Catalyst & Research Partnership Investment Fund

b. Inward investment refers to new investment in the UK by foreign-owned companies in order to undertake brand new activity, or to expand existing activity. These commitments are linked to inward investment projects recorded by UK Trade & Investment (UKTI) in the health and life science sector during the period. The majority of these projects were directly supported by the UKTI Life Sciences Organisation and their network of overseas and subnational partners whose role is to attract inward investment to the UK.

The estimate is not comprehensive. It does not reflect annual research and development (R&D) or clinical trials spending by established domestic and foreign-owned companies in the UK, or investment linked to organic business growth.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/323531 2016-03-14T11:16:46+00:00 2016-03-14T11:16:46+00:00 Speech: Rising to the top: why the government is committed to apprenticeships Business Secretary Sajid Javid launches National Apprenticeship Week 2016.

Thanks Lizzie.

As a minister I give a lot of speeches at a lot of venues.

Normally they're in dull conference centres or anonymous lecture theatres.

So this is really something else!

I'm a bit worried everyone's going to be concentrating on the view rather than on what I have to say. Although I'm sure some people would call it a welcome distraction!

I'm not a big guy, either, so this a rare opportunity for me to look down on Nick Boles!

He's down there somewhere…

The whole of London is spread out below us.

I can see everywhere I've worked in this great city, from the Square Mile to Westminster.

And when you were staring out of the windows before the event began, you could see all those tiny little trains and buses snaking their way through the capital.

They're carrying millions of people on their way to work, to school, to university.

And thousands more young Londoners will be on their way to an apprenticeship.

Now for too long, apprenticeships were seen as a second-best option.

A safety net for kids who didn't make it to A-levels or university.

But we know that's not true.

We know apprenticeships are real jobs, paying a real wage and providing a real education.

We know they're an excellent way for young people to gain the skills they need to compete and for employers to develop the leaders of tomorrow.

Some of the apprentices travelling to work down below will be heading to Google, or Burberry, or Pinewood Studios.

Others will be on their way to Nestle and John Lewis.

Further afield they'll be clocking on to maintain giant jet engines at Rolls Royce, or to build Typhoon fighters at BAE.

Today we're joined by Starbucks, Greene King, Deloitte, Prezzo, Fortnum & Mason and Goldman Sachs.

And all of them will be announcing significant plans to take on more apprentices of their own.

Apprenticeships are an incredible opportunity for people who want to achieve incredible things.

And that's why this government is giving them the respect they deserve.

In the last Parliament we saw more than 2.5 million people start apprenticeships.

In this one we're going to create at least 3 million more.

Think about what that means.

Millions of young people unlocking a new career.

Millions of young people gaining the experience, qualifications and business knowledge that can take them anywhere.

Millions of young people learning the skills they need to rise to the top of the 21st century jobs market.

And think about the hundreds of thousands of employers who will benefit.

The successful companies that can plug a skills gap with British workers rather than looking overseas.

The small businesses that can take on and train up the new staff they need in order to grow.

I mention small businesses for a reason.

Many larger employers have already recognised the benefits of offering apprenticeships.

But too many small and medium-sized firms, the backbone of our economy, are still missing out.

So I'm pleased to see the National Apprenticeship Service working closely with groups such as the Federation of Small Businesses and the British Chambers of Commerce.

In turn, they're asking their members to make a commitment to apprenticeships.

And together we're showing how every business, no matter how small, no matter how niche, can see a real return on investment when they take on an apprentice.

Larger employers, meanwhile, are getting set up for the new Apprenticeship Levy.

It's going to arrive next year and I know there's been a bit of concern about this.

Some people see it as an extra tax, an extra burden.

But it's really nothing to be afraid of.

For starters, it will only affect the very biggest companies, those with a pay bill of £3 million or more.

That's less than 2% of employers, those at the very top.

I know how hard it is to run a small business, how many demands you face.

How the last thing you need or want is someone from the government turning up with another bright idea!

But if that's you, don't worry – you're not going to be affected by the new levy at all.

And if you ARE in the top 2%, I don't want you to worry either!

The levy is simply a straightforward way of funding the increase in high quality apprenticeship training.

It will be set at 0.5% of your pay bill and will be collected via PAYE.

Control of the money it raises will be put in the hands of employers, so they can use it to deliver the training they need.

There won't be someone sat in Whitehall handing out grants or telling you how to spend it.

And if you're really committed to training you'll even be able to get back more than you put in.

The whole thing will be managed and run through the Digital Apprenticeship Service.

But it's a lot more than an online bank account.

Through the service, employers will be able to choose an apprenticeship training course, choose a training provider, even find the right candidate to take on.

And in future, all employers of all sizes will have access to the service – regardless of whether they're big enough to pay in to it.

Of course, if you're paying for something you want to know it's worth the money.

It would be easy for us to hit our 3 million target by piling up cheap but useless training courses.

But that's not going to help employers or apprentices.

We need apprenticeships that are relevant, challenging and fit for purpose.

And we need them to be respected, valued, and held in esteem by employers, individuals and wider society.

In short, we need apprenticeships that we are all proud of.

That's why quality has always been more important to us than quantity.

That's why we're protecting the term 'apprenticeship', so cowboy operators can't use it.

And that's why we're creating an Institute for Apprenticeships.

The Institute will support the development and delivery of high quality apprenticeship standards and assessment plans.

It will act as the guarantor of quality in the system. It will do this entirely independently of government.

And it will be up and running by around this time next year.

I grew up on Stapleton Road in Bristol, which a tabloid once dubbed 'Britain's most dangerous street'.

Sure, it wasn't exactly salubrious, but the people I knew around there weren't bad, or lazy, or stupid.

More often than not they just lacked the opportunities that many take for granted.

My school careers advisor told me I should set my sights no higher an entry-level job at Radio Rentals.

But he didn't say that because he thought I could learn a trade and get qualifications.

He was just telling me what kids from Stapleton Road were expected to do.

We didn't go to university – we simply left school at 16 and got ourselves a low-paid, low-skilled job.

In 2016, I'm not prepared to tolerate that attitude.

Every young person has the potential to succeed, and everyone should have the opportunity to succeed.

This Apprenticeship Week, I want to see government and business come together to make that happen.

I want us to deliver high-quality, employer-led training.

I want us to create the highly skilled workforce Britain needs.

And I want us to give ALL of Britain's young people the opportunity they need to rise to the top.

Thank you.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/323175 2016-03-09T10:39:08+00:00 2016-03-09T10:39:08+00:00 Speech: New markets, new opportunities: doing business with Iran Sajid Javid on the steps he's taking to help British businesses succeed in Iran following the easing of international sanctions.

Good morning everyone.

I'd like to start by thanking Lionel for inviting me to come and speak today.

It means a lot to me for 3 reasons.

First, because Iran offers all kinds of exciting and intriguing possibilities for British business.

Second, because I feel a slight connection with Iran – Javid is, after all, a Persian name.

I'm told that it means 'eternal', which is a good thing if you're a politician who has got to be re-elected every 5 years!

And third, because I can't tell you how happy it makes me to talk about something other than the EU referendum!

Twenty-five years ago and straight out of university, I suddenly found myself working in the New York HQ of Chase Manhattan Bank.

I'd only ever been on a school coach trip to Paris before that, and suddenly here I was – a Bristol boy working in the Big Apple.

The USA was actually quite a culture shock for me.

For starters they had more than 4 TV channels!

But since then work – first in finance and in then in government – has repeatedly taken me around the world.

I've been to plenty of familiar western places, but also lots of emerging markets and frontier economies too.

And if there's one thing that's taught me it's that the familiar and the safe are all well and good.

But that if you really want to find new opportunities, you have to step outside your comfort zone.

A culture may be hard to get your head around, but the greater challenge brings with it greater rewards.

So if Britain is going to continue to thrive as a trading nation, we shouldn't just engage with the easy and familiar trading partners.

Regardless of how June's referendum goes, our future lies beyond the usual suspects and our traditional Anglophone allies.

We can't afford to stick with what we know.

We have to secure new markets for British goods and services, and attract new sources of investment.

Which, of course, brings us to Iran.

Now I know that, just a few years ago, the idea that the UK and Iran could co-operate on anything, let alone trade, would have been seen as quite fanciful.

But the past is the past.

Economic sanctions have been lifted.

Our embassy has reopened.

And Iran's nuclear programme is under international supervision.

The time is now right to build stronger commercial ties between our 2 nations.

Persia is of course the cradle of civilisation, the place where the modern world began.

The people there have been trading for centuries.

The bazaar at Tabriz, I'm told, dates back to at least the 13th century.

But more than that, modern Iran is home to an economy that some people believe will grow faster than China this year.

It's home to a potential market of almost 80 million people.

And it's home to an almost unlimited range of opportunities for British businesses.

Now I've already made sure that UK Trade and Investment, our export promotion agency, is providing support and assistance to British companies that want to do business in and with Iran.

They will be playing an important role in the months ahead, both here at home and in through our Tehran embassy.

UK Export Finance, our export credit agency, reintroduced cover to support exports to Iran the moment that sanctions were lifted.

And earlier this morning, it announced that it has signed a memorandum of understanding with Iran's export credit agency, the Export Guarantee Fund of Iran.

The 2 organisations have committed to promoting the financing of contracts and projects involving exports between our nations.

Now partnerships such as this will help British businesses seize the opportunities that economic re-engagement brings.

And it will give them the opportunity to play a part in realising Iran's plans for rapid economic and infrastructure development.

But to really build those ties that bind, to really get to know a country, there's no substitute for going there in person.

I visited Iran myself back in my Deutsche Bank days.

I took home a couple of beautiful paintings.

One of them still hangs on my wall, up in my bedroom.

But I also came back with a sense of Iran's history and its potential.

Of the appetite that local traders have for doing business with the rest of the world.

So today I'm delighted to announce that I plan to personally take a UK trade mission to Iran later this year.

It will see some of our leading companies seeking out new opportunities across the country.

And it will give me the opportunity to talk face to face with Iranian officials and with Iranian business men and women, so we can remove some of the remaining barriers to trade between our countries.

Obviously not all of those barriers are located in Iran.

Even though many EU sanctions have been relaxed or lifted, there is still a certain reluctance to engage.

It's particularly true in the financial sector, where multinational banks have to worry about regulations in a host of countries that they operate in.

And let me reassure everyone here that ministers and officials across Whitehall are working with their international counterparts to resolve these problems.

There remain areas where the UK and Iran disagree, of course, and areas where we would like to see change.

But stronger business links are not a sign that such issues are being ignored.

In fact it's quite the opposite.

Trade and industry are part of the solution.

I want the UK and Iran to have the kind of relationship where you can discuss issues by being frank and open with each other.

And trade opens doors.

It provides a platform on which to build diplomatic relations.

It creates influence and leverage when it comes to negotiation.

And it builds a bulwark against political instability.

Last year our embassy in Iran reopened.

Last month, we received the first bilateral visit from an Iranian foreign minister in well over a decade.

Just 2 weeks ago, we started offering a full visa service out of our visa application centre in Tehran.

Relations between our 2 countries are thawing.

Suspicions are being dropped.

And the flow of people and ideas is beginning again.

I want British business to be at the forefront of this new wave.

I want the people of Iran to see for themselves what British industry looks like, and how it can make a very a real difference to their lives.

For a thousand years British traders have reached out around the world and travelled where others feared to tread.

As Iran opens up to the west, I want Britain in pole position.

And I will be doing everything I can as Business Secretary to make it so.

Thank you very much.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/322677 2016-03-03T12:04:22+00:00 2016-03-03T12:04:22+00:00 Speech: Getting government off your back: our commitment to cutting red tape Sajid Javid tells British businesses about the next stage of the government's deregulation agenda.

Good morning everyone.

Let me start by saying it's a real pleasure to be here.

Over the past year I've spoken at least half a dozen local Chamber of Commerce events, everywhere from Westminster to Birmingham to Durham.

At this rate I'm not quite going to make it round all 52 chambers before the next election!

But I know that with a membership of 100,000 companies employing almost 5 million people, there's no better way to take the pulse of British industry than to talk to the BCC.

As far as I'm concerned, you really are the voice of business in this country.

Now the name of this session is 'New Dawn or Back to the Future'.

So in that spirit let's hop into our DeLorean, get up to 88 miles per hour and travel back in time to 1978!

I'm a 9-year-old schoolboy in Bristol, with a full head of thick, dark hair.

A short walk from here, in Downing Street, Prime Minister James Callaghan is, just about, clinging on to power.

One of his administration's final acts is to throw more than £50 million of taxpayers' money at the creation of an American carmaker. The DeLorean Motor Company. In return for the government covering half of the company's start-up costs, DMC bases itself in Northern Ireland.

But construction of its factory is plagued by delays.

The cars themselves quickly win a reputation for being poorly made, overpriced and unreliable.

Fewer than 10,000 are ever built.

And after just 4 years the company goes bankrupt – taking a thousand jobs and a vast pile of taxpayers' money with it.

In the end, DeLorean provided the world with 2 things.

The basis of Doc and Marty's fictional time machine.

And an all-too-real case study of what government involvement in business should not look like.

You see, nobody knows business like business.

And politicians who use taxpayers' money to try and pick winners or take over private companies almost inevitably end up with egg on their face.

That's why my approach to industry is very different to many of my predecessors.

I'm not singling out one industry or sector or company and trying to force it to be a success.

I'm working to create the conditions in which all businesses can thrive.

Now before I say more about that, let me address an important issue.

Because the media silence on this issue has been deafening, but you may have heard there's a referendum coming up on the European Union!

Later this year we're going to have a referendum, and we've all had to think hard about the decision we're going to have to make.

I, personally, have no time for ever-closer political union.

But I accept the UK does well from being part of a 500-million strong single market.

I see the benefits of the many trade agreements that have been negotiated by Brussels in the 4 decades since we joined.

And I recognise that it could take many years to replicate that position following a British withdrawal.

Since the Single Market was launched it has added more than £200 billion a year to the EU economy in today's prices.

However, regardless of whether we vote to stay or go, one thing is clear.

In 2016 we can't afford to only trade with the close and the familiar.

The world is too big, the international marketplace is too diverse to simply stick with our neighbours on the continent or our Anglophone allies in North America.

But on this incredibly important issue, my mind is made up.

It's about head v heart and I thought with my head: for businesses, jobs and growth, remaining in the EU is the best answer.

Now at the start of this year, John Longworth had a very simple request for government.

He wanted to see deeds, not words.

Action, not reviews.

Decisions, not dithering.

Well, John, I like to think that's exactly what we've been doing!

We've already delivered the lowest rate of corporation tax in the G7, set the investment allowance at its highest ever permanent level, and lifted thousands of people out of employer National Insurance contributions.

And in the previous Parliament we gained a unique distinction.

We became the first government in recent history to reduce overall levels of regulation.

Between 2010 and 2015 we cut £10 billion of red tape.

The World Economic Forum says the UK has the lowest burden of regulation in the G7.

And the proportion of businesses saying government regulation is a barrier to success fell from 62 per cent in 2009 to 51 per cent in 2014.

But that's still too high.

So today I can tell you that we're going to reduce the regulatory burden still further.

Under the Small Business, Enterprise and Employment Act, all governments are required to publish and report on their performance against a business impact target (BIT).

That's the value of deregulation they hope to achieve, and how they plan to measure it.

This morning, we're publishing a BIT of £10 billion.

That's right – we want to cut the cost of regulation by another £10 billion.

It's an ambitious target not just because of its size, but also because of its scope.

For the first time ever, the BIT doesn't just cover the impact of legislation.

It also includes the way statutory regulators enforce existing rules.

Rather than being allowed to hide behind red tape, they're going to have to look at the cost to business of the way they work.

We're also introducing a new rule for government departments.

In the last Parliament we introduced a policy called 'One in, two out'.

It meant that every time a new regulation that cost money to comply with was introduced, the government had to remove or modify existing rules with double the cost to business.

For every 1 pound of regulatory burden we created, 2 pounds worth had to be removed.

Today I can announce that we're upgrading that to 'One in, three out.

If departments want to bring in new regulatory costs for things that weren't in our manifesto, they will be expected to find savings worth 3 times as much.

This won't be easy to achieve.

But it will certainly focus the minds of policymakers.

It's very easy for a Whitehall bureaucrat to come up with an idea that looks great on paper and, with the stroke of a pen, place a huge extra burden on businesses.

But if that same civil servant has to also find ways to remove 3 times as much red tape, they'll think twice before putting new regulations in place.

We're also bringing departments, regulators and businesses together for a rolling programme of Cutting Red Tape reviews.

The first 3 of these reviews, covering waste, energy and adult social care, are being published today.

And you'll be pleased to hear that they're not just languishing on the dusty shelves of Whitehall.

They're being used to implement real change.

So John, while we have brought you reviews, we have also brought you action!

For example, the waste review found that delays and unnecessary burdens associated with the environmental permit system cost legitimate businesses millions of pounds a year.

By the end of this month, the Department for the Environment, Food and Rural Affairs will publish revised guidance that makes the whole process a lot less burdensome.

The energy review revealed that existing rules led to some businesses being charged for both generating and storing energy.

That cost one company alone, for example, £10 million extra a year.

Following the review, the Department of Energy and Climate Change is now consulting on whether to update the regulations, a move that could benefit consumers, businesses and the environment.

And the adult social care review found that care homes in England have to deal with inspections by local authorities, clinical commissioning groups, the Care Quality Commission, their local fire service, the Health and Safety Executive, and independent organisations like Healthwatch.

Over the course of a year that's 1 inspection every 8 weeks! And they often involve the same people being asked the same questions.

As a result, the Department for Health and the Department for Communities and Local Government are putting in place a new action plan.

It will make co-ordination between all those bodies the norm rather than a novelty.

Finally, I am today launching a root and branch review of the way local authorities regulate businesses.

For many businesses, especially smaller ones, your local council is the arm of government you have the most contact with. And it can also be the source of a huge amount of troublesome red tape, much of it built up over many years without being properly reviewed and updated.

The review's findings will be shared right across government, going to all relevant departments and regulators.

And its aim is to agree a set of reforms, covering both legislation and enforcement, that will reduce unnecessary costs and burdens on business.

It all comes down to my fundamental view that government should stand behind business rather than in your way.

That regulation should provide necessary protection for consumers, for employers, for employees, without making it harder for you to make a living.

I grew up above the family business. I spent most of my adult life working in business. I know just how hard it is to make a business work.

And how that task gets infinitely harder when you have to deal with petty, pointless bureaucracy.

That's why I'm different to many previous Business Secretaries. Because I trust you to get on with what you do so well. I don't believe that you need someone from the government peering over your shoulder all the time.

I know that the vast, vast majority of British businesses are run by responsible, hardworking men and women who know their jobs much better than I do.

You deserve a regulatory regime that's fit for business and fit for the future. And with me, that's exactly what you're going to get.

Thank you.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/322673 2016-03-03T10:12:31+00:00 2016-03-03T10:12:31+00:00 Speech: A new approach to trade and industry Business Secretary Sajid Javid outlines his strategy for supporting British industry in the years ahead.

My Lord Mayor, ladies and gentlemen.

First of all I think I have to congratulate the Lord Mayor on his grasp of Klingon! I have my own favourite Klingon proverb:

…a leader is judged not by the length of his reign but by the decisions he makes.

Lord Mayor, I know you have only one year in the job, but I'm sure you'll make some great decisions!

Let me begin by saying I'm delighted to reply to that toast, and by thanking you for the honour of inviting me to this important event in this beautiful, historic setting.

King Alfred and Alexander the Great are indeed hard acts to follow. When Alexander was 32 years old he cried salt tears because there were no more worlds left to conquer.

I'm 46 and I've won 2 elections in Bromsgrove. I feel I have some catching up to do.

Now, the statues of the great and good here remind me of a speech I gave this time last year, at another historic venue. That was the Chapter House in Westminster Abbey.

There's a story that says the monks who used to run the building were deeply unhappy with the boisterous, rude politicians who used to work there.

So after Parliament moved out, they got their revenge, by painting various MPs into a depiction of the damned at the last judgement.

I'm a little worried that I'll go back with my kids one day and they'll spot a bald, brown guy in one of the paintings. If they do I'll just say it's Chuka Umunna!

Chuka's not here is he?!

Mansion House regulars will have noticed that at this trade and industry dinner you don't just have a new Lord Mayor – you also have a new Business Secretary. The first since 2010.

I'd like to take a moment to pay tribute to my hardworking predecessor, Sir Vince Cable. The longest-serving holder of this post since Sir Peter Thorneycroft back in the 1950s. And, more importantly, a veteran of 5 trade and industry dinners. That must be a record. A very hard record to beat.

I actually have a lot in common with my Liberal Democrat predecessor. I modelled my hairstyle on him, for example.

But I also share his sincere belief that business is a force for good. One that deserves the complete support of government at every level.

Of course, there are one or two differences in how we think that support should be offered. And you won't be surprised to hear that!

Perhaps the biggest difference is in our approach to industry. Sir Vince's Industrial Strategy was well-regarded among those it benefited. But its impact was strictly limited, offering support for just 11 tightly defined sectors of the economy.

That was great for the chosen few, who had all the resources of BIS standing behind them. But businesses outside the gilded circle took that to mean they didn't matter to the government. That they were on their own.

When I was Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport, I frequently heard from members of our £80 billion creative industries that they didn't feel valued. That they weren't taken seriously, despite being global leaders in their field and employing millions of people. The same was true of our £100 billion tourism sector. And since taking up the reins at BIS I've heard similar complaints from across British business.

So it's time for a change. Which is my strategy for industry – and yes I do have one – is different.

I'm not trying to pick winners. I'm working to create the conditions in which all British businesses can thrive.

My approach can best be described as non-interventionist but highly engaged. It's about building on previous success, with a much wider dialogue. About listening to businesses from all sectors, working with them to remove barriers to growth and productivity, and creating the conditions in which they can thrive.

We'll still be talking to and working with the main sector councils. They do great work and they know their areas better than anyone. But I've taken the old strategy's closed shop and replaced it with an open door. A willingness to deal with representatives of all sectors and to respond positively to industry-led solutions.

This shift in focus is particularly important given the arrival of what has been dubbed the 'fourth industrial revolution'. Advances in technology are challenging the tyranny of conventional wisdom and blurring the lines between traditional sectors.

The world's biggest taxi company, Uber, doesn't own a single taxi. The world's biggest provider of accommodation, AirBNB, it doesn't own a single hotel room. Or a multi-billion dollar media company, one of the largest in the world, Facebook, doesn't create any original content.

Which sector does a start-up fall into if it designs, makes and sells bespoke knitwear using the latest technology? Is it creative? Is it manufacturing? Is it retail? Is it digital?

In a world where old labels are becoming increasingly meaningless, it makes no sense to build an industrial strategy around them. Business is changing and it's only right that government's way of interacting with it changes too.

That's why I'll be taking this new approach to industry. And that approach is the first of my 6 priorities.

Now, Friedman told us that in a free market, no exchange takes place unless both parties benefit. But lately it has often seemed that the opposite is true.

We've seen established interests trying to stop disruptive rivals from entering the marketplace. We've seen car buyers that have been lied to about emissions levels. We've seen growing businesses stopped in their tracks by barriers as diverse as unfair energy bills and burdensome regulations.

It's not good for business, it's not good for customers, and it's not good for productivity. That's why my second priority is to make markets work better – both for businesses and for consumers.

In line with the new approach to industry, we're doing this through determined deregulation and a hands-off approach. We're maintaining standards without stifling innovation or attempting to tell people how to run their businesses. We're looking at ways we can use increased competition to raise the UK's game on productivity. And we want to empower consumers, making it easier to understand what deals they're being offered and how they can get the best one for them.

I want to see the Competition and Markets Authority and the economic regulators using their competition powers to maximum effect with the smallest possible burden on business. And that includes looking at specific markets to identify barriers to effective competition, and standing ready to act on the CMA's flagship market investigations into banking and energy.

There's also a role for government in repairing market failures. It's not the job of the state to step in and prop up unviable businesses. But when a need isn't being served, when demand isn't being met, a carefully planned intervention can make a difference.

Five years ago Vince Cable stood here and he talked about plans for a Green Investment Bank. A world first, a unique vehicle to tackle risks associated with green infrastructure that the market was unable to adequately finance.

Now 5 years on, the GIB has been an unparalleled success. It has delivered over £10 billion of finance for over 60 projects. And it is making a 10% projected return on its investments.

But more than that, it has created a new market for such investments by showing that sustainable projects can deliver real returns. That environmentally friendly ideas can also be serious investment opportunities. That green really is the colour of money.

Back in June I explained that the time had now come for the GIB to stand on its own 2 feet, that we would move it into private ownership. And tonight I can announce that the formal sale process will begin tomorrow morning. I can see there's at least one eager buyer here. But you're going to have to wait until the morning.

We expect there to be significant interest in the market, as a range of financial institutions and pension funds seek to tap in to this successful asset class and green their own portfolios. And, as I said in the House of Commons last month, its unique green mission will be protected by the creation of a special share.

Now many of the GIB's investments have helped cutting-edge innovative projects and these ideas have helped reach the mainstream. As we've already heard this evening, innovation is something we should nurture and sustain. Because, as the Lord Mayor himself said in a speech here last November "innovation means prosperity".

And that's why innovation is the third of my priorities. The UK has a long history as a hotbed of new ideas and new ways of thinking. We've all been taught how the incredible inventions of the late 18th and the early 19th centuries led to a golden age of British industry. And I firmly believe that we have the talent and potential to similarly dominate in the 21st century. But only if the government helps create a climate in which innovation can flourish.

We must have more intelligent regulation. We must improve access to finance. And, above all, we must help to develop the technology and skills businesses will need to compete in the 21st century market of ideas.

Building on the success of the plans to boost productivity and improve competition, I'm leading work on a government-wide innovation plan.

It will help ensure that the money invested by all departments in all forms of innovation is spent in an effective, joined-up manner. It will also help to focus Whitehall minds on the need for innovation within government. Every year we spend £250 billion on procurement – and innovation shouldn't just be something for the private sector.

This government's commitment to supporting innovation was made clear by the Spending Review, which protected our annual £4.7 billion spend on science and research. Funding that will be used to create everything from lifesaving medicines to world-changing inventions. And we're making it easier for the private sector to innovate, with Research and Development tax credits, the Patent Box and Entrepreneurs' Relief.

Of course, all the good ideas in the world won't lead to economic success if we don't have the skilled workforce that is needed to take them from drawing board to factory floor. And that's why my fourth theme, building skills for the future, is so important.

The global marketplace is changing, and the British workplace is changing with it. The challenges we face today are very different to those that we faced just a generation ago, as are the skills required to compete. We neither can nor should attempt to compete with low-skill, low-wage emerging economies in a race to the bottom.

Instead, in order to deliver the high-wage, low-welfare economy we are aiming for, we must ensure that British workers have the training they need in order to take on the skilled jobs of the 21st century. There is excellent work going on in schools, in colleges and in universities to see that the next generation is properly equipped. And our commitment to deliver 3 million apprenticeships is already delivering real results.

However, the vast majority of people who will be working in Britain in the next 25 years are not in full-time education. They are already out there in the workplace. And the idea of a skill for life, of learning a trade, of never needing further training, is a thing of the past.

Fortunately, the new technology that is changing the workplace is also changing the way we study and learn. For example, the internet makes it easier than ever to deliver high-quality, scalable education outside the traditional classroom.

So I want to see a new focus on adult learning, part-time study and workplace training to give Britain's workers the skills they need and they deserve.

I'm working on this with colleagues across government. I can't tell you too much of the detail right now. But it's something you'll be hearing a lot more about it in the weeks and months ahead.

Now the fifth item on my to-do list regards maintaining and growing Britain's status and reputation as a global trader.

Britain has always been a trading nation. As we just heard from the Lord Mayor. As Andrew Sentence wrote in the 'Telegraph' over the weekend, trade has underpinned British success and growth for almost a thousand years.

In fact the position of First Lord of Trade – the predecessor of the President of the Board of Trade – was created half a century before Walpole became the first Prime Minister.

We have unrivalled cultural and political ties with nations across the world. But in recent years we have not always excelled at turning them into profitable trade links. We can and must do better, particularly with emerging economies and new markets.

Our export strategy sets out some of the steps we're taking to make this happen. I'm chairing the Export Task Force, bringing all of government to bear on the issue. You can't fail to have noticed our new Exporting is GREAT campaign, bringing British businesses together with customers around the world. And when Mark Price arrives in the department later this year, at the top of his in-tray will be implementing the reforms of UK Trade and Investment that were put in train by Lord Maude.

UKTI has a wide-ranging and well-resourced worldwide network. I want to make sure it focuses all its energy on what really matters – supporting British exporters and attracting inward investment.

And let me take this opportunity to thank Lord Maude for all he has achieved as Minister of State for Trade and Investment. Over the past 3 decades, Francis has been a fantastic servant of his country, his party, his government and, above all, British trade and industry. I'm sure I speak for everyone here today when I say that he will be sorely missed, and wish him all the very best.

On the subject of international trade… Some of you may have missed it, as the media silence on this subject has been deafening. But later this year there will be a referendum on whether the UK should remain a member of the European Union.

Now I, personally, have no time for ever-closer political union. But, like the City Corporation, I accept the UK does well from being part of a 500-million strong single market. I see the benefits of the many trade agreements that have been negotiated by Brussels in the 4 decades since we joined. And I recognise that it could take many years to replicate that position following a British withdrawal.

However, regardless of whether we vote to stay or go, one thing is clear. In 2016 we can't afford to only trade with the close and the familiar. The world is too big, the international marketplace is too diverse to simply stick with our neighbours on the continent or our Anglophone allies.

Finally, my sixth priority is to ensure that the benefits of business growth are felt not just here in the Square Mile but right across these islands. The United Kingdom is one nation, and we are a one nation government. Not a government for big business, or a government for the south east of England. But a government for the whole nation.

So supporting local growth is the forefront of my department's work, including continuing the success of local growth deals. My department has played a key role in delivering the Northern Powerhouse and Midlands Engine, helping the region I was born in and the region where I now live to make the most of their incredible potential.

In line with my wider approach to industry, such support and interventions are led by those 'closest to the action'. An entrepreneur in Stockton knows far more about the economic needs of the north east than a civil servant or politician sitting in Whitehall, and is far better placed to take the lead through fora such as Local Enterprise Partnerships.

So there you have it. Six themes, 6 ideas, 6 priorities, 6 goals. Taken together they form a vision for what is an ambitious strategy. But one that I believe we can, and should, reach out for.

Over the past 6 years, all of us – businesses and politicians alike – have worked hard to turn around Britain's economy. We've gone from a record-breaking recession to record-breaking employment. From the world's biggest bailout to world-leading growth. And it has been an incredible rise, but having gone from rescue to recovery, we now face a new task.

We have to build on what we have achieved. We have to consolidate our gains.

Doing so requires a new way of working, a new way of looking at business. It's not enough to rely on what worked before. The world has already moved on and if we stand still we will be left behind. Change is well overdue in business policy, and change is what I am delivering.

Tonight I've set out what that change will look like. And I look forward to working with all of you to give British trade and industry the support it both needs and richly deserves.

Thank you.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/322671 2016-03-02T15:46:26+00:00 2016-03-02T15:46:26+00:00 Speech: Venture capital: breathing life into British businesses Sajid Javid on the role of venture capital, government support for innovators, and Sesame Street's Oscar the Grouch.

Thank you, Tim, and good evening everyone.

I see a lot of familiar faces here.

It's always great to be asked to speak to organisations like the BVCA.

I was in finance a lot longer than I've been in politics, so it always feels a bit like coming home!

And it's kind of fitting to be here at the Savoy, halfway between the Square Mile and Westminster, between my first career and my second.

Of course a lot has changed in your industry since I left Deutsche Bank in 2009.

For example, last month I saw that there's a new kid on the VC block.

Sesame Street.

Seriously!

The company behind the children's TV programme is going to invest in start-ups in education and health.

We'll see finance brought to you by the letters I, P and O.

And, having met plenty of VC people during my time in the City, I'm confident that Oscar the Grouch will fit right in!

Don't worry Rob, I'm not talking about you!

J. Paul Getty once said that the secret of success in business was to rise early, work late… and strike oil.

It's sound advice, up to a point.

But most businesses need a more reliable source of finance.

And that's where private equity and venture capital really come into their own.

Now, more than ever, you have a vital role to play in Britain's economy.

And I'm proud to stand here tonight and say that the private equity and venture capital sector has the full support of the Business Secretary.

I know that's not always been the case in the past.

It's all too easy to paint you as vultures or parasites.

And let's face it, no politician ever lost votes by being too harsh on people working in finance!

But such days are behind us.

I know just how important your work can be.

I know that, far from being the bloodsuckers of internet myth you actually breathe life into companies.

You don't strip out jobs, you create them.

You put your money where your mouth is, and take the kind of calculated risks that benefit us all.

When I worked in emerging markets I saw, again and again, how a little faith from investors at the right time can make all the difference.

You take an idea, see its potential, and give it the boost it needs to become reality.

When you get it right, everyone wins.

And when you get it wrong… Well, you're the biggest losers.

Fortunately that doesn't happen very often!

BVCA members are currently investing more than £5 billion in more than 700 companies in the UK.

Together, those companies employ well over 100,000 people.

And of course the vast majority are SMEs with high growth potential, which means they're likely to go on and create many more jobs in years to come.

It's clear that your confidence is coming back.

[Political content removed]

Equity investment in small businesses grew by more than 40% in the year to October.

You're also making a real difference right across the country.

Three-quarters of BVCA members' investment goes outside London.

You've recently doubled the level of investment in my home region, the West Midlands.

That's a real boost for the region as we work to fire up the Midlands Engine.

And a real sign that you're ready, willing and able to back exciting, innovative ideas wherever they may be.

That's particularly important right now.

Last week I attended the annual conference of British manufacturers, I spoke there in fact.

And one message that came through loud and clear from all the speakers was that manufacturing is changing.

That industry is changing.

That as we enter this fourth industrial revolution the greatest demand in advanced economies is not going to be for raw materials, but for ideas.

New ways of thinking

New ways of working.

New ways of manufacturing.

In the past we've thought of cutting-edge start-ups as something limited to Silicon Valley and Tech City.

However, in 2016 those labels are becoming less important.

The lines between industry and technology are becoming blurred.

That change brings with it incredible potential for economic growth.

But only if the right finance and funding is available.

And only if the people holding the purse strings can match the vision and ambition of the innovators themselves.

That means you, by the way!

But I'm not going to tell you to go out on a limb on your own.

My department, and the government as a whole, is and will remain a committed partner in helping you support innovative companies to develop and grow.

The British Business Bank is playing an active and collaborative role.

So far its VC Catalyst, Angel Co-Fund and Enterprise Capital funds have facilitated new finance of almost £1 billion for nearly 500 businesses.

On top of that, the bank will shortly be calling for innovative and ambitious investment strategies for delivering debt and equity finance through the £400 million Northern Powerhouse Investment Fund.

So get your thinking caps on!

We're also committed to delivering a tax system that incentivises investment in growth and innovation.

So far we're offering Venture Capital Trusts (VCTs), the Enterprise Investment Scheme (EIS) and the Seed Investment Scheme.

And there's no doubt this trio of measures are working.

In 2014 to 2015, VCTs issued £435 million of new shares and currently have investments in over a thousand companies.

And in one year alone the EIS facilitated more than £1.5 billion of investment in not far short of 3,000 businesses.

It's pretty clear that it's playing a pivotal role in supporting a vibrant, early stage equity culture.

In fact the schemes have proved so successful that we sought and secured State Aid approval for letting them provide additional support to knowledge intensive companies.

Exactly the kind of companies that will be shaping the future of British industry.

When those companies are ready to go public, we want it to be as easy as possible for them to do so.

That's why we abolished stamp duty on Alternative Investment Market shares and made them eligible for ISA investments.

We have also worked with the London Stock Exchange as it has introduced such innovations as the High Growth Segment.

It allows high growth potential businesses to list on the main market with an initial free float of as low as 10%.

And of course we're also doing everything we can to make Britain the best place in the world to start and grow a business.

So we've extended the doubling of small business rate relief until 2017.

We've cut corporation tax to the lowest level of any major economy.

We've lifted hundreds of thousands of businesses out of employer National Insurance contributions.

We've set the highest ever permanent level for the annual investment allowance.

And we've got Research and Development tax credits, the Patent Box and Entrepreneurs' Relief, all of which encourage further investment in innovation and ideas.

We've slashed £10 billion of red tape for business, and are committed to cutting another £10 billion by 2020.

And the Enterprise Bill, currently before Parliament, will create a new Small Business Commissioner to give SMEs a stronger voice.

But we can do more, and we are doing more.

We need to ensure that the UK has the research base and the productivity levers in which innovative high-growth companies can start, grow and compete globally.

Last summer, as you may have seen, we launched a plan called Fixing the foundations.

It's our cross-government plan for increasing productivity right across the economy.

Our vision for increasing long-term investment in people, capital and ideas, as well as making markets more dynamic.

That includes everything from increasing the quality and quantity of apprenticeships, to reforming the planning system, to changing the way the government supports growing companies who want to export.

Alongside this, at the Spending Review, I was able to secure an investment of almost £7 billion as part of the national science capital commitment.

I also protected today's £4.7 annual billion resource funding in real terms.

Together, this underlines my commitment to keeping the UK a world leader in science and research.

We've created Catapult centres that help business and researchers turn great ideas into commercial reality.

And, building on this, we'll shortly be publishing a National Innovation Plan to ensure the UK remains an international beacon for bright ideas.

The plan will bring together ideas, levers and investment from across government, so we can create the right conditions for businesses to innovate and grow.

These are the businesses that are the key to our country's economic future.

And that's why your role in backing them through their early development and growth phase is tremendously important.

But it's not just about cold, hard cash.

Venture capital and private equity at its best is about more than just providing funding for companies to develop, grow or restructure.

It's about nurturing talent too.

About helping talented yet inexperienced entrepreneurs to devise and implement long-term growth strategies.

About understanding what it takes to help a high-potential business through the development, early growth and scale-up phases.

And that's where the people who been there and done that a thousand times before, people like the BVCA members here tonight, can really add something special to the mix.

It's your wisdom, understanding and long-term commitment that brings the greatest rewards.

And that's why you can do so much more than any politician or civil servant ever could.

You've been there, you've done that, you've seen what works and you know what doesn't.

And it's that knowledge, that experience, that will turn the next generation of great British ideas into the next generation of great British businesses.

That will turn exciting innovations into real-world jobs and growth.

What you do isn't easy.

It isn't easily understood and all too often it's not even popular.

But it is absolutely vital to the future of our economy and our country.

And I'm proud to say that both myself and the government support you all the way.

Have a great evening.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/322203 2016-02-26T11:56:59+00:00 2016-02-26T11:56:59+00:00 Speech: Consumers and the digital single market Speech by Baroness Neville-Rolfe about the importance of the digital single market for consumers.

Thank you. I would like to welcome the newly appointed Director General of DG JUST, Tiina Astola, and say how pleased I am that you were able to come to the UK so early in your tenure to share the Commission's plans with us. I very much look forward to hearing from you, and of course to hearing about the results of today's important workshops.

I want to talk about our approach to the digital single market, commercially one of the major issues of our era. By the word 'our' I mean to cover not only we here in the UK, but also all of us throughout the EU.

One of the most important achievements of the EU is the single market, even though it is not yet complete. The objective must be to ensure that the single market takes fully on board all the potential of the digital world.

It is a common observation that it is odd that on a good day you can get from the centre of London to the centre of Brussels in just 2 hours, but that when you arrive you can't stream your favourite TV series, even though you've already paid for it at home.

Equally it is odd that you can browse a website from just across the border, for the latest fashions, only to find out that the delivery costs are prohibitive when you reach the checkout.

We need to deal with these problems.

Around £1 billion of UK retail sales now take place online every week, and this is growing by 10% a year. One third of UK retailers sell online. However, and this is at the heart of the problem, only 7% manage to do so beyond our borders. This is the problem we must fix.

Consumers

That is the problem from the perspective of producers and retailers. I now want to change perspective and look at matters from the point of view of consumers.

Now ordering goods and services from far away suppliers in other jurisdictions is potentially worrying in that what you order might not arrive and, if so, it might be very difficult to do anything about it.

That in a nutshell is another problem we need to fix. Consumers need to have justified confidence in the rules and that they will be applied properly.

The UK is trying to drive a conversation about how best to do this. Last month we issued a paper containing our ideas about improving cross-border delivery.

For example, we want to see postal operators and retailers give clear parcel information - price, cost, time of arrival - at an early point in the retail transaction. This is something of great importance to consumers and smaller e-retailers. There is nothing more frustrating than choosing a basket of goods only to discover that there is no delivery to your location!

As I have already mentioned consumers also need to feel that they have essential protections if things go wrong.

As commissioner Jourova said;

…for the digital single market to really take off in Europe, we must boost consumers' trust in the online world, while promoting a business-friendly environment.

I couldn't agree more.

So the proposals you will be discussing later this morning need to support consumer confidence. For example, by giving consumers a clear route to a refund if things go wrong. At the same time they must not so burdensome that they discourage cross border sales. That is the balancing act we must make.

We also need consistency across the Union. We need to avoid the need for businesses to comply with different consumer law requirements every time they want to sell in a different member state.

And of course we also need effective enforcement when things go wrong.

The digital world makes this more complicated which is why in the UK we were one of the first member states to introduce bespoke digital content rights through the Consumer Rights Act 2015, which I happened to take through Parliament.

Simplicity and consistency are key. Convoluted regulation simply won't work and will give the EU a bad name.

We need to ensure that offline rights for products and services are aligned as far as possible with online ones, creating a single set of rules for consumers.

We need the Commission to maintain its 'technology neutral' proposal so that businesses do not have different rules depending on how they deliver their digital content – for example whether a movie is streamed or downloaded, or whether pay TV is accessed via satellite, cable or broadband.

And we need to avoid contradictions with parallel sets of regulation, such as the Electronic Communications Framework, which covers the means of delivery rather than the content, but has differing rules - for example concerning cancellation periods.

And the overwhelming objective should be a simple system where, across the single market, businesses understand their obligations and consumers know how to enforce their rights

As I said at the start, the digital world is changing everything and a key driver of that change has been the dynamism and growth of platforms.

That means everything from the big international platforms, like Google, Amazon and Alibaba, to up-and-coming European businesses, such as Dailymotion (video), Huddle (cloud), GoCardless and iZettle (e-commerce), ResearchGate (academic networking), LoveHomeSwap (house swapping), Hassle.com (domestic services) and BlaBlaCar (ridesharing services) (all part of the sharing economy), to developments by the Government Digital Service such as GOV.UK Verify (which will allow citizens to prove their identity online more easily) and GOV.UK Pay (which will provide one simple way to make payment to any government department) which will make it easier for citizens to interact with government.

In recent years they have brought us huge benefits. They have given us access to new goods, new worlds, new relationships, new services and shared services, all at unimaginable speeds.

Central to this is an open approach to platforms. Platforms should be seen as an opportunity not a threat.

As a consequence, consumers benefit from increased convenience, greater choice and quality of services, improved transparency and increased connectivity.

Businesses benefit from a reduction of geographic barriers, supporting new forms of business through innovative products, more efficient services, access to wider audiences, new funding models and reduced costs.

So an important priority should be to ensure that platforms continue to innovate and offer services consumers and businesses demand. The UK will oppose any form of regulation that would undermine these advantages.

There is already a legal framework of consumer and competition law in place that applies equally to platforms as well as other digital businesses. And we should apply that framework to platforms as to any other business.

We should use our existing legislative toolkit consistently and fairly rather than introduce new regulations specifically for platforms.

This doesn't, of course, mean that platforms can do whatever they want. We have EU competition rules and an important case against Google is ongoing thanks to the energy of the new commissioner. Here in the UK the Competition and Markets Authority has pioneered the application of existing competition law to problems in the digital sphere.

I was pleased to see their new guidance for businesses on improving practice in online reviews. It helps business to understand their obligations in a light touch manner, whilst allowing consumers to benefit. These are technologies and platforms that the next generations, the digital natives, regard as essential to daily life. Ask my 4 sons and 3 small granddaughters, who won't come to stay if the broadband is down!

Privacy

The final area I wanted to touch on is the need to ensure that consumers can be sure that personal data generated by their online activity will be used properly.

As I know from my own experience with an early exemplar, the Tesco Clubcard, businesses can use data to help them do business more effectively, while providing a better service to customers. I remember introducing an organic wine range because of the strong association between buyers of organic foods and wine sales!

At the same time, as we were extraordinarily aware, consumers need to trust the way that their personal data is being handled. That is why recent progress on the General Data Protection Regulation has been important. For the same reason, I welcome the recent agreement between the EU and the US on the so-called Privacy Shield – which will continue to allow the free flow of data with the appropriate safeguards.

The right framework for cross border e-commerce, and the data that supports it, is important if businesses are to continue to innovate and maintain Europe's rich creative output. Consumers are and ought to be the main beneficiaries of such vibrancy.

Conclusion

It's clear that the digital revolution which we are living through is only at its beginning. Tim Berners-Lee, an Englishman and inventor of the world wide web, said recently that the web, as he envisaged it, has not yet been seen. The future of the web is still much bigger than the extraordinary progress so far.

We have seen enormous change in the past decade. The way that we listen to music, watch films, order food and teach our children is changing at a rate of knots.

The challenge for us, the exciting challenge, is to keep pace so that consumers are protected and empowered without choking off the ability of businesses to provide new products.

By doing this, we will give consumers the confidence to buy beyond our borders, create choice through competition, and ensure that new and exciting technologies are allowed to flourish.

Thank you for listening.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/321946 2016-02-24T12:33:00+00:00 2016-02-24T12:33:00+00:00 Speech: British manufacturing: supporting a world leader Sajid Javid tells the EEF National Manufacturing Conference why he's personally committed to supporting British industry.

It's great to be here this morning.

And it's great to see so many of the sector's leading lights coming together to answer the big questions of our time.

What does the future hold for British manufacturing?

Can we compete in the face of cheap imports from emerging economies?

And are there any factories in the UK that haven't been visited by George Osborne?

Apparently there's a whole website devoted to photos of the Chancellor wearing hard hats and high-vis jackets…

We're British.

And, as you have just heard from the Prime Minister, that means we make things.

We always have.

We always will.

We invented modern industry, and we've played a role in countless technological leaps forward since.

We can be proud of our manufacturing heritage.

And we should be equally positive about Britain's manufacturing future.

Sadly that doesn't seem to be a fashionable thing for politicians and commentators to say right now.

Sometimes I turn on the radio or open the newspaper and all I get is negativity, people talking you down.

"Manufacturing is in terminal decline," they say.

"We don't build anything anymore."

"We're just a service economy."

Nonsense.

When I look at manufacturing, when I look at the people in this hall, I don't see malaise.

I don't see failure.

I see people who are creating jobs, creating growth.

I see the people who are building what Britain needs and what the world wants.

Yes, the first decade of this century was one of industrial decline in Britain.

But over the past 6 years, manufacturing output is up.

Jobs are up.

Exports are up.

Britain's manufacturing base spans almost 90,000 employers and provides work for millions of people.

Just this morning, we've heard that Aston Martin is creating 750 skilled manufacturing jobs in Wales.

Foreign direct investment is up more than 60% since 2010.

You represent the most innovative and intensive R&D sector in the UK, accounting for £13 billion of investment each year.

And over the past decade manufacturing productivity has increased 3 times faster than the economy as a whole, something reflected in today's EEF report.

2015 was the most successful year ever for our £23 billion aircraft industry, with delivery numbers up 44% since 2010.

A new car rolls off a British production line every 20 seconds, with 80% destined for export.

The world flies in British-built planes and drives British-built cars.

And as I never get bored of pointing out, the Australians are throwing British-made boomerangs.

I know that not all British manufacturers are part of this boom.

Unprecedented conditions in the international steel market have had a devastating effect on too many British communities.

And the recent announcement by Bombardier was absolutely crushing for hundreds of skilled, hardworking people in Belfast.

As we have repeatedly shown, when such challenges arise this government will do everything within its power to support the companies and people affected.

And that includes not talking down the rest of the sector.

Not losing sight of the fact that British manufacturing can boast success after success.

It's a sector we should all be proud of.

And in the EEF it has a very worthy champion.

The challenge is to maintain that success in a period of rapid technological change.

Whether you call it 'Industry 4.0' or the 'fourth industrial revolution', it's impossible to deny that the way in which we live and work is undergoing a seismic shift.

While that can bring incredible benefits for the consumer, we have to acknowledge that change is also going to disrupt the workplace.

As long ago as 2013, Oxford academics warned that half of all jobs could be computerised within the next 2 decades.

Last year, McKinsey said that 45% of current jobs could be adequately performed by technology that already exists.

The University of Massachusetts has even created a computer programme that can write and deliver speeches for politicians!

If you see a machine being lined up to take your job, it's little consolation to know that the resulting rise in productivity will help the overall economy.

But again and again through the history of manufacturing, we have seen how new inventions, new ideas and new technologies actually create new opportunities for workers.

We just can't always see what they are until they arrive.

After all, the job descriptions of the future have yet to be written.

The role of government is not to stand on the beach and attempt to turn back the tide of change.

It's to do all we can to help you ride the wave it creates.

Minimising the negatives while making the most of the limitless opportunities on offer.

But I'm not going to stand here and tell you how you should respond to this change.

There are a lot of important and influential individuals speaking here today.

A lot of very clever people.

But no politician or journalist or think-tank wonk knows manufacturing like you do.

Only you can decide the right way forward for your business.

Only you can make the most of the opportunities brought by new technology and new insights.

And only you can navigate the risks.

That doesn't mean you're entirely on your own.

For one thing you have the EEF supporting you.

And you also have a Business Secretary who is on your side.

Manufacturing matters to Britain.

It matters to this government.

And it matters to me personally.

Manufacturing is in my blood.

Fifty-five years ago, in 1961, my father Abdul landed in this country for the first time.

He headed north to Lancashire, then the home of countless cotton mills.

And every morning he got up, and he queued outside one of those mills.

And eventually the foreman invited him in and offered him his first job.

Fast forward a decade, and the soundtrack of my childhood was the clattering of my mother's Singer sewing machine.

She was making the clothes to be sold on my dad's market stall.

So I grew up in a home where manufacturing was the bedrock of success.

A home where we had what we had because my parents made things.

And I will never forget the lessons I learned there.

That's why I know how vital your work is.

That's why I'm absolutely passionate about what you do.

And that's why I'm proud to say that I respect the EEF, I listen to what you have to say and I act on it.

Earlier this month an EEF survey found that half of companies say their internet connectivity, while fine for now, will not be suitable for their future needs.

Off the back of that survey, the EEF called for a government review of business broadband.

Today, I can announce that that's exactly what will happen.

Working alongside the Department for Culture, Media and Sport, we will look at the broadband speeds that businesses need now and in the future.

We will look at the barriers that exist for businesses to get the affordable, high speed broadband they need.

And we will look at the whole issue of leased lines and the role they play in the market.

In doing so, we will take in to account Ofcom's review of digital communications, which will be published tomorrow, and its review of leased lines, to be published next month.

We recognise that leased lines need to be competitively priced.

We want to see charge controls on leased lines where appropriate, and, of course, we want to see more competition in the provision of broadband services and products.

Of course, that's not all we're doing for manufacturing.

We're also investing in your future success.

We've had to make a lot of tough decisions over the past 6 years, to get the economy back on track.

But I'm not afraid to invest where it can really make a difference.

I know that the inspired ideas of today are the profitable businesses of tomorrow.

So at last year's Spending Review I was proud to secure an investment of almost £7 billion as part of the national science capital commitment. The highest ever. And I also won protection for the annual £4.7 billion government funding for science, research and development.

We also fund a third of the High Value Manufacturing Catapult, which has seen £300 million invested in just 5 years.

The Catapult helps manufacturers turn innovative research into real-world success.

And when you achieve that success, when your new product starts making money, I don't believe you should be penalised for it.

Your profits should go to you – not the government.

So we have the lowest corporation tax of any G7 nation.

We're reviewing business rates.

And we're using the tax system to encourage and support the kind of cutting-edge thinking that makes British manufacturing a world leader.

Since last month the annual investment allowance has been set at its highest-ever permanent level, £200,000.

The Research and Development Tax Credits scheme underpins work worth more than £14 billion at more than 18,000 companies.

It's backed up with the Patent Box, offering a significantly reduced corporation tax rate for companies that invest in new ideas.

One thing I'm never going to let the state do is strangle innovative manufacturers with red tape.

Never mind the fourth industrial revolution…

Sometimes feels like there are corners of Whitehall where they're still getting to grips with first one!

And if government regulators attempt to keep up with the pace of change in manufacturing and industry, only one thing will happen.

A blizzard of directives, outdated before they're even published, will stop innovative manufacturers in their tracks.

You can't write a rule book for ideas that haven't been thought up yet.

But that doesn't have to mean a free-for-all that puts workers and consumers at risk.

Look at our approach to driverless cars.

They clearly have a major role to play in the future of global transport, and I want Britain to be right at the forefront of their development.

So rather than imposing a complex web of regulations for developers and manufacturers, we've created a simple code of conduct that ensures basic safety standards are met.

There's no doubt that manufacturing is moving forwards, and that the government is doing all it can to support that.

But for too long the way we look at and measure what you do has been stuck in the past.

Looking at the raw output figures and concluding that manufacturing represents 10% of our economy is far too simplistic.

In a complex, intertwined global economy we have to recognise the whole of the manufacturing value chain.

That is, all those activities that take place upstream and downstream of production.

So I welcome the independent metrics report undertaken by Professor Sir Mike Gregory and his expert team, and published today on GOV.UK.

Mike and his team looked at opportunities for improving our understanding and measurement of modern manufacturing activity and they've developed a number of interesting proposals.

These include a representation of the manufacturing value chain that suggests it provides employment to more than 5 million people; pilot exercises testing the potential of data analytics to supplement national data and provide new insights on modern manufacturing activity; and, for the first time, a detailed looked at digital-era business models and their interaction with the value chain.

When we underestimate the contribution manufacturers make to the economy, we are doing you all a disservice.

Sir Mike's review isn't an attempt to move the goalposts or fiddle the figures.

It's about giving you the credit you so richly deserve.

The mill my father worked in has, like many others, long since closed its doors.

But that doesn't mean Britain no longer manufactures textiles.

Today, we have companies like Unmade.

Run by a trio of Royal College of Art graduates, Unmade uses the latest technology to let shoppers customise and manufacture their own unique knitwear.

Everything is bespoke, with zero waste and a minimum commercial order of one.

Yes, it's still a small, niche business.

But as I always say, even the biggest company started out as one or two people with an idea and the get-up-and-go to make it happen.

And Unmade is an important example.

Because the future of British manufacturing is not a race to the bottom against emerging economies with standards as low as their prices.

The future lies in quality and innovation.

In doing things other countries simply haven't figured out how to do yet.

You can't undercut ideas.

The industry in which you work is changing.

But we cannot allow British manufacturing to be left behind.

And I will not allow British manufacturing to be left behind.

You led the world before.

In many areas you lead the world today.

And, as Business Secretary, it is my personal mission to see that you continue to lead the world for many years to come.

Thank you.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/321805 2016-02-22T15:35:32+00:00 2016-02-22T15:35:32+00:00 Speech: Celebrating Britain's inspirational businesses Business Secretary Sajid Javid launches the annual '1,000 companies to inspire Britain' report.

Thank you, Xavier, for that warm introduction.

And thank you for letting me have the honour of the opening the world's greatest stock exchange a few moments ago.

I'm sure we all agree that if the FTSE closes up today, it will be because of the uniquely skilled way the market was opened this morning!

And if it goes down…

Well let's just say I was never here!

Seriously, it's great to be back in the City.

My 20-odd years with Chase Manhattan and Deutsche Bank took me all over the world.

But whenever I found myself in their Square Mile offices, it really felt like I'd come home.

And it's a particular pleasure to be here today of all days.

Because this morning I get to see for myself some of the wonderful, inspiring British businesses in the LSE's latest 1,000 companies list.

Too often politicians get dazzled by the big brands.

The household names.

The multinationals employing tens of thousands of people.

But even the biggest company started life as nothing more than one or two people with an idea.

And the small- and medium-sized companies of today, the ones listed in this report, are the big names of tomorrow.

That's not just rhetoric.

The thousand companies in this list are experiencing average annual growth of 50%.

That's an incredible figure, one that really shows how SMEs are powering the economic recovery.

The diversity of the companies listed here is inspiring too.

For one thing, they represent the whole of the UK.

This isn't London navel-gazing.

There's more than 100 in the North West of England, almost 200 across the Midlands.

We've got companies in Aberdeen, in Bristol…

And I wouldn't be doing my job as a constituency MP if I didn't highlight that there are 2 in Bromsgrove: Crown Domestic Appliances and Oakland International.

So well done to everyone who has made it onto this year's list.

But particularly those 2!

The spread of companies isn't just geographical.

They also cover a huge range of sectors, from IT to advertising to financial services.

And about a quarter of them are involved in some kind of manufacturing or engineering.

A lot of people think that industry is a thing of the past, that it's all about the service sector now.

But these fast-growing, dynamic innovative companies show that Britain still has a real future in skilled manufacturing.

And that's great to see.

For all that diversity, there are a few common threads linking these firms together.

One of those is their commitment to innovation and investment.

That's what makes the difference in achieving such high growth returns year-on-year.

And that's something the government, and my department in particular, are really serious about supporting.

Last summer, you may have seen, we launched a plan called 'Fixing the foundations'.

It's our cross-government plan for increasing productivity right across the economy.

Our vision for increasing long-term investment in people, capital and ideas, and making markets more dynamic.

That includes everything from increasing the quality and quantity of apprenticeships, to reforming the planning system, to changing the way the government supports growing companies who want to export.

But that's not all.

With the right support, the inspired ideas of today can become the businesses of tomorrow.

So, at the Spending Review, the Chancellor announced an investment of almost £7 billion as part of the national science capital commitment.

He also protected today's annual £4.7 billion resource funding in real terms.

Together, this underlines our commitment to keeping the UK a world leader in science and research.

We have also created Catapult centres that help business and researchers turn great ideas into commercial reality.

They cover 11 new and emerging technologies in areas where there are world-leading research capabilities in the UK.

Building on this, we'll shortly be publishing a National Innovation Plan to ensure the UK remains an international beacon for bright ideas.

The plan will bring together ideas, levers and investment from across government, so we can create the right conditions for businesses to innovate and grow.

Of course, as Anthony Browne from the BBA says in today's report, ambitious companies need finance in order to grow.

Banks provide a lot of that.

But bank lending isn't the only way to go for innovative SMEs.

So I'd like to pay tribute to the UK's Angel, Venture Capital and Public Market investor community for the role they are playing in helping innovative companies to start up and scale up.

Xavier and his team here at the LSE are also doing a lot to help strengthen the equity ladder, with the AIM, the High Growth Segment, and the ELITE Programme.

You're giving innovative businesses access to both finance and expertise, and that should be applauded.

And I'm pleased to say the government is doing its bit too.

The British Business Bank is working alongside private lenders and investors to support a large number of innovative companies.

It's part of our ambition – my ambition – to make the UK the best place in the world to start and grow a business.

That's why all the specific support for innovative SMEs I've talked about today is underpinned by a passionate understanding of and support for businesses of all shapes and sizes.

We've slashed £10 billion of red tape for business, and are committed to cutting another £10 billion by 2020.

We're extending the doubling of small business rate relief until 2017.

We're cutting corporation tax to the lowest level of any major economy.

We've lifted hundreds of thousands of businesses out of Employer National Insurance Contributions.

We've set the highest ever permanent level for the annual investment allowance.

We've got R&D tax credits, the Patent Box and Entrepreneur's Relief.

We've got tax schemes like the Enterprise Investment Scheme to encourage individuals to invest in small growth companies.

And the Enterprise Bill, currently before Parliament, will create a new Small Business Commissioner to give SMEs a stronger voice.

I was at Davos last month, where all the talk was of a future in which successful companies would be lean, agile, innovative and fast-growing.

Well, when I look in this report and look around this room that's exactly what I see.

That means you are the future not just of British business, but of the global economy.

It's a big weight to bear, but I'm sure you can take it.

The work you're doing really is inspiring.

And I'm very pleased to say that you've got a Business Secretary and a government that's going to support you every step of the way.

Thank you.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/320320 2016-02-05T15:00:59+00:00 2016-02-05T15:00:59+00:00 Speech: "A shared taste for the sea": why Britain's young people need both opportunity and inspiration Sajid Javid tells the UpRising gala dinner about the people who changed his life, and how we can all help others find the same inspiration.

I've had the privilege to live and work in different countries and cultures all around the world.

And I'm not exaggerating or being trite when I say that the UK is, by far, the best.

It's the most open, the most tolerant, the most diverse in every way.

My parents had very little when they left Pakistan for Britain.

This nation has given them so much.

It gave them a place to start again.

The opportunity to work hard and be rewarded for it.

The chance to make good on that most basic of ambitions.

To secure for your children a better, more comfortable life than your own.

So I have a lot of love for my country, and I never take it for granted.

But I'm not blind to reality.

I know things are far from perfect.

That the playing field is far from level.

And that equality before the law, equality on paper, does not guarantee fairness in the real world.

I first noticed it when I was a kid, in a Bristol playground, when I saw that people who looked like me were treated differently by some people.

Called different names, told different things, presented with different expectations.

Today, 40-odd years later, it's impossible to deny that our tolerant, diverse, open society still has a long way to go.

Just look at the statistics.

Only 6% of MPs are from ethnic minority backgrounds, compared to 14% of the people they serve.

More than half of FTSE 100 CEOs went to private schools, even though only 7% of Britons do.

Not even a third of Britain's local councillors are women.

Young black men are more likely to be in prison than in a top university.

And if they do make it into higher education, they can expect to earn 23% less than their white counterparts after graduating.

The first Race Relations Act was passed 4 years before I was even born.

But after half a century of equal opportunities legislation, race, class and gender still play an immeasurable role in people's life chances.

And even if we could click our fingers and eliminate, overnight, all the explicit and unconscious bias in society, it wouldn't be enough.

So much in our society depends on networks, on experience and on expectations.

On knowing people who have been there and done that.

On having someone pushing you in the right direction, telling you what is possible rather than what's not.

It's the kind of support that many people in this country take for granted.

But for too many of us, it is still sadly lacking.

And that's why UpRising is so important.

Because it creates those networks.

It provides the mentors that more privileged individuals have always had access to.

It gives young people a positive message, the support and encouragement that has too often been denied them because of who they are or where they come from.

Above all, it gives them the confidence to go out there and fulfil their potential.

To follow their dreams rather than limit them.

And that's not just morally sound, it makes good economic sense.

As Business Secretary I know that the job descriptions of tomorrow have yet to be written.

But I do know for sure that, if Britain is going to remain competitive, we will need our workforce to be diverse, innovative, flexible and mobile.

And that's a perfect description of UpRising's alumni.

I've been particularly impressed by the Emerging Leaders Network (ELN).

It reflects, far better than the House of Commons or the City boardroom, what modern Britain is all about.

And I was delighted to hear that many ELN members have set up their own companies.

A nice boost for the long term economic plan!

So I'd recommend to any aspiring young leader that they become a part of this network.

And I'd urge all the organisations here tonight to support it.

Because I know what a difference it can make when you find the right champion, the right mentor, the right inspiration at the right time.

I know it because I was lucky enough to find 3 of them myself.

I was born in Rochdale, but I grew up in Bristol in a place called Stapleton Road.

A tabloid newspaper - one based in a tower just over there! - once dubbed it "Junkie Street".

They said it was the most dangerous road in Britain, "a moral cesspit".

So when I was doing my O-levels and thinking about what to do next, my school was very clear.

I should leave at 16 and go get a low-paid, low-skilled job.

Not because it was the best thing for me, or because I wasn't clever enough to do A-levels.

But because that's what kids from Stapleton Road did.

We didn't do A-levels.

We didn't go to university.

We certainly didn't set our sights on the FTSE 100 boardroom or the green benches of Westminster.

In the end I had to change school in order to be allowed to carry on with my studies.

And it was at my new school, the brilliant Filton Technical College, where I met the first of my great mentors.

A guy named Stan.

Stan taught economics, and he was great at it.

But he didn't just teach.

He inspired.

People raised eyebrows when I announced I was thinking of going to university.

Voices all around me were saying I should quit while I was ahead.

Leave school at 18 and get a job in an office somewhere.

They said there was no point applying to university, I'd only be disappointed and dejected when I got turned down.

That people like me didn't go into higher education.

Not Stan.

He encouraged me, he supported me, he wrote me references.

Above all he made me believe in myself, gave me the confidence to apply and to succeed.

So, thanks to Stan, when I was 18 I packed my bags and headed off to university.

The first Javid to ever do so.

And that was my first great UpRising.

I loved Exeter University, thrived there.

I made good friends, lifelong friends.

I studied hard, I had fun, I learned more about myself and more about the world.

But after nearly 3 years, when I started thinking about what to do next, the naysayers surfaced once again.

I'd become fascinated by international finance…

I wanted to go to London and work for one of the big city banks.

And people told me not to:

"Don't bother applying Saj…"

"People like you don't work in the Square Mile…"

"You'll only be disappointed…"

And in many ways they were right.

I applied to all 5 of the major British merchant banks.

I was rejected by every single one!

I remember an interview at Rothschilds, I was full of excitement.

I walked into the room, and was faced with a panel of 7 old, white men in pin stripe suits.

It was the living, breathing embodiment of the old boys' network!

One of the first questions they asked - after whether I'd gone to a private of state school - was what my father did for a living.

So I said "He used to drive a bus, now he runs a little shop selling women's clothes".

The panel didn't so much answer as make a noise: "Ewww…."

And at that point I realised I probably wasn't going to get the job!

Fortunately there were some more enlightened minds around, and I got a job with Chase Manhattan on Wall Street.

It was a brilliant place to work, mostly because of my boss, an American woman named Cindy.

And she was my second mentor, the next person I have to thank.

She showed me the ropes, she invested a huge amount of time in my career.

She wanted me to do well and she made sure I did.

When people ask how I got to be a vice-president of Chase Manhattan at the age of 25, I can answer with 3 words: "Because of Cindy".

So that was my second great inspiration, and my second great UpRising.

Now I'd always loved politics, I have my dad to thank for that.

And by 2005 I was thinking about switching careers.

About becoming an MP.

A Conservative MP.

And yet again those voices came whispering back.

"It's the Conservatives, Saj, they're the whiter than white party…"

"They've been around since 1834, they've only got two BME MPs and have never had a single Muslim one…"

"People like you don't get selected…"

"Know your limits, don't overreach, you'll only be disappointed."

By now I was getting used to ignoring such advice!

I found a wonderful association in wonderful constituency.

And in May 2010 I had the honour of becoming the Member of Parliament for Bromsgrove.

A constituency that's more than 95% white!

I was as shocked as anyone!

I remember driving home after the count, I turned to my wife and said "Laura, in your wildest dreams did you ever think I'd actually become an MP?"

And she looked at me and said: "Darling, you're not in my wildest dreams."

Received wisdom for new MPs says you should keep your head down, learn the ropes, find your way around.

Park any thoughts of promotion until you've clocked up a couple of terms on the back benches.

And the usual suspects were there once again, warning that people like me shouldn't be too ambitious.

But the third person I have to thank saw things differently.

You might have heard of this one, he's called George.

George Osborne.

He gave me my first real break in government when, in 2011, he invited me to become his Parliamentary Private Secretary.

A year later I joined his ministerial team at the Treasury.

And I continued working with him right up until I joined the Cabinet in 2014.

So he was responsible for my third great UpRising.

I'm still in touch with Cindy, I saw her last year.

I don't know what Stan's doing now, or even if he's still with us.

If anyone at Filton knows where he is I'd love to thank him in person.

And as for George… I hear he's doing quite well!

I can honestly say that if I hadn't stumbled across Stan, Cindy and George when I did, I wouldn't be standing here today.

And I am absolutely committed to making sure that the next generation don't have to rely on being that lucky.

Now I know the world of politics is a pretty partisan place at present.

The dividing lines between right and left are starker than they've been for some time.

And it's certainly not fashionable for an MP to praise a member of the other team.

But you know what?

Some things are bigger than party loyalty.

That's why I cannot praise Rushanara Ali highly enough for her work with UpRising.

Rushanara, thank you so much, what you're doing is just incredible.

And that's why I was delighted to see the Prime Minister recruiting David Lammy to lead a review of perceived racial bias in the criminal justice system.

Last weekend you will also have heard the Prime Minister saying that he wants to tear down barriers of race, class and gender at our top universities.

In 2014 just 27 black students entered Oxford University out of an intake of more than 2,500.

And only 1 in 10 of the poorest white working class boys enter higher education.

That's why we're introducing a new transparency duty for universities.

It will highlight those universities where representation of ethnic minorities and those from disadvantaged groups are low.

And it will help schools, colleges and higher education institutions identify where more work needs to be done.

Of course, such challenges aren't limited to the education system.

So tonight I can announce that we've asked Baroness McGregor-Smith - Ruby to her friends! - to lead a review of the issues faced by businesses in developing BME talent, all the way up to executive level.

Ruby has been there and done that.

Born in Northern India, raised in West London, she has worked her way up to become CEO of a £2 billion company.

She's seen for herself the challenges that young BME people face.

She knows all too well how your background can be a barrier in too many workplaces.

And she's shown us all how it's possible for an Asian woman to succeed in modern Britain.

Ruby is an inspiration, a role model, and I wish her all the very best.

Because we have a claim to be the most successful multiracial, multifaith democracy on earth.

But our success isn't enough if there are young people who don't feel like there's a fair chance for them.

Take that guy in the video we just saw.

He could see the towers of Canary Wharf looming over his estate.

But they may as well be on a different planet for all the contact he had with the people who worked inside them.

You shouldn't look at people like me or Rushanara or Ruby and say it's amazing that we've succeed in spite of our backgrounds.

You should be asking why more people with our backgrounds haven't made it this far.

Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, author of the Little Prince, once wrote that:

Building a boat isn't about weaving canvas, forging nails, or reading the sky.

It's about giving a shared taste for the sea.

We can ban discrimination.

We can pass legislation.

We can guarantee equal rights.

But that alone is not enough.

If we're going to deliver the true equality that Britain's disadvantaged young people deserve, we can't just open the doors.

We have to let them know they are open.

We have to give them the confidence and the means to compete with their more privileged peers.

We have to give them a shared taste for the sea.

So I applaud the work being done by UpRising to make that happen.

And I'd urge everyone here tonight, and everyone across the country, whatever their politics, to play their part in making the UK a fairer, more equal place.

One where everyone can find their own Stans and Cindys.

One where what you can do matters more than what you look like.

Where everyone has the chance to experience their own UpRising.

Because the UK is the best country on earth, and its young people deserve no less.

Thank you.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/319193 2016-01-27T21:00:11+00:00 2016-01-27T21:00:11+00:00 Speech: Making Britain the best place in the world for science Science Minister Jo Johnson gives the Campaign for Science and Engineering (CaSE) annual lecture.

It's a pleasure to be speaking to the Campaign for Science and Engineering in this, your thirtieth year. That's 30 years since Save British Science was formed. Three decades of campaigning on behalf of Britain's science and engineering community. And 3 decades holding ministers like me to account!

You, like others, told us that science was vital. And we didn't disagree on that point. We have a Chancellor who lives in lab coats and high vis jackets and the Spending Review was the clearest signal yet that science and innovation sit at the very heart of this government's economic plan. This evening, I want to start by setting out in a bit more detail what that science settlement means.

A world-leader in science and engineering

First though I want to throw your minds back to December 15 last year. I know where I was. Counting Tim Peake down to blast off at the Science Museum, along with 3,000 schoolchildren waving Union Flags, their young minds fired by the magic of space and the power of science.

It's a phenomenon I've seen time and again, as I've travelled the country, learning about our extraordinary research base.

It's been a privilege to break ground at brand new facilities, to open new labs, and to meet the Nobel prize winners and the research teams keeping British science on the map.

In Manchester, I held a jar of liquid graphene, a substance which promises to revolutionise materials and how we use them.

In Wales, I saw the 5 millionth Raspberry Pi roll off the production line. These tiny computers, made in a technology park west of Cardiff, are spreading the benefits of the digital revolution to the furthest parts of the globe.

And on board the Royal Research Ship Discovery, I announced the winning bidder for our brand new £200 million polar research ship. Tonne-for-tonne, the UK will soon have the most advanced floating research fleet of any country in the world.

Our global scientific impact far exceeds our size as a nation. With just 3.2% of the world's R&D spend, the UK accounts for 16% of the most highly-cited research articles.

And we've overtaken the US to rank first among comparable research nations for field weighted citations impact.

Last night, over supper in Amsterdam at the Competitveness Council, I asked Bill Gates what his assessment was of the UK science base. We were sitting around a table, along with the Commissioner for Research, Science and Innovation, and the science ministers of a number of other EU countries.

Unfortunately, the Chatham House rules of the dinner prevent me from repeating his answer, but I can tell you this: it made me unbelievably proud of all the work you do.

Our scientists and engineers truly stand tall on the world's stage. And this government wants the next generation - all the young people across the country who were watching Tim Peake leave Baikonur that day - to be in a position to build on your legacy.

A decade of protection for science

Because of the difficult decisions we have taken elsewhere in government spending, we have been able to prioritise investment in science and research.

The commitments from the Chancellor in the Spending Review could not have been clearer. We are protecting science resource funding in real terms, at its current level of £4.7 billion, for the rest of the Parliament. At the same time, we are investing in new scientific infrastructure on a record scale - delivering on the £6.9 billion science capital commitment in our manifesto.

That means total investment £30.4 billion to 2020, building on the protections for the science budget in the last Parliament. That's a decade of protection, and a decade of sustained investment by this government. And all this in the context of significant savings in other areas of expenditure, a clear sign of the place of science in our decision-making.

Best place to innovate

A stable funding environment is a start, but it's not the end of the process. I'm not the first Science Minister to urge closer partnerships between the research base and industry, or to call for greater efforts on collaboration.

Our universities are already extending their work with charities and industry. In 2013 to 2014, they earned nearly £4 billion from working with businesses and others, up 20% on 2010. And in last year's productivity plan, we set out our ambition to increase this income to £5 billion per year by 2025.

This collaboration is important because innovation is a shared endeavour. As we set out in our manifesto, we want Britain to be the best place in Europe to innovate and we will be setting out the support the government will be providing to help innovative businesses to flourish in a national innovation plan.

Our R&D tax credit now supports 80% of all business investment in R&D. In 2013 to 2014 over 18,000 companies used the schemes, claiming a total of £1.75 billion. This is a 78% increase in the companies claiming tax credits and a 58% increase in funding provided against 2010 to 2011.

Of course, government does not create innovation; it's the scientists and engineers, the designers and the entrepreneurs who make it happen. But government can be a catalyst. Currently, every £1 of government spending on research leverages an estimated additional £1.36 of private funding. And for every £1 spent by the government on R&D, private sector productivity rises by 20p per year in perpetuity.

Getting the business environment right is key. The fiscal incentives we provide for research is the government's single biggest source of business R&D support.

But, as a country, we can't stand still. Our international competitors are continuing to innovate and develop new ways to support firms.

We're looking carefully at what our partners in France, Finland and the Netherlands are doing, ensuring we have a range of financial instruments to support innovation.

At the Spending Review, we committed to protect the funding we provide through Innovate UK over this Parliament. This will include up to £165 million per year through new innovation finance products. With this funding our innovation offer will now span grants through to new financial instruments. These will support innovation and ensure the taxpayer can share in the success new ventures.

Alongside the finance, we're providing the essential innovation infrastructure to help bring businesses and the research base closer together. We're not just protecting the Catapult network, but expanding the programme to support growth in the high-tech sectors where Britain excels.

Earlier this month, the Chancellor announced our first Catapult in Wales. This will focus on the compound semiconductors that will underpin the next-generation of advanced electronics.

This joins 10 other Catapults that span the life sciences, satellite applications, energy, digital industries and high-value manufacturing. The Catapults will receive total public and private investment in excess of £1.6 billion over their first 5 years of operation. This is shared infrastructure that businesses on their own simply could not afford - and yet another example of the way we are supporting collaboration across the research base.

Science budget allocations

While we're building new infrastructure, we are also ensuring we get the best return on our investments.

Sir Paul Nurse set out his plan to bring together the 7 Research Councils under the banner of Research UK, and as the Chancellor confirmed in the Spending Review the government is now moving forward with these recommendations.

Many of you will want to know that we're preserving what works well, and building a stronger base for the future.

We have made clear our commitment to retaining the dual support system and the Haldane principle. These are vital characteristics of our research base. They protect curiosity-driven research that has underpinned so many serendipitous discoveries, and they ensure scientists are in the driving seat when it comes to assessing specific projects.

But there is also an opportunity, as set out in the Nurse review:

to free up scientific leadership to focus on the research

to reduce the duplication between funding bodies

to improve support for multi-disciplinary research

and to respond much more effectively to major global challenges - such as Ebola .

We fully recognise the importance of retaining strong leadership in individual discipline areas, and that will remain. The idea set out in the Nurse review was "one university, multiple faculties". We are also clear that any inclusion of Innovate UK as part of Research UK must be done in a way which protects the ring-fence and Innovate UK's business-facing focus.

But as we protect science and research funding we must also ensure on behalf of the taxpayers that we're getting best possible return on investment. The Nurse review is part of that, and I'm also grateful to Lord Sterne for agreeing to review the Research Excellence Framework. He will be looking carefully at how funding could be allocated more efficiently; offers greater rewards for excellent research; and reduces the administrative burden on institutions.

In the meantime, we are working with the Research Councils and other delivery partners to agree the detailed allocations of the science budget.

Our intention is to formally allocate budgets to individual funding bodies by mid-February. The whole research community will then have the opportunity to feed in to Research Council and Innovate UK delivery plans towards 2020.

Global challenges

In this round of allocations, we have a unique addition in the form of the Global Challenges Research Fund. That's £1.5 billion extra for the science budget by 2021 - additional funding that will help us stay at the forefront of global research.

This is a unique opportunity for UK academics to work with partners around the world and at the same time to address some of the biggest challenges of our time - it's an opportunity for a double win.

The additional funding is possible because of 2 commitments set out by this government: to protect science and to protect overseas development assistance.

This new Official Development Assistance funding will enable us to build on the success of the existing Newton Fund, which since its launch in April 2014 has already galvanised academic partnerships in 15 countries across 4 continents.

I am pleased to confirm the expansion of the Newton Fund to £150 million a year by 2021. This means a total Newton Fund investment of three-quarters of a billion pounds, in addition to the £1.5 billion for the Global Challenges Research Fund.

With this investment, we will ensure Britain remains a scientific powerhouse in the years to come.

'STEM capital'

None of this would be possible without a healthy supply of talented young scientists and engineers.

There have been positive signs recently. Apprenticeship starts in engineering and manufacturing technologies shot up by 52% between 2010 and 2014. Last year saw a 30% increase in the number of young people studying computing at A-Level. And this year saw the number of acceptances for STEM undergraduate degrees jump 5% on last year.

But I know from personal experience that a lack of 'science capital' in a family can pass through the generations. One of the reasons I didn't major in science is that I was clearly better at other subjects. But I strongly suspect there was another issue at play: members of my immediate family have scarcely a science O-Level to rub between them. My father's strong view was that history, which I loved, was basically a subject you could do in the bath, and that the best thing by far and away was to study classics.

Tackling deficiencies in STEM capital is not a job for government alone. I am discussing with Nick Gibb, our brilliant schools minister, how we can best help pupils that lack 'STEM capital' and may need extra encouragement.

Bill Bryson, as ever, captured it well. Writing about his dissatisfaction with his own level of scientific knowledge, he remembered the school science books that seemed to "keep all of the good stuff secret", making the contents "soberly unfathomable."

We have come a long way in the last decade in mainstreaming science, thanks in no small part to stars such as Brian Cox and Jim Al-Khalili and the important work of organisations like Science Grrl.

But cracking this is a whole country effort, and there is much more to do.

Science and Discovery Centres around the country play an important role, offering schools and families a hands-on experience that brings science to life. So I'm pleased to announce that we are partnering with the Wellcome Trust to set up a £30 million Inspiring Science Capital Fund to support these centres for the rest of this Parliament. This will be a competitive fund that centres can bid into ensuring these hands-on experiences are accessible to young people to the end of the decade.

This fund complements our wider support for 'STEM inspiration' programmes, including the CREST awards, the National Science and Engineering competition and, of course, STEM Ambassadors, a network of 31,000 people from science, engineering and academia.

Indeed, we're taking this so seriously Britain even has a STEM ambassador currently orbiting the earth!

Best in Europe, best in the world

So we have the investment, the infrastructure and the people.

But to keep our knowledge factories winning Nobel Prizes, and attracting the best minds, we need to recognise that research these days is rarely a solitary undertaking, or even a narrowly national one. It is about partnerships.

The scientists and engineers that I meet, and the innovative start-ups that spin out from their universities, are usually part of a wider international endeavour. Their work often demands intellect, insight and investment no one country could provide.

Around half of all UK research publications involve collaborations with other countries. Papers involving international collaboration have almost twice the citation impact of those produced by a single UK author. And EU countries are among our most crucial partners, representing nearly 50% of all our overseas collaborators .

Indeed, our links with Europe are deep and longstanding. Free movement of people makes it easier for our universities to attract the best talent, and for British students to spread their wings across the continent, as I was able to do as a student at institutions in France and Belgium. Over 125,000 EU students are studying at UK universities, and over 200,000 British students have ventured overseas on the Erasmus exchange programme (UUK). I want many more to have the opportunities to study overseas that I enjoyed.

European research funding is, in many ways, an example of how the EU can get it right. While applying for funds must become simpler, especially for smaller firms, the key thing is that we have successfully argued for research money only to flow to where the best science is done, regardless of geography, regardless of political pressure.

Because of the excellence of our research base, it is no surprise that the UK is one of the most successful players in EU research programmes. The UK received €7 billion under the last framework programme (2007 to 2013). That made us one of the largest beneficiaries of EU research funding. In this funding round, Horizon 2020, we have secured 15.4% of funds, behind only Germany on 16.5%, and with the second largest number of project participations .

Some will make the point that non-EU countries also benefit from EU Research programme - Norway, Turkey and Israel, for example. But there is a fundamental difference. While some non-EU countries are part of the European Research Area, and sit on the European Research Area Committee, they don't get a seat at the table when the Ministerial Council or the Parliament are setting the rules or deciding the budgets. Even those international bodies, like the European Space Agency, which sit outside of the EU, benefit from close institutional links. Around 20% of ESA funding comes directly from EU space programmes.

Of course, we cannot be starry eyed. There is a real need for reform, and the Prime Minister is fighting hard to fix aspects of our EU membership that cause frustration to many people. We need protections for those outside the Eurozone. More focus on competitiveness, to help create jobs. We need to take Britain out of "ever closer union" with more power for our Parliament, and we need to control immigration – so that "freedom of movement", as the Prime Minister has said, means freedom to work and study, not claim benefits.

No one doubts Britain could stay a science player outside of the EU – indeed some of our universities have been successful for longer than many of its member states have even existed. But the risks to valuable institutional partnerships, to flows of bright students and to a rich source of science funding mean the Leave campaign has serious questions to answer.

While there is nothing in our EU membership that limits our ability to work with other countries, the onus is now on those who want to leave the EU come what may to explain how they would sustain current levels of investment and collaboration under very different circumstances.

As science becomes more international, we should nurture partnerships, not reject them. In the end, the British people will decide whether we are safer, stronger and better off as part of the EU, but our future security as a knowledge economy hinges on this decision.

Conclusion

This willingness to embrace global collaboration has been a central pillar of Britain's proud scientific legacy.

And this government has shown its commitment to extending that legacy well into the future.

The Spending Review confirmed a decade of investment in our science and research base.

We have the tools.

We have the people.

We have the ambition.

Together, we will make Britain the best place in the world for science, engineering and innovation.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/319007 2016-01-22T16:44:00+00:00 2016-01-22T16:44:00+00:00 Speech: The power of brands Baroness Neville-Rolfe talks about the power of brands at the Lewis Silkin Brand Academy.

Thank you Simon for your kind words of introduction.

Many people don't know that I began my career in the Civil Service. One of my most interesting posts in the service was when I worked as private secretary to John Silkin MP, then the Minister of Agriculture. He was a senior partner at Lewis Silkin, which had been founded by his father after whom the firm was named. John Silkin became the godfather to my eldest son, so it is a particular pleasure for me to be here with you all tonight.

The question that you've posed is whether the power of brands is an opportunity or a threat.

There can be little doubt over the question's assumption that brands are powerful.

I met with a major British fashion house recently and we discussed the proportion of their company's value that was in their brand and its IP.

How much do you think they said? Hands up if you think it was more than 25%? 50%? 75%? It was in fact up to 90%. Ninety per cent of their company's value was concentrated in their brand. Brands are important because they allow products to gain recognition, including international recognition.

Inevitably this leaves them vulnerable to threats. Certainly, counterfeiters are a major concern.

The need to protect brands was one of the reasons why the 2015 Conservative manifesto included a pledge to make the UK the best place in Europe to innovate your products, patent your new ideas, and grow your businesses.

The Intellectual Property Office has today published its new strategy. One of the things it sets out is how we will support this through education and respect for IP.

I know from my experience as a businesswoman at Tesco, ITV and PWC how valuable strong brands are to businesses.

Research suggests companies that invest in branding experience more growth, create more jobs and pay higher wages.

But a strong brand is difficult to maintain. It not only sets the scene for customers, but also makes implicit promises. Without keeping the trust and adhering to the values of your customers, brand loyalty will wane.

So this evening I would like to talk to you about 3 components of branding that I believe are vital: enforcement, international connectivity and a robust legislative framework.

Enforcement and supporting brands

IP crime is challenging, particularly in the online world. I have therefore been pleased to see the breadth and variety of enforcement activities over the last year, by brand owners, the government, enforcement agencies and through us all working together. Last year's IP crime report 2014 to 2015 highlighted a number of specific achievements.

The Police Intellectual Property Crime Unit (PIPCU) diverted 11 million views of pirate websites to an official police warning page and seized counterfeit goods worth £3 million.

PIPCU is so effective because it brings together a partnership of enforcement agents and businesses.

It's this partnership that allowed it to also suspend nearly 3,500 rogue websites selling fake luxury goods.

PIPCU is well regarded internationally. When I was in Washington earlier this month, Danni Marti the White House Intellectual Property Enforcement Coordinator, told me that it is 'widely applauded by US business'.

On top of this, the National Market Group's Real Deal initiative, now involving around 400 markets, led to the seizure of more than 30,000 counterfeit items. And this week we announced a new initiative by Manchester Police, who will draw on PIPCU good practice so that Cheetham Hill, with its textile heritage and organised crime network, no longer provides a counterfeit warehouse for Britain's local online businesses - costing reputable brand owners and retailers a fortune and endangering the public.

We need to keep working together in fighting piracy and I am pleased to see that, thanks to your hard work, courts now require ISPs to block access to infringing websites.

As another part of our approach to crackdown on brand, design and copyright theft, I am also working with the advertising sector and search engines to ensure consumers can easily access legitimate content at the right price. This should help to dry up the income of illegitimate retailers.

International dimension

I know that trading overseas still presents problems where IP needs to be protected.

In this context China is especially important. In 2014 I visited China with the largest ever IP delegation from the UK and last year I was delighted to open the UK-China IP Symposium in London during their president's state visit. Indeed, several businesses here tonight took part, including BT, Pentland and Unilever.

Through this visit, we managed to broker an agreement with Alibaba, which has led to the removal of £8 million worth of counterfeit UK goods from their platforms.

This is a good start. We all hope that the UK-China relationship will continue to develop positively especially as regards IP. It is an important market for our brands despite the recent slowdown.

The IP framework

I believe that a strong IP system that protects brands is key to encouraging innovation, delivering continued economic growth and creating jobs.

Our trade mark systems function well. The time from filing the application to first examination at the UK IPO standardly takes 9 to 10 days. But we know we can do better to improve the trade mark system for users.

Recent EU legislative reforms will improve things further – making the process for trade mark protection easier, cheaper and clearer.

These reforms will also allow customs authorities to seize infringing packages. We are aiming thus to cut off counterfeit goods at the source. A balanced approach is, of course, vital and I am pleased that we secured safeguards to minimise any adverse impact on legitimate trade.

We will be consulting on how best to implement these changes – including the provision on goods in transit as we update the Trade Marks Act.

But many different IP rights go into creating strong brands. Brands are more than 'just' a trade mark. Brands must not forget about designs.

It's well known that the design industry plays to British strengths. Undergraduate enrolment for creative arts and design courses grew at 4% last year – the fastest rate of any subject area. Our creative industries are a strong growth driver. They accounted for 1.8 million jobs in 2014. That's one out of every 17 jobs in the country and up 5% on 2013.

The Design Council estimated that, in 2013, design generated over £70 billion in gross value added. That's 7% of total GVA. Design turnover increased by almost 20% between 2009 and 2013 and design-influenced exports grew by more than 50%.

But registration levels for designs are generally lower than other IP rights, so the government has been working hard to make the design framework simpler and cheaper so that businesses can make the right choice for their business model.

We have consulted on the UK's accession to the Geneva Act of the Hague Agreement on Designs, which will enable designers to register up to 100 designs in more than 64 territories through a single international application.

In last week's government response, there was strong support for the proposal and we will now continue with our plans to join towards the end of this year.

We are also reviewing the design rules and consulting on levels of registered design fees – to make sure they meet the current and future needs of customers. The cost of renewing a design for the maximum 25 year period is coming down by over 60%.

Working with brands: remaining challenges

Of course, as with any part of government, our brands work is not without its challenges.

You will be aware that the report on the enforcement of the Consumer Protection from Unfair Trading Regulations 2008 – also known as 'the look-a-like report' - was published in October. I know some of you will have been disappointed by the decision not to give businesses a power to seek civil injunctions against look-a-like packaging. I hope you will accept that the report took a comprehensive view of the arguments, and that we carefully considered the issues before making our decision.

What the decision emphatically does not mean is that we somehow do not recognise the importance of brands. Nor do we underplay the need for effective enforcement. That is why, in 2014, we amended the regulations to give consumers a new private right to bring their own civil actions. This makes it simpler for consumers to enforce their rights when they have been a victim of a misleading commercial practice.

It is important that Trading Standards officials are aware of the routes for enforcement through the IP framework.

We will be pioneering regional events focusing on IP with a specific case study on look-a-like packaging. This is a step change in our relationship with Trading Standards and great news for brands who suffer from look-a-likes and counterfeits.

I know that British Brands Group has kindly agreed to work with IPO officials on putting together material for the training courses and I am very grateful for their assistance in this important work. I'm pleased to see that John Noble, Director of British Brands Group, was on the panel tonight. I trust that it was a lively discussion.

Conclusion

The UK is rightly proud to create and host some of the world's most powerful and trusted brands.

While this brings some threats, these are outweighed by the far greater opportunities that powerful brands offer.

These opportunities are there for you to take. Our challenge is to continue to deliver on our manifesto pledge to make the UK the best place in Europe to innovate, patent new ideas and grow a business while reducing the threats from civil infringement and criminal elements.

Achieving this will allow you to harness the enormous international potential of your brands. This is good for business, good for consumers and good for the economy.

We have already achieved so much. I value the relationships we have forged and am excited by the prospect of what more we can do – together.

Ladies and gentleman, thank you for listening.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/315187 2015-12-09T10:13:07+00:00 2015-12-09T10:13:07+00:00 Speech: Digital economy, intellectual property and small business Baroness Neville-Rolfe talks at Politeia about the importance of the digital economy and intellectual property.

I am very glad to be here today, and my thanks to Politeia for hosting this great event.

Today I am going to be talking about the importance of the digital economy and intellectual property; the government's commitment to this area; some of our past successes; and the challenges that we face in the future.

The advance of the digital function

Even a few years ago digital matters impacted on most people via the actions of special companies and products, which were quite distinct from most things that they experienced in life. Digital was, as it were, an addition to normal life.

This is becoming ever less true. There are still special firms and products which deal with what might be called digital matters. But much else - perhaps most else - now has a digital component. As one trivial example I was fascinated earlier in the year to be shown a production process for washing machines in northern England - the only production of washing machines in the UK I was told.

The most important part of these machines was what I call the computer part. This is very sophisticated and allows, at least in theory, processes to be amended after the machine has been built and sold.

I fully appreciate that all this is old hat to all of you and that what I have said constitutes nothing remarkable.

That is quite true but I suspect there are many people who have not grasped that fact - or at least have only grasped a part of the story and have not realised the larger picture. We all have a responsibility to educate - in the widest sense of educate - others in this truth. Typically we cannot do so here because everyone is in on the secret!

In any event the companies in this digital world are pivotal to the UK economy and indeed to continued small business creation and growth. I ought to add, that government realises this very well.

We made this clear in the Autumn Statement. We are, for example, investing £1.8 billion in digital technology and transformation projects across the public sector over the next 4 years.

We have also established the concept of 'Digital Catapults' – these help our SMEs to innovate speedily and with minimum risk, so that new digital products and services can be accelerated to market.

The Digital Catapult in Kings Cross was opened by my ministerial colleague Ed Vaizey, in November. It provides a space for those concerned - academia, technologists and business - to advance their ideas from the concept stage through to commercialisation. It is also the home of the Copyright Hub. The aim of the Copyright Hub is to remove one of the excuses for piracy by making it easy and relatively cheap for potential users to seek and obtain permission to use works subject to copyright.

£33 million has already been invested in a series of city demonstrator Catapult projects in Glasgow, Bristol, London and Peterborough to show what can be achieved by the imaginative use of technologies, and £50 million more will be invested over the next 5 years.

A fundamental part of support for digital is ensuring access to broadband. Today, superfast broadband is available to over 83% of homes and businesses in the UK up from 45% in 2010. This is better than Germany, France, Italy and Spain, but we need to be world leading like Japan and South Korea. I have worked in South Korea and their hard work, obsession with getting a good education and their digital savviness have much to commend them.

The good news here however is that things are getting better and by the end of 2017 superfast broadband will be available to 95% of homes and businesses in the UK. And the Prime Minister has announced a Universal Service Obligation of 10 megabytes from 2020 in recognition of the fact that broadband is in effect now a fourth utility, and a disruptive one at that.

Disruption

Joseph Schumpeter famously described capitalism as an engine of 'creative destruction'. Innovation in goods, products and services creates new markets and destroys old ones. This insight certainly applies to digital, which is every bit as disruptive as power looms in the mills of Lancashire, the railways starting with Stockton to Darlington, and all the other great advances were in their time.

And as in the other cases while the disruption can and does deliver great benefits, it often has a negative impact on existing businesses and individuals.

Digital disruption has, for example, fundamentally altered the way consumers listen to and access music, and old world analogue business models would be unthinkable in today's climate. That has caused businesses to rethink and as I said at the start nearly all businesses now need to do so in the wake of the digital revolution. My quite extensive experience of business is that they often struggle with dealing fast enough with their legacy businesses hurt by new technology. But in general grasping new opportunities is more easily accommodated in to corporate business culture.

On the back of all this, a successful industry has been created. 1.46 million people are employed in digital tech companies in the UK. 50% of these have been formed since 2008, and 15% alone in 2013 to 2014. 98% of these are small businesses. And this will be news to most of you, 3 quarters of digital tech companies are based outside London.

Maintaining an efficient intellectual property (IP) system in the UK

As Minister for Intellectual Property (IP), I am naturally aware of the symbiotic relationship between digital and IP. Innovators must be able to protect and benefit from their IP.

The UK is widely recognised as having a very good IP system by for example the Taylor Wessing's Global IP Index popular with the British IP mafia as it puts us at number 1. And WIPO's innovation index put us at number 2 this year, after Switzerland and well ahead of other economies of our scale and complexity.

But, given the speed of change it is pertinent to ask whether our IP framework is fit for purpose.

Hargreaves review

This question was mostly recently examined by my fellow speaker today, Professor Ian Hargreaves. Broadly, he found that the IP framework was fit for purpose across the majority of IP rights, but amendments were needed to copyright policy.

After an extensive programme of reform and legislation, concluding with the IP Act in October last year, we have made the system more robust, flexible, and, I hope, fit for the challenges of 21st century.

The need with copyright was to make the system more flexible and efficient so that it did not stand in the way of digital innovation, but was still able to meet its central objective of rewarding creators and encouraging creativity.

We did this by making copyright licensing more efficient and by removing copyright regulation from areas where it was unnecessary.

Not all these changes met with universal approval, but I believe most of those affected are reasonably content.

The data mining exception is a good example. There is no doubt that data mining benefits both the economy and individuals. For researchers in particular, data mining is important as it makes it much easier to analyse information and make advances.

But it requires computers to make lots of copies of the works they are analysing, which raises copyright issues. Copyright was never intended to stand in the way of scientific research, which is why we introduced our new data mining exception, which makes it clear that where researchers have permission to access a copyright work, they also have permission to mine it.

The new copyright exception for parody similarly reflects a cultural function that is important to our society. This was also very popular with some of the government's critics - at the Guardian, in the BBC etc. The British sense of humour is almost part of our values.

So to conclude on the changes, our system is in a good place, but the body of work kicked off by the Hargreaves Review serves to remind us that the IP framework will need to be reviewed and refreshed from time to time as the world changes around us.

Digital single market (DSM)

Digital and IP do not just concern us in the UK. We need also to ensure we benefit from Europe's single market.

The UK has long been a strong supporter of the single market, and the extent to which the EU has been able to remove barriers to trade within it has been one of its greatest achievements.

But there are still barriers that need to be tackled, in particular when it comes to the digital environment.

The European Commission has said it wants to address these barriers and complete the digital single market. The UK fully supports them in this goal.

If we get this right, then consumers will enjoy greater choice, lower prices, more mobility and better public services, while businesses will thrive, innovate, drive growth and create jobs.

The issue is urgent; if we do not act now to shape the global digital environment, the EU will increasingly get left behind. Instead we need to take advantage of our potential digital market of 500 million people. 79% of UK consumers sometimes shop online, far more than in other member states and with our large e-commerce and creative industries we are well placed to benefit.

The European Commission's DSM roadmap published in May with 16 broad headings is light on detail, but very comprehensive. It ranges from consumer rules for cross-border shopping to postal services and VAT and from broadcasting services to building trust in digital data.

Tomorrow or even today the first set of Commission proposals on DSM will be published. We are expecting a proposal on portability of online content, and a communication setting out the Commission's future direction of travel.

We expect the portability proposal to focus on ensuring that consumers will have access to their content when they travel temporarily abroad in the EU on holiday or for business.

Most people see no reason why they should not be able to take the iPlayer or Netflix with them when they are away.

I agree with this. In delivering portability, I believe we are demonstrating the benefits the EU can deliver to consumers in the digital world.

We understand the Commission proposes to do this through providing for improved access to cross-border services; greater certainty around copyright exceptions; and clarifying the rules on online intermediaries.

Some of these areas will present us with challenges. For example, better cross-border provision of digital services has potentially many benefits in increasing sales of UK content and reducing incentives for piracy.

But there are also very complex questions attached to this concept. The audio-visual sector in particular has genuine concerns over how changes to licensing rules might affect investment in new content. We are great creators in the UK in television and film with a strong independent sector that needs to flourish and grow. So we are watching this point carefully and engaging with like-minded allies.

We expect the Commission to touch on other equally difficult conundrums – how to introduce EU-wide rules on data mining; on the freedom to photograph buildings in public places; on accessible formats for disabled people; on copyright's interaction with education, research, and culture; on the liability rules governing search engines and internet services providers and their responsibility to help prevent copyright infringement.

In each of these areas, the questions are difficult. And the devil will be in the detail. We want to make sure that copyright does not stand in the way of innovation and new markets; but we also have a responsibility to ensure it continues to reward our creators and creative industries.

Conclusion

Unfortunately we will never be able successfully to predict the next challenge or technological revolution that will come our way.

But we can do our best to ensure that our framework is encouraging growth and innovation, rather than inhibiting them.

While our IP system is adaptable to the needs of the business community we must be alive to the new technological developments that can turn the world on its head.

First and foremost we must view the DSM as a real opportunity to build a flexible, modern and robust framework that supports the UK economy, creates jobs and boosts productivity.

I will leave you by reminding you that producing a system that works must always be a collaborative effort. However good our horizon scanning, governments and the Commission cannot do it alone.

Whether through the process of formal review, or through engagement and collaboration with industry, we need that support to help maintain a vibrant and responsive IP system that serves us all.

Thank you.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/315012 2015-12-07T17:50:00+00:00 2015-12-07T17:50:00+00:00 Speech: PM Speech: This is a government that delivers David Cameron announced plans to expand shared ownership, free hours of childcare and more apprenticeships at a speech in Burton upon Trent.

This is a government that delivers

Prime Minister

Thank you very much for that brief introduction. It's great to be here at the de Ferrers Academy. I've had a look at your amazing wall charts for mapping the performance of every pupil to make sure that nobody gets left behind, to make sure they reach their full potential. And it is always inspiring to come to schools like this that care so much about what you do, have so much enthusiasm, and are serving our young people so well.

But it's seven months to the day since the British people went to the polls at the General Election, and by putting a Conservative majority in power, they gave us an important responsibility: to deliver our commitments for opportunity, stability and security. We set out how we'd do that on the very opening page of our manifesto. When you are young: a place at a good school, like this one. When you leave school: apprenticeships, university places, good jobs. When you're starting out, and starting a family: homes you can buy, help with childcare, lower taxes so you have more money at the end of the month. An NHS that is there for you, wherever, whenever. And when you reach retirement: reward for a life of hard work.

Now a manifesto shouldn't be a wish list, it should be a checklist. And that's why since the election, we haven't been tacking off in the new direction, but marking off the commitments that we made.

And today I want to set out the progress that we're making. I want to go back to that opening page and show that this is a government that delivers, and is accountable as it endeavours to do so. But I also want to explain how, in meeting those pledges, we've been trying to do something else. Not just delivering individual policies, but fundamentally changing the way our country works. Because that's the way, in the end, to genuinely improve people's lives.

One by one, we've taken the tired, old arguments that had been holding our country back; the arguments that, for instance, clogged up our economy, stifled schools, hampered home-ownership, and we've turned those arguments on their head. And in every case, we're changing the way that things are done, because after all, that's what real change is about. Not just introducing different policies, but introducing different mindsets, different approaches. Fundamentally different ways of doing things.

It's that sense of fundamental change which guides our approach to our economy. Because let's be clear, in 2010, when we first came to office, the government was addicted to spending money it didn't have, and borrowing money it couldn't afford. The failed political orthodoxy we inherited was this: that success was measured simply by how much money you throw at something. That politics is somehow a choice between either controlling public spending on the one hand, or protecting public services on the other. Now, of course, money is important. Good public services, like this school, they cost money. But it's money plus efficiency, plus reform, that's what achieves results. And of course, without sound public finances there is no money.

In the past five years, we've turned that old approach on its head. We made consistent arguments, that government living within its means is a means to an end: the economic security of every family in the country. That public services that we rely on, they depend on stable public finances. And that if you're bold with reform, you can deliver more for less. And we've tried to live up to that. Next year the deficit is set to be less than a quarter of what we inherited. By 2020, it will be gone completely. That's right, Britain out of the red, and into the black with a surplus; delivering that foundation stone of our manifesto.

And that strong economy allows us to deliver on our other commitments, those commitments from the first page of the manifesto I referred to. First, security when you're young. Now in our manifesto, we said we'd maintain the amount of money that follows every child into school. And two weeks ago, we did more than that, pledging an annual schools budget of over £40 billion. But as I've said, change, real change in our education system, requires more than just money. It means taking on the failed approaches of the past. The failure to insist on discipline. The dumbing-down of exams. Not recognising the importance of getting the basics right. The idea that only the state can provide free public schools. And tied to that, the idea that local authorities should control those schools.

In the past five years, we've taken on all those arguments, and we tried to set our schools free. We've said to head teachers, 'You control your budget, you decide on discipline policies, you set the ethos and direction of your school, and you manage it as you see fit.' And at the same time, we've said to parents, charities, businesses, 'You can set up new schools in the state sector if you want to.' This academy and free school revolution has swept across our country, and the results have been extraordinary. Some brand new free schools are sending as many children to Oxbridge as private schools. Academies in our most deprived boroughs are getting some of the best results in the country. Schools where previously only a fifth of pupils got five good A to Cs at GCSE are now seeing two thirds reach that benchmark.

A million more children are learning in 'good' or 'outstanding' schools compared with when I became Prime Minister. But over the next five years, we want to go further and faster. We promised 500 new free schools in our manifesto, and since May we've opened 52 of them. We've also opened over 350 more academies, and yes, we have a new ambition: to make local authorities running schools a thing of the past. And while we're doing that, we'll take on another old failed argument; one that is perhaps more pernicious.

For a long time, the message has effectively been: as long as we're giving children an 'okay' education, and the school isn't actually failing, then that's somehow good enough. I say, 'no'. Education is about fulfilling a child's true potential, not just avoiding failure. These are children's lives we're talking about. They only get one go at childhood, and it shapes the rest of their days. So a school that does just enough is not good enough, not for anyone.

So I'm announcing today how we'll crack down on that dangerous tolerance of mediocrity. In our manifesto, we didn't only set out how failing schools would be taken over by new leadership; we said that coasting schools would be taken over too. And today we're saying that we will extend that to academies as well, so that potentially thousands more pupils are given the chances that they deserve. Yes, this is zero-tolerance of failure, but more to the point, it is zero-tolerance of mediocrity. A government that delivers.

Second: security when you leave school. Now we have a very clear view, that to give young people a good start in life, they should have the choice of an apprenticeship, or a university place when they leave school. Now to do this, we've had to take on two arguments that I think have really held our country back. One of them was that apprenticeships are somehow second best. They aren't. Someone doing an advanced apprenticeship can expect to earn a £117,000 more in their career, compared with someone with just GCSEs.

Top employers have even said that their apprenticeship entrants are just as good, if not better, than their graduate intake. So that's why we've expanded the numbers, and we're making good on our commitment to reach 3 million apprentices trained in this parliament by 2020. It's why we've got more companies involved, from fashion design to law, aerospace, many more. It's why we've set higher standards, making sure each apprenticeship lasts at least a year, and it's why we've introduced higher-level apprenticeships and apprenticeships which contain a full degree.

And it's why today we're going even further with our apprenticeship 2020 vision. We'll make every part of the public sector from Whitehall to local government, the NHS, the police, we'll make all of those organisations ensure that apprenticeships form at least 2.3% of their total staff. That will help us to deliver the skills that young people need, and the workforce of the future.

Now another argument that I believe was holding us back, was that the only way to fund university places was through tax-payers' money. This artificially constrained the number of people that could go. Of course, it was great for the people that went, but not so great for those who wanted to go but couldn't, because there weren't enough places. So we've swept that away, saying that the bulk of university fees should be paid by successful graduates. Now this has meant we've been able to fulfil another pledge in our manifesto, to uncap university places, so we can have well-funded universities, and increased participation.

No more artificial targets or caps, setting out what percentage of young people could or should go to university. A simple statement instead: if you have the grades and you want to go, you should be able to choose to do just that. And it is working. In September, more 18‑year‑olds headed off to freshers' week than at any time in our history: 200,000 of them. And more from disadvantaged backgrounds than ever before, opening up opportunity for all.

Now of course, the purpose of training, or studying, is to make sure you can get a secure job. So our manifesto made another clear commitment: to create two million more jobs. Now in the short time since the election, 158,000 more people are in work. There are, in fact, more people working in our country than ever before; more women working than ever before; the highest employment rate amongst young people for a decade. And these things haven't happened by magic. They've happened because of the enterprise of British business, and because of the support of this government: cutting taxes, slashing regulations, offering the lowest corporation tax in the G20, and delivering for businesses so that they can deliver the jobs that people need.

Now, third: we talked about security when you're starting out in life. We set out a huge mission in our manifesto: to create a million more homeowners. Because we don't just believe in meeting the need for housing in our country; we believe in meeting the British people's deep desire to own a home of their own. And we haven't wasted a minute. We said we'd give 1.3 million housing association tenants the right to buy, and this autumn we secured voluntary agreement, with the housing associations, to do just that. Five of them began doing so two weeks ago, and 11,000 people have already registered an interest in buying their home.

We also pledged 200,000 new starter homes; those are homes at a discount for first-time buyers under 40. And to make that happen we've doubled the housing budget to £2 billion a year, we've reformed planning and we've helped councils prepare unused land, so we can get going with the first 27 starter home sites.

But to really create more homeowners, we need to go further. We need to change our whole approach to housebuilding. For decades, there's been one assumption that I think has failed young people, and that is that affordable homes in our country should only really be available to rent. The assumption went something like this: if we provided homes that were affordable to rent, and if we controlled planning, then somehow that would also result in homes that young people were able to buy. The result, unsurprisingly, is that we created 'Generation Rent'. And it went on and on, because frankly some people were happy to see tenants go on renting indefinitely.

Well, I want to see 'Generation Buy'. So we're taking that old thinking and again, turning it on its head. We're saying, yes, affordable homes must be built, but they can be affordable to buy rather than rent. Today, we're publishing proposed changes to the National Planning Policy Framework, which will make this a reality. They send a clear signal to the councils that sign off developments, and the developers who build the homes, that the old rules on affordable housing are scrapped. In their place, new rules.

Developments should contain affordable homes to buy; a huge shift in the housing policy of this country. But also, hopefully, a huge shift in the lives of hardworking people, who assumed they'd only be able to rent, now looking at these new estates being built, going up in their area, and thinking, 'I might finally be able to get a place of my own.' So that should encourage more housebuilding, as builders see bigger returns. But more importantly, it will create a whole new raft of homeowners as people move from renting to buying.

And we're doing something else important today. For years we've had shared ownership, where you part‑buy, part‑rent a property. And many people are attracted to this idea, especially those who thought they'd never have a chance of owning a home. But because it's been heavily restricted, many of the people who'd like to do this have missed out. We've had local councils dictating who is eligible, based on everything from salary to profession to where the buyer comes from. Well today, we're ripping up those rules. From April next year, that will make 175,000 more people eligible for home ownership. It means some people will be able to buy a house, for example in Yorkshire, with a deposit of just £1,400. It will be opened up to people of any occupation, the only restriction being that you have to earn, as a family, under £80,000 and under £90,000 in London. Yet again, a government that delivers, building a nation of homeowners.

Now fourth: security when you're raising a family, and that should begin with childcare. Again, I think there was an argument that needed turning on its head. For years we've been constrained by this idea that by helping people with childcare costs, you're somehow being unfair on those parents who choose not to work. But how does helping someone who wants to go to work hurt someone who wants to stay at home?

So at the Spending Review we made £6 billion of commitment to hardworking families, with tax-free childcare worth up to £2,000 per child per year from early 2017; with wraparound childcare launched today, allowing parents to request childcare before and after school and in the holidays; and yes, with that big commitment in our manifesto: 30 hours of childcare each week for the parents of three‑ and four‑year‑olds, worth up to £5,000 per child. Now, we said that would start in 2017. But today, I'm saying it will start in some areas in 2016, next year, reaching 5,000 children.

But security for families also means having more money at the end of the month. We said in our manifesto we would not raise VAT, National Insurance or income tax for the next five years, and that became the law of the land next month. But it is not enough just to stop raising taxes; I want to see taxes come down. And to do that, again we need to fundamentally change the way our country is run.

In 2010, we inherited what I've called a 'merry-go-round': people working on minimum wage were having that money taxed, often at quite punishing rates, and then the government would give them some of that money back, and more, in welfare. So it created a low-pay, high-tax, high‑welfare society, and that was wrong. It was wrong for the low paid, wrong for the taxpayer; wrong, I think, for our society. It put the role of the state as some sort of benevolent grants-maker, whose only role was to dish out people's money rather than give them opportunities to earn more money. It said to families, 'You are dependent on the state to make ends meet'; it said to businesses, 'Don't worry about paying a decent wage, government is here to top it up.'

And what we're engaged in now is a fundamental reordering of that system. We're phasing out tax credits under Universal Credit, and as they go something else is coming in: a new National Living Wage. Now today, we will lay a statutory instrument that writes it into the law of the land, and it means that by April no one in this country aged over 25 will earn less than £7.20 an hour. It will be a pay rise of at least £900 a year. By the end of the decade, it will reach over £9.00 an hour.

And yes, when people earn that money they will keep more of it too. We said in our manifesto we would raise the amount you can earn before paying tax, and it's going up to £11,000 next April; that will take 570,000 people out of income tax, and we're committed to reaching £12,500 before you start paying tax by 2020. So yes, we're taking that low-wage, high-tax high-welfare society, and creating a new one. One where you have high enough wages, low enough taxes and enough help with childcare not to need government welfare; in other words, where you have the security that you deserve.

Now, fifth in our manifesto, we talked about security when you need it most: when you're ill. We pledged not just to maintain NHS funding, but to increase it. At the Spending Review, we announced we'd deliver the first £6 billion upfront next year; all part of the biggest ever investment in the Health Service. But again, it's not just about funding. In fact, for the last 30 years, NHS reforms have centred on an old formula: bureaucratic change plus money. So instead of fiddling with the system in the same way, we've gone back to the start and thought: who is our Health Service for?

And the answer is everyone: whoever, wherever, and crucially, yes, whenever. A seven-day NHS was one of our biggest manifesto pledges. And let me be clear: doctors and nurses and other staff already do vital work at weekends and around the clock. I know that, and I'm not asking anyone to work without breaks seven days in a row; that would be dangerous. But a genuine seven-day NHS means better management and better rota planning, so that the service is consistent everywhere, across the week; making sure urgent tests and treatments from family doctors and hospital specialists are accessible whenever they're needed.

By March 2017, a quarter of the population needing urgent hospital care will have the same level of consultant assessment and review, diagnostic tests and consultant‑led intervention seven days a week. From Greater Manchester to Southampton, Northumberland to Leicestershire. By 2020 it will reach all of them, and GPs' surgeries too. In fact, 16 million patients are now able to access doctors at evenings and weekends.

So no more 'wait until Monday' for the care you need; no more, 'we don't do that at the weekend.' Instead, security 365 days a year, 24/7, for every single one of us.

We're also trying to do right by pensioners, who, for too long, got a raw deal. We're increasing the basic state pension to £119.30 a week, that's the biggest real terms rise in 15 years, and we're bringing in the new state pension, whose full amount will start at £155.65 a week. We're making sure that when you get old, you can pass on your home tax free; you can spend your private pension as you choose; and you shouldn't have to sell your home to pay for care. So, again, a government that delivers, delivering security for those who need it most.

So, I believe we're making progress. We're changing the way our country is run. I'm not saying we've done everything, not least, we're only seven months into this term, but day by day, we've been holding firm to our pledges and paving the way for the brighter future that people voted for. And for me, the next five years will be about going further and faster. That is the key to good government. Not just delivery, but renewal.

I don't want us to stand still for the next five years. I want us to move forward, taking on more arguments, creating newer ways of doing things, changing our country even more.

So, when for years, government has treated the symptoms of poverty, papering over the cracks, I want this government to really tackle the root causes of poverty, like chaotic home lives, addiction, mental health; all those no-go zones into which politicians don't normally venture.

When, for years, government has believed the only barrier to social mobility is decent education for all, of course which is vital, I want this government to say, yes, that is important; that's crucial, but let's sweep away those other barriers to opportunity. Let's take bold steps to end the gender pay gap, to end racial discrimination, to complete the fight for true equality.

When, for years, government has been trapped in a, 'lock them up', or 'let them out' debate, I want this government to get smart about prison reform, making sure that, of course, punishment must always fit the crime. But also, let's make sure we treat prisoners as assets rather than just liabilities. Let's give them a chance to make amends and to make good.

So these are big arguments for change; the important social reforms that I want this second term to be about. And they will support other big changes that we're making: tackling non-violent, as well as violent extremism; delivering on climate change, not least by bringing an end to coal-fired power stations; delivering huge new powers to cities and regions; a government that delivers changing the way our country is run.

So, I hope you can see that these last seven months, there have been difficult decisions to take, and difficult arguments to make, but every day, we've been putting our money, in fact, your money, where our manifesto is. And with every child who comes home from a great day of lessons, every teenager who lands their first job, every sold sign that's hammered into that front lawn, every patient seen and treated on a Saturday or a Sunday, every pension increase, it has been worth it. That's our ambition: a government that delivers. Not just making good on our manifesto, but making Britain greater. And over the next four years and five months, that is exactly how we mean to go on.

Thank you very much for listening.

Question

Lynn Davidson from The Sun. Two quickly. Just following the tube attack at Leytonstone at the weekend, are you – do you have any concerns over the handling of the incident, given there were no armed officers at the scene?

And secondly, will you – can you confirm you will definitely make a decision on Heathrow before Christmas?

Prime Minister

Okay, first of all on Leytonstone, this is obviously a hideous attack and we've all seen pictures of it and read about it. First of all, full credit to the person and people who took on this attacker and full credit to very brave police officers who managed to subdue him.

What we have in our country is a growing pool of police who do carry arms; the arms response – armed response vehicles and other police involved in protective security. Their number will grow when it's right and it's right that we have enough people to respond. But I think it's right that police aren't routinely armed in our country and I think this event simply showed, again, what brilliant and brave and dedicated people there are when it comes to our police officers.

Let me also pay credit to the person, you can't quite see who it is from the film, who made that brilliant statement about, 'You ain't no Muslim'. I think, some of us have dedicated speeches and media appearances and sound bites and everything to this subject, but, 'You ain't no Muslim, bruv', said it all, much better than I ever could, and thank you because that will be applauded around the country.

On the issue of Heathrow, we're having our – the cabinet committee that's looking at this will be meeting shortly and we'll hope to make some progress with the discussions that we have.

Question

Good morning, Prime Minister. Lewis Vaughan Jones, ITV News. Firstly, on the flooding, is it true that flood defence projects have been cancelled and will you now have to spend more?

Secondly, on the EU negotiations, Donald Tusk likely to raise concerns this afternoon. Is withholding benefits from EU migrants now impossible?

Prime Minister

First of all, on the flooding, we set out at the Autumn Statement a historic six‑year funding deal with record sums going into flood defences. We've spent a huge amount over the last few years. But the events of the last 24/48 hours demonstrate that sometimes there are levels of rainfall, levels of flooding that it's extremely hard to protect against. I mean, first of all, I think our hearts all go out to those families who have been driven out of their homes by flood water, many of whom will have had a very worrying 48 hours. Some people stuck in their houses or people stuck in care homes and I think the emergency services have done a brilliant job.

So, what we must do now, is to make sure everything is done to help in this vital phase of dealing with the floods. I'll be going later on to Cumbria to see for myself some of what's been done and is being done. Then there's the vital recovery phase where we need to try and help people get their insurance claims, help people get back into their homes, help in the clean-up operation.

And of course, as part of that, we should sit down again with The Environment Agency, look at the flood schemes that have been built, look at the ones that are planned, look at the level of rainfall and the level of flooding that there was and ask, what more can we do? Why didn't – why were some of these schemes overtopped? What's in the plan for the future? How does that need to change with what's happened in Cumbria? That's absolutely what should always happen after any one of these tragic flooding episodes and the government has already marshalled all of the machinery necessary to make that happen. There'll be a statement in Parliament today by the Environment Secretary and she'll be announcing that the Bellwin scheme will kick in; that's the scheme where central government reimburses local authorities for their costs in dealing with floods and that will fully reimburse them once they've gone over the threshold in the way that we've done in the past and I think is absolutely right to do again today.

But let me again say, having seen at first hand and spoken to some of them, our emergency services did a brilliant job, coping in very difficult conditions. We think first of the victims of the floods, but we make sure we learn any lessons afterwards.

Question

Good morning, Prime Minister, I'm the head teacher of a local primary school.

And we'd like to – thank you. We'd like to thank you for your government's commitment to a national fair funding formula. Staffordshire is one of the lowest funded local authorities in the country. But clearly the devil will be in the detail. And I'd like to ask you specifically about your reference to the 30 hours free childcare. Can you give us a commitment that your government will ensure that this is properly funded for schools, including if necessary capital funding for any additional places?

Prime Minister

Yes. Yes, thanks for the very good questions. First of all, on fair funding this has long been a demand of many around the country and your local Member of Parliament, Andrew Griffiths, has led the charge on this in many ways. And I think it is time to act and that's why in the Autumn Statement we've said we're going to phase in a fairer funding formula.

I think one of the reasons it's become so necessary is the disparity between the best-funded authorities and the worst-funded authorities has got so large. And often the worst-funded authorities are not in, you know, inexpensive areas or not in areas with low levels of deprivation. Sometimes they can be in quite high levels of deprivation so it's absolutely right to do this. I'm sorry it's being phased in but we have to do these things in a reasonable way so they're – so that it gives some cushion to those authorities that won't be getting the extra money. But I think it will make a difference.

On the childcare we took some time, deliberately, to try to get this right which is why we're piloting it next year, phasing in fully in 2017. We have also announced that we'll be increasing the level of funding per place so that these can be well-funded places. As for your point on whether there will need to be a capital expenditure, I think that was also covered in the Autumn Statement because in some places clearly extra capacity is going to be needed as more parents take up the opportunity of the 30 hours a week.

I think it's a really important step forward because for so many families, childcare is not sort of one issue amongst many. It is the issue. It's the issue that determines, Can I go back to work? Can I work some extra shifts? Can I put some more money on the table for the family? Can I make a difference to our lives? And the extent of the childcare is the thing that makes the difference. So I think this 30 hours is absolutely crucial to get right.

Question

Good morning. My name's John Potts. I represent a home-grown electronics company in Derby called Pektron. Although we're very successful on a world stage, but looking forward one of the biggest challenges we face are finding high-calibre scientists and engineers. What can we do to encourage more young people to get into that sector?

Prime Minister

Well, how long have you got? This is a really important topic for us because the truth is that you have to start right at the beginning. You've got to work out: how do you encourage more children to study science subjects? How do you make sure those science subjects are well-taught? How do you make sure we teach the single sciences? Crucially how do we get more girls to study sciences? And not just to begin with, but all the way through. And crucially how do we make sure that those who do study sciences, don't simply look at medical careers, but also look at careers in engineering?

I think those are the right questions to ask. Now, some of the answers lie within government and within schools, which is making sure we encourage the core curriculum to include science, as we do. Having great teachers here to teach science. Making sure that we measure these things. But some of it lies outside government. We need to inspire people about engineering and about careers in engineering. And this is where you come in, sir. That we need people to come back into school who've studied science subjects, who've gone into careers in engineering and manufacturing, to come in and inspire young people with what the potential is.

Because I think you always remember the people who come into school to talk to you about careers and the future and the things they've done. And so I think there's a huge task there for business to get involved in. And that means schools being very open to local businesses and encouraging them to do it.

But I think it's shared national effort, we get the teaching right, we get the funding right, you get the inspiration right and there's no reason why we can't be one of the great engineering and manufacturing success stories. And, you know, here in this part of the world we've got so many great iconic manufacturing and engineering businesses I think it – you've got a natural advantage.

Question

Thank you. Mr Cameron, some time ago – a short time ago you spoke about – I'm a County Councillor in Derbyshire and I sit on the Adoption Panel there and also in Staffordshire. And you mentioned shortening the timescale from six months and making it even shorter. However, there seems to be a consensus of opinion through panel members and also professional staff that shortening it any further would actually be detrimental and cause disruption. So could I ask that you perhaps reconsider doing that? But there is also a shortfall in foster parents and that's something that we really need to push nationally.

Prime Minister

Yes. Well I would certainly have a look at the point you make. I – the big picture point I make is that we should really be aiming to see the adoption rate in our country go up. And when I became Prime Minister the delays for adoptions were huge. Sometimes people waiting two years, three years, longer. The amount of children left in council care, year after year, when there were loving couples who wanted to look after them. We had this absurd situation really where it was easier to travel half way around the world and find a child to adopt and bring up than it was to find one from Derbyshire or Staffordshire or Berkshire or anywhere else.

And so we tried to change that by being much more pro-adoption, by encouraging more parents to put in for being adoptive parents, by getting rid of the bureaucracy, by getting rid of some of the absurd rules that said, you know, a white couple couldn't adopt a black child and all the rest of it. So we tried to shorten it. I'll look happily at the thing that you suggest but I want to keep my foot on the gas on this issue because, you know, for every child we successfully get adopted that is the chance of a loving family home and a great start in life. And, you know, for all we must do to encourage – to improve the outcomes of children in care, I'm quite clear that the best outcome for those children is to have an adoptive lovely home, loving home, rather than be in care. So we should do that.

And that's one of the reasons why we're asking you all to form regional adoption agencies. Because again, you know, the idea that a child, you know, orphaned in Staffordshire can only be brought up by loving Staffordshire parents rather than in Derbyshire or in Devon or wherever, I think is wrong. I mean, what matters is the quality of the home and the quality of the adoption, rather than believing everyone has to be adopted within their county council area.

So I think this move to regional adoption is right. And just to reassure you, all these moves we've made have been based on very strong professional advice, not least by Martin Narey, the Head of Barnardo's, who's been advising the government and will continue to advise the government on how we get this vital social reform right.

With that can I thank you very much again? Can I thank the de Ferrers Academy for having us here? What I said about making sure that every child gets a start, no one is left behind, you live and breathe that every day. And there's no – you understand fully that it's not just avoiding failure, it's avoiding mediocrity is the key to great education. And it's an honour to come and see your school and make this speech here.

Thank you very much indeed.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/314694 2015-12-04T13:51:31+00:00 2015-12-04T13:51:31+00:00 Speech: The importance of corporate governance Baroness Neville-Rolfe talks to the Company Secretary Forum about corporate governance and the important role of company secretaries.

I would like to start by thanking Steve Williams for inviting me. Being one of you I know you do an invaluable job in keeping companies on the straight and narrow.

I have quite a lot of experience of being a member of a company board. I was first company secretary at Tesco and later a board member. I still can't understand why the 2 are incompatible. I have been a non-exec at ITV, initially a turnaround challenge, and at PWC, a classic advisory board, and on the Supervisory Board of Metro, the German retailer. I have been chairman of a Scottish SME, Dobbies, and director of a large private food company. I was also a non-exec on the Foreign Office Board and the President of Eurocommerce, the European retailers.

These wide ranging experiences taught me 4 things.

1) The importance of succession planning. You need to work at it all the time as there are a number of key posts in any board. I remember when I had to leave one of my key posts early when I was made a minister, how lucky it was that we had discussed possible successors shortly beforehand. If you have a family company you need to decide which family members might one day succeed and groom them. The drive and determination of the first generation is not passed on to all in later generations, although it can be - look at Lord John Sainsbury and what he did in the 70s and 80s; and British Monarchs seem to cope most of the time!

2) The need for good process. This requires timely minutes that mean something if you have missed the meeting - and that goes for subsidiaries too, often a cause of corporate problems especially if independently run. Focused and crisp papers with clear preparation and the decisions that need to be made clearly signposted.

3) The need for some luck. This can take many forms. Talented management. Being in the right industry at the right time - Sunlight soap used vegetable oil and nice packaging to provide something needed by more and more consumers; supermarkets in the 90s were on a roll as busy women needed a one stop shop. Likewise it is helpful not to be in a very challenged industry - turnpikes when the railways arrived or HMV with songs being streamed.

4) The need for breadth of vision and due diligence. There is a natural tendency to focus on what one is good at, what one knows to be the issues and areas of success. A good board and indeed a good team in any area needs to have breadth and diversity and a respect for other opinions and concerns. As they say 'don't shoot the messenger'. A good experienced company secretary can play a vital role here. Having said all that let me turn now to your governance agenda today.

Direction of work

The government's focus is concentrated on consolidating the current framework rather than adding new regulations.

I recognise that there are still some regulations in the pipeline, in particular those related to improving transparency. And make no mistake the anti-corruption agenda is hugely important to this government and extends well beyond the classic corporation into sports bodies and places where criminals launder money.

So legislation in the pipeline from our first term will include the register of persons of significant control. The aim of this register is to prevent companies being misused as vehicles for illegal activity.

On audit, we have issued a technical consultation on a range of significant measures of EU reform of statutory audit.

The company secretary's role in preparing the company's report and accounts is vitally important and I recognise the challenge facing you and the audit committees of your companies in the current changing context.

If you are based at listed company, a bank, building society or insurer, I would encourage you to view the EU reforms on auditor rotation and retendering as an opportunity for audit committees to sharpen up their role. They will introduce welcome competition and ensure that the accounting and audit assumptions are periodically reviewed with fresh eyes providing a useful discipline on management, the board and the audit committee itself.

Our intention in the implementation is to retain as much existing flexibility as possible to benefit the UK business environment.

This work will also provide clarity on the role of the FRC; for example, by allocating it audit regulatory functions that it will be obliged to delegate to existing professional bodies where possible.

I hope and believe that the FRC are also considering the value of less as well as the value of more. They will soon complete the revision of the corporate governance code, which we believe has influenced development in international contexts.

I welcome the FRC decision to avoid making any further changes until at least 2019. They will be focusing their efforts on ensuring the code is functioning as flexibly as possible.

Negotiations in Europe on the Shareholders Rights Directive, already drafted with the UK framework in mind, have so far ensured further alignment to the UK model. I refer to areas such as shareholders' identification, executive pay and related party transaction, as well as to a clearer 'comply or explain' approach, with regards to the transparency requirements for institutional investors and asset managers. Discussions have started, however progress is slow and it is unlikely there will be any agreements before the spring.

Deregulation

The new government sees deregulation as a key priority – we have set a target of reducing burdens on business by £10 billion in the current Parliament and extending the programme to burdens imposed by regulators in the Enterprise Bill which I am taking through the House of Lords at present.

We are looking at the scope for targeted deregulation, for instance where advances in technology can reduce burdens.

For example, we plan to consult in the near future about options to 'dematerialise' paper share certificates into electronic format.

While the EU agreement is that this reform should be implemented by 2025, there are good arguments for bringing this date forward in the UK.

We will also shortly be publishing our consultation on the EU Non-financial Reporting Directive.

Challenges and opportunities

I want to continue on the theme of narrative reporting. Over the years, there has been a steady rise in the information in the annual report, requiring disclosure on many aspects of company business. This steady stream has led to more pages but in my view less clarity for shareholders.

This is not right.

We should engage shareholders in running their companies. The annual report is a key channel for your messages to achieve this. Shareholders, and indeed the directors signing off the pages, should be given a clear and concise picture of the business.

Showing how your company has met and solved its challenges, managed its principal risks and is seeking opportunities to promote the long-term future of the company helps shareholders to assess performance and provide effective challenge. My recommendation is to resist the temptation to prepare a deluge of text, especially with advisers often paid by volume and time spent.

Overall, I want to encourage you to be braver in your reporting, to use the flexibilities in the framework to say nothing where you have nothing to say and get the board to focus on the important messages for your shareholders.

We will be doing our part as well.

For example, the consultation on the EU Non-financial Reporting Directive will be asking for views on what information could be moved online as part of the work on electronic reporting.

We will also be looking for suggestions of reporting requirements that have gone past their sell-by-date and can be removed. Please have a think about your bête noires and let us know.

The opportunity here is to create an annual report that focuses the mind on the important messages but provides detail to those that need it. To cite Confucius "The superior person is modest in their speech, but exceeds in their actions".

But reporting is not the answer to all problems. In particular reporting of risk cannot make it go away. To my mind, multiple risk is particularly important. If one of the risks on your risk register strikes you may be able to handle it well. But when things get tough 4 or 5 risks may reinforce each other as we saw in the financial crisis. So think about that too.

The Chancellor, in his speech at GCHQ last week, announced that government provision for cyber security will rise from £860 million to nearly £2 billion. Cybercrime is not something that happens to other people and companies need to protect their own networks, and harden themselves against cyber-attack. Company secretaries will play an important role in managing this risk. The recent cyber-attacks on companies shine a light on this incredibly important threat.

The role of investors

The core purpose of reporting is to give relevant information to shareholders to promote understanding of the company. It is clear that the operational responsibility for corporate governance and culture, the subject of a good recent session led by the Audit Quality Forum, rests with the board. But investors have an important role to play in the companies in which they invest.

We are continuing an approach of working to support voluntary initiatives rather than imposing rules and regulations.

In particular, we welcome the commitment from leading UK investment firms to develop an action plan to encourage long-term investment in and by UK businesses.

We hope that this work will help to reduce the focus on short-term results and increase the focus on issues of strategy and long-term success.

Business in society

I want to turn finally to the enormous contributions that businesses make to society. They employ and train tens of millions of people. They pay a large proportion of the taxes we use to fund all public expenditure. They provide goods and services to meet society's needs - with innovation and competition accelerating that process. They create economic value for savers and investors.

Businesses also go beyond these important contributions. Their work with charities, in mutually beneficial relationships, sometimes achieve amazing results

This business initiative exemplifies the wider contribution that a business can make to society. As Bob Hope piquantly observed, "If you haven't got any charity in your heart, you have the worst kind of heart trouble".

Thank you for listening.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/314645 2015-12-04T09:00:28+00:00 2015-12-04T09:00:28+00:00 Speech: Firing up the Midlands Engine Business Secretary Sajid Javid welcomes plans to make the heart of England greater than the sum of its parts.

The Midlands is the heart of England.

And I don't just mean geographically.

For centuries the region has been pumping the very lifeblood of the country.

The Midlands is the home of Shakespeare, Lawrence and Larkin.

Of Newton, Nightingale and Darwin.

It's the birthplace of Rolls-Royce, Raleigh and Wedgwood.

The steam engine emerged from the Midlands to drive an industrial revolution that changed the world forever.

The power stations of the Trent Valley give the nation heat and light.

The Great Reform Act, which laid the foundations of our democracy, was born right here in Birmingham.

The Midlands even gave us Walkers Crisps, Stilton cheese and, of course, that most English of dishes – the balti!

From the Shropshire Hills to the Lincolnshire Fens, the Midlands is the home of the people, products, places and idea that make England English.

That put the Great in Great Britain.

It boasts a record of achievement that would be the envy of many nations, never mind regions.

But for too long the Midlands has been less than the sum of its parts.

Unlike many other areas of the UK it has always lacked sense of place.

Northerners think it's in the South.

Southerners think it's in the North.

And Midlanders themselves aren't really sure either way.

On the national stage 'Midlands' is too often used as a synonym for the Birmingham conurbation…

…disenfranchising people as far apart as Bromsgrove and Boston.

And local pride has long trumped any sense of regional identity.

Sometimes it seems the only thing Derby and Nottingham can agree on is that Brian Clough was a football genius!

And then they start arguing over which city he liked most…

This lack of cohesion and identity inevitably leads to underperformance and neglect.

Between 1997 and 2010, manufacturing output in the Midlands fell from just over £15 billion to just under £12 billion.

That was the highest percentage fall of any UK region.

Productivity here is around 10 per cent lower than the national average.

And in 2013, there were around 25,000 job vacancies in the Midlands that were hard to fill due to a lack of suitably skilled local applicants.

Together, these figures paint a picture of a region that is not fulfilling its true, incredible, potential.

As a proud Midlands MP, I'm not prepared to stand by and let that continue.

Which is why the government fully supports the Midlands Engine.

It's not a cheap knock-off of the Northern Powerhouse.

It's not an empty piece of political rhetoric.

It's a real programme to deliver the jobs, growth and productivity that the people of this region deserve.

If the Midlands matches the predicted growth rate for the UK over the next 15 years, it could create 300,000 jobs and boost the national economy by £34 billion.

That's too big a prize to ignore.

So let me say how delighted I am to see the region's 11 local enterprise partnerships coming together to make this vision a reality.

The prospectus being launched today is ambitious, yes.

The best ideas always are.

But with the right drive and the right support there is nothing in this plan that cannot be achieved.

It's very much locally led, with the people and businesses of the Midlands setting direction and priorities…

…rather than being dictated to from London.

But the government is right behind you, as you saw in both the Chancellor's summer Budget and last week's Autumn Statement.

We're providing a £5 million trade and investment package that will help you promote the Midlands Engine overseas…

…reaching new markets and boosting exports.

Another £5 million has already been made available to develop a long-term transport strategy for the region…

… including the creation of a new Midlands Connect Strategic Board.

There'll be a new enterprise zone in Stoke, and existing zones in Birmingham and Derby will be extended.

The D2N2 LEP will receive more than £1 million to make sure Derby and Nottingham get the full benefit of the proposed HS2 station at Toton.

And later this morning I'll have the honour of opening part of the Energy Research Accelerator here at the University of Birmingham.

Backed with £60 million of government funding, it will put the Midlands at the heart of international energy research and development.

But there's more.

Because the Midlands Engine isn't just about money.

It's about attitudes, about a concept.

About the idea that a region working together is stronger than a handful of counties and cities working in competition.

Imagine what we can achieve if local authorities pool their ideas, resources and expertise and work together for the benefit of the whole region.

Imagine what we can do if we harness the power of 25 top universities.

If we bring together businesses of all sizes to develop new supply chains and exploit new markets.

Well, we don't have to imagine it any more.

Last month we witnessed the signing of the Devolution Deal for the West Midlands Combined Authority.

It's an historic agreement that will bring disparate councils together and give power back to the people of the West Midlands.

I look forward to seeing other deals progressing within the Midlands in the near future.

And today I can announce that, early next year, I will be leading the first ever Midlands Engine overseas trade mission.

Earlier this year I saw for myself how the Northern Powerhouse trade mission to South East Asia helped to drive trade and inward investment.

In the weeks ahead my department will be working with Midlands businesses and LEPs to make this ground-breaking trip just as successful.

So the government is standing right behind you.

And not just with warm words.

This really matters to us because we are Midlands people too.

At BIS, literally half of our Commons ministers are Midlands MPs.

There's myself from Bromsgrove…

…Broxtowe's Anna Soubry…

…and Grantham's Nick Boles.

We're joined today by my colleague from Communities and Local Government, Marcus Jones, the MP for Nuneaton.

The whole region is represented.

And that's very important because I can't stress enough that the Midlands Engine is not just about Birmingham.

I love Birmingham, it's a great city.

Great people, great shopping.

It's got a wonderful new station, and the best curry you'll find anywhere in Britain…

Apart from my mum's kitchen!

But I know just as well as you that England's second city is not the beginning and end of the Midlands.

Nor is this only about one half of the region.

Let me be very clear, the East Midlands is not some junior partner in this.

Nottingham, Northampton, Leicester, Lincoln and Derby are just as much a part of the Midlands Engine as Birmingham, Wolverhampton and Coventry.

The plans set out in this prospectus will only come to fruition if the whole region works together.

East and West.

North and South.

It's a big ask, but the rewards are bigger still.

Now I've no doubt that the usual cynics will look at the Midlands Engine and sneer.

Because they always have done.

They sneered when Darby built his iron bridge.

Said he should stick to stone and wood instead.

They laughed when Whittle said that jet engines could power aircraft.

Said it could never work.

And they rolled their eyes when a Lincolnshire grocer's daughter said she could bring as much to Parliament as any Home Counties gentleman.

Yet all 3 came from the Midlands, took on the world and changed it forever.

This region has done it before.

And we can do it again.

So let's bring together local and national government.

Let's bring together businesses large and small.

And let's bring together the people who are the future of the Midlands.

The thinkers and the doers, the builders and the makers.

It's time to make this region all it can be.

It's time to fire up the Midlands Engine.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/313075 2015-11-19T11:07:00+00:00 2015-11-19T11:07:00+00:00 Speech: Free trade and unlocking prosperity Business Secretary Sajid Javid discusses the importance of free trade and sets out his vision for trade across Europe and around the world.

In every country it always is and must be the interest of the great body of the people to buy whatever they want of those who sell it cheapest.

It's well over 200 years since Adam Smith published those words.

But any modern inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations would come to a similar conclusion.

Whether it's cars, clothes or Christmas trees, nobody likes paying over the odds for something.

And, thanks to global trade, they rarely have to.

International trade lets us bring in everything from iPhones to bananas.

And it lets British companies find customers around the world, even selling wine to France and boomerangs to Australia!

Although it's possible we're just exporting the same boomerang over and over again!

From the Silk Road to the East India Company to the World Trade Organisation, the complex web of international markets has evolved over many centuries.

But while the goods being traded and the nations involved have constantly changed, one thing has remained constant.

Global trade lets people around the world access what they need at a price that they can afford.

Of course, it's a 2-way transaction.

The buyer gets what they need and the seller gets paid.

No exchange takes place unless both parties benefit

as another great economist once said.

That's why the spread of free trade has done so much for the world.

Over the past few decades the rise of free trade has been one of the most significant drivers of both economic growth and international development.

Free trade has raised living standards around the world.

It has created jobs.

It has fuelled aspiration.

It has allowed nations and individuals to achieve incredible things.

It has even helped to break down barriers, to spread democracy and open up societies.

In 1945 North and South Korea started from a very similar base.

But in 2015 they are in very different places.

Seoul looked outwards.

It embraced free trade and global markets.

And today it is a thriving democracy.

One that offers its citizens an exceptionally high standard of living.

Meanwhile, Pyongyang turned ever further inwards.

It's now one of the least free and most destitute societies on earth.

On Monday I spoke at the Legatum Institute about the importance of defending capitalism.

I said that if you really care about the poor, if you really want to see sustainable international development, then the best thing you can do is support the spread of the capitalist system.

The same applies to free trade.

In many ways it's the international expression of capitalism.

The way it grows from a domestic system to a global one.

Almost by definition, it's not possible for a closed, state-planned economy to trade freely with its neighbours.

And yet, just as with capitalism, free trade itself is facing a wave of public hostility.

After the Second World War ended, the boat bringing in the first shipment of bananas for 5 years was met on the dockside by excited children.

The arrival of the cargo was practically a cause for national celebration.

It didn't just mean that people could enjoy a fruit that had been all but banished from their shelves since 1940.

It was a sign that the seas were once again open for freight, and that Britain was once again open for business.

International trade was back, and with it came the luxuries people had previously been forced to go without.

Today, the perception of international trade is very different.

For many people, 'free trade' doesn't mean the iPhones in the pockets, the food on their table or the shoes on their feet.

It doesn't mean the cars that they drive, the planes they fly on, or the jobs that keep a roof over their heads.

Instead, we have this absurd idea that 'free trade' means children toiling in Asian sweatshops.

That it means African farmers being paid a pittance for something that will be sold as a premium product.

The developed world ruthlessly exploiting emerging economies, sucking them dry for our selfish benefit.

The same is true of the World Trade Organisation.

In the real world it's an arbiter of free commerce.

A force for good that lowers prices, raises incomes and even stops wars.

Yet for many, it's the embodiment of the machine against which anti-capitalists rage.

A sinister cabal of wealthy nations.

One that puts profits before people, conspiring behind the scenes to milk the developing world.

Of course, it's a naïve misconception.

But it's one that's proved persistent over the years - as the demonstrations that typically greet a WTO summit's arrival show.

It also helps to explain the antipathy towards free trade agreements.

Again, they're often seen as something designed solely to benefit the elite.

But the truth is very different.

Just look at the EU's free trade agreement with South Korea.

In the 4 years since it was signed, the value of UK exports has more than doubled.

We've seen a 1,000% increase in the value of jet engine sales.

One thousand per cent!

The UK sold just 2,315 cars to Korea in the final year before the FTA was agreed.

Last year, that number reached 13,337.

And it's not just big companies that benefit.

One Scottish business was able to sell 100,000 jars of jam in Korea last year after the FTA slashed import duties.

All that from just one free trade agreement with one country.

If all the FTAs currently being negotiated by the EU and UK are agreed, they could boost UK exports by up to £40 billion.

That's equivalent to almost £1,500 for every household in the UK, every year.

Chief among the agreements is the single biggest free trade agreement of our age: the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, or TTIP.

It's an unwieldy name for something that is simply an FTA between the world's biggest trading bloc and the world's biggest economy.

And that's all it is.

Despite some of the alarmist headlines, it's not a threat to the NHS.

It won't allow shadowy corporations to ride roughshod over the rule of law.

It won't remove the hard-fought environmental or workplace safety regulations that make Britain such a great place to live and to do business.

Yes, it's a big piece of work, yes it's very complicated.

That's why we're going through it with a fine-toothed comb, making sure there are no unintended consequences.

And that's why we welcome feedback and constructive criticism.

I'm not afraid of hearing opposing arguments, in fact they help us to make the agreement as good as it can be.

But while people are entitled to their own views, they're not entitled to create their own facts.

Yet that's exactly what some critics are doing.

[Political content removed]

It's time such hysterical criticisms were laid to rest.

The EU and UK already have plenty of free trade agreements with nations around the world.

Yet not one of these agreements has led to our NHS being privatised or imperilled.

There's a world of difference between removing economic barriers and removing standards.

Previous FTAs have actually improved standards around the world, as economies are forced to level up to the high standards that we demand here.

For more than 40 years the UK has been part of the biggest, most ambitious, most integrated free trade area that has ever been created, the European Union.

Our membership has not led to German health providers privatising the NHS. When Bulgaria and Romania joined the European Union we didn't suddenly lower all of our health and environmental standards to meet those that were in place at the end of the Communist era.

The Investor State Dispute Settlement: it might sound scary.

But we already have almost 100 such arrangements in place as part of bilateral trade agreements.

They've been used entirely legitimately since the 1950s without any problems.

If anything, the system needs updating to better reflect the modern world.

And that's exactly what TTIP will do.

And, contrary to what the critics say, the agreement is not being forced through in a secret, undemocratic way.

TTIP has been debated by MPs at least 5 times already.

The final agreement will go to Parliament for scrutiny and further debate.

And it will be signed off not by anonymous Brussels bureaucrats but by the heads of EU governments.

And I can tell you now that our Prime Minister won't be agreeing to anything that is not in the best interests of the British people.

A lot of the criticism seems to come from people whose views of global trade are stuck in the past.

The sort of people who still think it's all about country 'A' making a product, putting it in a shipping container and then sending it to country 'B'.

But in 2015, the trade in finished goods is becoming relatively less important.

Supply chains have become just as global as the marketplace.

Components made in China are used to build an engine in the UK.

That's put into a car assembled in Germany.

And that's sold in the USA.

There's also an unprecedented international market in services.

According to the OECD, the service sector now contributes 50% of total exports in the UK, US, France, Germany and Italy.

And the market is growing.

The growth in trade in services, investment and data will play to the UK's strengths.

We run a complex economy.

We are strong in services, investment and the kind of high-value manufacturing, such as pharmaceuticals, where regulation really does matter.

So we don't just need access to markets as we did in the past.

We need to set standards, high standards, for complex products.

And we need access to markets for our services – our business services, our financial services and more.

TTIP will help deliver this with the USA.

And we want the EU to focus on delivering it within Europe.

Because Europe has the potential to be a world-class, world-beating, deeper, broader single market.

And when I say 'a single market', that's exactly what I mean.

Not a customs union.

Not an agreement to lower or remove tariffs on certain key sectors.

But a single market with a common set of standards in which all goods and services can be freely traded.

Because the primary purpose of the EU has always been its common market.

That's its main selling point.

It was a common market that Ted Heath joined in 1972, and a common market that the British people voted to remain in 3 years later.

Not a European super-state.

And I think it's what the vast majority of British people want today.

A common market that lets us trade freely with other member states.

Because a common market breaks down economic barriers with our neighbours.

And it brings the collective strength of 28 countries to the negotiating table when dealing with threats and opportunities.

There are, undoubtedly, huge benefits to be gained from a functioning single market.

But to fulfil its potential, the EU's common market has to reflect the modern world of trade in services, particularly digital ones.

I've already talked about how trade has changed, yet the EU seems to be stuck in the past.

It is immensely frustrating that, in 2015, we still don't have a digital single market.

That we don't have a capital markets union.

That there is no single market in services.

These are sectors in which British businesses excel.

And these are sectors in which British businesses are suffering through the lack of Europe-wide competition.

We're doing what we can to address this.

For example, the UK has been at the forefront of sketching out what a digital single market should look like.

We want customers to be able to take their Netflix accounts with them when they travel.

And for a digital start-up in Leeds to be able to sell its services in Ljubljana.

But we need the EU to pick up the pace and get these measures off the drawing board and into the marketplace.

The European Union has the potential to be the greatest, strongest, most successful single market in the world.

But only if it actually gets on with the job it was created to do.

Right now, it seems that EU trade discussions mirror the traffic on Brussels' Schuman Roundabout.

All too often, nothing moves at all.

And when it finally does get going, we just go round and round in circles.

Our referendum will help to change this.

Demanded by the people, passed by Parliament, and guaranteed to happen by the end of 2017, the vote gives us an unprecedented opportunity to deliver the change Europe needs.

Now, there are key parts of the financial services industry that have expressed concern about the consequences if we were to leave the EU.

And of course I understand that.

But everyone agrees that the European Union is in dire need of reform.

Because without it, nobody can say where continued membership will take us.

Nobody can foresee what "ever-closer union" will mean for British businesses in the years to come.

Nobody can predict what new regulations will be forced upon us.

That's why this renegotiation is so important for Britain.

And make no mistake, we are only at the negotiating table because the Prime Minister called an in/out referendum.

Like any big bureaucracy, the European Union has an inherent resistance to change.

The referendum shows that we are serious about reform, serious about free trade, and serious about bringing the single market into the 21st century.

And as the Prime Minister has said, if necessary reforms cannot be achieved then we will rule nothing out.

So here's what international trade means to me.

Higher standards of living around the world.

More jobs here at home.

And a stronger, more resilient economy for all of us.

The benefits are almost unlimited, but to fully enjoy them trade has to be 2 things.

First, it has to be free.

Free trade means bringing down the barriers, whether within Europe or the rest of the world.

Because protectionism is short-sighted.

It stops exports, it kills jobs, and its takes money out of the economy.

To use Hazlitt's example, you put a tariff on sweaters to keep out cheap foreign imports and the sweater-makers will celebrate.

But what about the shoppers who now have to spend more on clothes?

Unless their incomes have seen a corresponding rise, they're going to have to spend less money on something else.

And of course the country you used to import from would likely retaliate with tariffs – something that will costs exports, jobs and growth here at home.

Second, trade has to be fair.

Because the system only works if everyone is playing by the same rules.

Whether dumping steel at artificially low prices from outside the EU or applying unlawful state aid within it, we have to act when people and nations attempt to game the system.

If we fail to enforce the rules – whether through the WTO, the EU or any other appropriate body – we won't just lack a level playing field.

It'll be more like the opening batsman arriving at the crease only to discover that the other team is playing football.

Pitt the Elder, 1 of the 3 Prime Ministers to have called Chatham House their home, once wrote:

When trade is at stake, it is your last entrenchment; you must defend it, or perish.

Now, world trade is changing as never before.

New technology and new ideas have revolutionised the way we do business and opened up a whole new world of opportunities.

If Britain is going to keep its place at the top table of world trade we have to recognise this and we have to react to it.

And that's exactly what this government is committed to doing.

But we don't have to do it alone.

Our EU partners can help to break open complex markets overseas, and to acknowledge the weaknesses of the common market.

They can work with us to address them, so that the UK and Europe continue to enjoy all the benefits that free and fair trade bring.

If we don't, our rivals will.

And when trade is at stake, it is your last entrenchment.

You must defend it, or perish.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/312966 2015-11-18T12:07:00+00:00 2015-11-18T12:07:00+00:00 Speech: Sport and business: a winning combination Business Secretary Sajid Javid celebrates the success of the UK's sports industry, but reminds the sector that it's not like any other business.

The last time I gave a speech about sport, I was still Secretary of State at DCMS.

And during my 12 months in charge of sports policy, England's men's football and cricket teams both crashed out of their respective World Cups in the first round.

Now I know the Prime Minister's a big rugby fan.

So I think he reshuffled me to BIS as a precaution ahead of THAT world cup…

But look, I'm not taking the blame for that one!

It's all down to John Whittingdale!

Of course, I'm happy to take the credit for England's women winning the Rugby World Cup while I was at DCMS.

And our women cricketers won the Ashes, too…

When I worked in banking I used to pop out on a Saturday and head over to a local bar.

And I'd sit with dozens of other people, all of whom were absolutely rapt by the Premier League game being shown on the big screen.

Nothing unusual there.

The kind of thing that happens up and down the country every weekend.

Except this wasn't in Bromsgrove, or London.

It was Singapore.

And the crowd wasn't just fellow expats.

The place was always packed with locals all filled with passion and commitment and genuine love for their team.

Often a team from a country and city they'd never visited and would never visit.

It's a scene you see repeated around the world.

On my travels I've found that the Premier League is like the international language of taxi drivers!

I've met office workers in China wearing Liverpool shirts.

Waiters in Tanzania who'll talk at length about whether Tottenham will ever crack the top four…

Manchester United are so popular in Malaysia that in 2011 Prime Minister Najib Razak invited 10,000 people to watch the Champions League Final with him.

And that was despite the game kicking off at 2:45am on a Sunday morning!

The Premier League is one of Britain's most recognised and most popular brands.

And it's also one of our biggest and most successful businesses both at home and abroad.

In 2013 to 2014 the league generated £3.4 billion in GVA, supported over 100,000 jobs and contributed £2.4 billion in taxes. Taxes that pay for our schools, our hospitals, for the police.

The number of foreign tourists attending a game reached 800,000 last year.

And they spent an average of £200 more than other tourists while they were here.

And its popularity just keeps on growing.

Twenty-three years ago, Sky piggy-backed on the emerging Premier League to build its customer base.

Today, competition for Premier League TV rights has been the driving force in the emergence of BT as a serious broadcaster.

The Premier League is broadcast to 730 million homes in 185 countries.

And it earns more from overseas TV rights than the whole of BBC Worldwide – £722 million in 2013 to 2014.

So the Beatles might not have been bigger than Jesus.

But England's top flight is definitely bigger than Dr Who!

But for all its success there's a lot more to British sport than the Premier League alone.

Because every year, sport contributes tens of billions of pounds to the British economy.

Sport-related consumer spending is worth in the region of £30 billion a year.

When the Tour de France visited the UK last year, almost 5 million people turned out to watch, myself included!

The race added more than £100 million to Yorkshire's economy, with a boost to tourism set to be felt for years to come.

Motorsports Valley is home to 3,500 companies employing 40,000 highly skilled people.

Ninety per cent of those businesses export, and together they generate £9 billion in revenues.

The 2013 NFL International Series added as much as £60 million to London's economy in just 2 weekends.

The series has been such a success that it now sells out 3 games every autumn.

There are plans to increase it to 4 games in the near future, with high hopes of a franchise moving here before long.

The 2014 Commonwealth Games gave a £100 million boost to Glasgow.

Twelve months later the World Gymnastics Championships arrived in the city, drawing visitors from around the world.

And while the Rugby World Cup was not exactly a great success for England on the pitch, things looked much rosier off it.

Almost 2.5 million people filed through the turnstiles, with another 120 million watching on TV around the world.

It's thought the event added almost a billion pounds to Britain's GDP.

Early reports say there was a 9% rise in beer sales – presumably down to England fans drowning their sorrows!

Then there's the big daddy of them all, the 2012 London Olympic and Paralympic Games.

Winning, planning and hosting the Games created almost a million job years of employment.

People visiting London 2012 events spent almost £2.5 billion.

The Games' net impact on the UK's tourist industry was in the region of £600 million.

And, from bid to legacy, from 2004 to 2020, the economic impact is estimated to be as high as £41 billion of GVA.

For a pair of 2-week events, the figures are almost unimaginably huge.

However, here's a challenge for you.

This afternoon, walk outside onto Victoria Street, stop a random passer-by and ask them what they liked best about London 2012

I'm willing to bet that you won't find a single person whose highlight of the Games was the GVA numbers.

Nobody will reminisce about where they were on the night that job years of employment passed the 800,000 mark.

Britain's memories are of a fantastic summer of sport.

Of a sometimes cynical, self-doubting nation brought together with renewed confidence and a shared passion.

We remember Mo Farah's elation.

Chris Hoy's tears.

Nicola Adams' infectious, irrepressible smile.

We remember a time when we could be heroes…

…just for one day.

Because sport is big business, certainly.

But it's not only business.

And we forget that at our peril.

Sport occupies a unique place in Britain's history and culture.

We invented or codified most of the world's most popular pastimes, from boxing to bungee jumping.

Despite recent wobbles in various men's world cups, we continue to punch well above our weight on the global stage.

Up and down the country, sports clubs are the beating heart of their communities.

Counties, towns and villages define themselves through their football, rugby and cricket teams.

The mood of entire cities can fluctuate in line with what happens on a Saturday afternoon.

Amateur clubs, organised by dedicated volunteers, bring people together in numbers that no government programme can match.

Cyclists, runners and swimmers who know they will never reach the top turn out again and again simply through the love of their sport.

There is literally nothing else like it.

And business underpins it all.

It allows us to invest in continued success at the highest level, and develop the talent of the future at the grassroots.

But someone who puts business before sport knows the price of everything and the value of nothing.

At Wembley last night we saw the unique power sport has to bring people together in the face of tragedy.

That's something no other business can match.

Last month, when England lost to Australia in the rugby, the country didn't mourn because of the impact on GDP growth.

We mourned because of the crushing disappointment, because dreams that had been built up over a decade were shattered in 2 devastating defeats.

In recent years, too many football teams have gone to the wall not because of poor performance on the pitch, but because of poor performance in the boardroom.

It's a tragedy when any local business has to close its doors.

But when a sports team locks its doors, the community loses something that's more than economic.

It loses its centre, its source of civic pride.

This isn't just a British problem.

Whether it's the Russian doping scandal in athletics, Lance Armstrong's legacy in cycling, or the disgraceful scenes unfolding at FIFA, the pursuit of victory and profit at all costs leaves a bitter taste in the mouth.

As a government we're trying to promote and support grassroots sport, to get more people active and healthy.

And that's much harder when business and money is allowed to trample on tradition, leaving people disillusioned and disconnected.

I know that, for most of the people in this room, I'm preaching to the choir.

You got into this business because you love sport, not because you love money.

You're good enough at what you do to recognise that putting business before sport risks destroying the very product you've been so successful at selling to the world.

But the risk we face is similar to that I raised in a speech about capitalism earlier this week.

Capitalism has done wonderful things for the world, but recent challenges have left people unhappy and seeking alternatives.

Business has done wonderful things for sport, but that too has left people feeling disenfranchised.

And that's a real problem, because sporting success and a thriving sports industry have a symbiotic relationship.

They feed off each other.

You can't have one without the other.

We must all do a better job of communicating the benefits of business to the fans who make British sport what it is.

Because for all the success the UK sports industry has achieved over the past 25 years, the potential for the future is greater still.

Sport is changing.

The kind of sport we watch is changing.

The way we consume it and participate in it is changing too.

And the private sector has a massive role to play in this.

Just look at participation.

In the past, 'participating in sport' meant joining your pub's Sunday League team or signing up with your local running club.

Plenty of people still do this, and it should absolutely be encouraged.

My children go to taekwondo every weekend and I wouldn't change it for the world.

But signing up and playing the same sport week-in, week-out is no longer the only path to follow.

People now participate in sport in the way they consume television or music, picking and choosing from a wide range of options.

And that often means breaking out of traditional, formal models and embracing an alternative offered by the private sector.

For years the FA concentrated its grassroots efforts on the traditional 11-a-side Sunday morning parks game.

But Goals Soccer Centres managed to kick off a whole new footballing culture by meeting an untapped demand for competitive, after-work 5-a-side football.

Meanwhile, ParkRun has created a global phenomenon by organising fun, free inclusive 5Ks without the red tape and regulation that comes with an event sanctioned by a governing body.

The way we watch sport is changing too.

When I was a kid, I had the choice between listening to the latest England batting collapse on Test Match Special or watching it unfold on Ceefax.

Today, technology has revolutionised the way we enjoy sport.

There's streaming coverage, text commentary, over-by-over liveblogs.

Vines, Periscopes and so much more.

At this year's World Twenty20 Qualifier, the International Cricket Council used digital channels to reach millions of fans in hundreds of countries, including in non-traditional markets such as the USA.

The most tweeted-about event in history is the 2014 World Cup.

Eight of the top 10 tweeted about moments of 2014 in the UK were sport-related.

It's now possible for millions of people worldwide to debate a dodgy offside decision in real time.

I've even heard stories about Bromsgrove Sporting fans gathering in pubs to follow away games on Twitter.

A hi-tech version of my Ceefax adventures from years gone by!

And the sports we watch are changing too.

The big 3 of football, cricket and rugby continue to dominate.

But others are starting to make their mark.

Not so very long ago the idea of London hosting the World Track Cycling Championships in a 6,000-seat velodrome was fanciful enough.

But doing so and selling out every session months in advance?

That was in the realm of fantasy.

Yet that's exactly what's happened.

The 2012 Paralympics were the most successful in history.

Athletes used to competing in front of a handful of spectators found themselves being watched by tens of thousands.

And women's sport is coming to the fore.

45,000 people packed into Wembley to watch England's Lionesses take on Germany ahead of this summer's World Cup.

The women's tournament has become so successful that FIFA is considering whether to split the commercial rights for the men's and women's world cups.

As I've already said, our women's rugby team are the world champions – showing the men how to do it.

And between now and 2019 the UK will be hosting the women's world cups in cricket, hockey and netball.

New sports, new technologies, new audiences, new ways of participating.

It all adds up to a future filled with new opportunities for business – but only if you put sport first.

The UK sports industry is a fantastically successful international business, a real world leader.

Like all world-leading British businesses, it's a sector the government is doing everything it can to support.

We're cutting corporation tax, protecting your intellectual property rights and fighting for a digital single market.

And I'm in talks with my former department about how we can best work you to tackle the challenges you face and make the most of the opportunities on offer.

It's an approach we've already taken with many other business sectors.

But of course, sport is not like any other business.

It's something much bigger.

And if you remember that…

If you put the needs of the fans and athletes ahead of the demands of your bottom line…

If you put hopes and dreams ahead of pounds and pence…

Then the possibilities for your business are unlimited.

And the UK sports industry will stay on the top step of the podium for many years to come.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/312718 2015-11-16T11:57:57+00:00 2015-11-16T11:57:57+00:00 Speech: In defence of the c-word: why capitalism is a force for good As research shows falling public support for free enterprise, Business Secretary Sajid Javid says 'capitalist' should be a badge of honour.

Before I start today's talk, I'd like to say a few words about the appalling terrorist acts that took place in Paris on Friday night.

I'm sure I speak for everyone here, when I say that our thoughts and prayers are with the victims, their families and the people of France.

The days and weeks to come will be difficult beyond measure.

But you will not face them alone.

We will stand with you.

Paris's motto translates as "she is tossed by the waves but does not sink".

And I think that's an ideal we should all take to heart today.

Terrorists seek to instil in us a state of fear.

But we will not be afraid.

They seek to divide us.

But we will not be divided.

Our society may continue to be tossed by their waves of hatred and violence.

But we will not sink.

And now, if I may, I'll turn to the subject of today's talk.

I'm a proud capitalist.

That's not something you'll hear a lot of people saying in this country. Certainly not politicians.

But it's true.

And why wouldn't I be proud of it?

For hundreds of years, capitalism has been lifting people out of poverty.

It has been delivering international development, and raising living standards.

Over time it has been improved and refined, and helped to spread democracy around the world.

Without capitalism, the UK would not be the country that it is today.

Capitalism created the wealth that led to the NHS.

It allows us to pay for universal education.

It was the driving force behind 2 centuries of inventions and innovations.

Ideas that revolutionised the way we live, we work and we communicate.

Capitalism built houses and railways.

It feeds our people and it allows us to feed millions more overseas.

So it shouldn't be controversial to call myself a fan.

Yet in 2015 capitalism is, for many, a dirty word.

In fact when I was planning this speech, some people said to me;

Look Sajid, you should avoid using the c-word.

Keep it to a minimum, stick to euphemisms like 'free enterprise', 'open markets' and 'private business'.

It's hardly surprising because, right now, capitalism is facing its gravest threat since the Cold War.

But that threat doesn't come from an invading army or dictatorial leader.

It comes from a force that is far more powerful.

Public disillusionment.

As Tim Montgomerie's excellent Legatum Institute study showed, millions of people have lost faith in capitalism across the world.

They argue that big business is inevitably corrupt.

That free enterprise always makes the rich richer at the expense of the poor.

That protectionism is preferable to free trade.

The financial crisis has left people weary and wary.

And in its wake we see populist politicians at home and abroad offering easy answers.

Answers that are direct challenge to capitalism itself.

Now this is nothing new.

There have always been oddballs and loners sitting on the sidelines and demanding a return to agrarianism or something similar.

They've been there for as long as the free market has been the dominant system.

But today we see such views seeping into the mainstream for the first time in decades.

[Political content removed]

Capitalism failed to cover itself in glory over the past decade.

And now public opinion is turning against it in a big way.

This matters, because no system can survive without the support from the people.

And make no mistake, capitalism is at its heart just an economic system.

It's a construct. It's something that has been created and refined by human hand.

It's not a dog-eat-dog, laissez-faire free-for-all – it's a system with rules.

It is not the natural order of things and, left unsupported, it could quickly be lost simply through neglect.

We have to consciously choose to embrace it, choose to continue its legacy.

President Reagan was talking about democracy when he said that that "freedom is never more than 1 generation away from extinction".

But his idea – that freedom is not passed on but must be fought for, must be protected and must be defended – applies equally to the free market.

We neglect it at our peril.

And if we fail to support it, it could still crumble in the face of countless tiny attacks.

Or, as the second President Bush put it in slightly more succinct terms: "this sucker could go down".

So why is it worth defending?

Why, if the tide is turning and opinion is shifting, should we not just throw in the towel and try something different?

Well, I'll tell you why.

Because capitalism is a force for good.

Because, to paraphrase Winston Churchill, it's not a dangerous tiger that needs to be shot, or a cow that can be milked.

It's a healthy horse that pulls us all forward.

Just look at what it has delivered so far.

In the 6,000 years to 1750, living standards in the developed world doubled.

But since the industrial revolution, that doubling has occurred roughly every 50 years.

Each generation has been a third better off than its predecessor.

Since the 1970s, the proportion of the world population living on a dollar a day has, adjusting for inflation, fallen by 80%.

That's the greatest improvement in living standards ever achieved in the whole of human history.

It's made an unimaginably huge difference in the lives of literally billions of people. But it wasn't delivered by a UN initiative or by the World Bank.

It didn't happen because of a foreign aid budget, or because governments willed it to be so.

It happened because of the spread of capitalism and of free trade.

Just look at China.

Forced collectivisation killed millions of people and left 64% of the population in poverty.

It was Deng Xiaoping who realised that something had to change.

Asked why he was moving China closer towards capitalism, he said that "It doesn't matter if a cat is black or white, so long as it catches mice."

And, sure enough, when the country finally began to embrace capitalism, the poverty rate swiftly fell to around 8%.

Legatum's annual Prosperity Index repeatedly shows that the most prosperous nations on earth are those that are economically free.

Meanwhile, one of the biggest fallers in this year's ranking was Venezuela.

It's providing a very real case study, I believe, of Lady Thatcher's maxim that all socialist governments eventually run out of other people's money.

And it's the people of Venezuela who are paying as a result.

But the benefits of international capitalism aren't solely economic.

As Nye Bevan wrote, "freedom is the by-product of economic surplus".

As capitalism has spread around the world, it has taken liberal democracy with it.

The 2 go hand in hand.

The values and institutions you need to effectively run a capitalist market are the same one that are required for a democracy.

Put simply, both rely on giving people the freedom to choose.

To choose who governs them.

To choose what they want to buy.

In a capitalist society you can choose your career, choose your direction.

Capitalism gives you the opportunity to break out of the confines of where you came from.

Capitalism is colour-blind.

It doesn't care what you look like, where your parents come from or whether you have a funny-sounding name.

It recognises ability, not connections.

It rewards people who do well regardless of the colour of their skin.

And if you don't like capitalism?

If you want to drop out of the system and you want to live in the woods eating berries?

Well you can choose to do that too.

In a state-planned economy the opposite is true.

It relies on everyone being told what to do and when to do it.

On being assigned a role and then being expected to follow it.

A centrally-run, government-planned economy simply doesn't work if people are allowed to choose what they want to do.

The Berlin Wall was not built to stop desperate West Germans fleeing to the DDR.

[Political content removed]

So there's no doubt whatsoever that capitalism has been and continues to be a massive boon for international development, both economic and political.

But that doesn't mean that it's only of use to developing countries or those emerging from the shadow of totalitarianism.

Here at home, I often hear critics of the government complaining that our long-term economic plan is driven by ideology.

And you know what?

They're absolutely right.

It's driven by an ideology that says a strong, stable, secure economy is what Britain needs in order to thrive.

That says capitalist democracy allows us to pay for schools and hospitals and defence.

That recognises only capitalism provides the means to tackle those five giants of squalor, ignorance, want, idleness, and disease.

Thanks to capitalism nearly every home has access to labour-saving devices from vacuum cleaners to washing machines.

We can buy an abundance of fresh fruit and vegetables all year round. We can take holidays, we can buy TVs, we can work flexibly.

We can flick a switch and not be worried about whether the lights will come on.

Our sporting success, our world-class health service, our incredible creative industries, our cultural pioneers.

Almost everything we take for granted in modern Britain is only there because of capitalism.

The last time this country experimented with state planning and nationalisation, we ended up with a stagnant economy.

We had runaway inflation.

We had rubbish piled up in the streets.

And the people who suffered most then weren't the wealthiest in society.

They weren't the bankers and they weren't the super-rich.

The people who suffered most were the ordinary men and women.

People who just wanted to work hard and provide for their families.

[Political content removed]

Right now we live in a country with record employment, with more private businesses than ever before.

We're a prosperous nation, a thriving nation, the kind of nation I came into politics to help create and protect.

So yes, my policies are driven by capitalist ideology.

An ideology that has made Britain and the world freer, happier and more prosperous.

An ideology that has given us the means to enjoy our lives and the time with which to do so.

An ideology that I will fight tooth and nail to defend.

But my passion for capitalism doesn't mean I'm blind to the challenges that it presents.

Perhaps the biggest is that of inequality.

The gap between the haves and the have-nots.

Of course, that gap is relative.

Thanks to 2 centuries of capitalism, anyone in Britain earning an average salary is, in global terms, comfortably among "the One Per Cent".

Our standard of living is considerably higher than it used to be.

Yet people are still understandably aggrieved when they see a tiny handful of individuals doing exceptionally well.

There's also the risk of exploitation.

Some employers choose to maximise profits by paying low wages.

They cut corners on workplace safety, and they commit irreversible environmental damage.

And if the minority refuse to play by the rules, of course the majority can suffer.

Whether it's dumping steel on the global markets, fiddling emissions tests on new cars, or conspiring behind the scenes to fix Libor rates, a few people with bad intentions can make themselves wealthy at the expense of a great many others.

These problems easily spill over into a criticism of capitalism itself.

As Tim's report shows, despite everything it has delivered, most Britons do not think of capitalism as a force for good.

But inequality is not a fault with capitalism itself.

It's a limitation of it, something it cannot fix on its own.

Likewise, exploitation and illegality are not flaws in the fabric of the system.

They are simply flaws in human nature.

Under any system there will always be people who refuse to follow the rules, who take advantage of others to enrich themselves.

Despite what the propaganda says, there are thieves in socialist societies too.

Adherents of Marx think that all of the answers are contained in the Communist Manifesto.

But capitalists are more pragmatic.

We recognise that there's more to life than the Road to Serfdom or the Wealth of Nations.

That's why Adam Smith started off by writing the 'Theory of Moral Sentiments'!

None of us should be afraid to say that capitalism is a work in progress.

That it has been refined and improved over many years, and that the process of perfection still goes on.

State-planned economies rely on doing the same thing over and over again and expecting something other than failure.

Meanwhile, capitalist societies recognise when something isn't working and they take action to address it.

And that's where the government has a role to play.

In recent years it's become fashionable to bash government as an institution, to say it's inherently a bad thing.

In some circles you'll find people who think the state has absolutely no role to play in business at all.

I'm not one of those people.

Government has always had an absolutely crucial role to play in improving and enhancing capitalism.

Without government intervention, factories could employ child labour and force workers to endure dangerous conditions.

Without government intervention, it would be perfectly legal to pay women less than men, or fire them for getting pregnant.

Without government intervention, a business owner would be allowed to refuse me service because of the colour of my skin – as some did to my dad.

And such interventions aren't just battles from the past.

I'm proud to be part of a government that's introducing the National Living Wage and the Apprenticeship Levy, government interventions in the free market that will help make capitalism work better.

I'm proud to be passing the Enterprise Bill, protecting small business owners against late payments and making sure that everyone plays the by rules.

I'm proud to be a Business Secretary who is relentlessly pro-business, yet unafraid to take action when things aren't working.

Continuing to improve the system is a major part of my job.

And over the next few weeks and months I'll be talking a little more about what government and business need to do to in order to make that happen.

To tackle abuses of the system.

To make sure nobody is left behind by progress.

And to help restore public confidence in capitalism.

Now I started this morning by talking about how 'capitalism' has become something of a swear word.

And in many ways, as supporters of capitalism, we have only ourselves to blame.

Because over the years we've allowed the debate to be framed in terms of left and right.

We've allowed capitalism to be defined as an immoral, laissez faire free-for-all.

A system that doesn't just tolerate exploitation, but actively encourages it.

But things really aren't that black and white.

The Rowntree and Cadbury families were capitalists who built vast business empires by selling their goods.

But they also invested huge amounts in the welfare of their workforce and wider society.

George Cadbury even used his fortune to buy a newspaper so that he could use it to campaign against sweatshop labour.

A century later, the world's most successful capitalist is Bill Gates.

He's giving away tens of billions of pounds to improve healthcare in developing nations.

One survey recently named him the most popular man in the world.

Being a capitalist does not make you a bad person.

It is not a synonym for evil.

I'm a capitalist, but I also believe in equality, that people shouldn't be allowed to discriminate.

I'm a capitalist, but I don't believe we should pursue profit at all costs and destroy the planet in the process.

I'm a capitalist, but I don't believe in exploiting workers in the UK or anywhere else.

Critics of capitalism do not have a monopoly on conscience and compassion.

And on the other side of the coin, capitalists are not alone in thinking that the state should allow people to do well for themselves.

[Political content removed]

No less a figure than William Beveridge said that:

The State … in establishing a national minimum … should leave room and encouragement for voluntary action by each individual to provide more than that minimum for himself and his family.

So from whichever angle you look at it, capitalism is a force for good.

The challenge we face is to make that case in a compelling and convincing manner.

We have to celebrate and highlight what it does well, and address problems when things go wrong.

We have to be unashamed to say that we support capitalism, but unafraid to admit that it can always be improved.

Above all we have to demonstrate, through words and actions, that capitalism is not an ugly necessity, something rotten that we simply have to tolerate.

Capitalism is a wonderful, powerful thing.

The single greatest tool we have to tackle poverty.

To raise living standards.

And to boost international development.

It's the best economic system anyone has ever devised.

And it's crucial that we defend it.

Because capitalism is not perfect, but it can be perfected.

And it falls to its supporters to do just that.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/312294 2015-11-11T12:24:37+00:00 2015-11-11T12:24:37+00:00 Speech: Strengthening economic and cultural ties with China The Business Secretary speaks about doing business and strengthening economic and cultural ties with China.

Business has always been a part of my life.

Not just the 20 years I spent in international banking, but the heart and soul of my childhood, growing up in a small flat above the family shop.

Throughout that time I've seen how business can do a great many things.

It doesn't just provide jobs and local growth.

It lifts individuals, communities and even countries up to be the best they can be.

China's recent history provides a very real example of this.

In recent months we have been talking about a golden year for UK-China relations:

a year in which we have strengthened the economic, political and cultural ties between our 2 countries

a year in which I have had the privilege to make not one but 2 formal visits to China

a year in which the UK welcomed President Xi on a state visit – the first visit of its kind for a decade, and only the third in history

The challenge now is to turn this golden year into a golden era.

To build a common future that benefits both our nations.

And business has a huge role to play in making that happen.

Because it is business that produces sustainable growth.

Business that creates long-term jobs.

And business that makes our economies as productive as they can be.

There is an increasingly natural fit between our 2 economies.

Here in Britain our economy is growing faster than that of any other G7 nation.

As we continue to implement our long term economic plan for the UK, China offers us a huge new source of investment and export opportunities.

Meanwhile, even if China's economy were to grow by only 5% this year, it would still represent a quarter of all global GDP growth in 2015.

And as China rebalances and reforms its economy, UK companies, technology and services can complement its development and help it achieve its ambitions.

Doing more business together has already been of great benefit to both our countries.

China is now Jaguar Land Rover's largest market. To keep up with demand it recently invested £520 million in the most modern engine plant in the UK, creating 1,000 new British jobs.

And it has also opened its first ever overseas manufacturing facility, in Changshu – creating jobs for Chinese workers, too.

Meanwhile the Chinese car maker Geely is investing £250 million in a new factory, research and development centre and assembly plant for the London Taxi Company.

Ninety per cent of the almost 400 million smart phones sold in China last year are powered by chips supplied by Britain's ARM.

The UK is now firmly established as the most popular destination in Europe for investment from China.

Investment has come from sovereign wealth funds, state-owned enterprises and the private sector, and flowed into sectors as diverse as energy, retail and the digital economy.

And we're also making connections on a more human scale.

Last year, when I was Culture Secretary, a Chinese exchange student came to stay with my family.

On her first day in London I asked her what she wanted to experience:

the incredible museums?

the beautiful world heritage sites?

the cutting-edge cultural scene?

She didn't hesitate before answering.

How far is it to the Bicester Village shopping mall?

So we're already co-operating on so many levels.

But what excites me most isn't what we've already achieved, so much as the sense that this is just the beginning.

President Xi's State Visit presented unique opportunity to take things to next level.

The tens of billions of pounds of new trade and investment deals announced during the visit offered glimpse of what is possible.

The prospect of over £25 billion into UK nuclear projects, starting with Hinkley Point C, represents one of China's biggest-ever overseas investments.

Hinkley Point C alone will generate a stable source of clean power to nearly 6 million homes and provide up to 25,000 jobs.

And the benefits are not limited to manufacturing and industry.

BBC Earth Films and SMG Pictures are to co-produce a new documentary feature film for cinematic release in 2017.

It's the first deal completed under the landmark Sino-UK Film Co-Production Treaty ratified earlier this year when I was Secretary of State for Culture.

And York University and the China Capital Investment Group have developed a £200 million TV training programme that will benefit up to 300 Chinese students each year.

We welcome this kind of investment because open markets and fair competition are good for our economy and good for the global economy.

But it's not just the UK that has benefited from free trade and open markers.

After China joined the WTO it enjoyed one of the best decades in economic history.

Its GDP quadrupled and its exports grew 5 times over.

That's why I welcome the new wave of economic reforms started by President Xi in 2013.

Opening up to more foreign competition, especially in the services sector, will benefit China's economy and help its companies become more competitive at home and abroad.

And as we build closer economic ties with China, we will also do more trade with its neighbours in South East Asia.

Because although bilateral trade between the UK and ASEAN markets was worth almost £23 billion last year, there's a lot more we can do together.

It's a stunningly bad statistic that Britain still does more trade with Belgium than with the whole of Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and Vietnam combined.

But it doesn't have to be this way.

In the last 30 years the UK has successfully attracted a wide range of world-leading overseas-owned companies that are now fully embedded in the UK business community.

These companies come for the market:

for the open, business-friendly regulatory framework

for access to talent, skills and technology

We want to do as much as we can to open up business opportunities in Britain to overseas investors.

We want to continue to welcome Chinese and South East Asian companies to the UK to compete on a level playing field with no barriers and no special favours.

We want you to be part of the renaissance of our rail industry.

We want the UK supply chain that provides up to half the content in an Airbus to help China develop its own aircraft build programmes.

We want to increase the number of banks clearing RMB payments in London.

We want more British brands to tap into the dramatic growth in Asian consumption online and offline.

We want more Asian tech companies to do their research and development in the UK.

We want our creative industries to take on the world together.

We want to work with you to deliver better healthcare and help create the medicines of tomorrow.

We want to encourage Asian investment in the Northern Powerhouse, the Midlands Engine and National Infrastructure Plan projects.

In short, we want the UK to be China's number one business partner in the West, and we want ASEAN to see the UK as its gateway to Europe.

If we do all that, if we take bold steps forward and make the UK-China relationship the best it can be, we will truly turn this golden year into a golden era – for the UK, for China, and for the ASEAN family.

It's a goal that is well within our reach, and today's summit will help us all reach it.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/312040 2015-11-09T14:03:00+00:00 2015-11-09T14:03:00+00:00 Speech: Opening up the roads: the government's commitment to innovation Speaking at Innovate2015, Business Secretary Sajid Javid underlines the importance of innovation and the government's support for it.

The United Kingdom is a nation of innovators. From the Spinning Jenny to the World Wide Web. From stainless steel to carbon fibre. And from the vacuum cleaner to the… well, the bagless vacuum cleaner! It's impossible to imagine a world without British inventions, ideas and insights.

Today, that tradition continues. Lithium air batteries that are 5 times more efficient than traditional versions. Augmented reality technology that transforms the way we experience the world around us. Nobel Prizes for medicine filling the UK's trophy cabinet.

It's a litany of amazing achievement, but for all the triumphs of our past I know that many of Britain's greatest innovations lie ahead.

As I stand here today, someone, somewhere is on the brink of a breakthrough. Maybe it'll be a lone inventor tinkering in the garden shed. Maybe it will be a biomedical research team in a cutting-edge lab.

Or maybe it will be a bright young start-up, offering a whole new way to analyse data. The possibilities are limitless and none of us can reliably predict exactly what tomorrow will bring.

But there is one thing I can say for sure: this government will always support Britain's innovators. Why? Because innovation is what powers our economy.

Whitehall isn't home to great industrial innovators, so we're not going to tell you what to do. But we can create an environment in which you can thrive.

Wilbur Wright, one half of the American duo that pioneered powered flight, once came out with a line that should probably be chiselled into the wall of my department.

"It is not really necessary to look too far into the future," he said. "We see enough already to be certain it will be magnificent. Only let us hurry and open up the roads."

And that's what this government is committed to doing.

We're opening up the roads so that you can continue to drive the innovations that will change lives, boost productivity, and help the UK unlock its full potential.

We're doing that in a variety of ways, the most obvious of which is direct funding, much of it allocated through organisations like Innovate UK. And let me just thank Ruth and her team for all of their incredible work.

But our commitment to innovation, science and research goes well beyond simply signing cheques. Right across government, we're working to make sure this country can make the most of its incredible potential.

For starters there are our tax incentives. In fact the Research and Development Tax Credits scheme is now the single largest source of government support for business investment in research and development. It underpins work worth more than £14 billion at more than 18,000 companies.

Two years ago we backed this up with the new Patent Box. It offers a significantly reduced corporation tax rate, providing a further incentive for companies to develop, retain and commercialise new products here at home. And that means more investment in research and development, and more high-value jobs.

HMRC is running a consultation on the future of the Patent Box, and I'd encourage all of you to get involved.

I know that debt or equity finance, including venture capital, isn't the answer for everyone. But there's no doubt that it can be an important source of finance for early-stage businesses.

Last year alone more than £2 billion was raised in venture capital in the UK, up 50% from the previous year. And I see no reason why the UK can't be Europe's number one destination for innovation finance.

The British Business Bank is also doing great work in this area, helping small and medium-sized companies access the finance they need to start up, scale up and stay ahead.

We're using the Catapult network to bridge the gaps between business, academia, research and government, turning inspired ideas into practical reality. By giving companies access to expertise and equipment, Catapults speed up innovation and keep jobs in the UK.

Our relentless effort to cut red tape is also helping British innovators. On the exhibition floor you might have seen one of the driverless cars being tested in Milton Keynes. This pioneering work can happen because we're taking a non-regulatory approach to testing driverless cars here in the UK.

We've got a code of practice to keep things safe, but developers don't need to apply for permits or jump through legal hoops. I want to see this success repeated elsewhere. That's why we're using the Challenger Business Programme to identify and remove barriers that cause problems for disruptive new businesses.

Britain's innovators already have a great track record of exporting both their expertise and technology. For example, scientists from the National Physical Laboratory recently completed a 3-year project to design, build and install an atomic force microscope at NPL India. And an NPL project to install an antenna extrapolation range at China's National Institute of Metrology was officially opened earlier this year. We want to make it easier for other innovators to follow their lead.

So today (9 November 2015) we are launching Exporting Is GREAT. It's the government's most ambitious export campaign ever, aiming to inspire and support 100,000 additional UK exporters to sell their goods and services overseas by 2020.

It will run for 5 years as part of the world-renowned GREAT Britain campaign.

And its approach will be unique – presenting real-time export opportunities through multi-platform adverts to businesses of all sizes, from across sectors and every region of the UK.

And we're making it easier for Britain's innovators to share their work with the world, forging international partnerships to open up new markets. The Newton Fund has partners in more than a dozen countries. And the UK Space Agency's £32 million International Space Partnerships programme is making a difference in everything from telecommunications to maternal health.

All this support is delivering real results. The UK has already moved up to sixth place in the World Bank's "ease of doing business" ranking. And looking at the talent in this room, it's no surprise that Britain has now reached second spot in the Global Innovation Index, ahead of the USA, Japan, and every other nation in the EU.

I know that the level of direct funding, both for science and innovation, is the subject of much discussion right now. I know many of you have had to make difficult choices about priorities, and are worried about what the future holds.

And while I'd like to stand here today and tell you all about funding beyond 2016, those decisions will not be made until the spending review later this month.

What I can tell you is that we will continue to support the UK's innovators, while also continuing with our long-term plan to secure the future of our economy.

This support shouldn't be limited to traditional centres of innovation. When my colleague the Minister for Science spoke in Sheffield over the summer, he asked why productivity there is less than half that in Oxford and London. One answer to this is that investment in research and development is much higher in those cities.

It is clear that research and innovation have a critical role to play in closing productivity gaps around the country. We need to do more to help local areas exploit their strengths in research and innovation so that their businesses remain competitive. So today I am announcing two initiatives that will work closely together to support this aim, both in England and across the UK.

In England, I can announce that we are setting up an independent hub for expert advice on "Smart Specialisation". The Hub will forge better links between businesses, universities, investors and Catapults and provide better evidence on cluster strengths to unlock local innovation. It will do so by sharing best practice, identifying partnering opportunities and helping target investments on local innovation. A local business will be able to tap into the Hub's expertise through their Local Enterprise Partnership (LEPs) to access funds and participate in projects. This initiative will also help LEPs access £580 million of EU Structural and Investment Funds available for research and development over the next 6 to 7 years.

The second initiative will operate across the UK. In July we announced that the government would be helping areas map their research and innovation strengths and infrastructure through a series of Science and Innovation Audits (SIA).

SIAs will provide an evidence base for decision-making on innovation priorities in specific regions. They will help local businesses, universities and LEPs, and their equivalents in the Devolved Administrations, to focus their investments and bid for funds where they have the potential to excel. We have already begun tendering for the analytical support that will underpin these audits.

And I am today launching the call for expressions of interest from consortia to participate in the audits and work with our analytical team to explore and validate areas of emerging strength in their areas.

This is a significant opportunity for local leaders to come together and focus their efforts. We want universities, institutions and businesses to seize this opportunity and propose audits in their areas.

The Hub and the SIAs will be closely linked to each other – the Hub will act as a repository for innovation evidence for England in the longer term, which the Audits will feed into. Taken together, they will build solid evidence to ensure that all parts of the UK can really reach their full potential.

Five years ago, in his first major speech on innovation, my predecessor said that Britain's researchers were going to have to "do more with less".

That's far too simplistic. Because our support for innovation is much broader than direct funding alone. Whether it's tax incentives, help with business development, reform of regulation or support with exports, our commitment to innovation runs right across the government.

And then there's wider policy that provides indirect benefits. Our long-term plan to balance the books and grow economy means more funds available for innovation. Our work to improve skills and raise standards at schools and universities supports the next generation of innovators. Lower corporation taxes mean innovative companies are more likely to invest here.

It's a cross-government, multi-layered approach that's both sustainable and effective. We're not asking you to do more with less. We're giving you the widest possible package of support so you can achieve more than ever before.

The UK didn't become one of the world's most creative nations by sticking to the rule book, doing things the way they have always been done.

Change is constant, and all of us have to change the way we work and think in order to remain effective. That goes for governments as much as innovators! But we're never going to stand back and say "You're on your own, now get on with it".

We recognise the importance of innovation, that's why it's at the heart of both our approach to industry and our plan to boost British productivity.

An innovative country means a strong economy, and a strong economy means greater investment in innovation. It's a truly virtuous circle, which is why government support for those who push the boundaries is nothing new.

Last year saw the 300th anniversary of the first Longitude Act. As well as offering substantial rewards to anyone who could crack the problem of determining longitude at sea, the Act also provided an early example of government support for innovation. An independent board was created with the power to identify promising ideas and allocate awards for further development.

John Harrison received thousands of pounds to support his work on marine chronometers, work that eventually revolutionised navigation, providing a massive boost for trade and saving countless lives.

Fast forward 3 centuries and the government is still committed to keeping Britain at the cutting edge of innovation, with all the benefits it brings. Just next month, the whole country will be watching when Major Tim Peake blasts into space. As well as the direct research benefits of his mission, this modern-day explorer will also help to inspire the next generation of innovators and scientists. It's an unquantifiable return on the UK Space Agency's £320 million budget.

So in 2015, the UK remains at the top table of research and development. To say we punch above our weight is a gross understatement. We're home to only 1% of the world's population, but we have 4 of the world's top 10 universities and generate 16% of the most highly cited and influential research papers.

The world is changing rapidly and there are undoubtedly challenges ahead of all of us, but one constant remains. I'm part of a government that understands the importance of innovation. A government that will do everything possible to support it in a way that works for you, for the economy and above all for the people of our innovation nation.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/310370 2015-10-21T21:29:00+01:00 2015-10-21T21:29:00+01:00 Speech: Joint press conference: David Cameron and President Xi Jinping Prime Minister David Cameron and President Xi Jinping of China held a joint press conference during the President's state visit to the UK.

Watch the joint press conference.

Prime Minister

Good afternoon and welcome. It's an honour to welcome President Xi to Downing Street. This state visit, in which the President of China is spending almost a week here in Britain, marks a key moment in the relationship between our 2 countries. It's founded on a basic belief, which President Xi and I share, that a strong relationship is in the interests of both Britain and China. We discussed this when we first met in Beijing nearly 8 years ago, and this week's visit and the many concrete agreements being reached as part of it are clear signs of how far the relationship between our countries has progressed in the intervening period.

A strong relationship is in both our countries' interest, not just because it brings investment and jobs and higher living standards for our peoples, vital though those things are. The more we trade together, the more we have a stake in each other's success, and the more we understand each other, the more that we can work together to confront the problems that face our world today. The stronger the relationship between our countries, the more we'll be able to have a serious dialogue. We may not always agree but we can discuss issues openly and constructively.

Today Britain and China have strong diplomatic relations, our businesses are creating deeper ties, and our people-to-people links are close. But there are opportunities to do so much more. We should go further on trade and investment, not only for China to invest in the United Kingdom but also for British businesses to expand and grow in China. We should increase our financial and economic cooperation with the UK as the partner of choice for China in the West. And we must do more to work in partnership on the global issues that affect us both, from climate change to tackling poverty, and global health issues, working together to combat instability and extremism.

As President Xi said yesterday, our task is now to seize these opportunities and I would like to say a word on some of the key areas for cooperation. First, trade and investment. Since the last state visit in 2005, our exports to China have quadrupled. In the last 5 years, they've increased by 140%, growing to almost £20 billion per year, making us the second largest investor into China. And investment both ways has also grown, with Chinese investment into the UK reaching over $5 billion in 2014. So I want to see more trade flowing between our countries, like Geely, owner of the London Taxi Company, announcing a £50 million investment in the United Kingdom today. We've got Chinese companies investing in Heathrow, in Thames Water. We've got UK architects designing Chinese cities. And I'm pleased to announce today that we're signing an historic deal to build the Hinkley nuclear power station, providing reliable, affordable energy to nearly 6 million homes and creating more than 25,000 jobs, all the while working together to build a low carbon future.

Turning now to our economic and financial relationship, China is well on its way to becoming the largest economy in the world. Last year the United Kingdom was the fastest growing economy in the G7, and we are the leading champion within the European Union of open markets and free trade agreements. Here again, we're determined to take our relationship to the next level, including through the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank which will be of enormous benefit to the region as well as opening up more opportunities for British business to help drive growth and jobs. And we were the first Western economy to issue an RMB bond outside China, which will be of great benefit to London.

Today President Xi and I have discussed how we can build on these ties through the UK–China Infrastructure Alliance. This will place UK firms at the forefront of opportunities to work with Chinese companies on infrastructure projects, including President Xi's One Belt, One Road initiative and our own Northern Powerhouse. We've also discussed the excess global supply of steel and how we can tackle it.

But our relationship goes beyond trade and investment. China and Britain are both global powers with a global outlook. We share an interest in a stable and ordered world, in which countries play by the rules and work together to address threats to our security and to our prosperity. We've discussed today how, as permanent members of the Security Council, we can deepen that cooperation across the board. We've already worked together successfully to deliver an agreement to stop Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. And we've talked about some of the less familiar challenges we now face, such as how to tackle antimicrobial resistance, where the UK is a world leader. And I'm pleased today that – to announce that we've established a new fund to support vital research and development on this issue.

We also discussed ways in which we can work together on international development, so the UK and China will work more closely to tackle global poverty and promote economic development in Africa, global health, international disaster relief, and opportunities for women and girls. It's testament to our strong relationship that we're able to work on these important issues. And also that we're able to have open discussions on more difficult issues, such as cyber, where we've reached a new agreement on cyber-enabled commercial espionage, and on human rights.

So this visit marks the start of a new era. Some have called it a golden era in relations between Britain and China, an era of stronger economic ties, deeper trade links, closer relations between our peoples and meaningful dialogue on the issues that matter to us both. And all of this is routed in a relationship between our 2 old countries, a relationship fit for the 21st century, benefitting not just our nations and our peoples, but also the wider world.

Thank you. President Xi?

President Xi Jinping

Mr Prime Minister, friends from the media, good afternoon. First of all, I wish to convey a cordial greetings and best wishes from the Chinese people towards the British people. The Royal Family and government of the UK have accorded to me thoughtful arrangement and warm hospitality. I wish to express my heartfelt gratitude.

China and the UK are both major countries with significant influence. This year is the beginning of the second decade of China–UK comprehensive strategic partnership and this relationship has come to a new starting point. I'm making this state visit to the UK to build on past achievements, elevate our political mutual trust, deepen practical cooperation in all fields, and take China–UK ties to a new level.

Yesterday, I had a full programme of a state visit accorded to me by Her Majesty the Queen, and I was deeply impressed by the pageantry and warmth throughout. And just now, I had a productive meeting with Prime Minister Cameron. We reached important consensus on many issues, and agreed and announced here that we will build a global comprehensive strategic partnership between our countries in the 21st century and jointly open up a golden era of an enduring inclusive win/win China–UK relationship, and jointly create an even brighter future for our relations.

During the visit we achieved a string of outcomes. Prime Minister and I witnessed the signing of some intergovernmental and business cooperation documents, which include the Hinkley Point nuclear power station with the involvement of Chinese company. And this is a flagship project of cooperation between our countries in recent years, and it will lead to more practical cooperation of this kind between the 2 sides.

Our financial cooperation continues to lead the way. China will issue in London RMB sovereign bond outside China for the first time and the People's Bank of China will issue in the UK RMB 5 billion central bank bills. And the 2 central banks will extend bilateral currency swap from RMB 200 billion to RMB 350 billion. And the first RMB green bond will be issued in the UK.

There is a saying in English, 'One today is worth two tomorrows'. And the Chinese people often say, 'Seize the day, seize the hour'. Let's seize the opportunity and forge ahead together to promote further progress in China–UK relations and bring more benefits to people of our countries and the rest of the world. Thank you.

Prime Minister

Thank you very much, Mr President. I think we've got 1 question from the British press and 1 question from the Chinese press. We'll start with Laura Kuenssberg from the BBC.

Question

Thank you very much, Prime Minister. Prime Minister, if you were a steelworker who had lost their job yesterday, at the same time as seeing President Xi being ferried down Whitehall in a golden carriage, how would you have felt? Is there any price that's worth paying in order to further our business interests with China?

And President Xi, why do you think members of the British public should be pleased to do more business with a country that is not democratic, is not transparent, and has a deeply, deeply troubling attitude towards human rights?

Prime Minister

Well, let me deal very directly with the issue about steel, because we discussed today the importance of the steel industry, and I want a strong and robust British steel industry, and we discussed the problem of global oversupply. And China itself has plans to reduce that supply. But I would completely reject the premise of your question that either you can have an exchange with China about the issue of steel, or indeed about human rights, or you can have a strong relationship with China, which is good for business investment and growth.

My argument, and my contention after 5 years of doing this job, is that you can have both. Indeed, you must have both. The stronger our economic trading, business and other partnerships, the stronger our relationship and the more able we are to have the necessary and frank discussions about other issues. And it's those discussions and that relationship that leads to that greater understanding that makes that positive.

And what I would say to steelworkers in Britain is: we will take action here in Britain. We will take action on energy costs. We'll take action to help make sure that we procure British steel for British projects. Where we can take action on tax and other issues, we will take that action. Where we can take action in the European Union, we will take that action.

But actually, the investment we're talking about today, we're going to build a nuclear power station in Britain that's going to have British steel. We're building Crossrail under the streets of London right now, the biggest construction project anywhere in Europe, employing almost exclusively British steel.

The infrastructure partnerships we're talking about, the investment that we're opening up, means more demand for British steel, because that's the way we're going to make sure procurement works in Britain. So, I totally reject the idea you either have a conversation about human rights and steel, or you have a strong relationship with China. I want both, and we're delivering both, and it's when you have that strong relationship and the strong partnership that we have, you're able to discuss all of these issues.

President Xi Jinping

This journalist did not ask me, but I want to say something about the thing that you asked the Prime Minister, the iron and steel issue. The world is facing the overcapacity of iron and steel, not just the UK. This is because of the impact of the international financial crisis, the reduction of demand, and China's iron and steel industry is also facing excess capacity and the challenge of how to absorb those capacity.

And China has taken a series of steps to reduce the capacity. We have reduced it more than 700 million tonnes of production capacity, and you can just imagine our task of finding jobs for those workers. And the UK is an important partner for China for industrial cooperation. We should not just focus on the competition in this area.

We should see that by the end of our 2014, our investment in the UK totalled $12.8 billion, and we created 6,000 jobs in the UK. And this – during this visit, we're going to sign a number of documents – cooperation documents, and such agreements will create even more jobs for the UK. We appreciate UK's commitment to free trade. We hope that will further our industrial dialogue and cooperation. Through collaboration and cooperation, we will be able to resolve trade disputes and frictions, avoid protectionist measures, so that we will move forward our trade relations.

And coming to the human rights issue that you asked, China attaches great importance to the protection of human rights. We combine the universal value of human rights with China's reality, and we have found a path of human rights development suited to China's national conditions. With regard to protection of human rights, looking round the world, we know that there is always room for improvement. All countries need to continuously improve and strengthen human rights protection to meet the needs of the time and the people. And on the issue of human rights, I think the people of our respective countries are in the position – in the best position to tell. And China is ready to, on the basis of equality and mutual respect, increase exchanges and cooperation with the UK and other countries in the area of human rights. Thank you.

Question

I am journalist from China. We have learned that the UK government is advancing the plan of 'Northern Powerhouse' and want to align with the Belt and Road Initiative. What is your opinion?

President Xi Jinping

The Belt and Road Initiative connects the Asia-Pacific economic circle in the East, and the European economic circle in the West, and there are more than 60 countries along the traditional route. So, we are talking about a global connectivity, and this initiative will bring about more opportunities for mutually beneficial cooperation among countries in the region.

And this initiative is warmly received by countries along the route in larger areas. And the UK side has expressed a strong interest in participating in the construction of this initiative, and hopes to align its Northern Powerhouse project with the Belt and Road Initiative.

This is great news. The Belt and Road Initiative is open, and we know that, when everyone adds wood to the fire, the flame will go high. And we welcome the UK's participation and we encourage Chinese companies to the construction of Northern Powerhouse, and make more investment, so that we will achieve win/win results.

And I will visit Manchester during this trip. I am looking forward to seeing what's happening in Manchester. Thank you.

Prime Minister

One of the points of these in-depth discussions that we've been having here today, and will have tomorrow in Chequers, is to better understand each other's economic strategies and how we can have the maximum benefit for both our countries from them. And I've been explaining to the Chinese President how we've made some choices in Britain, the choice to prioritise infrastructure investment, like high-speed rail, the choice to rebalance our economy and build the Northern Powerhouse, the choice to give a priority to the high-tech and skills, jobs and training.

Just as the President has been explaining to me the One Belt, One Road initiative and what that means for China, and how other countries can benefit from investing in that vision. And that's very much, going back to – answer to the original question, that's the point of such a dialogue is to better understand each other's economic needs and priorities for mutual benefit.

But thank you very much for coming. Thank you Mr President.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/310353 2015-10-21T17:17:00+01:00 2015-10-21T17:17:00+01:00 Speech: UK-China Intellectual Property Symposium 2015 Baroness Neville-Rolfe talks about UK-China relations and initiatives to help businesses achieve better IP outcomes.

Thank you Neil for the introduction.

It is a pleasure for me to welcome you all to this intellectual property symposium.

I am especially pleased to see so many Chinese guests here today. We have:

representatives from 20 different central and local government departments; and

a wide range of Chinese businesses, including a delegation of companies from Beijing, Shanghai and Jiangsu province, organised by the China-Britain Business Council. This delegation includes leading Internet, pharmaceutical and automotive companies

The number of Chinese visitors here today shows how seriously China is taking intellectual property, something I witnessed personally during my visit to China last year.

State visit and UK-China bilateral relationship

I am especially pleased to be hosting this IP symposium on the occasion of the State Visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping to the UK. This visit marks a "Golden Era" of UK-China relations, and the UK-China relationship is "a comprehensive, strategic partnership for the 21st century".

President Xi Jinping spoke yesterday in Parliament about the vitality of the UK-China relationship. And he quoted a famous English thinker from the Golden Enlightenment Age, Francis Bacon who said:

Wise men make more opportunities than they find

This rings true for IP. The breadth and depth of the relationship is impressive, covering a full range of policy exchanges and joint work on strategic global issues.

And the UK-China relationship is contributing to economic growth, jobs and prosperity in both our countries:

Chinese companies continue to invest more in the UK than in any other country in Europe. The most recent deals included a £1.2 billion investment in three major property projects in Manchester, Leeds and Sheffield by Hualing Industries. These projects are expected to create 18,000 jobs and 10,000 new homes as part of the Northern Powerhouse initiative;

UK exports of goods and services to China have almost doubled over the past 5 years. The State Visit is adding £30bn worth of deals including Chinese investment with Merlin Entertainment on the Shanghai Legoland. And we now have a new ambition to make China the UK's second largest trading partner by 2025, as part of the government's wider efforts to increase British exports to £1 trillion a year and get 100,000 more companies exporting; and

the "Newton Fund" is ensuring £200 million is invested in joint UK-China scientific research and innovation over the next 5 years

Importance of IP for economic growth

This impressive trade, investment and innovation relationship is underpinned by the IP regimes in our two countries.

The UK invests more each year in intangible assets than in fixed capital investment. And the creative industries alone account for over 5% of GDP in both the UK and China.

This shows that our modern economies depend on effective IP systems for continued growth. A strong IP system is essential in rewarding and incentivising both innovators and those that invest in them. I expect that participants in this symposium will not need persuading of this point.

And we are doing our bit here in the UK:

the UK was ranked top of the Taylor Wessing Global IP Index in 2013. We also ranked 2nd in the World Intellectual Property Office Global Innovation Index, which looks at the best places in the world to create, protect and enforce IP; and

the UK also has world-leading IP professional services companies. British attorneys have a reputation for quality and for representing their clients' interests. I strongly recommend any Chinese companies here today take the opportunity to meet with our excellent IP professionals during your visit. This evening, the Chartered Institute of Patent Attorneys and the Institute of Trade Mark Attorneys will be hosting a reception at the Royal College of Surgeons for the UK attorneys and the UK's top IP judges and I look forward to seeing many of you there. Please use this opportunity to meet with the UK's IP professional services

UK-China IP cooperation

During his visit to China last month, the Chancellor George Osborne said that the UK is

China's best partner in the West

This is certainly true of our intellectual property cooperation.

The UK recognises the progress China has made in developing its IP system, with the first modern intellectual property law passed just over 30 years ago. We are contributing to the progress in China's IP system through constructive relationships with the central government, with rights holders and at provincial level across the country. And that is why I welcome the diversity and depth of the Chinese representatives present today.

Last year I led the largest ever UK IP delegation to China, including representatives from British companies, industry associations, the judiciary and senior government officials. We visited 8 cities in 5 days, and I met with 8 Chinese counterparts of Minister-level or above. Including a meeting in Zhongnanhai, with State Councillor Wang Yong.

Deliverable 1: Alibaba-CBBC outcomes

Particular progress was made helping British companies protect IP online in China. During my visit I supported the signing of a landmark IP agreement between the China-Britain Business Council and the Alibaba Group. Many of you know the significance of Alibaba. Their various platforms account for the majority of the booming Chinese e-commerce market. Sales on Alibaba platforms exceed the global sales of Amazon and eBay combined.

Since last September the CBBC-Alibaba IP agreement has gained momentum. It has led to a number of benefits for British companies – multinationals and SMEs, including:

a criminal enforcement campaign covering 6 Chinese provinces, which dismantled a network producing counterfeit engine lubricants. The network recorded sales of £1.5 million in the past year alone and was uncovered by a joint operation between Alibaba, British businesses and Chinese law enforcement;

upgrading Alibaba search filters to pre-emptively block copycat and infringing products from reaching consumers;

developing new, fast track processes to remove products which infringe patent and design rights; and

solving dozens of other thorny problems brought forward by British companies, including guiding small and medium-sized enterprises through "Ali-Protect", Alibaba's in-house IP protection system

I would like to congratulate Alibaba and the CBBC on these achievements. The Alibaba-CBBC IP agreement has improved the global e-commerce environment, making it safer for consumers and the small businesses that use Alibaba sites as part of their supply chain. In particular I would like to thank Alibaba for their constructive solutions to the IP concerns of British companies.

Of course, there is more to be done. We must ensure that the lessons learnt from these successes are incorporated into "business-as-usual" on Alibaba websites, including by:

streamlining notice-and-takedown procedures;

further enhancing pre-emptive filters to prevent criminal scale infringements from happening in the first place; and

smoother linking of on- and off-line enforcement

Alibaba are here today and will speak this afternoon on measures they are taking to achieve these goals. My officials both here and in China are ready to support the continued success of this project.

Deliverable 2: Creative industries and the China digital copyright law research centre

Another area where we are jointly tackling the challenges presented by the online environment is in copyright and the creative industries.

I am pleased to announce today the first set of research projects to be funded by the Digital Copyright and IP Law Research Centre, based in Nottingham University, Ningbo, China.

The Centre is jointly financed by the UK's Arts and Humanities Research Council and the Ningbo local government, and aims to provide high-impact, practical research that informs China's IP policy. Projects will be implemented by consortia of British and Chinese academics and will include input from our key creative industry sectors.

Topics to be covered over the next two years include:

IP regimes appropriate for Internet-based technologies and new business models;

3D printing;

fair use of copyright in the digital domain; and

awareness of IP amongst design intensive industries, and work on how an IP regime can evolve to meet designers' needs

I hope that many of you here today will be involved in these projects. Practical input from industry is crucial because the UK really is a global leader in the creative industries, punching well above its economic might. For example:

the British publishing industry recorded revenues of £4.3 billion in 2014, 40% of which came from exports;

UK-qualified film has an 11% share of global box office revenues; James Bond is as popular in China as in the UK; and UK TV programmes have devoted audiences in China. Both and Sherlock and Downton Abbey have 160 million viewers respectively. Which is more than the total population of the UK

the UK has a 14% share of the global music market, with 5 of the top ten best selling artists in the world in 2014 coming from the UK. Adele is one of the most popular karaoke choices in China

A strong copyright regime is part of the policy mix behind this success. At the start of last month we held a number of activities in China to showcase UK copyright expertise. This included some of our innovative approaches to enforcement. I was particularly pleased to learn that -partly as a result - from this October China will cut off advertising revenues flowing to websites that distribute pirate works.

Deliverable 3: UK-China Research and innovation toolkit

The final announcement I would like to make today is the publication of a toolkit to enable UK-China research and innovation collaboration.

The UK's strengths in research and technology commercialisation complement the exciting work happening in China. For example:

the UK is home to 4 of the world's top 10 universities – Cambridge, UCL, Oxford and Imperial College London – and 30 of the top 200

these universities are equipped with first class facilities and talent, producing research that changes people's lives around the world. According to industry data, 16% of the most cited papers in the world are first published in the UK; and

the UK is also a world leader in technology commercialisation. We have strong university-industry links, and a track record of creating successful spin out companies. Our companies and universities have experience taking innovation to markets across the world

China is also now a leading global source of funding for scientific research, with R&D spending reaching 2.9% of GDP in 2014. Many of us in the IP sector have been amazed at the output of this research in China, with over 900,000 invention patent applications to the State Intellectual Property Office last year alone.

[As I mentioned earlier], the UK and China are jointly investing in £200 million of science and innovation projects over 5 years. But collaboration across borders can be challenging. Unfamiliar academic cultures, business environments and IP systems can create barriers to joint research.

The benefits of solving these problems are significant. Citation rates are higher for papers co-authored by British and Chinese scientists than for papers written in either country independently. Cross-border licensing of IP has unlocked revenues otherwise unavailable to both parties in a licensing agreement.

This is why the Toolkit we are launching today is so important. It provides a clear framework for negotiating how IP will be managed in joint research projects. It includes a decision guide and translated model collaboration agreements. It is based on the Lambert Toolkit which was created for domestic collaborations, but has been specifically adjusted for both UK and Chinese law.

I encourage you all to use this Toolkit and provide us with feedback on its effectiveness.

Ladies and gentlemen:

I have set the scene for this IP symposium and announced three UK-led initiatives to help businesses achieve better IP outcomes:

we are ensuring that e-commerce platforms sell fewer counterfeits through CBBC-Alibaba collaboration;

adapting copyright regimes to the digital age through the Digital Copyright and IP Law Research Centre at Nottingham-Ningbo; and

removing barriers to valuable collaborative research and innovation through our new IP toolkit

With our strong collaboration to date, we are working together to create an IP system that underpins this Golden Era of UK-China relations.

I want this Symposium to contribute to this process and yet more increased trade, investment and above all innovation in the future.

I wish you all the best for your discussions throughout today.

Thank you.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/309793 2015-10-16T10:54:55+01:00 2015-10-16T10:54:55+01:00 Speech: Supporting business and fighting anti-Semitism Sajid Javid talks about the work of the Community Security Trust and the government's support for business.

At events like this, guest speakers traditionally kick things off by saying how delighted they are to have been invited, how it's a real pleasure to be here and so on.

But I'm not sure I can do that today.

In fact I'd go so far as to say I don't want to be here at all.

Not because I don't like the company – Gerald Ronson and Lord Young make great table-mates!

And it's not because I don't like the catering.

In fact it's great to be invited to a formal lunch and be 100% sure that the menu won't include pork!

No, the reason I don't want to be here is because the very fact that this fundraiser is taking place proves the Community Security Trust (CST) is still necessary.

That violent hatred towards Jews is still a very real problem.

That members of one of our oldest and most established religious minorities simply don't feel safe walking the streets of 21st century Britain.

I don't know about you, but I find that both absolutely outrageous and extremely depressing.

The first duty of any state is to protect its citizens, and if you don't feel you can go about your business without being at risk of attack, then successive governments have, quite simply, failed you.

It's high time that change, which is why, in March, the Prime Minister promised more than £10 million to improve security at synagogues and Jewish schools across the country.

And I was very pleased to see him pledge a further £1.5 million towards the cost of enhancing security at community buildings.

This includes new digital CCTV systems that will feed directly into the CST's state-of-the-art control room, enhancing their ability to respond quickly to threats.

But increased security can only do so much.

Fences and cameras and guards and patrols can help prevent violence and intimidation. And they can make it easier to identify, apprehend and punish the perpetrators.

But, like I said, this shouldn't be necessary. In 2015, Britain's Jews shouldn't have to hide away behind high walls in order to feel safe. That they do, comes down to a problem that no amount of physical security can tackle.

The fact that anti-Semitism has been allowed to become an established part of modern British life.

Now, I'm no stranger to prejudice. I grew up in the 1970s, when looking like I do and having a name like Sajid pretty much guaranteed a certain level of abuse.

I've encountered racists throughout my working life, both in business and in politics. And if you have a look online you'll find no shortage of people saying that because my parents were born in Pakistan, I must be some kind of Homeland-style Al-Qaeda sleeper agent!

Of course, a similar number of people are just as convinced that I'm an "Uncle Tom" Zionist lapdog and a traitor to Islam!

I take some solace from the fact that one side must be wrong!

So I know how it feels to be on the receiving end of hatred.

But there's one big difference between what I've experienced in the past, and what British and European Jews are facing today. Acceptability.

Last month I spoke at the Holocaust Educational Trust's annual dinner, some of you may have been there. I talked about how, in modern Britain, anti-Semitism has many faces. Some explicit, like hate preachers and far-right groups. Some more oblique, like the Holocaust deniers or those who glibly equate modern politicians with the Nazis.

And then there was the third group, the "dinner party anti-Semites". The nice, respectable middle-class liberals who say they abhor prejudice of any kind, but are more than happy to tolerate, ignore or even indulge in anti-Jewish behaviour.

I found the reaction to the speech quite interesting. Because on the night quite a few people popped up on the internet to say "don't be silly Sajid, of course that's not a thing. I go to lots of dinner parties and nobody ever abuses Jewish people."

But then, in the days that followed, came a second wave of comment, from Britain's Jews. And it was almost unanimous in saying "finally, someone's put a name to what I've been experiencing for years".

Which rather proves my point. When I talk about dinner party anti-Semites, I'm talking about people who would never dream of telling a Muslim that Islamophobia wasn't real. Who would be horrified if a man told a woman that sexism no longer existed. Who would, quite rightly, cry foul if a straight politician claimed that homophobia had been eradicated from society.

But they don't just indulge in anti-Semitism, they deny that it's a problem. It's become such a normalised, accepted part of life that they've become blind to its existence.

The people I'm talking about aren't going to be going around daubing "Jews Out" on bus stops across London. They're not going to be smashing headstones in Jewish cemeteries, or slashing tyres in a synagogue car park.

But in many ways they're just as responsible as the criminals who do. Because they create the climate in which such behaviour becomes the norm. In which people find it easy to look the other way.

In which the kind of bile recorded in the CST's Anti-Semitic Discourse Report is dismissed as the complaints of over-sensitive, moaning Jews.

It's not acceptable, yet somehow it has become accepted.

That's why I spoke out against anti-Semitism last month. That's why I'm speaking out against it today (15 October 2015). And that's why I'll continue to speak out against anti-Semitism until Britain wakes up to this noxious weed that has taken root.

I applaud the work of the CST, but I don't want it to be necessary. I don't want to have to talk about funding for fences and cameras and security guards.

I'm the Secretary of State for Business – I want to be able to stand up in front of an audience of Jewish business leaders and talk about business. So that's exactly what I'm going to turn to now.

About the contribution that you make to the economy, and what the government is doing to support you. And, make no mistake, you have this government's support.

Because, whether it's a multi-national corporation based in Canary Wharf, or a one-man start-up based at the kitchen table, business is a force for good.

From providing the dignity of work and the security of a wage, to creating the prosperity that allows our nation to grow, nothing raises standards of living like free enterprise and competitive markets.

From the family shop in Bristol to the trading floors of Singapore, I've lived my whole life in, around, even above businesses of all shapes and sizes.

I know all too well how the family mood can change with a day's takings. I've seen for myself how companies need finance to realise their potential. I know how hard it can be to set up and to succeed in business. But I know that all of society benefits when someone take the courageous decision to strike out and start their own business.

That's why I'm unashamedly pro-business, and that's why I want to make Britain the best place in the world to start and grow a company.

Not by picking winners or dictating strategy to private industries. But by listening to business leaders and giving them the support they need.

With an Enterprise Bill that makes it easier to do business. With a bonfire of the red tape that stifles expansion. With a relentless focus on boosting productivity. And with international trade agreements that allow British companies of all sizes to export to markets near and far.

This room is filled with seriously successful businessmen and women. I worked in banking long enough to know that if you've reached the top of finance or real estate in London, you've reached the top full stop!

You know what it takes to be the best. You know how many obstacles you have to overcome. And you know the scale of the challenge that British businesses faced just over 5 years ago.

The worst recession in almost a century. The biggest budget deficit since the Second World War. The world's largest bank bailout. A nation saddled with debt and an economy struggling to grow.

When we came to power, we knew that Britain couldn't have a sustainable recovery without a thriving private sector. And that's why we've been working tirelessly to support business leaders like you.

We've cut red tape and regulation, giving you the flexibility and freedom to run your companies the way you want to run them. We've cut corporation tax, so you can invest more of your profits in continued success. We've introduced a new employer National Insurance Contribution (NIC) allowance, lifting 450,000 employers out of NICs altogether. And we've created a £1.2 billion package to put a 2% cap on increases in your business rates.

British Business Bank programmes are already supporting £2.3 billion of finance to 40,000 smaller businesses. The Start-Up Loans programme has provided entrepreneurs with more than 30,000 loans worth well over £155 million. And UK Trade and Investment (UKTI) is helping you access new markets overseas.

The results? Employment is up, to record levels. Inflation is down. And the British economy is growing faster than any of our major rivals.

But we're not about to put up our feet and say "job done".

I know that times are still challenging that uncertainty and unpredictability still plague businesses of all shapes and sizes. There's still plenty more we can do as a government.

So from next April (2016) we're abolishing employer national insurance contributions on apprentices under the age of 25. In January (2016) we'll permanently increase the Annual Investment Allowance. Not just doubling it, or event trebling it, but raising it by massive 700%, so you can spend more on the equipment you need to expand. We're rolling out Growth Hubs across the country, helping you access support where and when you need it most.

And then there's the Enterprise Bill, which started its passage through Parliament last month. It will make further cuts to red tape, reform business rates, make it easier for small businesses to resolve disputes, and it will reward entrepreneurship, offering people opportunity at every stage of their lives.

In short, this is a government that stands behind you, not in your way. There are some politicians who look at finance and real estate and see a problem to be tackled. Who look at business leaders at the top of their game and think "they must have done something wrong".

You may not be surprised to hear that I'm not one of those politicians!

If you start from nothing and build something that provides employment and security for tens, hundreds, thousands of people you should be applauded, not condemned.

If you create jobs, if you create wealth, you're not a class traitor or a parasite or an enemy of the people. You're a force for good.

Simply by being successful in business you're already making a positive contribution to society. And by supporting the Community Security Trust you're taking that contribution to the next level, setting an example for business leaders across the country.

So let me say thank you. Thank you for doing so much to drive the economic recovery. Thank you for creating jobs, taking on apprentices, delivering the growth that benefits us all. And above all, thank you for supporting the CST.

I know for a fact that, as long as the Trust's work is necessary, it will have generous friends in the world of business. And let me be very clear that, as long as the fight against anti-Semitism continues, you will also have a friend in me.

Thank you.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/309072 2015-10-09T13:48:53+01:00 2015-10-09T13:48:53+01:00 Speech: Working with the Vietnamese to fight IP crime Intellectual Property Minister visits Vietnam to discuss how IP systems can help businesses and promote growth in the ASEAN region.

Introduction

Good afternoon ladies and gentlemen, can I begin by saying how glad I am to be surrounded by British businesses who are already successfully exporting to the ASEAN region.

We are very privileged today (23 Spetember 2015) to be joined by Tran Viet Thanh, Vice Minister from Ministry of Science and Technology Director General of the National Office of Intellectual Property (NOIP). This is a great opportunity for us to share insights as to how IP systems can help businesses and promote growth. I am looking forward to a constructive discussion about how we can work together to promote improved ways of doing IP business, whether that be registering, managing or enforcing IP.

I have a long career in the private sector so I understand the concerns and needs of business, especially when expanding and operating overseas in some of the world's most challenging markets – I operated in South East Asia for 14 years and indeed was responsible for a big IP portfolio!

Help in ASEAN

We are here to help you succeed and grow in this region. Such success should reap benefits for the UK and Vietnam. Vietnam is growing at an impressive 6% and has a young and dynamic population and if we can win investor confidence trade and investment between our countries can flourish and increase. I know how much the Prime Minister appreciated his recent visit and I am now here to follow up in the area of innovation and intellectual property (IP).

Since October 2013 the Intellectual Property Office's (IPO) specialist IP attaché to South East Asia, Christabel Koh, who some of you may know, has been covering the 10 ASEAN markets and I must say that she, and her counterpart in China, have made a step change and helped a number of companies with IP challenges as part of our overall trade and investment offer.

Christabel is able to work with the relevant teams in the Vietnamese government. We can't of course offer any miracle cures, and her remit is around intellectual property, because we believe the UK and Vietnam can work to target the problem areas that are most useful for UK business.

Vietnam and beyond

We have had an IP system in the UK for hundreds of years, although it is continuously changing with the times not least the digital revolution. Here in Vietnam the IP system may be, relatively speaking, new but the Vietnamese government have shown that they want to build a system that works, both for their own businesses and creations and for overseas businesses coming to Vietnam. This presents us with a great opportunity. Through events such as this, we can build greater mutual respect and trust and make progress of benefit to both nations.

Enforcement

Vietnam is of course geographically adjacent to China and the rest of ASEAN. This presents its own issues, but also its own opportunities. How best can we, together, work with enforcement agencies across international borders to help restrict the routes through ASEAN for fake and counterfeit products? And prevent these from flowing around the world and hurting your reputation in important markets like the EU.

We are already working with the Vietnamese to fight IP crime on a programme which will help them to enforce IP rights at their borders. It is early days but we hope by sharing expertise, knowledge, techniques and training methods we can improve the fight against IP crime.

Over many years, we have really improved the enforcement of UK IP rights and as a result the Taylor Wessing Global IP Index has judged the UK to be the best place in the world to obtain, exploit and enforce IP rights. Something we are rightly proud of and keen to hang on to.

Important initiatives which may be of interest include: site blocking with industry support, a dedicated IP online crime unit in the City of London Police and the Intellectual Property Enterprise Court giving access to justice for smaller businesses and individual creators.

I very much look forward to working more with our Vietnamese partners to identify innovation, to improve enforcement, enhance research and creativity and limit IP theft.

Conclusion

Ladies and gentlemen, I believe that Vietnam presents a fantastic opportunity for UK businesses. Through engagement with British business, and with Christabel providing specialist IP support, we have a unique opportunity to work with the Vietnamese government to create an IP system that is beneficial to UK and Vietnamese businesses.

But I am here to engage with you and look forward to your questions.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/309061 2015-10-09T12:10:50+01:00 2015-10-09T12:10:50+01:00 Speech: UK's contribution to Operation Opson Intellectual Property Minister Baroness Neville-Rolfe speaks about the importance and successes of Operation Opson.

Good morning and welcome to the UK's third planning conference for Operation Opson.

It is a pleasure to host this conference at the home of the business department and I hope you will find today's (30 September 2015) presentations engaging and stimulating.

I am really delighted that the Intellectual Property Office (IPO) has been joined this year by the Food Standards Agency (FSA) in the co-ordination of the UK's contribution to Operation Opson. Many years ago as a civil servant I was the lead official on the Food Safety Act 1990 and I believe very strongly in the importance of a good regime - both a sound legal framework and proper enforcement. You will hear later from Andy Morling the head of the FSA's new food crime unit on their plans to address the vital challenge of consumer protection and safety.

Food safety is important. The common practice hundreds of years ago of selling underweight loaves led to the phrase "a baker's dozen" - 13 loaves, to make sure the customer did not lose out.

On Tuesday, the Channel 4 programme 'food unwrapped' gave a very clear steer to consumers - if you buy what is labelled as 'Prosecco on tap' - you are being ripped off - Prosecco is only available in bottles. The UK market is significant, and criminals are clearly targeting the fact that consumers enjoy this brand to make illicit money

The globalisation of the food market and creation of international transport networks to support it mean that food stuffs are routinely moved around the world. This means great opportunities but real risks when it comes to monitoring the food supply chains. The horse meat scandal of 2013 provided a timely reminder of the complexity of supply chains and the risks and challenges we face with no respect for borders.

Professor Chris Elliott's report into food safety published last year (2014) described the UK as having one of the safest supply chains in the world. While that gives some reassurance, this government is committed to ensuring that this safety is maintained and built upon. We are clear that criminal activities which undermine public safety and legitimate business will not be tolerated and we established the Food Crime Unit that Professor Elliot recommended.

Role of Operation Opson

This is why Operation Opson is such a critical initiative. The network built by Interpol and Europol is an innovative one. The opportunity for a small trading standards or environmental health team to track the origins of foodstuffs in Africa, Asia or South America is a reality because of Opson.

Over the 5 years of its life, Operation Opson has grown from the original 11 countries to include more than 50 this year. I am proud to say that the IPO has been involved every year so far. As part of last year's operation, UK Trading Standards seized 2,500 litres of counterfeit or illicit wines and spirits in a single month. I don't need to tell you that counterfeit alcohol can even be lethal.

The risk and impact of fake spirits came into focus a few years ago when 47 people lost their lives in the Czech Republic as a result of criminals using methanol to make counterfeit vodka. Several people are serving life sentences for their part in this dreadful criminal activity.

This year regional collaboration will be steered by the Government Agencies Intelligence Network which brings together a number of agencies from the Gangmasters Licensing Authority through to the UK Border Force and the most recent addition the Food Standards Agency's Food Crime Unit. I hope this will lead to even more effective activities and outcomes.

Opson also provides a great opportunity for the industry to engage with government and enforcement agencies. I was pleased to hear that the International Federation of Spirit Producers was training front line staff to tackle the issue of fake spirits and help reduce the risks to consumers.

You will hear some outstanding examples of collaboration and co-ordination today. The South East Regional Asset Recovery Team has consistently delivered positive IP crime results, seizing criminal assets and cash and securing convictions and prison sentences. I look forward to visiting their team in the near future to gain personal insight into their work.

The discovery of an illegal vodka factory in Derbyshire last year was very worrying. You will hear later today from the officer involved in that case and the challenges in tracking the criminals involved in this trade.

Protecting public health and the consumer is of paramount importance. But we cannot ignore the impact on legitimate businesses and the UK economy either. Last year 35,000 branded but empty vodka bottles were seized on their way to being filled. That not only posed a risk to genuine spirit producers, their income and possibly jobs, but would have cost the Treasury £400,000 in lost revenue.

I am pleased to see representatives from 10 government departments here today as well as some overseas agencies including the Food Standards Ireland and the Douane (French Customs). We expect our departments to work closely together to protect the public and crack criminal networks. Success in public partnerships comes from having joined up enforcement of the law. The successes of Opson in the UK have revolved around partnerships between industry and law enforcement – the delegates from industry here can be assured we want this partnership to continue and develop.

The wider context

We also need to bear in mind wider government policy. This government is giving strong support to IP and has undertaken to make Britain the best place in Europe to innovate, patent new ideas and set up and expand a business. We have also set out an ambitious trade and competitiveness agenda

With the increasing emphasis on, and support for, UK companies to export and operate abroad as part of the UK's economic recovery and growth, the opportunities and risks grow. One of these challenges for the food and drink industry, which is an integral part of our successful manufacturing and agricultural base, will be the exposure to food crime and how they can respond to that.

Sadly I cannot stay for the rest of the conference, but I look forward to a report on the outcome. Can I leave you with 3 questions:

How can each of you work with colleagues in Opson to make sure this targeted activity becomes business as usual for you?

How can we share best practice and innovative ideas to secure the integrity of the import and export food chain; and

How can your own organisation raise awareness of fake and substandard food - not to alarm but to anticipate and avoid risks?

If we can make progress on these issues together, we will be making progress against the threat of food crime in the UK. Consumers, industry and the supply chain will be grateful for our efforts.

Thank you for coming today. I wish you every success as part of the important and growing international Opson community.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/308314 2015-10-01T14:22:11+01:00 2015-10-01T14:22:11+01:00 Speech: British business successes Business Secretary Sajid Javid speaks about successful businesses and entrepreneurs at the Private Business Awards 2015.

It was great to hear that litany of British businesses successes.

But Charlie, when you said that "everyone" needs a Tangle Teezer hairbrush. Are you sure you meant everyone? I should add that the 1 haircare product that I do use is also made here in the UK. Mr Sheen.

I know that a couple of years ago the Chancellor stood here and talked a bit about his personal experience of private business. How he grew up watching his dad running the family firm. A firm that employs hundreds of people, turns over millions of pounds, and sells its designer wallpaper right around the world. My early exposure to private business was rather different. The clothes shop my dad ran, for the most part, never had more than 7 employees – him, my mum and, during the school holidays, me and my 4 brothers. That's why I know more about 1970s ladies fashions than any other male MP. As for exports. Well, I think we once sold a skirt to someone in Wales.

But whether you're running a small fashion retailer in Bristol, or an international wallpaper designer on the King's Road.

Whether you're making folding bicycles or folding ballet pumps.

Whether you're a kitchen-table start-up or a centuries old family enterprise.

You all face the same challenges when you're running your own business:

you're highly exposed to the ups and downs of the economy

a new product line could grow the business if it works, or bring it crashing down if it fails

one late payment from a major client can wreak havoc with your cash flow

it's rarely easy to find the expert advice you need to help your business expand

and even if you've got a great idea, finance from sceptical banks can be hard to come by

you can't even rely on Dragon's Den, as Shaun Pulfrey found!

But despite all the barriers, despite all the challenges, the people here tonight have come out on top.

This room is filled with successful businessmen and women. In brewing, retailing, manufacturing, publishing, even corn-popping, you know what it takes to reach the top.

You know how many obstacles you have to overcome.

And you know the scale of the challenge that British businesses faced just 5 years ago:

the worst recession in almost a century

the biggest budget deficit since the Second World War

the world's largest bank bailout

a nation saddled with debt and an economy struggling to grow

When we came to power, in 2010, we knew that Britain couldn't have a sustainable recovery without a thriving private sector.

And that's why we've been working tirelessly to support business leaders like you.

Now I know this evening is all about what private businesses have achieved, and I don't want to be accused of stealing your thunder.

But as Ruby just talked so convincingly about the importance of self-promotion, I'm sure you'll forgive me for telling you a little bit about what we've been doing to help!

we've cut red tape and regulation, giving you the flexibility and freedom to run your companies the way you want to run them

we've cut corporation tax, so you can invest more of your profits in continued success

we've introduced a new employer National Insurance Contribution allowance, lifting 450,000 employers out of NICs altogether

we've created a £1.2 billion package to put a 2% cap on increases in your business rates

British Business Bank programmes are already supporting £2.3 billion of finance to 40,000 smaller businesses.

UKTI is helping you access new markets overseas. Only this month I was in China and India, where British private companies are doing just that.

The Start-Up Loans programme has provided entrepreneurs with more than 30,000 loans worth well over £155 million.

And the Business Growth Service has brought together a huge range of advice and expertise to help you expand.

Combining dedicated, dynamic entrepreneurs with a pro-business, pro-growth government has really delivered results.

employment is up - in the last 5 years, we have created more jobs than the rest of the EU put together

inflation is down

the British economy is growing faster than any of our major rivals

the number of small and medium-sized companies that are exporting just keeps on going up

But we're not about to put up our feet and say "job done".

I know that businesses like yours have massive potential for further growth, but surveys show that a shortage of skills and finance are hampering that.

So from next April we're abolishing employer national insurance contributions on apprentices under the age of 25, making it easier than ever for you to take on and train the next generation of talent.

In January we'll permanently increase the Annual Investment Allowance.

Not just doubling it, or event trebling it, but raising it by massive 700% so you can spend more on the equipment you need in order to expand.

We're rolling out Growth Hubs across the country, helping you access support where and when you need it most.

And then there's the Enterprise Bill, which started its passage through Parliament last month.

The bill will cement the UK's position as the best place in Europe to start and grow a business.

It will cut red tape, reform business rates, make it easier for small businesses to resolve disputes, reward entrepreneurship, generate jobs, boost wages and offer people opportunity at every stage of their lives.

Because this is a government that stands behind you, not in your way.

A government that is unashamedly pro-business, and believes that successful businesses are an asset to be treasured, not a problem to be dealt with.

When I was asked to speak at tonight's award ceremony, I didn't hesitate to accept.

Not because of the excellent catering, or because of the quality of the company – although it is of course a pleasure to spend the evening with Charlie!

I wanted to join you here because tonight is all about celebrating private business.

And that's something politicians simply don't do enough.

As we've already heard, the vast majority of British businesses are in private hands.

They employ millions of people, pay billions in tax, generate over a trillion pounds of revenue.

Yet, too many Business Secretaries have overlooked the private business sector in favour of the more glamorous listed companies. The big names and bright lights of Paternoster Square and Wall Street.

But all businesses start life as private businesses.

Without you there would be no IPOs, no flotations, no stock market.

And without you we wouldn't have some of Britain's biggest, best, most dynamic and most exciting companies.

It's been said that while good companies meet needs, great companies create markets.

And when I look at the list of nominees here tonight I see a list of great companies who have done just that.

So let me be very clear – this is one Business Secretary who appreciates private business.

Who understands the challenges you face, the support you need and, above all, the contribution that you make.

And that is why I'm here tonight.

because successful companies should be applauded.

because entrepreneurs should be saluted.

because private business deserves to be celebrated.

Good luck to all the nominees, congratulations to all the winners, and have a great evening.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/307584 2015-09-22T17:28:41+01:00 2015-09-22T17:28:41+01:00 Speech: The importance of intellectual property to innovation and trade Baroness Neville-Rolfe talks about the importance of intellectual property at the 'Innovation is GREAT reception' in Singapore.

Denise Croze of WIPO Thank you. Your Excellency the High Commissioner, Ladies and Gentlemen. I want to talk this evening about the importance of Intellectual Property to innovation and to trade between the UK, the EU and Asia, SE Asia and Singapore.

I believe that innovation will continue to be a vital driver of global growth and economic prosperity. It will play a key part in helping us to address key challenges facing society. Using knowledge effectively enhances productivity, and welfare, and creates new global market opportunities.

The UK remains one of the world's leading innovators, second in last week's Global Innovation Index, to Switzerland, up from tenth in 2011. Singapore is at number 7 with some great strengths highlighted during our visit to AStar Fusion World today (22 September 2015).

The UK of course benefits from a long tradition in our universities and science base. As a result with less than 1% of the world's population, the UK produces 16% of top quality published research.

I believe that, innovation systems must be inter-connected and coherent. Governments must work in partnership with businesses and our innovation infrastructures must help growing businesses, and be supported through world-leading organisations such as the World Intellectual Property Organization and by national IP offices and accreditation institutes. And we need to provide practical help in key markets of the kind Christabel Koh (Co) our High Commission and UK Trade and Investment (UKTI) provide in Singapore.

We have seen an important shift in the source of wealth and business. The majority of business investment used to be in physical things like premises and machinery. Today business investment is increasingly in intangible goods: in ideas, in creativity and in digital innovation. There are also opportunities in the growth of global tourism and the importance of strong cultural identity - I am also a culture minister with a personal passion for art, gardening and sport. We have much in common spiritually and practically: the Barclays Asia Trophy (which was won by Arsenal), the recent opening of the Hamley's store (the oldest toy store in the world), and the strong links between Kew Gardens and the Singapore 'Gardens by the Bay' which I am visiting this evening.

And the UK has a particularly knowledge intensive economy. We invest almost half as much again on intangible assets, including IP, as on tangible assets - £127 billion on intangible assets in 2011, compared with £88 billion on tangible assets.

In Singapore your services sector contributes to over two-thirds of GDP, although manufacturing maintains a significant share of the total economy and intangible investment in Singapore is growing.

And the total brand value of the top 100 brands in Singapore is reported to be worth around US$40.2 billion in 2014. These include Singapore Airlines who brought me here seamlessly, Keppel in the construction and marine sectors, Singtel in telecoms and Frazer and Neave in beverages. That's impressive and makes IP very important and indeed it is why we signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) between the Intellectual Property Office (IPO) and Intellectual Property Office of Singapore (IPOS) this afternoon.

Singapore is ranked as the most innovative country in Asia, and during my visit I have seen a strong commitment to the creation of the best possible conditions for innovation. Entrepreneurship and skills are also important and Singapore's high standing in terms of global competitiveness is impressive.

Singapore and the UK are natural partners in innovation. This was reflected in the announcement during the President's visit to the UK last year of the creation of a new Innovation and Research Partnership between our 2 countries and David Cameron's visit in July where he emphaised the importance of working together in the region on IP enforcement.

In July 2015 the UK government launched a wide ranging Productivity Plan and made a clear commitment to support business in creating the ideas that help them grow, focussing on innovation, growth and jobs. It included:

continued support for our universities and reform to our education system significant support for research and development including the internet of things which is helping to bring new products to market from 3D printing to driverless vehicles and advances in renewables through Innovate UK

a Challenger Businesses Programme to identify and address barriers to expansion for early-stage disruptive technologies

support for our network of Catapult centres - everything from digital to advanced manufacturing - bringing together businesses, scientists and engineers to ensure the UK is at the forefront of the commercialising technologies which offer global opportunities

The UK government is committed to making Britain the best place in Europe to innovate, to patent new ideas and start and grow a business. It is one of the reasons I am here. So much future growth will be found in knowledge intensive industries dependent on IP rights. I believe that a strong IP system is key to encouraging innovation, growth and jobs and I will be working with like-minded global partners, such as Singapore, to spread that message.

Thank you all for your time and your interest. I am not due to take questions but if there are things you would like to discuss please have a word with me or the delegation from the IPO, UKTI and the High Commission.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/307186 2015-09-17T17:36:18+01:00 2015-09-17T17:36:18+01:00 Speech: Launch of the 2015 Global Innovation Index The World Intellectual Property Organization, INSEAD Business School and Cornell University launch the 2015 Global Innovation Index.

Good morning, everyone. It is a pleasure to welcome you to London and to the 2015 Global Innovation Index launch. The UK is a nation proud of its innovators, of Sir Isaac Newton, of Crick of DNA fame, of Sir Tim Berners-Lee. Less famous in this context is Margaret Thatcher but in her chemical days she invented what we now know as Mr Whippy ice cream!

It is a pleasure therefore to have the opportunity to host the World Intellectual Property Organization, INSEAD Business School and Cornell University as they launch the 2015 Global Innovation Index. And I'm delighted to see so many of you here with a keen interest in this important publication. This is only the 8th edition of the Global Innovation Index, but it has quickly established itself as an important tool for those seeking insight into the state of innovation around the world.

This historic building, Central Hall Westminster, hosted the very first meeting of the 51 founder nations of the United Nations General Assembly and Security Council in 1946. It's amazing to think how far the UN has come since then! Francis Gurry here now presides over its specialised IP agency which boasts 188 member states.

Innovation is a vital driver of global growth and economic prosperity. The UK, we like to think, remains one of the world's leading innovators. Certainly we have a long tradition in producing the very best in science and research.

As the UK Intellectual Property Minister, I am of course aware of the vital role IP plays for countries seeking to protect and make the most of their knowledge economy. We have a good legal framework of rights in the UK and I am delighted that Taylor Wessing's latest Global IP Index judged the UK to be the best place in the world to obtain, exploit and enforce IP rights.

The modern world is a connected world, and this report demonstrates that many emerging economies are growing in their innovation strength. This provides excellent opportunities for the UK to expand its collaboration portfolio, and through Innovate UK, the Government has established a network of elite Catapult Centres to commercialise new and emerging technologies in areas where there are large global market opportunities.

I am delighted to see that Simon Edmonds, Director of Innovate UK's Catapult Programme, is on the panel today, and I don't want to steal his thunder. I will just say however that the first 7 Catapults are open for business, with total public and private investment exceeding £1.4 billion over their first 5 years of operation. Two brand new Catapults, Energy Systems and Precision Medicine, have also started to operate as independent organisations and the Chancellor announced a new Medicines Technologies Catapult as part of July's Productivity Plan.

 GII assessment

The UK has so far done well in the GII rankings and we are cautiously hopeful that we will be able to sustain that position.

This year the UK also came second when measuring the quality of innovation globally. Overall, we hope and believe that the GII assessment reflects the positive economic environment in the UK.

Through the new £375 million Newton Fund, we will use our strength in research and innovation to promote the economic development and social welfare of partner countries. The fund forms part of the UK's official development assistance (ODA) commitment and its primary focus is to develop the research and innovation capacity of nearly 20 partner countries for long-term sustainable growth.

Assessment of some of the factors that have led to success

The UK invests more in ideas and knowledge than it does in bricks and machinery. Latest figures show that investment in intangible assets outstrips tangible assets by £126 billion to £88 billion. Half of that investment is protected by IP rights. The UK Intellectual Property Office is today publishing its annual report on innovation and growth, setting out how we are developing the UK's IP regime to support businesses.

Universities are key sources of knowledge and expertise for business. The UK has fine universities that provide us with the highly skilled workforce necessary to drive innovation, with 38 ranked among the 100 most international universities globally according to the Times Higher Education World University Rankings.

The right business environment is a crucial foundation for private investment. Government has put in place a range of wider policies to support innovation. R&D tax credits and the Patent Box have a key role in underpinning growth and have supported R&D investment by business to the tune of £13.2 billion, claimed by a total of 15,120 businesses.

The UK has been successful in attracting funding for R&D from overseas. In 2011, the UK attracted almost $7 billion of overseas-financed R&D.

For UK businesses whose innovations have global potential, collaborating with international partners and opening market opportunities is increasingly important.

UK Trade and Investment and other UK innovation institutions have been working to increase the advice and support available to UK companies trading overseas. They have established strong platforms for collaboration with leading and emerging markets.

The government's commitment to continue to support innovation

Innovation is at the core of the encouraging economic recovery in the UK. It is central to our future growth, underpinning our competitiveness and helping to capture the new customers and markets that secure our income.

Delivering an environment that nurtures innovative talents is a cornerstone of a thriving economy, and I am proud that the UK has retained its 2nd place global ranking. More importantly the government is committed to making Britain the best place in Europe to innovate, patent new ideas and start and grow a business.

I would like to thank you all for your interest in this important event and wish I could stay for what is set to be a fascinating panel discussion, but I'm afraid a parliamentary question on the future of the BBC beckons so I look forward to hearing about your discussions later.

I will now hand you over to the Director General of the World Intellectual Property Organization, Mr Francis Gurry.

 tag:www.gov.uk,2005:AnnouncementPresenter/306333 2015-09-09T11:00:19+01:00 2015-09-09T11:00:19+01:00 Speech: Higher education: fulfilling our potential Jo Johnson, Minister for Universities and Science talks about university student admissions.

Introduction – reflections on this year's university admissions

It's a pleasure to be here at the start of a new academic year.

And it is a vintage one.

Record numbers of students accepted onto their first choice courses. Record numbers applying from disadvantaged backgrounds. And record numbers studying science subjects.

Every single additional place we make available will change someone's life forever.

I felt this myself when I joined the call centre team at UCAS in Cheltenham on A Level results day and listened to the explosion of excitement down the telephone line when a student who feared the worst learnt he had secured a place at Oxford Brookes.

A story made possible because of the steps taken by this government. Half a century ago, the Robbins Report said university places "should be available to all who are qualified by ability and attainment to pursue them."

We are the first government to live up to this guiding principle. Our mission as a one nation government is to ensure everyone has the opportunity to work hard and fulfil their potential. By lifting the cap on student numbers, we have ensured that our world-class higher education system is open to anyone with the potential to benefit from it.

We have no target for the "right" size of the higher education system, but believe it should evolve in response to demand from students and employers, reflecting the needs of the economy.

That's why we must make sure that the young people who made it through the UCAS clearing process this summer feel it was all worthwhile, that more does not mean worse. They must receive the rigorous, stimulating education they want and society needs.

Green paper aims

My plan today is to set out a broader vision for higher education, foreshadowing a green paper we will publish in the autumn.

Looking back at 2011, when we published Students at the Heart of the System, it is clear that huge progress has been made: in transparency and widening participation, but also in the way the system has been put on a sustainable financial footing and been opened up to competition, with more new providers allowed to enter the market in the last 5 years than at any time since 1992.

But there is considerable unfinished business and the green paper will seek views on the changes the government believes will be necessary to ensure that higher education continues to be a great national success story in the years to come.

Teaching at the heart of the system

At the centre of this vision are the young people contemplating their futures in a world where no one owes them a living, where they must depend on their wits and drive to survive.

Well-equipped students ready to contribute to society and to businesses keen to employ increasing numbers of skilled graduates. That was the focus of my last speech to you and it remains my overriding priority.

We have all been reminded of the scale of the challenge by a recent CIPD survey suggesting that almost 60% of graduates are in non-graduate jobs.

While it may overstate matters — official statistics show that in fact only 20% of recent graduates did not find a graduate level job within 3 years of leaving college — it is clear that universities must do more to demonstrate they add real and lasting value for all students.

Now that we are asking young people to meet more of the costs of their degrees once they are earning, we in turn must do more than ever to ensure they can make well-informed choices, and that the time and money they invest in higher education is well spent.

As I said in my speech in July, the key to that is, in my view, great teaching, combined with rigorous assessment, useful feedback and preparation for the world of work.

Our plans to introduce new incentives for universities to focus on teaching, via the Teaching Excellence Framework (TEF) promised in our manifesto, will be a critical element of this autumn's consultation.

Speaking to parents and students since taking on this job has confirmed for me the extent to which teaching is highly variable across higher education.

There are inspiring academics who go the extra mile, supporting struggling students, emailing feedback at weekends and giving much more of their time than duty demands.

These are the people who will change our children's lives and I want every student to learn from and have access to the kind of teacher who suffered me when I was an undergraduate.

People like Martin Conway, who could make even Belgian stamps interesting as we learnt about the construction of post-war Europe; or Judith Brown, the biographer of Gandhi, who sparked in me a lasting interest in modern India.

But there are also institutions and individual academics that take a different approach; that have struck what academics David Palfreyman and Ted Tapper describe as a "disengagement contract" with their students:

This goes along the lines of 'I don't want to have to set and mark much by way of essays and assignments which would be a distraction from my research, and you don't want to do coursework that would distract you from partying: so we'll award you the degree as the hoped-for job ticket in return for compliance with minimal academic requirements and due receipt of fees'.

This is not a contract I want taxpayers to underwrite.

Because many universities see their reputation, their standing in prestigious international league tables and their marginal funding as being principally determined by scholarly output, teaching has regrettably been allowed to become something of a poor cousin to research in parts of our system.

I hear this when I talk to worried parents, such as the physics teacher whose son dropped out at the start of year two of a humanities programme at a prestigious London university, having barely set eyes on his tutor. Her other son, by contrast, studying engineering at Bristol, saw the system at its best: he was worked off his feet, with plenty of support and mostly excellent teaching.

This patchiness in the student experience within and between institutions cannot continue. There is extraordinary teaching that deserves greater recognition. And there is lamentable teaching that must be driven out of our system. It damages the reputation of UK higher education and I am determined to address it.

Greater transparency from providers

Since the 2012 reforms, student choice has become a key driver of change, but there are still significant information asymmetries. It is not at all clear to some students what their tuition fees of up-to £9,000 a year actually pay for, and this has led to calls, which I support, for greater transparency from providers about what they spend fee income on.

This will mean providers becoming much clearer with students about what they can expect during their time at university. The new framework will aim to give students more information about the actual teaching they will receive, drive up student engagement with the learning process and reward universities that do most to stretch young - and also not so young - minds.

It will help, I hope, create a culture where teaching has equal status with research, with our great teachers enjoying the same professional recognition and opportunities for career and pay progression as our great researchers.

I recognise that many institutions are already thinking in this way and that the National Student Survey has started to shift the focus back towards teaching, feedback and academic support within universities. But some still do not do nearly enough.

While there will be financial incentives behind the TEF, with those offering high quality teaching able to increase fees with inflation, the TEF will not just be about accessing additional funds – I want it to bring about a fundamental shift in how we think about and value teaching in our universities.

Widening participation

Raising the quality of teaching is at the heart of the green paper, but our ambitions extend beyond this important goal. As a one nation government, our focus is on driving forward social mobility. That's why the green paper will also consult on how we can accelerate progress in widening participation, so that many more people with ability can benefit from higher education.

Our universities should be open to everyone who can benefit from them, regardless of family background or ability to pay.

The Prime Minister is committed to doubling the entry rate from disadvantaged backgrounds by 2020, compared to 2009 levels.

We also want to see a 20% increase in the number of black and minority ethnic students going to university by 2020, with matched improvements in their completion rates and progression into work. Young people with a Caribbean heritage will need special attention as part of this work and I will be discussing this with HEFCE and OFFA, and my counterparts at the Department for Education.

Among the many concerning features highlighted by BIS research into this issue is the persistent underperformance in education of white children eligible for free school meals. The problem is particularly acute for disadvantaged white boys. Barely 10% of white British boys from the most disadvantaged backgrounds go to university, making them 5 times less likely to study at this level than the most advantaged white boys. They are also doing worse compared to the most disadvantaged among other ethnic groups, with participation rates over 20% for boys of black Caribbean heritage, nearly 50% for boys of Indian heritage and over 60% for boys of Chinese heritage.

Prior attainment in school is a major factor driving differences in participation, but attitudes towards university, which can be shaped by good careers advice and employer engagement, also play a part. Discussions with Office for Fair Access have suggested that there is the potential for us to have significant impact by raising the profile of this group, which has not been specifically targeted in the past.

This needs serious attention and I will be writing to OFFA asking them to focus on this in their guidance to institutions on 2017 to 2018 access agreements.

To make our work on widening participation effective, we need the best possible data.

UCAS in particular holds and publishes vast amounts of data on the outcomes of the admissions process, but to target widening participation efforts more effectively we need a better understanding of how students' background, prior attainment and course choices lead to an offer of a place.

That's why I have written to UCAS asking them to publish a recent analysis of offers, broken down by ethnic group and type of institution. They have also agreed to publish the data underpinning this work and extend their analysis to other protected and disadvantaged groups. The first analysis will be published in the next few weeks.

But we need to go further to increase confidence that the system treats all applicants fairly. I want to see much more data being made available for academics to analyse and potentially link with other data sets. I'm pleased that UCAS has agreed to start sharing data through the secure platform developed by the Administrative Data Research Network. And they have agreed to look at all ways to make this data as useful as possible for researchers.

This is an important step forward. But there will be more work to do to increase the data available and ensure the trust of students who are involved. This is an issue for the whole sector to address, which is why I want you to consider what additional information universities can provide to support our collective efforts to widen participation.

A level playing field for new providers

To ensure students have real choice that reflects their diverse needs, we must continue to open up the higher education market and put in place a regulatory framework that reflects today's challenges.

For many people, entry to higher education does not follow the traditional route of A-Levels followed by a full-time, residential, 3 year degree. Some choose to undertake a pathway that might include a foundation degree, Higher National Diploma, Higher National Certificate or Apprenticeship, while others enter higher education later in life after a period in the workforce.

This government values competition. We want a diverse, competitive system that can offer different types of higher education so that students can choose freely between a wide range of providers.

Competition not for its own sake, but because it empowers students and creates a strong incentive for providers to innovate and improve the quality of the education they are offering. That's why, back in July, we published our Productivity Plan, 'Fixing the Foundations'.

It set out how we're going to boost productivity in this country. Among other goals, it promised to remove barriers to new entrants and to establish a risk-based framework for higher education, reducing burdens on some so we can focus oversight where it is needed.

The green paper will cast a critical eye over the processes for awarding access to student support funding, Degree Awarding Powers and University Title.

We have already made a start by providing a new route for trusted new and smaller providers to grow their student numbers. We are also beginning to link student number controls to the quality of the provider, through a "performance pool" which will operate for 2016 to 2017.

But the green paper will consult on options to go further. Success in higher education should be based on merit, not on incumbency. I want to fulfil our aim of a level playing field for all providers of higher education.

Many of you validate degree courses at alternative providers. Many choose not to do so. I know some validation relationships work well, but the requirement for new providers to seek out a suitable validating body from amongst the pool of incumbents is quite frankly anti-competitive. It's akin to Byron Burger having to ask permission of McDonald's to open up a new restaurant.

It stifles competition, innovation and student choice, which is why we will consult on alternative options for new providers if they do not want to go down the current validation route.

Towards a single gateway for degree awarding powers

The ultimate goal for many new providers is to secure their own Degree Awarding Powers and University Title.

This now takes many years, even for the best, most highly rated new providers. As part of the green paper, we will ask how we can speed up the process for those that offer the best quality education.

In the meantime, we will continue to support new entrants. Having taken action to improve the process, I can announce that we will shortly be lifting the moratorium that has been in place for applications for new Degree Awarding Powers and for University Title. Once again, we are opening the doors to new entrants and challenger institutions, all in the interest of increasing the choices available to students.

Providers entering and leaving the market is a sign of healthy competition, and it is something of which we should expect to see more. But we need to be prepared for the fact that some providers may exit the market. Our higher education sector should only have room for high quality providers. We will therefore be consulting on measures to require all providers to have protection measures in place so that students who benefit from greater choice and diversity do not lose out in the event of provider failure.

There will be some who are resistant to this change. Those who want to put up the barriers and bar the windows. But I want our higher education sector to remain the envy of the world. Allowing new providers to enrich the sector is part of that.

A transformed regulatory landscape

So the reforms we will set out in the green paper will improve teaching quality, empower students, open up the higher education market and drive value for money. To deliver our ambitions, we also plan to reform the higher education and research system architecture.

We are a deregulatory government, and much of the higher education system is ripe for simplification. When I arrived in BIS, my day one pack included a diagram of the higher education landscape. It was a stunning piece of PowerPoint – and must have been produced by a skilled hand. But the complexity – and associated cost both for the sector and directly for government – drove home the need for simplification.

The market has evolved far more quickly than the regulatory environment, and that is something we need to address. Our regulatory regime is still based upon a system where government directly funds institutions rather than reflecting the fact that students are the purchasers, and needful of all the protections that consumers of complex high value products receive in other regulated markets. We fund higher education in a very different way now to the block grants of the past. Students are the primary source of income for undergraduate study, but their interests are insufficiently represented in our structures and systems.

There are also parallel regulatory regimes for different types of higher education providers. I want to be in a position where all higher education providers operate on a level playing field. That was part of the vision in 2011 and it remains our goal.

So we need a simpler, less bureaucratic and less expensive system of regulation. A system that explicitly champions the student, employer and taxpayer interest in ensuring value for their investment in education and requires transparency from providers so that they can be held accountable for it. One that protects institutional autonomy and academic freedom and maintains the highest quality of higher education, safeguarding the strong international reputation of English universities.

Our thinking will also of course take account of the emerging recommendations from Sir Paul Nurse's review of the research system architecture. I am committed to the maintenance of dual funding support, to the Haldane principle and to scientific excellence, but do see scope for a simpler system of delivering vital research funding to universities and opportunities to increase its strategic impact. It is also clear to me that there are many in the sector demanding a process for assessing the quality of scholarly output that is less bureaucratic and burdensome to academics and takes up less of the time that they could be spending more fruitfully on research and also, of course, on teaching.

Conclusion

So as we celebrate record student numbers, we need to recognise that there is still more to be done to reshape the higher education landscape around students themselves:

more to be done to drive up the quality of teaching and ensure all students can aspire to a fulfilling graduate career

more to be done to widen participation so that everyone has the opportunity to get ahead

more to be done to reduce the regulatory burden and create a level playing field for new competitors

more to be done to increase the efficiency and strategic impact of our research

With these changes higher education fulfils its full potential: not just as an engine of economic growth and productivity, but also, now that student number controls have been lifted, as the most powerful driver of social mobility we have.