text:
THE American Revolution remains after a hundred and fifty years somewhat of a
puzzle to historians. Much careful investigation has been done in the last two
decades, but we still know too little to speak confidently or with a sense of
finality. The appeal to arms would seem to have been brought about by a minority
of the American people, directed by a small group of skillful leaders, who like
Indian scouts, covered their tracks so cleverly that only the keenest trailers
can now follow their course and understand their strategy. On the other hand,
the philosophy of revolution is familiar to us. Revolutions are born of an abnormal
state of mind, sensitized by an accumulated body of experience. They are
psychological explosions, resulting from irritations commonly economic in origin,
and they are conditioned in their programs by the stock of knowledge and aspiration
peculiar to their time and place. Two determining facts, then, would seem to lie
at the root of the American Revolution: the American psychology which shaped the
colonial outlook, and the peculiar situation of the British Empire at the close
of the French and Indian war.¹
In old age John Adams "hazarded an opinion, that the true history of the American
revolution could not be recovered," for "the revolution was effected before the
war commenced. The revolution was in the minds and hearts of the people." ²
Accepting Adams's thesis of a change in American psychology, we may hazard a
further opinion that the revolution resulted from the emergence
in the two countries of divergent interpretations of the theory and practice
of sovereignty, which may be sufficiently distinguished by the terms local
home rule and imperial centralization. In the beginning it was a clash of
jurisdiction between colonial self-government and absentee paternalism; but
later it developed into an open challenge of the monarchical principle. A popular
will to self-rule had long been developing in America, and when the outbreak of
hostilities clarified its latent objective, it speedily asserted a conscious
republican purpose. To many of the early supporters of the colonial protest,
this republican outcome was unforeseen and deeply regretted; but it was implicit
in the whole history of colonial development, and must ultimately stand sharply
revealed, once its aspirations were balked.
If the crisis was precipitated almost casually by the program of parliamentary
regulation, the long drift towards alienation was far from casual. An American
mind had been created by the silent pressure of environment. A large measure of
economic freedom had developed an American liberalism, frankly and vigorously
individualistic. It was not consciously democratic, or even republican. There
were few avowed democrats in the stolid mass of colonial provincialism; a busy
and commonplace routine offered little opportunity for revolutionary appeal to
a people grown lethargic from economic abundance. Of social unrest, the common
fuel of revolutionary fires, there was practically none; and but for a blundering
ministerial imperialism that challenged this nascent liberalism, throwing over it
the mantle of patriotism, the colonies would have written a very different history.
Once the crisis was precipitated., however, and it became clear that imperial
centralization was encroaching upon local rights, the liberal impulses in tie
background of the American mind assumed a militant form and purpose.
The existence of this native liberalism had been stupidly overlooked and ignored
by responsible statesmen. With the exception of Franklin, colonial spokesmen were
commonly members of the aristocratic group, among whom the Tory philosophy was
spreading fast. Gentlemen in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston fashioned
their manners upon the polite world of St. James's and caught the Tory ways in
politics as naturally as the London style in wigs. They associated with the royal
officials, traveled in England, corresponded with members of Parliament,
advised in all matters of colonial policy, and proved themselves the most
shortsighted of counselors. Upon their heads rest in part the blunders of
the ministry. In failing to understand the native liberalism of America, they
not only shared responsibility for an unwise policy, but they hastened their
own destruction. Samuel Adams could not have played so effectively upon the
popular prejudices if the Hutchinsons and Olivers had not brought the Tory
ways into wide disrepute by their arrogance.
Colonial liberalism, on the other hand, was not so simple and homogeneous
as we long believed. It was rather a somewhat value composite of the aspirations
of three diverse geographical areas, with different economic interests, social ways,
and political ideals. The middle and northern coast region, with its mercantile cities,
was a distinct area; the tidewater region from Maryland to Georgia, with its plantation
economy, constituted another; and the indefinite backcountry beyond the older settlements,
stretching from Maine southward along the Alleghany watershed, constituted a third.
The first was dominated by a merchant group--wholesale importers and exporters--wealthy
and conservative, but with a great majority of the population--small tradesmen,
mechanics and yeomen--far more democratic than the leaders. The second was controlled
by the aristocratic planters, whose leadership during the crises of the dispute with
England was rejected by an economically strong but socially inferior body of factors
or alien middlemen. The third was composed of thousands of small freeholders, largely
Scotch-Irish and German, who acknowledged no leadership, were unconsciously democratic
in their ways, suspicious of the seacoast aristocracy, wedded to an agrarian philosophy.
The merchant group was liberal only to the extent that liberalism meant profit: their
commercial relations with England constituted them the closest tie between the two
countries, and their timid love of established ways made them naturally conservative
rather than revolutionary. The planter group possessed the traditional independence of
English gentlemen: they would tolerate no outside dictation in matters concerning their
own parishes, and their burdensome debts to English merchants cooled the ardor of their
loyalty to Great Britain. The frontier agrarians, on the other hand, were pronounced
liberals by environment and training to whom English ties were at the strongest only
sentimental. They were republican in temper, and
becoming class conscious during the ten years of debate, they grew rapidly in power
and finally turned America against England. A recent historian has thus characterized
the change of temper which brought these agrarians to the front as the fighting strength
of the republicans:
A new class, formed within a decade, growing rapidly in numbers, was rising to power.
In Pennsylvania, as in a number of other colonies, it consisted of small farmers in
the back country, Scotch-Irish and German immigrants, re-enforced by the voteless
laborers and artisans of Philadelphia or other seaboard cities . . . . For over a
decade this rising democracy had struggled for power against the little seaboard
aristocracy of wealth and accepted social leadership . . . . The colonial masses
could no longer be controlled by reverence for the high-born. The Quaker merchants
of Philadelphia, the holders of manors on the Hudson, the tobacco and rice planters
of Virginia and South Carolina, and even the great merchants, clergy, and professional
men of New England, could no longer rule without question their social
inferiors . . . . Thus, in 1774, came the climax in the struggle between
rich and poor, East and West, those with a vote and those who were voteless,
between privilege and the welfare of the common man. The two classes might
work in harmony or might clash on the question of resistance to Great Britain,
but they were pretty sure to be in opposition on the issue of individual rights.
A merchant . . . might welcome the support of the mechanics and small shopkeepers
against a grievous tax by the British Government, but the price, a right to vote
and to hold office, he was sure to resent, and he grew more and more alarmed as the
pressure became more insistent. ³
From the imperial point of view there were the soundest reasons why, following the
Treaty of Paris in 1763, Parliament should have desired to set about reorganizing
the far-spread British Empire. Within a few years vast territories had been added
to the crown, and if the scattered parts were to be gathered into a cohesive and
powerful whole there was need of a definite policy of coordination and integration.
The American colonies were only a small part of the total empire, and it was generally
agreed among English statesmen that the old policy of "salutary neglect" could no
longer serve imperial interests. If the Whig imperialists under the leadership of Pitt
had been put in charge of imperial reconstruction, the outcome very likely would have
been peaceful. But unfortunately for the empire the colonial problem became embroiled
with English domestic politics. The purpose of the King was to set up a personal
autocracy with Tory help, over
throw the rule of the Whig families, eliminate from the ministry the more
intelligent Old Whig leaders--Pitt, Camden, Barre, Burke, Shelburne--and
bring in a narrow-minded group who held to the obsolete mercantilist theory
of colonial dependency. The immediate outcome was the inauguration of a policy
that ran counter to the economic interests of the three major colonial regions
and aroused the hostility of important colonial groups. Every successive enactment
was a greater blunder, until the crowning stupidity of the tea monopoly--which used
colonial interests as a pawn in a game of the East India Company--threw the colonial
fat into the fire.
The grievances of the merchants resulting from the regulatory trade acts were real
and serious. However the ministry might justify those acts before Parliament, their
effects were disastrous to substantial colonial interests, and to American eyes
seemed designed to bring colonial trade into further subjection to English merchants.
The attempt to suppress the widespread practice of smuggling was ill advised even
though logical, for it aroused the consuming public as well as the middlemen, and
gave popular backing to the protests of the merchants. The total political result
was to align against Parliament the most influential groups in the trading towns--the
wealthy importers and the professional classes--and provided opportunity to the radicals
to spread their propaganda under cover of respectable leadership. The movement of
resistance thus set on foot by the class-conscious merchants eventually slipped from
their control and passed into the hands of the Sons of Liberty, who drove faster and
farther than conservative business men would willingly follow; yet these latter soon
found themselves coerced by tumultuous forces which they had unwittingly loosed. In
consequence there came a time of divided counsels, and when independence was finally
declared large numbers of the wealthiest and most dignified merchants turned Loyalist
and threw in their lot with the King. More than two hundred quitted Boston on its
evacuation by General Gage. Others stood apart as neutrals till the war was over,
and then drew together in a compact organization to stem the tide of postwar agrarianism
and assist in setting up a federal government after their liking. 4
The grievances of the plantation group were less obvious but none the less real.
Probably more critical than taxation or the debts owed to English merchants,
was the question of the western lands. The Quebec Act stirred the South as the
tea monopoly stirred Boston and New York and Philadelphia. Involved in that act
were certain long accepted colonial rights of domain, on the strength of which
vast speculation in backcountry lands had been engaged in by English and colonial
land companies and individuals. 5 The question was extraordinarily complicated,
involving the rights of the Indians, the ambition of the Hudson Bay Company to
retain the western wilderness as a vast fur preserve, the rights of Catholics in
the French settlements, the rights of the imperial treasury to income from the
sale of the lands, the rights of soldiers of the French wars to lands granted by
colonial legislatures, the rights of frontiersmen to free settlement and exploitation,
as well as specific grants to several colonies, in particular Massachusetts,
Connecticut and Virginia. From this mass of conflicting interests, all eager to
exploit an incalculably rich domain, little hope of satisfactory solution offered,
and a wiser ministry would have kept hands off. But an illconsidered Parliamentary
enactment cut the knot in a way to arouse the quick and keen resentment of America.
Whatever may be said for the solution, one thing is clear; it set aside by arbitrary
statute cherished rights which Virginian gentlemen, with their eyes on rich plantations
to the West, deeply resented. It was a matter of vital concern to colonies like
Virginia that they should control their wilderness frontier. The Quebec Act not
only alienated thousands of western colonials, but it provided them with influential
leaders like Washington and Robert Morris. It was more fuel to the radical bonfire.
In the end the fortunes of the revolutionary movement rested with the yeomanry,
and this yeomanry with its agrarian outlook and republican sympathies, was in a
mood to respond to radical appeal. That the farmer was induced to take down his
squirrel rifle and fight King George was made possible by a number of irritations-his
deep-rooted prejudice against aristocracy, his instinctive dislike of crown officials,
his inveterate localism that
resented alien interference--as well as by substantial class interests.
In every colony the party of incipient populism had been checked and thwarted
by royal officials; and it was this mass of populistic discontent, seeing itself
in danger of being totally crushed, and its interests ignored, that provided the
rank and file of armed opposition to the King. Already Parliament had brought
acute financial distress to the colonies by forbidding the emission of bills
of credit; and other attacks on popular policies followed. The strength of the
popular opposition to royal programs had lain heretofore in the legislative control
of the purse; by threatening to withhold salaries, the democratic legislatures
had been able to coerce the royal governor and the judges, and keep them somewhat
responsive to the popular will. To the Tories such coercion was proof that the
democratic claws needed cutting, and one of the purposes of the Stamp Act was
the providing of a fund to pay the royal officials out of the royal chest. It
was a skillful plan, but it overreached itself. Party alignment had become too
sharp, agrarian suspicions had grown too sensitive, for the plan to succeed. The
immediate, fatal result was the accession of a numerous body of fighting men to
the other malcontents.
The American Revolution was one of the first fruits of a shortsighted imperialism.
A generous policy of imperial federation would have returned incredible revenues
to Great Britain; but the Tory ministry was not intelligent enough to let sleeping
dogs lie. A sentimental attachment had kept America loyal. So long as his customary
and traditional rights remained undisturbed, the colonial would throw up his cap for
King George; but if he were driven to choose between loyalty and self-interest,
between sentiment and profit, the choice was certain. If the heavy debts which the
foolish wars of Pitt had bequeathed to the Empire had not seemed to offer a justification,
the Tory blunderers would not have forced the issue; but once it was joined, vast
numbers of Americans came to believe that the development of their country had reached
a point where it would be hampered by further overseas regulation; that America must
be free to exploit her resources to her exclusive advantage; and that such economic
freedom would be possible only with political independence. It was the ill luck of
the ministry to present the question so concretely that the colonial radicals were
given an opportunity to awaken the latent forces of American liberalism and turn them
against English sovereignty.
A militant nationalistic psychology resulted from a widespread propaganda, and
the last ties with England were broken.
We understand the ways of propaganda today better than our fathers understood them,
and the official pronouncements of diplomats and statesmen we have grown somewhat
skeptical of. Historians of the American Revolution have paid rather too exclusive
attention to formal speeches and state papers, forgetting that those speeches and
papers too often served the purpose of obscuring and evading the real issues. The ten
years of dreary debate preceding the clash of arms, during which theory and precedent
were examined by partisan lawyers, did little more than serve party purposes on both
sides of the Atlantic, investing immediate interests with nationalistic or imperialistic
idealism. Honest men talked themselves into a passion, but they took good care that
their cause should appear dressed to advantage.
On the American side the argument fell into two broad divisions: an attempt to justify
the colonial position by appeal to the British constitution, and when that failed by an
appeal to the
extra-legal doctrine of natural right. To understand the obscure constitutional wrangle,
it must be recalled that important changes in English, constitutional practice had taken
place since the
colonies were founded. Parliamentary sovereignty had superseded royal sovereignty,
or in other words, the sovereignty of property had superseded divine right autocracy;
and this in turn
was undergoing change in the second half of the eighteenth century--the sovereignty
of landed property was challenged by the rising capitalism. The Revolution of 1688
had established the general principle that the state can take no property in the
form of taxes or levies
without the consent of the owner, given by himself or by his representative sitting
in Parliament. But in
current practice the system of representation had become so misshapen that a new
theory had arisen to give constitutional sanction to existing methods. Refusal to
reapportion representation had resulted in the notorious rotten-borough system,
control of which boroughs was too valuable an asset to the ruling oligarchy to be
surrendered. To justify the scandal a new theory of virtual
representation was developed--a theory upon which turned much of the early
revolutionary debate. In brief the theory asserted that as Parliament speaks
for the total body of Englishmen, it makes no practical difference who elects
them, where they live, who they are, or what interests they represent. Within
the halls of Parliament they can be trusted to think and legislate for the
nation as a whole. The essential constitutional principle requires only that there
shall be a respectable body chosen from among the commons of England, in whose
hands shall rest the custody of the purse, and who shall serve as a check upon
the royal prerogative. Such was the parliamentary situation in 1763, and when appeal
was made by the colonials to the principle of no taxation without representation,
it was answered by appeal to the theory' of virtual representation.
American constitutional practice, on the other hand, had developed in a contrary
direction. Quite as consciously as Parliament, the several colonial legislatures
rested on the principle of property rights, but a different system of representation
had developed. By easy logic a geographical theory had emerged, by the terms of
which a legislator must be a freeman of the district rather than of the realm,
that he should hold power for a short period and frequently submit his conduct to
the scrutiny of the electors, and that a district should bear a just per capita
relation to the total population. The doctrine of virtual representation was alien
to colonial theory, although in fact it might be applied to the large body of
disfranchised non-property-holders. The broad difference, then, in the legislative
practice of the two countries lay in the important distinction between local,
numerical representation, and a grotesque system of borough jobbing. Both systems
rested on a narrow suffrage, although the colonial basis was very much broader.
The difference was without significance so long as the traditional relations between
America and England continued; but when Parliament proposed to extend the theory of
virtual representation to the colonies, and treat Massachusetts and Virginia as on
a constitutional footing with Birmingham and Manchester, the difference became acute.
No American colony was willing to become the pawn of parliamentary placemen, at the
mercy of parliamentary jobbery.
The debate over this vital question was involved in obscurities by reason of the
vagueness of the British constitution. If an
unwritten constitution be no other than established practice and it is true of
the English constitution in spite of the body of principles existing in such
pronouncements as Magna Charta, the settlement of 1689, and the Common Law-then
the current practice of Parliament--must be accepted as constitutional. This was
the fatal weakness of the colonial argument, as it was the weakness of Pitt and
other defenders of America in Parliament. When Pitt exclaimed with characteristic
grandiloquence, "I come not here armed at all points with law cases and acts of
Parliament, with the statute-book doubled down in dog-ears, to defend the cause of
liberty," he abandoned the legal ground to appeal to the sense of justice and right
of Englishmen. But the question could not so easily be transferred from the domain
of constitutional law. For upwards of a hundred years Parliament had been sovereign,
and for the colonials now to deny its sovereignty meant one of two things: either to
go back to the obsolete principle of divine right, or to postulate an extra-parliamentary
body of constitutional law, unknown to English practice. A sovereignty inhering
neither in King nor Parliament, but in a super-constitution, was a conception that
had been played with by Coke in an endeavor to exalt the Common Law, and hinted at
by later Whig statesmen, but which had never established itself in practice. The
colonials recognized the dilemma and made half-hearted attempts to evade it. John
Adams and Franklin endeavored to argue that as the colonial charters were from the
crown, and antedated the rise of Parliament, Americans owed allegiance to the King
and not to Parliament, and hence parliamentary pretentions to sovereignty over America
were only a new form of unconstitutional prerogative. But the argument was taken
seriously by neither side, and was soon put away. 6
It finally became clear to American leaders that if their cause were to make headway,
appeal must be made to broader principles. Their case must rest on philosophical
rather than on legal grounds. This suffices to explain the shift from constitutionalism
to abstract rights, which marked the middle period of the debate. By 1773 it had become
evident to thoughtful observers that the cause of American liberalism must fall, or
become revolutionary in purpose and intent, and to become such it must seek justification
extra-constitutional principles. And this justification it discovered in the
writings of English liberals of the seventeenth century--in Sidney and Milton,
and above all in Locke. The influence of Locke had long been paramount in English
political speculation. He had been the apologist and defender of the settlement
of 1689; the principles which he expounded lay at the base of the dynastic rights
of the reigning house, and were nominally accepted by all the parliamentary leaders.
The relations between natural rights and parliamentary sovereignty had not wholly
clarified, and in the background of English constitutional thought still lingered
a vague notion of certain natural rights above the constitution, and limiting
parliamentary statutes. Thinkers as different as Blackstone and Camden subscribed
to such doctrine, but it daily became more tenuous in the face of a growing
acceptance of unlimited parliamentary sovereienty.7
In turning to Locke, therefore, the colonial debaters went back a
century and picked up the argument of liberalism as it existed before it had
been nullified by later English practice. They occupied a position similar to
that defended by him a hundred years before; they were combating the same arbitrary
rule that had brought on the Revolution of 1688. He had laid down the basic
principle of revolution in the doctrine of certain natural rights of the subject
which no state may subvert without peril to the original compact; he had asserted
that taxation without representation constituted such subversive tyranny; and he
gave high sanction to the right and duty of resistance to an encroaching sovereignty.
The noble words, "Chains are but an ill wearing how much soever we gild or polish them,
"uttered a note of defiance to arbitrary power which struck a responsive chord in the
breast of the colonial liberal. In short, Locke's two Treatises on Civil Government,
aimed at Sir Robert Filmer's absurd Patriarcha, were turned against Parliament and
became the textbook of the American Revolution.
The ground had been well prepared. The argument of Locke went home
with such convincing force to the colonial liberal because it embodied
conclusions towards which America had long been moving. It was an eloquent
confirmation of native experience, a sober justification of the psychology
of individualism. The self-governing statehad so long been an established
fact in colonial life as to have assumed the complexion of a natural
right. The political compact had taken form in American political thought,
a generation before Locke gave currency to the theory, and Jefferson was
expressing native conclusions drawn from American experience when he argued
that "governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed,
"and that "all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain unalienable Rights, that amongst these are Life, Liberty and
the pursuit of Happiness." It is not true to assert that Jefferson was only
reciting Locke, with modifications derived from the French humanitarians.
It is nearer the truth to say that he made use of old-world philosophy to
express and justify certain native tendencies then seeking adequate statement.
To such an experience, armed with such a philosophy, there must come eventually
the conviction that both monarchy and aristocracy were irrational; that the
ambitions of a coercive alien sovereignty were fraught with danger to the rights
of the American citizen. The resurgent absolutism of Stuart times, with its
doctrine of the omnicompetent state, which the King was reviving through the
instrumentality of Parliament, was broken by the stubborn colonial resistance.
Absolutism under whatever form was doomed in America, however slowly it might
linger out its life. Jonathan Boucher might seek to revive Sir Robert Filmer,
and preach to Americans the dogma of divine right through royal primogeniture
from Adam, and other colonial Tories might applaud; but they were fast becoming
anachronisms. The Revolution was to overthrow for Americans the principle of the
absolutist state, and substitute a modified sovereignty, circumscribed by the
utilitarian test of its relation to the common well-being of its citizens. For
the first time in modern history it was discovered that "the true meaning of
sovereignty," as a recent student has put it, is to be sought "not in the
coercive power possessed by its instrument [the state,] but in the fused good-will
for which it stands." 8
The swift rise of a political philosophy traditionally regarded as' mean and
traitorous was inexplicable to Tory gentlemen, and aroused a fierce retaliatory
opposition. Asocial war of the classes, bitter, vindictive, followed upon
hostilities against England. The arrogance of the gentry during those brisk
days when the new, spirit was rising is scarcely comprehensible to later
Americans unused to such frankness. The republicans were scorned by the superior
lasses as unprincipled sedition-mongers, plotting treason against the King and
society. If commoners flocked to town-: meetings and outvoted the gentlemen,
the latter were outraged, at the presumption of the "mobsters" in flouting their
betters. For the plain people to take things into their own hands was no other
than anarchy. The familiar records of the day are filled with such aristocratic
feats as this:
Down at night a bricklayer or carpenter lies,
Next sun a Lycurgus, a Solon doth rises 9
"The dirty mob was all about me as I drove into town," said Mistress Peggy
Hutchinson, as she looked nut on turbulent Boston from her father's chariot;
and her feminine contempt for the common people was an echo of the universal
Tory contempt for republican mechanics and farmers. It was the duty of the vulgar,
as loyal subjects, to pay taxes and not lay them; to obey the law and not make it.
By far the most important consequence of the Revolution was the striking down of
this mounting aristocratic spirit chat was making rapid headway with the increase
of wealth. It sifted the American people as the migrations of the seventeenth
century had sifted the English people, keeping the republicans at home and sending
forth the Tories, weakening the influence of the conservatives and increasing the
influence of the liberals. Few experiences in our history have proved so momentous
in results as this shift of power and change in personnel that resulted from the
great schism. A middle-class America was to rise on the ruins of the colonial
The unfortunate Loyalists were victims of their own blindness. They did not rightly
estimate the driving power of the liberal forces released by the struggle, and
failing to understand, they staked everything on the issue, and lost, and were
driven rudely out of the land by the plebeian republicans whom they despised.
The disruption of colonial society resulting from the expulsion of the Loyalists
was far graver than we commonly assume. Shiploads of excellent gentlemen, and
among them the most cultivated minds in America, were driven from their firesides
and sent forth to seek new homes, whether in "Hell, Hull or Halifax" mattered
little to the victors. Upward of forty thousand sought refuge in Canada; thousands
more went to " the Bahamas; and still other thousands returned to the old home.
"There will scarcely be a village in England without some American dust in it,
I believe, by the time we are all at rest," wrote the Loyalist Dutchman, Peter
Van Schaak. Much suffering was endured and much bitterness engendered, and if
for years the dominant temper in Canada was fiercely hostile to the United States,
the mood is traceable to the expatriated gentlemen who transmitted to their
children a grudge against the victorious republicans. It was an unhappy business,
but it was scarcely avoidable once appeal was made to the sword. There was no
longer place in America for the foolish dream of a colonial aristocracy.
The change of temper that came over American society with the loss of the Loyalists,
was immense and far-reaching. For the first time the middle class was free to
create a civilization after its own ideals. In rising to leadership it brought
another spirit into every phase of life. Dignity and culture henceforth were to
count for less and assertiveness for more. Ways became less leisurely, the social
temper less urbane. The charm of the older aristocracy disappeared along with its
indisputable evils. Although a few of the older wits like Mather Byles lingered on
bitterly, and others like Gouverneur Morris accepted the situation phil-
osophically, they belonged to the past. A franker evaluation of success in
terms of money began to obscure the older personal and family distinction.
New men brought new ways and a vulgar clamor of politics went hand in hand
with business expansion. The demagogue and the speculator discovered a fruitful
field for their activities. The new capitalism lay on the horizon of republican
America, and the middle class was eager to hasten its development. But a new
economic order required a new political state, and as a necessary preliminary,
the spirit of nationalism began that slow encroachment upon local frontiers
which was to modify profoundly the common psychology. Americanism superseded
colonialism, and with the new loyalty there developed a conception of federal
sovereignty, overriding all local authorities, checking the movement of particularism,
binding the separate commonwealths in a consolidating union. This marked the
turning point in American development; the checking of the long movement of
decentralization and the beginning of a counter movement of centralization-the
most revolutionary change in three hundred years of American experience. The
history of the rise of the coercive state in America, with the ultimate arrest
of all centrifugal tendencies, was implicit in that momentous counter movement.
1 An excellent short statement of the causes of the American Revolution
is given by A. M. Schlesinger in New Viewpoints in American History,
Chapter VII Compare C. H. Van Tyne, The Causes of the War of Independence.
2 Letter to Mr. Niles, January 14, 1818.
3 Van Tyne, Causes of the War of Independence, pp. 424-426.
4 For an admirable study, see A. M. Schlesinger, The Colonial Merchants
and the American Revolution: 1763-1776.
5 This important subject has been examined by C. W. Alvord, The Mississippi Valley
in British Policies; C. A. Beard, In Economic Interpretation of the Constitution;
C. H. Van Tyne, The Causes of the War of Independence.
6 For an excellent discussion of the constitutional questions involved,
see C. H. Van Tyne, The Causes of the War of Independence, Chapters VIII and IX.
7 For this see Van Tyne, ibid., pp. 234-238
8 H. J. Laski. The Problem of Sovereignty, p.12; see also Appendices A and B.
9 Moore, Diary of the Revolution, Vol. II, p. 22.


text: Seller: amazingitems3000 (1,830) 99.4%, Location: Ridgewood, New York, Ships to: Worldwide, Item: 222541754774 PAPYRUS Handmade painting papyrus The word Papyrus refers to a thick paper made from the pith of the papyrus plant, Cyprus Papyrus Papyrus was first manufactured in Egypt Papyrus is made from the stem of the papyrus plant, Cyperus papyrus. The outer rind is first removed, and the sticky fibrous innerpith is cut lengthwise into thin strips of about 40 cm (16 in) long. The strips are then placed side by side on a hard surface with their edges slightly overlapping, and then another layer of strips is laid on top at a right angle. The strips may have been soaked in water long enough for decomposition to begin, perhaps increasing adhesion, but this is not certain. The two layers possibly were glued together.[16] While still moist, the two layers are hammered together, mashing the layers into a single sheet. The sheet is then dried under pressure. After drying, the sheet is polished with some rounded object, possibly a stone or seashell or round hardwood. Item Condition: as seen on scan. I Accept returns with full refund. Please be sure you want the item before bidding. You are covered by eBay Guarantee. If you have any issues for items and delivery I can solve it, just let me know, But please don't give me Negative feedback or Neutral feedback, just let me know and I will solve any problem. SHIPPING: USA SHIPPING: $2.99 Stamps, Papyrus, coins and Arrow. $5.99 for AMULETS, Antique Worldwide shipping: $2.99 for stamps, Coins and Papyrus. $9.99 for AMULETS, Antique, heavy coins and Arrows Pay the shipping for 1st item on shipping cost for the this items USA & WORLDWIDE: 2nd ITEM FREE SHIPPING FROM 3Rd ITEM ADD: $0.25 each item When shipped with the first item for stamps and Papyrus $0.5 for Coins and Arrow. $1 for Amulet and Antique. Returns Accepted within 14 days, full refund Money Back, Buyer pays return shipping. Important note about Combined Shipping: I will send invoices for all items that you have won. Please do not pay until you receive an updated invoice with reduced combined shipping charges for all items that you want shipped together.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Sudan, South Sudan agree to implement oil deal
- Article by: KIRUBEL TADESSE
- Associated Press
- January 5, 2013 - 6:05 PM
ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia - The presidents of Sudan and South Sudan agreed Saturday to the unconditional and speedy implementation of deals reached in September to demilitarize their shared borders and allow oil exports to flow from South Sudan's oil fields north through Sudan's pipelines, an African Union official said.
Sudan President Omar al-Bashir and South Sudan President Salva Kiir met on Friday and Saturday in Ethiopia's capital to revive a stalled oil exportation deal that has lagged for months over disputes on the setup of security arrangements in the border regions.
AU mediator Thabo Mbeki told reporters late Saturday that the two presidents agreed to the "speedy, unconditional and coordinated" implementation of the agreements.
"We are very, very pleased indeed with the outcome of this because it has indeed opened the way for the implementation of all of these various agreements," said Mbeki. "They have also agreed that action should be taken immediately, as soon as possible, to implement all the existing agreements unconditionally."
AU mediators will present officials of the two sides the timetable for oil exports and the withdrawal of military forces from border areas. The schedule will be ready by Jan. 13, Mbeki said.
"The presidents agreed that steps should be taken without any further delay to demarcate those parts of the border which have been agreed," said Mbeki.
Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn hailed the two leaders' agreements. Hailemariam last week went to both capitals to help move the process forward. The two sides fought a decades-long war and still don't trust each other. South Sudan alleged that Sudan carried out attacks against its territory even when Hailemariam was in the Sudanese capital Khartoum.
The two sides are still at odds over some disputed areas, including the contested Abyei region.
South Sudan chief negotiator Pagan Amum on Friday said that in case of disagreements over the recommendation of the mediators, his country is proposing to go to binding international arbitration. There was no agreement on the issue during the summit and AU officials say how the two sides would proceed in such events remains open ended.
South Sudan held a vote and broke away from Sudan in 2011. South Sudan was pumping its oil through Sudan's pipelines up until early 2012, when it accused Sudan of stealing its oil. That decision has crippled government budgets in both countries.
© 2018 Star Tribune


text:
Harlin Eugene Curry, 70, of Frankville died Dec. 16, 2010 at Jackson Medical Center.
He was born March 20, 1940. He worked as a truck driver for a logging business. He enjoyed working on lawn mowers and equipment such as that while spending time with his friends that liked to do the same. He has always loved motorcycles and owned several over the years.
Survivors include his wife, Nellie Curry, Frankville; one brother, Johnny B. (Darlene) Curry Jr., Chatom; four sisters, Mary (Neal) Bradley, Jackson, Pat (Ray) Savage, Wagarville, Debbie (Albert) Elmore, Frankville, Joanne Williams, Silas.
He was preceded in death by his parents, John Boyd Curry Sr., and Kathleen H. Curry and a sister, Christine Smith.
The service was Dec. 18 at 11 a.m. at New Hope Methodist Church with Bro. Jimmy Butts, and Bro. Billy Harris officiating. Burial was in the New Hope Cemetery in Frankville.
Active pallbearers were Clint Elmore, Ashley Elmore, Brent Elmore, Anthony Williams, Russ Bradley, Johnny Ray Curry and Michael Adams.
Honorary pallbearers were Deloris Turner, Jerry Earl Johnson, Worth Schultz, Joe Goldman and Leon Harris.


text:
By Jeff Caplan, NBA.com
VIDEO: Game 6 preview — Thunder look to close out Clippers in wild series
OKLAHOMA CITY — Truth is the regular-season MVP rarely winds up holding the only trophy that matters when all is said and done.
LeBron James' conversion of consecutive MVPs into back-to-back NBA championships (and two NBA Finals MVPs) is the outlier. Since the turn of the century only two other MVPs have turned the title trick — Tim Duncan in 2003 and Shaquille O'Neal in 2000. Kobe Bryant in 2008 and Allen Iverson in 2001 are the only other MVPs to even get their teams into the Finals.
Perhaps that's why when Russell Westbrook stepped to the free throw line with 6.4 seconds left in the pivotal Game 5 Tuesday night with a chance to give Oklahoma City the lead if he could make all three attempts, the 2013-14 MVP Kevin Durant couldn't watch.
In football, players on the sidelines will look away, cover their eyes or turn around during a last-second field goal. Baseball players in the dugout will bury their faces in their caps.
Durant did all he could think to do. He headed all the way to the other end of the floor and plopped down in the corner of the court, knees raised, his long arms draped across them, his back facing Westbrook. The Thunder point guard sank one, two three free throws, Durant knowing by the roar of the crowd, for a 105-104 lead that would stand and give OKC a 3-2 lead as the series shifts back to Los Angeles for Thursday night's Game 6 (10:30 p.m. ET, ESPN).
Had Westbrook not capped an individually brilliant night of 38 points and six assists with those three free throws, had he not made the steal of the series only 10 seconds earlier, swiping the ball from Clippers point guard Chris Paul, typically as secure as a Brinks truck, the MVP would find himself, just as he did in the first round down 3-2 to Memphis, one loss from elimination and a summer of scrutiny.
Durant unraveled under defensive pressure in OKC's Game 4 collapse and it carried over into Game 5. He was having the worst shooting performance of his 66-game playoff career, just 3-for-17 with the clock ticking under four minutes to go and the Clippers' lead back up to 13 at 101-88.
"Yes, that was definitely frustrating," Durant said. "I was missing some shots I felt good about, but that's how the game goes from time to time. I just try to stick with it though and come through for my team."
"I just tell him great players can have a bad shooting night, but have a great three minutes and be the superstar they are," Thunder coach Scott Brooks said. "And that's what he had, three big baskets down the stretch and made big plays defensively. I thought he hung in there. There are some times when he may think nothing was going to happen right for him, but he hung in there."
Durant hit two massive 3-pointers in the final 3:23 and scored eight of his 27 points during the Thunder's 17-3 finishing kick.
And now it's Paul's turn to regroup after a five-turnover, late-game fade or face, for really the first time in his nine-year career, questions why he can't seal the deal. Paul is almost universally recognized throughout the league as the game's best point guard (although Stephen Curry beat him out in fan voting as the All-Star starter), yet this is only Paul's third venture into the second round and he has never advanced to a conference final.
But unlike James before he won his first of two championships with Miami in 2012, or Dwight Howard or Carmelo Anthony or even now Durant and Westbrook, Paul has mostly eluded the scrutiny, his good-natured personality off the floor and point-god status on it steering him clear of postseason criticism.
If the Clippers fail to advance this time with their best, and healthiest, team in Paul's three seasons, plus led by pedigreed coach Doc Rivers, Paul's free pass will likely now include an expiration date.
The playoffs are where reputations are cemented and legacies born. This series, wild and unpredictable, has tested the mettle of two emotional teams that finished 1-2 during the regular season in technical fouls.
Westbrook, the Thunder's highly charged point guard, who arguably absorbs more criticism than any player still in the playoffs, stands at the top of that list and, in the process, is beginning to redefine his reputation away from a reckless, IQ-challenged point guard.
He has elevated his game, blowing away his All-Star worthy regular-season numbers and giving OKC a facilitator when it needs him to be (8.2 per game against the Clippers), a relentless scorer when it needs him to be (29.6 ppg), a defensive force and the best rebounding guard in the postseason, averaging 8.4 a game.
Who figured Westbrook to be shooting 52.6 percent overall and 40.9 percent from beyond the arc in this series while Durant is a far more pedestrian 45.9 percent and 32.3 percent?
In the first two rounds, Westbrook has three triple-doubles in 12 games. No other player has one. He has four 30-point games. He has five games of double-digit rebounds and four games of double-digit assists, plus two more with eight in each.
"One thing I love about Russell, he competes every single night and he plays for his team every single night," Brooks said. "He doesn't get involved in all the things that are said about him, and why should he? You can't win over everybody. As long as you can win over your teammates, that's the respect that every player wants."
VIDEO: Thunder rally late to stun Clippers in Game 5


text:
Frederick Douglass
The negro Frederick Douglass (1818-1895), born as Frederick Baily, was raised as a slave. He escaped to Massachusetts at age 20 and changed his name to Frederick Douglass in order to conceal himself from slave catchers.
He developed marvelous debating and oratory skills to expose the injustices of slavery. William Lloyd Garrison, publisher of the abolitionist Liberator Newspaper, hired him.
Douglass published a best-selling autobiography, but then felt he had to flee to England to avoid being caught by slave catchers. Reformer Daniel O'Connell formed a friendship with him there.
Upon his return to New York, he founded the "North Star" newspaper.
His motto was "Right is of no sex - Truth is of no color - God is the Father of us all, and we are all Brethren."
Douglass wrote, "I loved all mankind, slaveholder not excepted, though I abhorred slavery more than ever. I saw the world in a new light ... I gathered scattered pages of the Bible from the filthy street gutters, and washed and dried them, that ... I might get a word or two of wisdom from them."


text:
7 New Ways to Wear Perfume
Layering fragrances may sound complicated, but it's easier than you think -- if you know how to do it. Here are the tips that'll teach you how to wear perfume the new way
That's where layering fragrances comes in. In this case, we're not talking about mixing two perfumes, which experts say can be extremely tricky even for a trained nose. Instead, it's about incorporating the right scents into other aspects of your beauty routine to make your perfume work better for you. "Ideally, layering is about choosing a body wash and lotion that will help extend your scent throughout the day," says Franco Wright, co-owner of the Scent Bar in Los Angeles.
Skip ahead to learn how to layer fragrances.
Not only can you make your fragrance last longer, but there are also tricks to change your scent for different seasons or wear it in unique ways for more impact. Basically, how you wear perfume is just as important as the fragrance you wear. So, follow these seven tips to get the most out of your favorite perfume now.
SEE NEXT PAGE: Start simple
Older comments
wearing perfume is such a hassle for me.
by mlyvng Thursday, March 28, 2013 at 12:15PM Report as inappropriate
Some very helpful hints here; I've been layering scents for a long time.
by GigiSD Tuesday, March 5, 2013 at 12:18PM Report as inappropriate
I've always layered, it's the best way to keep your scent all day long. Soap, lotion, cologne, and mist threw out the day!
by morgan_ledford Monday, February 25, 2013 at 12:47PM Report as inappropriate
Lotions with a body mist is great for layering but not too heavy either.
by Shringar Friday, February 8, 2013 at 07:33AM Report as inappropriate
I always read you shouldn't spray perfume on your hair, especially if you perm or color it!
by trishsterette Saturday, January 5, 2013 at 09:46AM Report as inappropriate
by LittleBunny Sunday, December 30, 2012 at 07:06PM Report as inappropriate
by EricaC123 Saturday, December 29, 2012 at 11:38AM Report as inappropriate
I have to say I already do all these things
by Bon_Bon Wednesday, December 19, 2012 at 06:49PM Report as inappropriate
I hate deodorant perfumes! it just smells different on me, even though people say it smells good.
by justmilly Wednesday, December 19, 2012 at 03:45PM Report as inappropriate
Great tips!
by rayshaviolet Tuesday, December 18, 2012 at 01:27PM Report as inappropriate


text:
By Laila Kearney
SAN FRANCISCO (Reuters) - As Janet Napolitano prepares to lead the cash-strapped University of California, the Board of Regents voted Wednesday to take first steps toward a possible multi-million dollar repair of a decaying mansion to house the system's presidents.
The move to fix up the mansion, which could cost as much as $6 million over two years, comes just two weeks before the former Homeland Security chief is expected to take over as U.C. president, and provides a telling example of what she faces as she tries to bring financial order to the prestigious but struggling system.
The Board of Regents for the sprawling, 13-campus system unanimously approved spending an initial $620,000 toward renovating the dilapidated Blake House mansion, which was designed by prominent turn-of-the century architect Walter Danforth Bliss, whose work included such San Francisco landmarks as the St. Francis Hotel and the Bank of America building.
"We were just trying to keep it together so it doesn't fall apart," said Regent Frederick Ruiz after Wednesday's meeting.
In hiring Napolitano, state officials were counting on her political savvy and fund-raising prowess to restore a system racked by years of budget cuts and turmoil.
Although she wasn't on the job Wednesday to argue for or against the renovation project, Napolitano could influence subsequent votes on additional spending.
The dwelling has been vacant since 2008 and has fallen into extreme disrepair, said Patrick Lenz, U.C. vice president for budget. It will cost about $370,000 for the most basic repairs and deferred maintenance, including fixing its leaking roof, officials said, plus another $250,000 for preliminary architectural plans.
If the mansion is completely renovated, it won't be habitable for at least two years, during which time the university will spend about $10,000 per month for Napolitano's rented residence.
Chosen from among more than 300 candidates in part because of her political skills, the 55-year-old Democrat and two-term Arizona governor takes the helm as the university is struggling to recover from economic crises that have eaten away at the state budget on and off for nearly two decades.
Cuts of nearly $1 billion over the last five years have led to tuition increases and class shortages, and have strained relations with faculty and staff through the imposition of furlough days and hiring freezes.
Napolitano has not said what she thinks of repairing the mansion, and university officials said Tuesday that they had not "fully" discussed it with her. A regents committee had voted to recommend beginning the initial work.
Some regents, however, were skeptical.
"The last time I was at the Blake House was about eight years ago and I thought it was pretty run down then," said Ruiz, who in the end voted Wednesday to support beginning preliminary work on the project.
The historic mansion sits in the quiet community of Kensington - four miles to the north of the U.C. Berkeley campus and near the system's administrative offices in Oakland. It was donated to the university in 1957 and has traditionally been used to serve as the living quarters for the university system's presidents.
As the mansion lay in disrepair, the university was paying to lease living quarters for its presidents, spending more than $100,000 for each of the past five years to house outgoing President Mark Yudof, and entering into a two-year lease of about $10,000 per month for a house for Napolitano.
The president's residence must be large, officials said, because he or she is expected to host events there as well as live on the premises.
Lenz, who proposed renovating the mansion, said the cost of leasing such a facility would eclipse the cost of repairs on Blake House in just 15 years.
To be habitable, he said, the mansion would require seismic and security upgrades, repairs to the kitchen and residential areas along with other fixes.
His department will look into the possibility of selling the site, but Lenz said initial repairs were needed right away.
"We're kind of at a point where we need to retain the value that we have," he said.
University spokeswoman Dianne Klein said in a statement that the large public rooms on the first floor of the 13,000 square foot mansion were large enough for university functions, but the upstairs living quarters were "not currently adequate to meet the needs of the president."
Immediate and long-term funding for the project would come from the Searles Fund, an endowment used for expenses not covered by the state, Klein said.
(Reporting by Laila Kearney, Editing by Sharon Bernstein and Ken Wills)


text: At the IAB annual meeting: Study shows digital boosts advertiser reach Published on February 25, 2013. Phoenix—A new report from Nielsen Inc. shows that a 15% shift in media spend to digital will drive a distinct increase in advertiser reach across verticals. The Interactive Advertising Bureau commissioned the report, "A Comprehensive Picture of Digital Video and TV Advertising: Viewing, Budget Share Shift and Effectiveness," and released the findings at its Annual Leadership Meeting here. The study benchmarked how TV schedules across key advertiser verticals performed as money moved to digital. Among the verticals studied were technology, automotive, retail, finance and telecom. "This study documents that brands need both online media, especially digital video, and TV to reach consumers effectively," said Sherrill Mane, senior VP-research, analytics and measurement at the IAB, in a statement. "It's eye-opening to discover that viewers actually have an easier time naming the brand behind a TV commercial if they have had the opportunity to be introduced to the creative first on a digital screen. Marketers and media planners clearly need to start thinking about their digital buys—whether video or display—before they forge ahead with a traditional television buy, in order to optimize reach and effectiveness." Most Popular In this article: BtoB


text:
Iowa man released in 1996 slaying arrested again
Iowa man released in 1996 slaying arrested again
DES MOINES, Iowa —
A 36-year-old man freed this year after being granted a new trial for a 1996 Des Moines homicide has been arrested again.
The Des Moines Register reports that a woman told police that she and David Flores argued at his home Wednesday and he hit her in the back. Police Sgt. Jason Halifax says Flores was arrested there. He's been charged with domestic abuse.
Court records show it was Flores' third arrest since he was let out of prison. Flores served 16 years for the 1996 shooting death of Phillis Davis before his conviction was overturned. The charges were refiled, but Flores reached a plea deal that kept him from being returned to prison.
Records don't list the name of Flores' attorney in the new case.


text:
Joe McGinniss Gets Old-School With Sarah Palin
In defense of a journalist's stalking of a politician.
Where do I go to advance-order a copy of Joe McGinniss' forthcoming book about Sarah Palin?
Obviously my desire to put money down is premature, as the book isn't supposed to come out until 2011 and Amazon has yet to post a standing page for it. For all I know, McGinniss hasn't even written a first chapter. Yet I must find some way to commend the writer for an act of journalistic assholery—renting the house next door to the Palin family in Wasilla, Alaska, from which he is going to research and write his book—that honors a long tradition of snooping.
McGinniss' previous demonstration of overreach in pursuit of a story was to bid all the way to $60,101 in a charity auction on eBay last year for dinner with Palin before dropping out. Compared with that, renting a house next to Palin for five months seems pedestrian.
In calling McGinniss' ploy "assholery" I intend no disparagement. I admire his determination to get the story and have no problems, ethically or morally, with him getting as close to his subject as possible—even if his technique seems a little stalkerish. Besides, there's a long journalistic tradition of wearing sources and subjects down until they surrender ... of knocking on the door of a grieving family to ask them, "How do you feel?" ... of feigning friendliness to gain access ... of crossing police lines in a brisk manner that implies a right to be there … of charming sources' families, friends, or colleagues in order to get closer to them … of frequenting a subject's favorite bar, place of worship, and subway stop until he cracks.
Take, for example, the camera ambush, which is at least as intrusive as moving in next door to a subject. But few protested Mike Wallace's practice of chasing reluctant subjects with a camera crew after they refused to sit down and talk with 60 Minutes. After Wallace came Michael Moore, who became expert at waylaying the unexpecting in unexpected places. The strategy was largely tolerated by the journalistic culture until the boys and girls at The O'Reilly Factor started ambushing "high school principals, lawmakers, journalists and celebrities," as the New York Timesput it. Only then did people start thinking it was creepy.
Still, McGinniss' stunt will outrage those who believe reporters should get close but not too close, who believe that there is something sacred about an individual's place of residence, who would prefer reporters to behave more like Boy Scouts and less like gumshoes.
Taking up residence next to Palin doesn't even approach violating her legal right to privacy. She has no legal right to blind eyes looking at her property from an adjoining property or even from the street. If McGinniss didn't live next door, he'd be completely within his rights to interview Palin's neighbors about her. In fact, he'd be remiss if he didn't grill them about her.
Although Palin may not like the eyeballing proximity of McGinniss' perch, she seems to know he's within his rights. On her Facebook page, she writes. "Welcome, Joe! … [Y]ou know what they say about 'fences make for good neighbors'? Well, we'll get started on that tall fence tomorrow, and I'll try to keep Trig's squeals down to a quiet giggle so we don't disturb your peaceful summer."
Compared with the journalistic investigation that I assume McGinniss has commenced of his subject, sharing a property line with her is trivial. Right now I'll bet that McGinniss or a research assistant is combing the complete Palin paper trail of court filings, property records, tax assessments, and official documentation of her governorship and mayoralty, including e-mails. High on the stack will be the Palins' 1040 and other financial documents she disclosed as a vice-presidential candidate. He'll run Palin's name through every database he can find. And if there is a legal way to obtain Palin's telephone records, school records, and even her medical records, McGinniss will get them.
It's called legwork, it's called immersion journalism, and it doesn't look pretty. But it should come as a surprise to only naive newspaper readers that every day journalists treat the subjects of investigations the way McGinniss is treating Palin.
I'll predict that McGinniss' deck-side observations of the Palin family will not likely turn up much beyond atmosphere for his book. But that's not the reason he rented the house. It's his way of skywriting for all of Alaska—and America—to see that he's on Palin's case and that he's very available to sources if they want to share with him. A couple of more stunts like this, and you can expect the Joe McGinniss book to debut in the Times best-seller list.
The best joke so far to come out of the story was filed to Twitter by Slate's Christopher Beam: "Janet Malcolm should move into the house next door to Joe McGinniss and write The Journalist and the Governor." Damn you and your cleverness, Beam! Get clever via e-mail firstname.lastname@example.com and follow my witless Twitter feed. (E-mail may be quoted by name in Slate's readers' forums; in a future article; or elsewhere unless the writer stipulates otherwise. Permanent disclosure: Slate is owned by the Washington Post Co.)
Track my errors: This hand-built RSS feed will ring every time Slate runs a "Press Box" correction. For e-mail notification of errors in this specific column, type the word McGinniss the subject head of an e-mail message, and send it to email@example.com.
Like Slate on Facebook. Follow us on Twitter.


text: Warning: Declaration of vBForum_Item_SocialGroupMessage::getLoadQuery() should be compatible with that of vB_Model::getLoadQuery() in ..../packages/vbforum/item/socialgroupmessage.php on line 261Warning: Declaration of vBForum_Item_SocialGroupDiscussion::getLoadQuery() should be compatible with that of vB_Model::getLoadQuery() in ..../packages/vbforum/item/socialgroupdiscussion.php on line 337 Advanced Search - Offspring.com Forums Register Help Remember Me? What's New? Activity Stream New Posts New Events Mark Forums Read Forum Advanced Search Advanced Search If this is your first visit, be sure to check out the FAQ by clicking the link above. You may have to register before you can post: click the register link above to proceed. To start viewing messages, select the forum that you want to visit from the selection below. Search Single Content Type Search Multiple Content Types Search In Search Types: All Types Posts Forums Visitor Messages Search For Keyword(s): Search Entire Posts Search Titles Only User Name: Exact name Tag: Additional Options Find Posts Any Date Your Last Visit Yesterday A Week Ago 2 Weeks Ago A Month Ago 3 Months Ago 6 Months Ago A Year Ago and Newer and Older Sort Results by Title Date User Name Relevance in Descending Order in Ascending Order Image Verification: Please enter the six letters or digits that appear in the image opposite. Refresh Image Search Tag Cloud These are the 70 most-searched-for thread tags anti-life argentina band best thread ever booooooooooooooooooobs bubumpininmahtrunk cover dead thread dexter fail fuck fucking horse fucks man gargamels on a gunboat grapejuice green day guitar guitars hammerhead heia norge! help me horse fucking amateur horse fucking horse fuck horse fucking nurse horse fucking porn tube how i met bof's mother i herd u liek mudkipz illuminati interview jojan har en liten penis live lol media thread neger neocons new album nofx sucks noodles offspring pass me by penis sizes polar bears pro pro-life prom punk rafrag rage and grace rancid rise and fall rock scubadiving shit shitty chrisdude thread shows smash song songs svenskar är dumma sverige suger thebest the offspring threads not made by jojan threadsnotmadebypilz-e ticho mutant-tvar top 5 tour tree=giraffe video watch your grandma youmustbeafag -- The Offspring [Black] -- The Offspring [White] -- The Offspring [Black] [Test] -- Default vBulletin -- Default Mobile Style Offspring.com Archive Top All times are GMT -7. The time now is 06:07 AM. Powered by vBulletin® Version 4.2.2 Copyright © 2018 vBulletin Solutions, Inc. All rights reserved.


text:
To begin your search, select a location, job stream or job number. Click on the Title of the position you are interested in to view the vacancy information. When you are ready to begin the application process, click "Apply Online". You will then be directed to our Member Center to register a new account or to log in to an existing account.
If you do not find a current opportunity that fits your interest and skills, we encourage you to:


text:
LA PAZ, Bolivia (AP) — Uruguay's austere president is urging world leaders to fight a "culture of waste" in which poor nations try to emulate richer countries rather than live in balance with the environment.
Speaking in Bolivia on Sunday to a summit of the Group of 77 and China, Jose Mujica calls the growth in consumerism "a trap" that will produce material gain at the cost of human development.
Mujica is a former guerrilla leader and he has won attention for his no-frills lifestyle as Uruguay's president, including driving an old Volkswagen Beetle and living on a simple flower farm.
Opposition leaders in Bolivia have criticized the summit of representatives from 128 nations as a waste of money. President Evo Morales defends the meeting, saying will help promote Bolivia and its social reforms.


text:
Simplicity Freedom Entry
Available in Store Only.
The Simplicity Freedom Entry gives you the freedom to easily move around for a quick and easy clean. Plus, as with all Simplicity vacuums, it picks up deep down dirt efficiently an is built with convenience in mind.
20Find In Store
The Simplicity Freedom Entry model is ultra light weight at 8 pounds, making it ideal for fast and easy cleaning. With a heavy-duty cord hook, wood brushroll and all the performance you can expect from a Simplicity Freedom, this model is built to last.
|Additional Features
|Lightweight at only 8 pounds, this model is packed with 5.5 Amps of power and a 30-foot long cord.
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text:
The sequel to the PlayStation One best-seller, Digimon Rumble Arena 2 is a four-player Super Smash Bros.-style fighter that boasts more than 40 different monsters, plenty of multiplayer action, secret characters, and personalities from all four seasons of the television show. Set in levels that include the staples of platform gaming -- Jungle, Ice, Lava, Water, and more -- Digimon Rumble Arena 2 features a single-player main mode, a multiplayer mode for up to four players, and a practice mode. The game is known under the title Digimon Battle Chronicle in Japan.
Also known as: Digimon Rumble Arena II, Digimon Battle Chronicle
Release Region: Japan
Release Date: July 29, 2004
Publisher: Bandai
Release Region: United States
Release Date: September 7, 2004
Publisher: Bandai
For more info on these technical requirements and features, please view GameSpy's Specs FAQ.
Digimon Rumble Arena 2 at IGN
Digimon Rumble Arena 2 at GameSpy
Digimon Rumble Arena 2 at GameStats


text:
Home › Forums › New to Cybrary › Get Microsoft Excel 70-778 Exam Practice Tests For Quick Preparation
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July 11, 2018 at 3:22 AM #130254
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BAGHDAD (AP) — Iraqi officials say that a suicide tanker truck packed with explosives blew up outside the home of an army intelligence officer, killing three people and wounding 18 others in the country's north.
Police officials say that the Saturday blast heavily damaged the house of Brig. Khalaf al-Jubouri in al-Shurqat, 250 kilometers (155 miles) northwest of Baghdad.
Police said that al-Jubouri's son and nephew were among the dead, but the officer himself was not home at the time.
A hospital official confirmed the casualties. Both officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to talk to media.
Violence has ebbed in Iraq, but insurgent attacks are still frequent.


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Construction Brings Change to Michigan Tech Campus
By Kara Sokol | Published
Summer is synonymous with many things—sunshine, warmer temperatures, and construction projects.
Michigan Technological University is no exception, and many students and faculty members coming to campus later this summer will be greeted by a new landscape. It will be out with the old and in with the new, which in this case includes a spaciously widened and safer stretch of US Highway 41, increased green space, changes in some parking areas, and a new home for Tech's broomball rinks.
Vice President for Student Affairs Les Cook says the project, once finished, will have a "positive impact."
"The end result will provide a safer, more pedestrian-friendly corridor for our students, faculty, and staff," he says.
In May, the Michigan Department of Transportation (MDOT) began work on a highway improvement project for the portion of US-41 that stretches through the heart of campus. The main goal: to install a center-lane refuge strip for crossing pedestrians.
Before crews could break ground, however, the University had to deal with the issues caused by the widening—namely, the impact on the University's parking availability and broomball rinks, both of which would be affected by the project.
A task force comprised of key staff and students was formed in early summer 2008 to examine the issue. They considered the needs of students, faculty, and staff, and looked to the University's 2006 "Fresh Look" master scenarios plan, which outlined the eventual phasing-out of Lot 14 (adjacent to the Walker Building). Their recommendations were then presented to and approved by the University's Student Commission and Executive Team.
So what will their recommendations mean for the campus community? Broomball spectators and players will have a new view next winter with the rinks being relocated to a new green space at the east end of Lot 14.
"The rinks are bound not only by US-41 but also by the sidewalk and the Walker building, which eliminated the possibility of keeping them on the Walker lawn," says former student and task force committee member Dustin Sommer. "The proposed shift will allow broomball to remain in the heart of campus and continue to thrive as a Michigan Tech tradition."
With the construction project taking a bite out of several parking areas and a section of Lot 14 absorbing the broomball rinks, parking mitigation became the committee's main focus.
"Our goal was to give a parking recommendation that would find equity and balance among all parties affected," Sommer says.
Their solution consists of several changes:
- Lot 9 (located east of the Rosza Center for the Performing Arts parking area) will be divided into two separate areas by a non-permanent guardrail: the east end of the space will remain Commuter Lot 9, while the west end will become the new Lot 5, with 112 spots for graduate student parking.
- Lot 14 will retain a row of parallel parking spots along the highway, but otherwise will be reverted into a green space. Seventy-five spaces will be displaced, with affected faculty/staff shifting to Lot 8 (located behind Walker) or other nearby areas, and graduate students moving to the new Lot 5.
The change will allow graduate students to gain 42 new spaces. And lost spots for commuters will be absorbed by Lots 22, 23, 24, 26 and 32, which are rarely full.
Those affected by the change have been notified via email about their new parking locations.
"The proposed shift may be an adjustment for some students," the committee's report explains, "but it will allow the University to expand its green space on campus and give the community more open space to recreate."
Michigan Technological University is a public research university, home to more than 7,000 students from 54 countries. Founded in 1885, the University offers more than 120 undergraduate and graduate degree programs in science and technology, engineering, forestry, business and economics, health professions, humanities, mathematics, and social sciences. Our campus in Michigan's Upper Peninsula overlooks the Keweenaw Waterway and is just a few miles from Lake Superior.


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McCain may not be gloating about his Florida victory (and least not personally and in public), but the Washington Post is. This front-page story by Jonathan Weisman and Paul Kane called "After Romney's Barrage, McCain Still Standing," is styled "Analysis," but would better be described as "Shilling."
The authors accuse Romney of launching "a negative onslaught" and, as early as the 12th line of the story, they turn the floor over to John Weaver, the "longtime political adviser to McCain" who was fired last summer by McCain for incompetence. Weaver adds, rather incoherently, the following:
You don't want to say it doesn't get you anywhere because a lot of campaigns are won on negativity, but if Romney wasn't born on third base, if he had to campaign and fundraise like everyone else, I'm sure he wouldn't be here anymore.
Let's try to sort through this "analysis." First, Romney did in Florida what campaigns are supposed to do — he called attention to issues of legitimate concern, at least to conservatives. They included the fact that McCain consistently receives endorsement from liberal and leftist organs like the New York Times; the fact that, by his own admission, he's not strong in economics; and the fact that he joined with some of Senate's most liberal members to curb political speech (McCain-Feingold) and grant relief to illegal aliens (McCain-Kennedy). The McCain campaign and the liberal MSM would prefer it if McCain's deviations from conservatism were off-limits for discussion, but making them so would be a massive disservice to the conservative political cause.
Second, McCain dissembled his way through Florida. He smeared Romney a false claim about Romney's position about Iraq. He tried to walk away from his own past statements confessing lack of economic expertise. And he falsely asserted that the Gang of 14 deal he helped broker resulted in Bush nominees being hung out to dry only because the Republicans "ran out of time." In reality, the Gang of 14 knew that not all pending nominees would be confirmed and McCain was instrumental in seeing that at least one of them (Jim Haynes) wasn't.
The salient test for a campaign should not be "positive vs. negative," but "accurate vs. inaccurate." In my view, Romney's Florida campaign scores considerably higher on this scale than McCain's.
Third, Weaver's verbiage about Romney being "born on third base" is ridiculous. Romney isn't spending inherited money on his campaign, he's spending money he earned as perhaps the nation's top business consultant.
Weaver's views are irrelevant, even if the Post sees fit to print them on its front page. Hopefully, they don't reflect McCain's, but given his unwarranted contempt for Romney (which predates the current intensity of the campaign), I fear that they do.
A final point: no one should conclude from the MSM's current bias in favor of McCain that it will continue to carry his torch, or even treat him fairly, if he's nominated. McCain may be the MSM's favorite Republican, but he's still a Republican.
UPDATE: I know the official line is that Weaver "left" the McCain campaign but as the candidate would say "look, let's have some straight talk."
To comment on this post, go here.


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Around this time of year my friends and acquaintances start asking: so, now that football season is over, what do you do?
I shake my head and explain: one thing that the NFL does extraordinarily well is make itself a topic of conversation all year. It never stops.
The league has a preseason, a regular season, a postseason and, at this time of year, silly season. The Super Bowl is well past and free agency has yet to begin. Trades are on hold until the new league year begins in March and while we all think DeSean Jackson will be franchised, it can't actually happen for real until Monday at the earliest.
We can try to look ahead at what veterans the Eagles should target in free agency, but we don't even yet know what players will be available because those franchise and transition tags haven't been applied yet. The Combine is coming up, and that provides some buzz, but in the end it's speculation of the highest order, since free agency can alter teams' needs and change the draft. The guy who looks like a perfect fit right now might be an unnecessary addition in a few weeks.
The reality is there is nothing concrete happening in the NFL right now. But the league is so compelling that no one wants to stop talking about it.
Enter Terrell Owens and Randy Moss, playing this year's versions of Brett Favre, stirring up hype, breathless speculation and fanciful thinking by some fans despite all evidence arguing against either of them being a major factor in 2012. (Speaking of which, can we get Favre to team with one of these guys, and just mic them up for an entire season?)
How do two players generate so much attention, even after combining for two fewer touchdowns last season than Eagles backup defensive end Juqua Parker?
Spectacular highlight reels and fans' memories will do that, even if the big plays are by now terribly outdated. At one point Owens and Moss were each unstoppable forces on the field, and some fans would love to see them give it one more try for their team, hoping to catch the proverbial lightning in a bottle. No matter what they can actually do now, signing an Owens or Moss sounds more exciting to some than a solid, contributing third receiver who would probably help a team more next season.
But the attention goes beyond that, because the receivers combined that incredible on-field talent with just as much skill – maybe more -- at creating drama. Utter the phrases "next question" or "straight cash, homie" to any NFL fan, and they'll know immediately who and what you are talking about. Moss and Owens have the quirks of outrageous reality stars you can't take your eyes off of, no matter how often you promise yourself you'll stop wasting your time with them.
They fill a news void starving for something to fill Twitter, television debate shows and half-baked blogs.
But can they actually do anything on the field?
I talked to ESPN analyst Andrew Brandt about it. He's a former Packers vice president, and he cast doubt on any team taking a big chance on either Moss or Owens any time soon.
"The problem when you get to a skill position player of a certain age is you don't know when the fall over the cliff has or will happen," Brandt said. "You're taking a chance that a player is going to be able to find that lightning in the bottle once again."
(T.O is 38, Moss 35).
Brandt added, "most teams are beyond signing players for name value without an ability that matches it." (That trend apparently doesn't apply to a certain team that decided it was a good idea to add Vince Young, Ronnie Brown and Steve Smith a year ago).
Brandt doubted that either Moss or Owens will be signed before training camps open in late summer. Only after teams that see holes after perhaps losing players to free agency or missing on a target in the draft might they consider either receiver, in his opinion, and only if the team can get them on a deal heavy on incentives and with few, if any, guarantees.
"Any team that signs them is going to want to be able to get out from under the deal," Brandt said.
They are big names, but Owens and Moss are each declining and have spent a year away from the game. NFL teams speak most honestly with their personnel moves, and the decisions on each speak volumes. Three teams had Moss in 2010 and none wanted to keep him after a season in which he had just 28 catches. Owens was more productive that year, but he has been ditched by three teams in his last three seasons, and no one wanted to take a shot on him in 2011. That tells you something, no?
As for the Eagles, Phil Sheridan covered this well earlier this week, but, to sum up: there is no way T.O. gets another dime of Jeffrey Lurie's money, even if he invents the greatest stadium-ready solar panels known to man. Moss? I know some Eagles fans are dying for size at receiver, but if you're going to take on a headache of a receiver who can provide a big-play threat, why wouldn't you just keep DeSean Jackson, who, you know, has actually made some plays recently?
For what it's worth, Bovada (formerly Bodog) has the Patriots as their favorites to sign Moss, with the Eagles tied for seventh best odds, at 10-1.
I've been surprised before – I thought there was no way the Eagles would sign Nnamdi Asomugha after acquiring Dominique Rodgers-Cromartie – but to me, logic says there's no chance the Eagles take on either of these disruptive forces. (When I asked Howie Roseman about Moss today, he gave a polite non-comment comment).
Still, each player knows how to captivate an audience, even when they haven't stepped on the field in a year. As the Boston Globe's Greg Bedard aptly tweeted this week: "Randy Moss is no dummy. He tells people bored by the end of the NFL season to dance like a clown, and they do. Well played."
Now, if you'll excuse me, me and 20 of my sports writer friends have to put on fuzzy wigs and cram ourselves into a Volkswagen.


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Our Imaginary Interview With Karl Lagerfeld
In this post from styelist.com, Karl Lagerfeld mentions that though his pre-fall collection is inspired by India, he has never actually been there.
He went on to say, "You're never disappointed by your imagination, but you can be very disappointed by reality,".
So I imagined having an interview with him and then imagined his answers. I started out by going to his imaginary den in the very real Paris. I imagined he perfumed the air heavily with Jasmine. Everything was probably black and white and there were most likely no less then five man servants attending to his every need. He drank tea from a delicate china cup but did not offer me anything. I think he thought I could stand to lose a few pounds from my size 2 frame. I pretended to ask him all these questions and he imaginarily answered them.
And he was right, I wasn't disappointed by my imaginary answers.[ITPGallery]


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Wednesday September 19, 2018; 06:36 am EDT
Take the Naval Academy Masqueraders' magic carpet ride to ancient Persia and meet merchants, lovers, royalty and travelers
Mary Zimmerman's The Arabian Nights is not your same old Ali Baba, Sinbad and Aladdin story. None of them appears in this 15-story sampling of the bawdy and moralistic tales. But if you take the Naval Academy Masqueraders' magic carpet ride to ancient Persia, you will meet the masses: merchants, lovers, royalty and travelers.
The stories center on the Khalifah Shahryar (James Frevola, looking every inch an Arabian prince), a cuckolded bridegroom who seeks revenge on womankind by marrying, bedding and killing a different virgin each night until none are left in his kingdom but his aide's daughters, the lovely Scheherazade (Kiley Provenzano) and Dunyazade (Gabriela Baez). Together they devise a plot to buy time with suspenseful bedtime stories. The prince is so enthralled that they earn one more night, then another and another …
Scheherezade begins with The Madman's Tale, in which a virtuous young man (Wes Cox) is tricked by a temptress of beautiful countenance and voice (Judy Valderrabano) into marrying a hideous freak, then contrives to have the union annulled by inviting a band of maniacal relatives to his in-laws' home.
On the second night, Scheherezade continues with The Perfidy of Wives, a tale in five parts, starting with the trials of a cuckolded Jester (Mark Pfender) who discovers his wife's four lovers in the privy. Each in turn tells a tale.
Act II bends gender stereotypes with Sympathy the Learned (Jenn Underhill), a woman so knowledgeable she beats each of the king's wise men in a sort of It's Academic quiz, thus winning her rivals' clothes, the respect of men and a marriage proposal from the king (Michael McPherson).
The Confusion of Stories is a mosaic of fables akin to the wall display in a TV store: an assault on the senses and sensibilities that moves the audience through years of yarns that buy Scheherazade her freedom.
In the final tale, The Forgotten Melody, Ishak the Musician (Moises Diaz) teaches that music makes life dance. And so it is in this production, full of dancing and music as stirring as the dance of the seven veils, thanks to Foxton's choreography.
Masqueraders' productions are rich in visual detail, and this one is replete with towering sets bedecked in colorful silks, kilims, beads and tassels. The costumes are exquisite and the staging delightful as actors become caravans of camels and flotillas of candlelit boats. My favorite touch is the sound of a dozen djembe drumming rhythms so rousing I expected the audience to get up and dance.
But the show is a stretch for a student production, as each actor takes on a half-dozen roles. Enthusiasm alone does not convey the unique flavor of each story. Midshipmen and academy insiders, however, laughed heartily at the manipulations of the script for their entertainment. And to their credit, the actors often speak as a chorus in precise diction that was a joy to understand in Mahan Hall's notorious sound-muffling milieu.
The Arabian Nights offers a kaleidoscopic view of another place and time we can barely recognize in today's war zones. I recommend it for mature audiences with a taste for literary classics.
Director: Christy Stanlake. Technical director: Nicholas Peskosky. Set & costume designer: Richard Montgomery. Choreographer: Heather Foxton. Choral director: Judy Valderrabano.
Playing thru Nov. 6 at 8pm FSa; 2pm Su at Mahan Hall, Naval Academy, Annapolis. $10 w/discounts: rsvp; 410-293-8497.


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Water Buffalo
Category archives for Water Buffalo
Kruger National Park in South Africa is a renowned location for observing some of Africa's most famous wildlife. Here we have all of that wildlife fighting one another, all at once. Basically this is Kruger's equivalent of a WWE event. Watch it through to the end or at least minute seven or so.


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A public hearing will be held on proposed amendments to the Hunter Education rules on Monday, August 20, 2012, at 6:30 p.m. at the New Hampshire Fish and Game Department, 11 Hazen Drive, Concord, NH 03301.
"This rule package does not make major changes to the Hunter Education Program," said Laura Ryder, Fish and Game Hunter Education Administrator. "Among other administrative changes, it updates the hunter education rules to incorporate recent improvements to accessing hunter education via online registration and other requirements for the online hunter education course and its associated field day."
The proposal consolidates the rules for hunter and bowhunter education programs and rules for hunter and bowhunter education instructors, includes reasons for termination of instructor certification, and outlines certification and responsibilities for master hunter and bowhunter instructor trainers.
Fish and Game is also proposing to repeal the current $2 charge for issuance of duplicate certification cards. "That small fee is costly to collect and can be a barrier to people wanting to buy a license," said Ryder.
The complete rulemaking notices, with original and proposed rule language, can be viewed at http://www.wildnh.com/Legislative/Notices_summary.htm.
Written comments must be received by August 27, 2012. Send to: firstname.lastname@example.com (use subject line "Comments on Hunter Education Rules"); or write to Executive Director, N.H. Fish and Game Department, 11 Hazen Drive, Concord, NH 03301; or fax to 603-271-1438.


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DR. HOOK- Say what? An earful about Eustachian tubes
Ears burning? Maybe someone is talking about you! It's like that Bonnie Raitt song, "Something to Talk About." Or– could it be that you're paranoid or super egocentric?
Really, in the end, it doesn't matter what people think about you– but then again, as I've learned on Wisteria Lane (i.e. Desperate Housewives), it does matter what people do to you: sabotage, petty alliances, arson, murder.
So what do you do if your ear feels all plugged up? Hire a private investigator?
Eustachian tube dysfunction is something I know pretty well. I have it! I can always tell when it's going to rain because my right middle ear gets all congested, I hear my voice differently (like talking while wearing ear plugs), and there is discomfort. (Also I can tell someone is talking about me– but only nice things, of course.)
The ear has three sections. The external ear consists of the ear lobe and ear canal. The middle ear, behind the ear drum, has "instrumental" bones to transmit sound to the inner ear (kind of like the needle on a record player picking up information from the vinyl). The inner ear is the site of the balance center and also the neurological hearing center. This neurological center takes the mechanical information tapped out by the middle ear and converts it to "digital" for the brain.
The middle ear is filled with gas (and you thought you only had gas somewhere else!) and is pressure sensitive. The ear drum is the bubble casing separating the middle ear from the outside world. Gas leaks out of the middle ear through absorption by the lining of the mucous membranes, and that leads to low pressure. How does this pressure get normalized?
Voila, the Eustachian tube! This tube originates in the nasopharynx (just above your throat that you see when you look in the mirror and say "Ah") and connects to the middle ear. So when you yawn, swallow, or valsalva (apply positive pressure), air is blown back into the middle ear, making the middle ear pressure match the atmospheric pressure.
However, if one isn't able to adjust the pressure in the middle ear well, the ear drum won't vibrate correctly. That causes impaired hearing (hmm, maybe that's the problem with people who don't listen), discomfort, a sense of being "blocked"– and worse case scenario, barotrauma.
The main cause of barotraumas is– quoting Tattoo– "The plane, the plane!" Yes, airplane flights.
Usually, the barotraumas occur when the plane is descending to land. As the outside pressure increases during descent, the middle ear needs more air. If the passengers don't "pop" their ears open, the outside pressure can push the ear drum in and bruise it, make it bleed, and cause swelling.
This swelling can cause havoc in the middle ear. Tinnitus (ringing in the ear) is often pulsatile, so people may worry they have a brain aneurysm since they think they hear their pulse. If trauma extends to the inner ear, some important membranes can rupture, leading to vertigo and major hearing loss. Scuba divers are also susceptible to this.
So what's a person to do? If there is Eustachian tube dysfunction due to infection (like a cold, inner ear infection), avoiding a plane flight or scuba diving is advised. If flying, a decongestant an hour before flight might help, as well as chewing gum. In particular for smokers, an ear/nose/throat evaluation for a tumor blocking the Eustachian tube is worthwhile.
Many of us have "selective hearing," but with my Eustachian tube dysfunction, I can always do the Milli Vanilli thing: "Blame It on the Rain."
Dr. Hook cracks a joke or two, but he's a renowned physician with a local practice. Email him with your questions.


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No. 1: Bealefeld leaves, Batts comes in
As 2012 began, the number of people killed in Baltimore had dropped below 200 victims in a year for the first time since the 1970s, the lowest population-adjusted murder rate since the late 1980s. While critics could (and did) attribute the drop to everything from trauma care to the weather, it's undeniable that the trend began when Frederick H. Bealefeld III took control of the agency in 2007, with the murder rate rising. Bealefeld decided to hang up his hat earlier this year. Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake went outside the agency for his successor: Anthony W. Batts, who was sitting on the sidelines after a successful three decade career in Long Beach and an uneven stint in Oakland. Batts is still diagnosing the agency, but has been promoting foot beats, opening up a commanders' meeting to the public, and talking gangs as the city's murder rate jumped after two consecutive years of declines. Expect more changes to the agency in the new year.
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|P is for Practical
Is this reliable?by misterperl (Beadle)
|on Feb 18, 2013 at 16:26 UTC ( #1019361=perlquestion: print w/replies, xml )
|Need Help??
misterperl has asked for the
wisdom of the Perl Monks concerning the following question:
I want to do some conditional math. Without going into extensive explaination, I can't use a condtional statement.
So I'm attempting this in sort of an APL-ish approach:
# conditionally add 250 to the result iif $temp > 100;
my $temp = 150;
my $r = 1000;
$r += 250 * ( $temp > 100 );
I was pleasantly surprised to see this actually work correctly on my linux Perl 5.8.8 box, $r is 1000 unless $temp > 100 then its 1250. Perfect!
But what I wonder (and have my doubts about) is, will this appoach also work on a arbitrary Perl/OS implementation? My doubt is that ( $temp > 100 ) will consistently evaluate to 0 or 1 (as it does in APL, making it function perfectly for cases like this)..
Thank You wise ones.
Back to Seekers of Perl Wisdom