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|18 Dec 2012
Alright so boot the PW CD, Resize the left side of C partition by 200mb, then create a Primary NTFS partition there labeled System, Modify>Set to Active, then boot into Win7 DVD to run Startup Repair up to 3 separate times with reboots to write the System boot files to it. This creates a fresh new boot partition.
|My System Specs
|18 Dec 2012
Just for the heck of it I plugged the application drve back in. If I leave the repair disk in I can get into windos. Said autocheck not found though.
|My System Specs
|18 Dec 2012
There's something dysfunctional about an install that will not write boot files to the target partition successfully so that it can boot the OS. My guess is that there's corruption in the boot sector of the HD which if it will not be repaired by Startup Repair or the bootsect command may need wiping with Diskpart Clean Command - which also happens to solve about half of installation failures. But that requires reinstalling the OS.
If you're sure you've tried 3 separate Startup Repairs with reboots to C which is marked Active, with all other HD's unplugged, run the bootrec and bootsect commands correctly, then what's left is to try constructing a System Reserved boot partition which when marked Active might accept the boot files via Startup Repairs, or Clean Reinstalling after wiping the HD.
In addition since you can start with the other HD plugged in you can try installing EasyBCD to Move Bootmgr to C:\ with EasyBCD - Windows 7 Forums. But it's a long shot since the most reliable way to do this is via Repairs.
|My System Specs
|18 Dec 2012
Greg. Do you think that the application that supposedly pulled up my win product key will return the right key? Or is that voodoo?
|My System Specs
|18 Dec 2012
Are you sure you've got the Win7 HD set first HD to boot in BIOS?
If a keyfinder found a 25 digit (5 groups of 5 characters) labeled Product Key and not just Product ID, then it should work if it was activated with the retail Product Key.
There's another thing to try since you can boot WIn7 with the XP HD attached. Boot into it and try Move Bootmgr to C:\ with EasyBCD - Windows 7 Forums.
|My System Specs
|19 Dec 2012
Greg. OK. There seem to be a lot of different possibilities. Will try them all when I get home. Will start with the first suggestion and run them in your order unless you advise a different sequence.
When/if we get to the installation of Windows how do you prevent Windows from eating the entire drive,thus preserving the first install?
|My System Specs
|19 Dec 2012
If you get to the point of having to reinstall then it should be to wipe the HD first which wipes everything out, so you'd need to back up your files and unplug all HD's to do that. '
But first I would try unplugging all other HD's again to run 3 separate Startup Repairs again with reboots in between - just to be sure it was done correctly.
If that fails, use Partition Wizard bootable CD to resize Win7 from the left by about 200mb to create a System REserved partition to boot it.
To do this with all other HD's unplugged boot into PW CD, rightclick on C to Resize, drag left border to right 200mb, click OK.
Then rightclick the 200mb space to Create New partition NTFS Primary, labeled System Reserved and given a letter, click OK.
Now rightclick the new partition to Modify>Set to Active, OK.
Then click on the HD # to highlight it, from Disk tab select Rebuild MBR, OK, Apply all steps.
Reboot to see if Win7 starts. If not boot into Win7 DVD or REpair CD to run 3 separate Startup Repairs to write the System boot files to the Active partition until it boots it.
If this fails then you can wipe the HD to reinstall.
|My System Specs
|19 Dec 2012
Hello again.
Just for fun I put my original hard drive, the one I thought was dying back in. All by itself. That wouldn't even turn over.
For further fun, I put the old APPLICATION/PERSONAL drive back in. After one repair session everything was back to normall. Was never so glad to see my crappy desktop.
So that would seem to mean that these two drives are married some how. I originally imaged this bizarre SYSTEM via the Windows backup and restored THAT onto the brand NEW drive. Funny Windows insisted you use two drives. That's when you and I started this thread eons ago.
Wonder whether you think there is a better way to move onto the new drive. With Windows you only get one way. I have Acronis True Image if that gives you any ideas.
Sorry to add further complexity. Just got tired of looking at black screens!
Thanks again.
|My System Specs
|21 Dec 2012
Thanks for all the help you gave me.
Here's what I finally did. I went back to my old install. I "weened" my Windows drive from the other drive that it seemed to be married to. I got that setup running rock solid. Real simple. Just the one drive.
After that, I backed up that one drive in the Windows 7 recovery image. Then I restored that image to the new drive, having wiped it first as you mentioned. After that I used that "Partition Wizard" that you showed me to come up with a more logical layout of the partitions. After I multi-repaired the boot files, I plugged one of my other drives in to see whether anything would explode. The whole business works without a hitch.
Again, many thanks. I learned a ton of stuff from you. I'm half hoping something breaks so I can use my new skills to fix it again.
Thanks again Greg.
|My System Specs
|21 Dec 2012
Good job, Michael!
If you'll post back a screenshot of your maximized Disk Mgmt showing both the drive map and all the listings we can look it over for any potential problems. Let us know what's on each partition, or anything you'd like adjusted.
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With the conversation about raw milk heating up recently (no pun intended), and more legislation being introduced to allow it to be sold at the state and local level, we've been wondering about the history of pasteurization and why it became legislated in the first place. Sometimes the reasons we do things get lost once a problem is solved; subsequent generations forget about or are unaware of the problem that led to the solution in the first place. So, to add to the discussion, here's why we pasteurize milk:
Tuberculosis, Typhoid, Diphtheria, Brucellosis, Cholera Infantum and more….
There is some evidence indicating that human populations began to increase about the same time we domesticated goats, sheep and cattle and then began drinking their milk. So, in a very real sense, milk has made us what we are today. But milk hasn't always been life-giving. About 150 years ago, we discovered that illnesses are caused by microorganisms or germs. And about that same time, we discovered that some of the deadliest diseases humans faced were a result of drinking milk that contained these microorganisms.
In 1882, German scientist Rupert Koch discovered that bovine tuberculosis could be spread to humans via milk. By 1907, milk containing the pathogens for tuberculosis, typhoid and diphtheria had been linked to the deaths of hundreds of New York City's children annually. But it was the typhoid epidemic of 1913 that killed thousands of people that finally resulted in action. Public health officials knew that typhoid fever was carried in milk, and that pasteurization could make milk safe to drink so by 1914, 95% of the city's milk supply was pasteurized. The impact was tremendous. Infant mortality rates dropped from 27% to 9%.
Change Takes a Long Time
Nathan Straus, founder of Macy's, lost his own son to milk-caused diphtheria in the late 1800s and campaigned for pasteurization for decades. He set up "Milk bars" offering pasteurized milk on the spot at affordable prices, along with free medical exams for children and hygiene advice for mothers. He started providing pasteurized milk to a local orphanage with a death rate of 42% from tuberculosis and other milk borne diseases. Within a year the death rate dropped to 28% and continued downward in subsequent years.
But in spite of his efforts and those of many like him, in 1938 U.S. public health officials estimated that a quarter of all food-borne illnesses were linked to unpasteurized milk. Over half of the milk in the U.S. was still sold raw. In 1943, Edsel Ford, the 49 year old son of Henry Ford died of undulant fever (Brucellosis) brought on by drinking unpasteurized milk from one of the family farms. The swing to nationwide pasteurization began as World War II ended as states began requiring pasteurization of milk and the federal government banned the interstate sale of raw milk.
Listeria, E. Coli and Campylobacter
Safer, cleaner handling facilities in dairies have also contributed to reduction in milk-borne diseases. But no matter how clean you are, it's hard to get rid of bacteria that just naturally exist in even healthy animals, like Listeria, E. coli, and Campylobacter. The symptoms of infection for each of these bacteria are similar and include diarrhea (sometimes with blood) vomiting, fever and headaches. Each of them can result in serious or fatal infections in children, the elderly, and anyone with a compromised immune system.
It can be worse though. Listeria can cause miscarriages and still-born births in pregnant women. E. coli can cause complete kidney failure and this outcome has been documented in a number of recent cases. In one, a 23 month-old little girl suffered a stroke, and underwent transplant surgery to receive one of her mother's kidneys. At the age of 3 she takes all her food through a feeding tube, cannot walk or talk and goes to physical and speech therapy five times a week.
Public health officials are especially concerned about Campylobacter which is the fastest-growing cause of raw milk related illnesses. In two recent cases campylobacter infections have have triggered Guillain-Barré syndrome in the victims resulting in paralysis.
Pasteurization kills bacteria and diseases, and increases milk's shelf-life.
There are two levels of pasteurization. The most common in the U.S. is High-Temperature, Short-Time, where milk is forced between metal plates or through pipes heated on the outside by hot water to 161 degrees F for 15 seconds. This kills 99.999% of the viable microorganisms in milk. Because many of the bacteria that could cause spoilage are killed by pasteurization, HTST milk's shelf life is longer, lasting about 2 to 3 weeks once its packaged. Ultra-High Temperature pasteurization holds the milk at 280 degrees F for 2 seconds. When combined with sterile handling and containers UHT milk can be stored unrefrigerated for 6 to 9 months. This type of pasteurization is particularly popular in Europe because of the high cost of transporting milk in refrigerated trucks.
Should People Have a Choice?
People can choose to smoke, to drink alcoholic beverages, and in some state to partake of marijuana. Most of us have received the education that describes the health consequences of those items so that we can make informed choices. Perhaps the same should be said for raw milk.
We'll finish with a portion of the introduction to the Grade "A" Pasteurized Milk Ordinance:
The milk sanitation program of the United States Public Health Service is one of its oldest and most respected activities. The interest of the Public Health Service in milk sanitation stems from two important public health considerations. First, of all foods, none surpasses milk as a single source of those dietary elements needed for the maintenance of proper health, especially in children and older citizens. For this reason, the Service has for many years promoted increased milk consumption. Second, milk has a potential to serve as a vehicle of disease and has, in the past, been associated with disease outbreaks of major proportions. The incidence of milkborne illness in the United States has been sharply reduced in recent years. In 1938, milkborne outbreaks constituted twenty-five percent (25%) of all disease outbreaks due to infected foods and contaminated water. Our most recent information reveals that milk and fluid milk products continue to be associated with less than one percent (<1%) of such reported outbreaks.

subset: commoncrawl


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First baby born in NJ with Zika-related defects: Officials
The baby's mother contracted the virus internationally.
By Alexis Sachdev
Published : June 01, 2016
A 31-year-old woman diagnosed with the Zika virus gave birth to a baby girl at Hackensack University Medical Center Tuesday, health officials said.
The baby displayed symptoms of the virus, includingmicrocephaly, a defect in which the baby's head is smaller than expected, and low birth weight, The Recordreported.
Dr. Manny Alvarez, chief of obstetrics and gynecology at Hackensack, said the baby was delivered by cesarean section around 3 p.m. She weighed less than 6 pounds at birth and was born at 35 weeks.
RELATED:157 pregnant women in the US monitored for Zika: CDC
The mother and baby are stable and doing well, CNN reported.
Officials said this is the first case of a baby being born in the tri-state area with Zika-related birth defects.
The mother, who was not identified, is from Honduras, where she contracted the disease after a mosquito bite in what doctors believe was her second trimester.
She traveled to the U.S. and had been visiting relatives when she sought treatment at the hospital Friday, NBC New York reported. Doctors sent blood samples to the Centers for Disease Control, which confirmed her child had contracted Zika.
RELATED: US officials warn Zika 'scarier' than initially thought
The CDC has issued a Level 2 alert for Honduras, urging travelers to "practice enhanced precautions."
As of May 25, the CDC reported 591 travel-associated cases of Zika in the United States; no instances of Zika virus transmitted within the nation have been reported. Fourteen of these internationally contracted cases were seen in New Jersey, and 127 seen in New York.


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-portrait of my daughter, once a week, every week of 2014-
Abbie- Was the flower girl for the wedding of two of my closest friends, her adoptive aunt and uncle as well. She made me so proud this day by how well behaved she was during the ceremony and watching her dance at the reception with everyone. More on this wedding soon!
This picture was taken with my iPhone 5c, no edits.


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The treatment of the gross violations of human rights – including the direct killing of civilians – in Libya and in Syria by the UN Security Council has been markedly different. Following the death of Muammar Gaddafi and the 'Declaration of Liberation' issued by the Libyan National Transitional Council on 23 October, the UN Security Council ended NATO's six-month intervention in Libya, authorised by Resolution 1973 (2011). The crimes against humanity being committed by Gaddafi's regime before the intervention presented legal grounds, if only belatedly, for implementing the principle of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), even if the armed intervention – allegedly aimed at protecting civilians – overlapped with a civil war situation. There are, however, no signs of the Security Council making a decision to apply R2P regarding crimes against humanity being committed by the Assad regime in Syria.
The Syrian President, Bashar Assad, recently provided new grounds for acting on Chapter VII of the UN Charter. By declaring that external intervention in Syria will provoke an "earthquake" that "will burn the whole region", he has openly acknowledged that the situation in Syria seriously and directly affects regional – and thus international – security. The risk of fragmentation and instability that his regime has brought about does indeed warrant immediate action by the Security Council, and not only in the context of R2P.
The arguments put forward by those members of the Security Council opposing sanctions on the Syrian regime are generally at odds with international law. There is, however, one exception which relates to the way in which the Security Council's authorisation to use force was implemented in Libya : in spite of the triumphant mood prevailing in NATO headquarters following the outcome of the intervention, the armed operations in Libya did not respect the consensus that emerged from the series of armed interventions undertaken by the international community since 1991. The question thus remains : what can be done under the present circumstances to protect victims of the heinous crimes being committed in Syria ?
UN action and debates at the Security Council concerning Syria
On 3 August 2011, the Presidency of the UN Security Council delivered a statement on behalf of its members which acknowledged the existence of 'widespread violations of human rights' in Syria, and voiced regret over the lack of progress on the implementation of the commitments to reform made by the Syrian authorities. It also stated that those responsible for the violence should be held accountable. The Council requested the Syrian government, in particular, to 'fully respect human rights under applicable international law', and to 'alleviate the humanitarian situation in crisis areas by ceasing the use of force against affected towns, to allow expeditious and unhindered access for international humanitarian agencies and workers, and cooperate fully with the office of the High Commissioner for Human rights'.
The Syrian Government completely ignored the statement, not even offering minimum cooperation with UN human rights structures. On 14 October, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, confirmed that the Syrian government had 'manifestly failed to protect its population', and – indeed taking into account the inaction of the Security Council – added that 'the onus is on all members of the international community to take protective action in a collective and decisive manner, before the continual ruthless repression and killings drive the country into a full-blown civil war'. The UN Human Rights Council, for its part, had already condemned the continued grave and systematic human rights violations committed by the Syrian authorities and called upon them to protect their population and fully comply with their obligations. A resolution was adopted during a special session on 22-23 August, and also provided for the establishment of an Independent Commission of Inquiry, with the task of determining the facts and circumstances of reported human rights violations and identifying those responsible so that they are held accountable. The resolution was adopted by 33 votes in favor, although there were four votes against (China, Cuba, Ecuador, and the Russian Federation) and nine abstentions. However, despite the adoption of this resolution over three months ago, the Commission of Inquiry has not yet been able to travel to Syria due to the lack of cooperation of the Syrian authorities.
An overwhelming majority of the international community, including all members of the Security Council (with the exception of Lebanon), hold the view that the Syrian authorities are responsible for systematic human rights violations which very likely amount to crimes against humanity. It is therefore absurd that the UN Security Council was unable to adopt a resolution which would impose sanctions on Assad's regime, something which would have constituted a further step towards protecting the population threatened by the regime's crimes.
Discussions held at the Security Council on 4 October were indeed tense. The arguments put forward by those opposing the draft resolution tabled by four European states were generic and legally irrelevant. Some countries expressed the view, for example, that sanctions may not ease the situation ; a view which has not prevented them from voting in favour of (largely ineffective) sanctions in similar cases. They did not change their minds even after an explicit reference to Article 41 of the UN Charter was incorporated into the draft to make clear that only non-military measures would be envisaged. Ambassador Vitaly Churkin on behalf of the Russian Federation mentioned that his country had been working with China on another draft resolution based on the principle of non-intervention, which was apparently supported by Brazil, India and South Africa. Moreover, he made it clear that the Russian Federation (and potentially other states) was 'alarmed' that compliance with Security Council resolutions in Libya had been considered a 'model for future action' by NATO, calling it a temptation which 'should be excluded from global practice'. Although South Africa abstained, its Ambassador, Baso Sangqu, in a reference to the first draft of the resolution, stressed that the Council 'should not be part of a hidden agenda for regime change' .
The roots of the problem
The lack of consensus on how to implement R2P among the permanent members of the Security Council, but more generally between most Western democracies and the so-called emerging powers together with Russia, may thus affect future decisions of the Council concerning the identification of R2P situations. This disagreement on how to respond to crimes may in the end block any recognition of crimes. The problem is as crucial as it is extremely difficult to address. Consensus on how to operationalise the protection of populations at risk – or rather, the protection of humanitarian agents and goods alleviating their plight – was in fact built during the 1990s but has not practically been applied during the first decade of the present century due to a daunting emphasis on the 'war against terror'.
Stemming from UN-mandated armed operations during the 1990s, the current standard for military operations being considered legitimate was – and still is, in my view – to respect protection requirements directly expressed by UN civilian agencies deployed on the ground. The use of armed force was authorised by the Security Council only to the extent that it created the conditions in which international humanitarian action of UN civilian agencies – as well as of those NGOs working in cooperation with them – could immediately operate. From a practical point of view, it was not the military who dictated the strategy in the field, but UN civilian agencies who specifically asked them to escort their convoys or protect their facilities. Thus, in Bosnia, NATO was authorised to protect the UN peacekeeping operation, UNPROFOR, which was in turn authorised to protect the agencies providing for the basic needs of civilians, so that any 'direct' use of force – i.e. not requested by international civilian agencies – would have been considered 'disproportionate' and thus 'illegitimate'. Such criteria allowed for adopting very quick decisions of the Council as soon as states volunteered to enforce the creation of conditions for humanitarian action. This was indeed confirmed by the creation of temporary UN civil administrations in East Timor (UNTAET) and Kosovo (UNMIK) in 1999.
According to the consensus on the use of force to protect humanitarian action, it is the complete subordination of military force to international civilian authorities and actors which provides legitimacy under international law, even to interventions authorised by the Security Council. The underlying assumption is that military structures are not adequate for implementing human rights principles, so that armed intervention authorised by the Council (ius ad bellum) does not mean that all armed strikes are legitimate (ius in bello).
Such consensus seems practically wrecked nowadays due to the US embracing unilateralism over the past decade and a progressive disregard of the UN civilian structures as primus inter pares – which of course requires providing the necessary resources on the ground. Even the EU, which was perhaps its most enthusiastic advocate, is cutting down its ambitions to strengthen the civilian dimension of crisis management. It is only natural, then, that NATO attempts to take over in leading operations for the protection of civilians, but the result will be devastating for the international consensus painfully built during the 90s.
There have not been, however, any alternative proposals made to effectively protect the Syrian population by the states either vetoing or abstaining in the vote of the draft resolution, or from any other members of the international community. The Security Council has not even honoured its plea that all those responsible for the violations of human rights in Syria should be held accountable by deferring the case to the International Criminal Court (ICC). Does the Council expect that a regime responsible for such wicked crimes will comply with such pleas as an exercise of self-accountability ? The question regarding Syria and similar future cases remains wide open. As recalled by the UNHCHR, the onus is now on all members of the international community, and responsibilities cannot be ignored merely by criticising previous armed interventions led by others.
What can be done at the international and regional level, short of using force, in the absence of a Security Council decision ?
The 2005 UN Outcome Document endorsing the principle of R2P entrusts the Security Council with the responsibility to act in order to protect victims of the most serious crimes in the framework of the UN Charter, but inaction by the Council may not render crimes lawful. Since the Security Council bears primary but not exclusive responsibility regarding armed responses to threats to international peace and security, its flagrant inaction necessarily entails devolution of such capacity to members of the international community. Third parties willing to protect victims of massacres perpetrated by their own governments whose plight was not acted upon by the Council are thus entitled to do so, including by using force under certain circumstances, in as much as they fully respect all relevant international principles.
As members of the international community, states do not have a particular responsibility or obligation to put an end to human rights violations in other states, but rather a right to do so, particularly concerning sanctions which do not entail the use of force. In contrast, states are under certain international obligations to protect victims of a massacre taking place in a third state. The non refoulement of those individuals escaping persecution, which is the fundamental principle of International Refugee Law, guarantees that victims can find temporary safe haven in neighbouring countries or elsewhere as soon as they cross the border of the country in which their life and freedom is potentially at risk. Considering the Statement of the Presidency of the Security Council, there are no legal grounds to deny this right to temporary asylum to any persons fleeing Syria.
The international community should thus make all arrangements so that non refoulement is granted to all those fleeing Syria. All necessary means should be provided to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees so that neighbouring countries do not bear the cost of hosting refugees, including through devising resettlement programmes in case the situation endures. In this context, the European Union can – but is unlikely to – honour IRL principles by creating a specific category of persecuted persons as contemplated in Directive 55/2001. This legal instrument would be applied for the first time, precisely in a situation where no mass influx is expected in Europe, in order to send the strongest political message to President Assad. The fact that economic sanctions have not prevented the massacre indeed calls for effective commitment to the victims. Likewise, the fact that the situation in Syria has not been deferred to the ICC does not entail that the principle of universal jurisdiction against the most serious crimes does not apply. Although states are fatally constraining the possibility of the respective judiciary prosecuting crimes against humanity committed beyond their borders it should in fact be made contingent to effective jurisdiction of the ICC.
Regional organisations are theoretically better equipped to deal with the most difficult problems of their member states, but the likelihood of divisions and thus paralysis is also extremely high. The League of Arab States is learning very quickly that mass violations of human rights are anything but 'internal affairs'. On 17 October, the League called the Syrian government and the opposition together for a national dialogue in Cairo under its supervision, establishing 31 October as a 'deadline' for the initiative to succeed. On 30 October, Qatar's foreign minister, Sheikh Hamad bin Jassem al-Thani, demanded on behalf of the League's ad hoc ministerial team that President Assad take 'concrete steps' to avoid 'what happened to other countries', which was interpreted as a reference to NATO's military intervention in Libya. After having severely criticised any foreign 'interference' in Syria, Arab leaders acknowledge now that there is a risk of a 'massive storm' in the entire region as a result of further inaction, a metaphor exactly opposite to that of the 'earthquake' that would follow external intervention used by Assad just a couple of days before.
The 'Arab solution', as called by the League's Secretary General, Nabil al-Arabi, was formally agreed upon by the Syrian Ambassador to Egypt on 2 November. It would have entailed the immediate withdrawal of tanks from the streets and the release of all political prisoners as the initial steps of a 'road-map' which should allow for dialogue between the authorities and the opposition, with journalists, rights groups and Arab League representatives being allowed to monitor the situation in the country. If Syria complies, the Arab League would have indeed acted as a genuine 'regional arrangement' of Chapter VIII of the UN Charter even in the absence of a relevant Security Council decision. The plan indeed reflected the plea outlined in the UNSC Presidential Statement of 3 August.
The magnitude of the problem had indeed made the League change its initial non-interventionist rhetoric into a language anticipating regional action independently of the Syrian regime's attempts to escape its responsibilities. It was not difficult to guess that Assad was again trying to buy time, but the death toll did not stop. The League finally suspended Syria's membership on 12 November, while calling on Arab states still keeping ambassadors in Damascus to withdraw them and announcing economic and other unspecified political sanctions. The League has already initiated direct talks with the Syrian National Council – representing the opposition to the regime – which will trigger its recognition internationally as the legitimate transitional representative of Syrian people.
International pressure on Assad is thus likely to continue to mount dramatically ; China has already called on the Syrian Government to put an end to the repression. But new and more acute dilemmas are taking shape as regards the fate of the Syrian population. The League certainly lacks experience in taking coercive measures against its members ; it also lacks regional principles on the use of force as developed notably by the African Union. Its claim to the Security Council for the enforcement of a 'no-fly zone' in Libya last March was indeed decisive, particularly since the US had conditioned its willingness to act on being given the green light by Arab states in order not to be called 'interventionist' this time. Yet when the point of no return has been reached by a dictatorial regime, economic and political isolationism and other forms of international pressure short of the use of force usually contribute to intensify persecution and repression.
The legality of a 'no-fly zone' in Syria
This time, however, the Security Council will likely fail to adopt a decision to apply R2P even upon the Arab League having taken a more determined stance. It seems that Russia and China – in spite of its recent public condemnation of Assad – will veto a decision that paves the way for an intervention led either by NATO or by the countries that played a prominent role in the armed intervention in Libya, namely France, the UK and the US. Of course, other volunteers can approach the reluctant members of the Security Council offering guarantees of respect for the principle of proportionally in the use of force, but volunteers are scarce nowadays. On the one hand, emerging countries such as India, China or Brazil are still unable or unwilling to project force beyond their immediate neighbourhood, even less so when their most direct interests are not at stake according to the most traditional interpretation of 'security'. On the other hand, countries that are traditionally willing to take part in international protection operations, most of them also NATO members, are undergoing drastic cuts in their defence budgets due to the economic crisis.
Neighbouring states directly suffer the consequences the most of one state violating basic international human rights principles, and are thus more willing to intervene. Under the present circumstances, Turkey appears to be the most likely, if not the only, candidate to undertake or trigger international action on behalf of the victims of mass violations of human rights in Syria. The most powerful neighbour of Syria has indeed undergone a drastic change of heart regarding its former ally, precisely when Syria's internal situation was directly affecting its sovereignty ; and the possibility of Turkey crossing the border in order to create a safe zone for refugees inside Syria has been already suggested by experts and indeed considered by the Government since last June. It is only recently that the Turkish Foreign Minister has openly acknowledged the possibility with an explicit mention to the principle of R2P. But the argument goes beyond the need of protecting populations in danger : the sovereignty of a state that is being forced to host refugees fleeing a massacre in a neighbouring state becomes clearly undermined, even by the most traditional interpretation of the word 'security'. As a group of experts put it in 1992, 'preventive or remedial action to deal with external or internal displacement is closely linked to state sovereignty. The issue of so-called humanitarian intervention […] also needed to be seen in this context'.
Moreover, it was precisely Turkey who indirectly initiated a new trend of the international community reacting to cases of crimes against humanity. In particular, the 'no-fly zone' established by the UK, France and the US in the North of Iraq in 1991 allowed for humanitarian agencies to enter Iraq and gain access to displaced Kurdish populations. The Kurds were fleeing towards the Turkish border which had been closed on the basis of national security, thus violating the principle of non-refoulement. No state of the international community contested Turkey's decision to close the border, but the fact that a 'no-fly zone' was created indeed put an end to the persecution and thus to IRL basic obligations. Within a few weeks, some 1.5 million displaced persons were able to return to their villages with international assistance delivered by UN agencies, while some 500 'blue guards' – most of them belonging to the security service of the UN headquarters in Geneva – carrying light arms were deployed in order to 'monitor' the situation. Under the ongoing discussions in the Arab League, the plan being devised to deploy between 400 to 500 observers from Arab human rights organisations in an attempt to protect Syrian civilians has its precedent here. But it will be difficult – if not impossible – to apply if observers do not have the support of military forces that create a 'space' where they can work.
The question now is to what extent can such an intervention be considered a precedent in the absence of a decision of the Security Council for an eventual armed intervention in Syria ? In 1991, the Security Council declared itself in Resolution 688 to be 'gravely concerned by the repression of the Iraqi civilian population in many parts of Iraq, including most recently in Kurdish-populated areas, which led to a massive flow of refugees towards and across international frontiers and to cross-border incursions which threaten international peace and security in the region'. Consequently, the Council established the obligation of Iraq to put an end to the repression and insisted that Iraq granted immediate access of humanitarian agencies to all those in need of assistance in all parts or Iraq. The Council also requested the UN Secretary-General use all the resources at his disposal, including those of the relevant UN agencies, to urgently address the critical needs of the refugees and the displaced Iraqi population.
A substantial part of Resolution 688 (1991) is indeed similar, if not identical, to that contained in the Council Presidential Statement on 3 August regarding Syria. It is obvious that a Presidential Statement cannot contain an authorisation to use force, but Resolution 688 (1991), which could have but did not contain such authorisation, was nevertheless regarded as a sufficient legal basis for the creation of a 'no-fly zone' in Iraq. The question of the legality of a 'no-fly zone' in Syria does not lie in the lack of principle of R2P, as R2P fully respects human rights principles. This notably includes the principle of proportionality in the use of force, which requires that force is always subordinate to the needs expressed by UN civilian agencies whose universal mandates include the provision of assistance to populations in need.
Concluding remarks
What, then, are the differences between 1991 and 2011 ? The armed intervention to create a no-fly zone in the North of Iraq in 1991 took place fully in line with the obligation imposed on the local authorities by the Security Council in Resolution 688, which allowed civilian humanitarian agencies free access to the Kurdish area. The enforcement of a 'humanitarian space', using force where necessary to create the conditions required for international civilian actors to be able to protect populations at risk, became the key criterion for legitimising military intervention in all relevant situations during the 1990s.
This humanitarian consensus, which was broken by both US-led interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq during the last decade, has been broken again in Libya by NATO and by the three states that contributed heavily to creating it when volunteering to protect Kurdish populations in 1991. As a consequence, NATO is viewed today with much suspicion, particularly by those states which have more recently acquired a greater international role. The misleading use of force in Libya has explicitly served as the main argument which prevents a decision by the Security Council, the body that would establish sanctions against the Syrian regime. The breach of the consensus on how to operationalise the principle of R2P is thus jeopardising its interpretation and application.
The chance of reinvigorating such consensus is, however, slim in the absence of volunteers. States today are not only less willing than in the 1990s to protect populations at risk in third states, but they tend to disregard the efforts of the UN Secretary-General and UN civilian agencies, who should in fact determine the specific needs of armed protection required to perform their respective international mandates on the ground. As the case of Libya has demonstrated, implicit or explicit accusations of disproportionate use of force directed to NATO forces by most emerging states can not be dismissed precisely due to the breach of the international consensus on how to implement decisions of the Security Council.
Even if all members of the international community had a right to respond had the Security Council not ignored its responsibility, regional organisations and neighbouring states would be more inclined to use force as a last resort if only for reasons based on the most traditional interpretation of 'national security'. In this case, mass influxes of refugees would be imposed on neighbours by the state violating the human rights of its own population. The last-resort solution thus entails a strong coalition including Turkey and the Arab League which does not exclude the use of force to create a space that allows civilian actors to protect Syrian citizens within Syria. The problem of how to protect populations threatened by their own governments thus remains unresolved in the current international order. Inaction of the Security Council in R2P situations may give way to undesired unilateral interventions, which should be deemed legitimate in as much as they respect the consensus emerging upon the creation of a 'no-fly zone' in the North of Iraq in 1991. Despite R2P being a brand-new label for action, the chances of legal protection from other states for populations threatened by their own governments may have in fact shrunk over the last twenty years.


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The Careers Strategy was launched by the Department for Education on 4th December 2017. The strategy provides an all age vision to improve careers provision in England. Detailed in the strategy are a number of significant factors affecting secondary schools and colleges based around the 8 Gatsby Benchmarks. The strategy also provides an outline to explore good practice career development in key stage 2 primary settings. You can find our summary of the document written by John Ambrose and Janet Hutchinson here.
The Careers Strategy December 2017 – A summary by Complete Careers
by John Ambrose | Jan 11, 2018 | Careers, Development, Government, Strategy |


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"You have heard that it was said, 'You must love your neighbor and hate your enemy. But I say to you, love your enemies and pray for those who harass you'" (Mt. 5:43-44).
And I talked about how Jesus was trying to address the assumption we often have that to love one thing means we must hate another thing. I talked about how Jesus was (and still is) trying to address our assumption that there are limits to our love and that the best way we can express our love for one thing is by expressing our hate for something else.
In this season of primaries madness, does this sound familiar?
So, to put Jesus' words another way, we often think like this: "To love my neighbor, I must hate my enemy."
To get at the flaw and serious danger of this thinking, I used an illustration that feels especially important during Juvenile Justice Month as well as our Christian journey of Lent.
For some time, there was a fairly popular education reform picture circulating around the internet. It reads:
And although its sentiment captures the inexcusable defunding of public education in our country, it also suggests that to love students you must hate prisoners.
It doesn't take seriously that the budget deficits that many state and federal prisons are experiencing are not only not being addressed through box tops but neither through reforms: reforms that would re-emphasize rehabilitation, utilize suspended sentences, and systematically address the fact that no other country in the world imprisons a higher percentage of its population than the United States. It doesn't take seriously that, instead, the way these state and federal prisons are balancing the budget is by expanding the private, for-profit prison industrial complex.
It doesn't take seriously that if you Google "What if prisoners had to collect box tops?" one of the top five results of your search is an archive from "Prison Talk," an online forum for incarcerated people and their families to communicate with others going through the same experiences. The Google result is an archived post written on behalf of a woman named Lacy, an incarcerated mother who is currently serving a prison sentence in Texas. The post begins, "Hello, Good Morning, and Happy Easter to everyone here at PTO, [Prison Talk Online]" and it goes on to say that Lacy's daughters are trying to collect box tops so their school can buy new books and computers. Then it asks that if anyone who can send in a few box tops, to please do so. The post ends, "I know that the girls would be so delighted if they felt that they had a small army behind them helping to reach a goal."
Must we love Lacy's daughters and hate Lacy? Does this approach really take our lives together seriously? Does it take the promise of Easter that Lacy invokes seriously? In the commandment to love our neighbor and our enemy, Jesus radically challenges the idea that love is available in a limited quantity, the idea that our preferences and commitments can only operate in a zero-sum system.
Perhaps most upsetting is that in the compromise to love one and hate the other, we ignore that there are reports that prisons use the test scores and dropout rates of students to project future numbers of prisoners, knowing that those students with below proficient scores on standardized tests and without high school diplomas are more likely to be incarcerated between the ages of 18 and 23. It doesn't take seriously that we live in a world where certain students are more likely to become prisoners.
A world where the one we are told to love is literally the same as the one we are told to hate.
During this month of raising awareness of Juvenile Justice and during this 40 day journey of Lent into Easter, my prayer is that we would take seriously Jesus' lesson that there are no limits to who we can love and what our love can do to bring healing and change into our world. That we would take seriously the crisis of mass incarceration in our society, a crisis that impacts millions of children in our country, either as the children of incarcerated parents or as prisoners themselves. That we would take seriously the S/spirit of change taking place, including on a judicial and national level, around prison reform. Changes like The Supreme Court's decision to ban automatic life sentences without parole for minors (including retroactively) and President Obama's work to end solitary confinement for juvenile prisoners.
Perhaps most of all for the Church, as we move into Holy Week, I pray we can take seriously the radical ways that Jesus' life, ministry, death, and resurrection invites us to see and follow God's path of reconciliation. In Lent, we turn to Jesus and follow him as best we can to see who and how God might be calling us to live. God chose to enter our world of hurt and suffering not only to care for those we most marginalize but as one who was marginalized. Jesus the Christ was trialed, sentenced, and killed as a criminal of his state. When Christians tell this truth…when we live this truth, then we follow Jesus' teaching: the one we call neighbor—the one who is like us, respected by society and "easy" to love—and the one we call enemy—the one whose differences are met with our judgment, despisement, and disregard—are reconciled, brought together, made one in a way that is rooted in love and drives out hate.
May it be so.
Some of my top resources for juvenile justice and mass incarceration:
- Bryan Stevenson's Just Mercy, which includes extensive research and real-life stories about the epidemic of trialing, sentencing, and incarcerating children as adults in the United States
- Sentencingproject.org, which includes an entire section on juvenile justice: http://sentencingproject.org/template/page.cfm?id=184
- Sam Durant's "Labyrinth": A part of Philadelphia Mural Arts Program's Open Source series, Durant's labyrinth was set-up beside City Hall in October 2015. The maze pulled viewers into the lives of those experiencing and speaking out against mass incarceration in the United States. You can read more and see pictures at the links below:
- http://opensource.muralarts.org/sam-durant/
- http://hyperallergic.com/249555/a-maze-in-philadelphia-focuses-attention-on-the-hidden-cruelty-of-us-prisons/
- http://www.artnews.com/2015/10/02/it-is-a-revolutionary-idea-that-beauty-should-be-available-to-all-sam-durant-on-labyrinth-his-new-public-artwork-in-philadelphia-about-mass-incarceration/


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Bottle shop ram raider given early parole
A MAN who used a stolen four-wheel drive to ram raid an Evans Head bottle shop when he was 18 has a chance for earlier parole due to his youth and intellectual disability.
Glen Eric Cowan was sentenced in June last year to three years and nine months' jail, with a non-parole period of two years and three months, after pleading guilty to aggravated break and enter and larceny.
He stole a Nissan Patrol from a Casino home and drove off from a petrol station without paying for his fuel in September, 2013.
Later that night, the same vehicle was used to smash the front doors of the bottle shop beside the Illawong Hotel in Evans Head.
Six people, including Cowan, jumped out of the four-wheel drive and ransacked the liquor store, taking alcohol, cigarettes and lighters worth $8093.07.
The ram raid caused $8209.50 damage to the store.
The four-wheel drive was discovered burnt out in a Casino park the next morning.
A police officer recognised Cowan from security footage taken at the bottle shop and tracked him down.
Officers seized bottles of alcohol, cigarettes and lighters taken during the break-in.
Cowan's original sentence has now been quashed in the NSW Court of Criminal Appeal.
Justice Geoffrey Bellew found Cowan's young age, intellectual disability, deprived background and good prospects of rehabilitation were not given enough weight in his original sentencing.
"I am satisfied on the evidence that the applicant has used his time in custody productively," he said.
"He has pursued employment, as a consequence of which he has acquired new skills.
"He has also sought to pursue educational opportunities."
The court ruled the 20-year-old should be made eligible for parole yesterday.
His original sentence was reduced by nine months to three years.


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We have many volunteer opportunities available at the Nancy Guinn Memorial Library! Complete the volunteer form and mail to: Conyers-Rockdale Library System, 864 Green Street., Conyers, GA 30012 or email the completed form to email@example.com. For questions about volunteering, contact Mary Jean Harrison at: email@example.com | #770-388-5040 ext.103.
Please save the volunteer application as a document or pdf before submitting.


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Quickly and easily zero your sights with the pink Red Laser Universal Boresight from Firefield. It features a durable aluminum construction with a magnetic base for quick and simply attachment to the front of your firearm. It has a range of 15-100 yards and utilizes 3 AG13 batteries with a life of about 30 hours. Additionally, a carrying case is included.
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text: SAGINAW, Mich. Pepe Jersey . -- The Saginaw Spirit of the Ontario Hockey League says that 20-year-old centre Terry Trafford has been missing from the team for six days. The Saginaw News says Trafford was last seen Monday at the Dow Event Center, the teams home arena. Team president Craig Goslin says the team hopes hes found soon. Trafford is a Toronto native and has been with the Spirit for several seasons. Hes listed at 5-foot-11 inches and 190 pounds. "The Saginaw Spirit Franchise and the entire Great Lakes Bay Region are very concerned of the whereabouts of Saginaw Spirit hockey player Terry Trafford," said Goslin in a statement. "Terry was last seen Monday morning at 9:30am. We currently have no further comment until the professionals searching for him complete their work. The entire Spirit organization is very concerned for the young man and we hope and pray that he is safe and found soon."Raphael Varane Jersey . 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"Its the first signing of the new era," Steinberg said from New York, where hell host a big Super Bowl party on Saturday. "Its totally exciting to be back in the saddle again. I love it and next year well do a full draft. "The father went to my alma mater, so its especially rewarding," added Steinberg, who like Gale Gilbert attended California. "The genes count." A powerful agent since 1975, Steinberg had an all-star stable of clients that included many who would become NFL Hall of Famers, including Steve Young, Troy Aikman, Warren Moon, Howie Long, Thurman Thomas, Derrick Thomas and Bruce Smith. Known for a squeaky clean image, he battled alcoholism and bankruptcy, and let his agent certification lapse. After getting sober and clearing bankruptcy, Steinberg was recertified by the NFL Players Association last fall and launched Steinberg Sports and Entertainment. The funding for his new agency didnt come through until November, so with most college players already having decided on an agent, he decided to focus on players who would enter the 2015 draft. Garrett Gilbert was an exception. Garrett Gilbert said his father and Jones didnt necessarily steer him toward signing with Steinberg but that he discussed it with both of them. "Obviously, hes a big name and really thats all I knew about him," the younger Gilbert said about Steinberg. "I knew that he formerly represented quite a few big-time draft picks as well as some of the top players in the NFL. One of the biggest determining factors was that everything seemed to fit perfectly in our discussions and for his plan for me going forward, as well as invollving my family in that decision. Keylor Navas Jersey. " Gilbert is currently working out in northern San Diego in preparation for SMUs pro day in Dallas on March 28. Steinberg said he generally uses Jones and Moon for input on potential quarterback clients. "June says that if you take the film from game six in his junior year to this year, hes played as well as any quarterback in the country," Steinberg. "He thinks that he has the makings of a franchise-type quarterback. At this point hes not currently rated in that group." Steinberg said Gilberts pro day can help his draft stock. "Garrett comes from good bloodlines," the agent said. "He has size but also running ability. Hes able to be multi-dimensional. He throws beautifully. The maturation point for many quarterbacks, it all comes together at the end of their junior and senior year." Gilbert was a highly touted recruit at Texas who was supposed to be Colt McCoys successor. But he struggled and transferred to SMU. He put up some big numbers last fall before getting hurt late in the season. Gilbert is projected as a lower-round pick. "Ive got friends telling me all sorts of things," he said. "All I can focus on is getting myself in the best shape possible as well as get ready for the pro day." Gale Gilbert was a backup quarterback with teams that went to five straight Super Bowls, losing all of them. The first four were with Buffalo and the final time was when the San Diego Chargers lost to the San Francisco 49ers, who got a record six TD passes from Young. The younger Gilbert is scheduled to join Steinberg in New York this weekend for Super Bowl festivities, so he can get a sense of what the NFLs about. "Im excited about him," Steinberg said. "This is the process. ... Wherever he ends up, I think he will end up starting in the NFL." Big on promoting charitable causes, Steinberg will host his 26th Super Bowl party Saturday in Manhattan. 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