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1 COL 014/2000 AGRICULTURAL RESEARCH PRIVATE FUNDING: THE COLOMBIAN EXPERIENCE 1 Rubén D. Estrada 2 Rafael Posada 3 Federico Holmann 4 INTRODUCTION Private sector definition and characterization It is expected that by the end of the first XXI decade the private sector will increase its participation in the agricultural research finance structure, as new opportunities to capture the associated benefits will emerge with the application of modern scientific knowledge and technology being developed in the biotechnology laboratories. Under this assumption the term private sector tends to be associated solely with the multinational enterprises that dominate the agricultural input markets, such as machinery, agrochemical inputs, and improved seed. However, in the Colombian case, the term private sector encompasses a broader group of financial sources. In this paper, private sector agricultural research resources will include all those funds that are not originated from the National Treasury, nor are included in the National Investment Plan. This definition will allow to ear-mark as private funds: (a) the producer union and farm cooperative contributions to solve specific technological constraints; (b) the investments done by the agricultural input suppliers in adaptive research; as well as, (c) the costs associated with the development of new products done by processing plants to satisfy the requirements of domestic and international markets. 1 Presented at the Mini-Symposium on Agricultural Research Funding, XXIV Conference of the International Association of Agricultural Economists. August 13-18, Berlin, Germany. 2 Agricultural Economist and Policy Analyst, Consortium for the Development of the Andes (CONDESAN), International Potato Center (CIP). P.O.Box 6713, Cali, Colombia 3 Agricultural Economist, Senior Scientist, International Center for Tropical Agriculture (CIAT). P.O.Box 6713, Cali, Colombia 4 Agricultural Economist, Senior Scientist, CIAT and International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI). P.O.Box 6713, Cali, Colombia 1
2 The major actors in the agricultural research sector of Colombia are: the individual crop producer associations, a large number of non- government organizations (NGO s), the agricultural machinery importers and distributors, the multinational agrochemical companies, the multinational seed companies, and recently the national and international agroindustrial processing companies. Currently, this dissection is not easy as quite strategic alliances are constantly being done within the so-called vertically integrated agricultural production chains. Several efforts have been made to characterize the investments in agricultural research in Colombia (Beintema et al., (1999); ISNAR (1992); Samper (1989); World Bank (1991). As expected, there are differences among him or her in respect to the absolute and relative participation of each actor. However, all studies agreed that private investment has been a dynamic force to guide agricultural research in this country. Also, some of these studies have made efforts to identify absolute and relative distribution of the investments done in basic research, adaptive research, and adoption. None of these studies has approached the questions related with resource allocation priorities or efficiency on the application of these resources. Objectives This paper has three major objectives. In the first instance it will relate the different stages of the agricultural research private funding process with the historical macroeconomic scenarios that have characterized the Colombian economy during the last fifty years. The working hypothesis is that agricultural research private funding has responded, as an economic variable, to the incentives and signals given by the national government and the market. An analysis of the private agricultural research political economy is taken as a second objective. Different actors, including the government, have different interests to support and to promote agricultural research private funding. The control to allocate the financial resources available for agricultural research has been seen as a means to maintain political power and to create market opportunities. The adaptation and adoption of technical innovations in a reduced number of crops has induced production increases and market expansions, around which many commercial opportunities have arisen. The Colombian government has been proactive in the design and implementation of negotiating mechanisms. Finally, an attempt is made to call attention upon some critical issues related with the allocation of private funds to agricultural research. Despite that private funding and efficiency are, in principle, highly correlated, it seems useful to review project portfolio compositions, short and long run tradeoffs, externalities related with natural resource management and the interaction between social and private benefits. As these objectives are reached the message of this paper will be straightforward. Private agricultural research funding is an economic variable, which have to be strategically managed to induce the expected economic and social impacts. Otherwise, this variable could promote social inequalities, such as the economic power derived from production and market concentration. 2
3 The Proposed Model As stated in the first section, the paper uses a historical approach to relate private agricultural research funding with the overall macroeconomic situation of the country. The emphasis will be given in each period to answer the basic questions of: a) why private investors were interested?, b) what type of research was relevant?, c) which were the perceived short term outputs and long term impacts, and d) who were the winners and losers? In the second section the paper looks towards the inmediate future. It is discussed wether the current institutional framework facilitates the flow of private investment or not. In addition, this paper deals with the issue where private investors must be ready to trade short term private financial returns for long term social and environmental returns, in a new institutional context, based on strategic alliances. In such terms the paper has to be taken as a discussion document, aimed to provoke a deeper analysis. It does not reflect the philosophy, or the policies of the Colombian government, nor of the authors home base institutions. 1. CRONOLOGY OF DEVELOPMENT 1.1 Import substitution period ( ) Colombia, like most Latin American countries, used the import substitution approach immediately after the end of the Second World War. The agricultural sector was seen as provider of cheap food and raw materials. Only in few cases agricultural production was used to generate export revenues. In such cases, agricultural production and exports were organized as plantations, isolated from the domestic markets. Technology used in these plantation enclaves were imported from abroad, and it was based on the environmental and climate advantages of given regions for given crops, on the intense use of cheap labor and on the extensive use of natural resources, mainly land and water. Some agronomic practices and some mechanical operations were introduced and adapted. Also some organizational and administrative methods, to maximize cash returns were applied. A typical example was banana production, managed by multinational companies. Later on the early sixties flower production and exports were organized in the same way, adapting foreign technology but with domestic capital. An exception was coffee production. Some immigrants imported coffee during the colonial period. It was grow and processed in small family plots. Coffee producers concluded that the only way to capture an emerging international market was the consolidation of large supplies in order to reduce transaction and transportation costs. An export quota, to be administered jointly by the national government and the producer association, was created. Revenues from this levy were used to promote production, through credit, to build marketing and export infrastructure, and to finance a coffee research station. The national government translated all 3
4 responsibilities related with agricultural research, production promotions and export market development to the so-called Coffee Producer Association In early years coffee agricultural research was concentrated on the development of agronomic practices oriented to improve grain quality, a variable considered as strategic in the consolidation of international markets. Later the danger of the arrival of a fungus, rust, induced the allocation of resources on genetic breeding, to develop rust resistant varieties. On both cases, researchers were successful and coffee research was taken as a model. This was a perfect win-win arrangement. Producers had a non-stop growing market, exporters assured the needed quantity and qualities, the coffee region communities received rural development investments, and the national government had the capacity to manage the export revenues at its convenience, mainly through the use of selective foreign exchange rates. In 1963, rice producers followed the coffee model. A rice quota, collected at the mill gate, was created. The main objective was to promote domestic production to satisfy an internal growing urban market. A large percentage of the rice quota revenues were use to promote the use of improved varieties, developed by the agricultural national research institution, and the application of a technical package, based on the intensive use of fertilizers and other agrochemical, to control emerging pests and diseases. Multinationals firms assembled the technical package. Import licenses and quotas protected domestic seed and agrochemical markets. Again this was a success story. Rice production increased and the domestic market was satisfied with cheaper rice of high quality. Rice agronomic practices, irrigation and harvest were mechanized. A rice-input market able to attend the increasing demand for commercial inputs was established. A complex network of rice wholesalers and retailers was seen as a perfect competition model. It was claimed that the adoption of improve rice production technologies at the farm level was the dynamic force. Everything worked well until domestic production exceeded domestic consumption. At that point the national government was forced to implement subsidized market interventions. Internal rice domestic prices were tied to increasing production costs. The domestic market had to be isolated from the international market in order to protect domestic production. In a similar strategy, producers of other crops such as cotton, maize, sorghum, soybeans began to use improved seed, agrochemical package, mechanization and irrigation. Mainly international companies promoted these technological improvements. There was a domestic demand, on the hands on an infant processing industry, for these raw materials. However, production problems at the farm level, mainly related with land degradation and the increasing negative impact of pests and diseases, induced a cost production spiral. Government intervention was called to protect the interest of both primary producers and processors. Again national markets were isolated. During this period a duality in the agricultural sector was created. All these technological and marketing developments, financed by private funds, were 4
5 concentrated on the so-called tradable products. Substantial differences were present at the end of the seventies among the so-called commercial agriculture and the peasant agriculture. The latter remained technological stagnated and concentrated on non-tradable crop production, mainly for subsistence consumption. In summary, private agricultural research funding was induced in this period by the opportunity to satisfy a domestic market, by the government support to create and collect funds through special producer quotas, and the easiness to introduce, to adapt and to distribute technological innovations due to legal and regulatory flexibility. 1.2 The Fiscal and Monetary Adjustment Period ( ) Colombia has been known as one of the most disciplined countries in terms of the management of its macroeconomic variables, especially in terms of fiscal deficits, exchange rates, and inflation rates. But the less developed countries debt crisis started to emerge in the early eighties and despite that Colombia s share in the total international debt was small it had to bargain and to implement a number of fiscal and monetary adjustments. In the agricultural sector these adjustments have a direct effect on a number of policy instruments such as subsidized credit, market intervention, extension services, low trade tariffs for the import of agricultural machinery and agrochemical products and on public agricultural research. Domestic agricultural markets still were protected trough a complex tariff and import quota system. The experience from the coffee and rice producers induced other crop producer association to ask the government support to establish quotas. In 1983 the cereal quota was established, very similar to the rice quota. The cereal quota revenues were used partly to finance direct market interventions and partly to finance adaptive research. As the public research model began to deteriorate, the sugar cane industry and the African palm producers decided to invest directly on the creation of their own agricultural research institutions, at a national level. In all cases, the research agenda was developed to confront the more pressing farm production constraints. These constraints were usually related with low yield and the incidence of the intensive use of agrochemical products, to control pests and diseases, on total production costs. In few cases, some research was done to improve the use of agricultural machinery and irrigation infrastructure, also looking for cost reductions. In general terms, agricultural research financed by producers was aimed to increase efficiency in order to maintain the profitability of the commercial agriculture, in the absence of government intervention. The international agrochemical companies began to introduce new products that were more specific for given pests and diseases, and therefore they were most cost effective. Constant technological adaptation and adoption allowed commercial agriculture producers to maintain their profitability levels despite the decreasing government intervention. Land and capital rentals were maintained. Input to output relative prices was reduced in some cases. Domestic market protection did not allowed consumers to 5
6 receive part of these benefits. Domestic prices remain high in relation with international prices. Again, the peasant agriculture remained absent from these technological changes. However the reduce availability of some subsidized services such as credit, transportation and extension had negative effects on their profitability levels. These effects were internalized mainly trough lower returns to family labor and capital. 1.3 The Globalization of Agricultural Markets Period ( ) In the early nineties most of the agricultural market protection was eliminated. A uniform, but progressive, import tariff replaced the former complex system of import tariffs and quotas. Industrial transformation and other production activities that added value were stimulated by the adoption of low tariffs and almost no restrictions to the imports of raw materials. At the same time the government role, as provider of some services, changed. The government was seen as a facilitator and coordinator for these services. As a consequence, many public institutions were privatized, including the national agricultural research institution. At the same time, a scheme of competitive grants was adopted to finance agricultural technology transfer and extension. It was expected that private firms under contracts would provide these services. The impact, of this new policy scheme, on the agricultural sector was dramatic, but not homogeneous. Imports of tradable commodities substituted local production. For example, it was estimated, by the end of the nineties, that the area planted with cereals (rice, corn, wheat, barley, sorghum, etc.) was only 50 % with respect to Also, production of other short-term crops such as cotton, soybeans, tobacco, beans, etc. was reduced substantially. On the other hand, the area planted with permanent crops, especially African palm, banana, and some tropical fruits increased, in this decade, at high rates. Also, part of the former agricultural areas were transformed into pastures for cattle extensive production. In general, the major effect of this induced structural transformation of the rural sector of Colombia, was a reduction in land and capital rentals and an increase in rural unemployment. Also it had a negative effect on the providers of agricultural inputs such as improved seeds, machinery and agrochemical inputs. Their number was reduced substantially and there was a capital flow to other non-agricultural activities. Agricultural research also was negatively affected. Revenues originated from producer quotas diminished. Most of these revenues were used to support market interventions by the producer associations. Agricultural research financed by the producer was requested to generate technologies oriented to reduce production costs. As genetic transformation of seeds apparently had reached a yield ceiling new research topics, related with the improve management 6
7 of other related inputs, were included in the agenda. Improvements on soil preparation, crop rotations, integrated pest and disease management, irrigation management, harvest losses, etc. were demanded. In many cases researchers were able to meet these demands, but the lack of an appropriate extension service system was a serious constraint to reach a substantial percentage of producers. Food markets at the consumer level also were transformed. Local consumer had access to new transformed products especially in poultry, dairy, oil, and fruit base beverages. Local food processing industry had to compete with imports. This competition induced local investors to look for new transformed products and to look for new raw materials. The concept of vertical integration within the food chains began to be promoted by the government and adopted by farmers and industrial processors. Concepts such as geographical localization and the quality of the raw materials began to be translated as demands to the agricultural researcher. The private sector, represented both by farmers and industry, was called by the government to provide matching funds, to complement the research grants allocated by the established competitive funds. The response was positive. It could be affirmed that this was a partially win/loss situation. Consumers were confronted with a wider and better supply of products. Consumer prices tended to stabilize and to have a lesser impact on the annual inflation rate. Some commercial farmers were successful in their integration with processing industry. Agricultural researcher received clear demand signals from the potential user. On the negative side, some commercial farmers, in specific geographical regions, were not able to adjust to the new model and left the sector. Peasant agriculture remained isolated, but in many cases it has to absorb the labor force that was displaced from the commercial agriculture. As a result rural unemployment increased and family labor retributions diminished. 2. FACING THE FUTURE 2.1 THE CURRENT INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK Private funded research in Colombia had significant impact in the short term mainly from testing and validating improved varieties and new production systems. This dynamic facilitated the private sector to capture significant benefits which, in the majority of cases, were shared with consumers resulting from a reduction in prices. The main factors from these arguments are: Agricultural research was profitable and a public good easily accessible. The majority of research carried out in Colombia was based on the paradigm of the green revolution, which demonstrated to be successful in increasing yields in the short term. It is now recognized that ex-post analysis on the returns to investment in 7
8 agricultural research were superior to other sectors of the economy [ex., soybeans 79 to 96% (Montes, 1979); rice 53% (Ardila, 1973)]. The development of agricultural technology was based mainly in the free exchange of genetic resources, as well as in the technology and information associated to the design and the implementation of these resources. Most of this research was funded and obtained from public research institutions that were not interested in obtaining a return. Thus, under these circumstances it was very attractive to allocate private funds because small marginal investments (i.e., <1% of production costs) produced significant benefits. These arguments are supported by the following three case studies reviewing the private sector financing of agricultural research in Colombia for the sugar, oil palm, and coffee sectors. Each case study contains (1) a brief history of producer financing, (2) the institutional arangements that have been used, and (3) an evaluation of how effective it has been in terms of cost effectiveness and productivity Sugar The Colombian Sugarcane Research Center (CENICAÑA) was founded in 1977 to contribute to the development of the Colombian sugar industry. This center is financed by the eleven sugarmills and 1400 individual sugar producers who form the Colombian Association of Sugar Producers (ASOCAÑA) by means of parafiscal funds. The annual budget allocated to CENICAÑA represents 0.55% of total sugar sales and has averaged about US$ 2.54 million dollars per year during the year period, but this budget has been increasing during the last 5 years as a result of the expansion in planted area (Table 1 and Graph 1). In addition, this percentage of total sales allocated to CENICAÑA is expected to increase to 0.70% during the next three years (CENICAÑA, 1998). The research agenda has been historically established by the owners of the sugar industry, represented by a board of trustees of 12 members (one for each of the eleven sugar mills and one representing the sugar producers). The backbone of the research agenda has been the development of improved varieties with increasing sugar (ie., sucrose) content, reduced harvest time (i.e, closer to 12 months), resistant to economically important diseases, and during the last 10 years, emphasis has been placed on the development of varieties which defoliates and are erect to facilitate the harvest mechanically (CENICAÑA, 1998). This research agenda has resulted in the introduction, validation, and development of several improved varieties which have significantly improved the performance of the sugar industry during the last 21 years, increasing productivity by 71%, reducing harvest time by 43%, and increasing sucrose content in cane by more than 7% (Table 1). All these factors have made the industry more competitive, which led to a 54% increase in planted area from 122,000 ha to 188,000 ha. These changes in productivity as a result of research investment has produced important benefits to the industry which are estimated to be around US$266 (million dollars from a $53 million investment, which gives an internal rate of return of about 8
9 26.6% (Graph 1). It is expected that the benefits will continue to increase as the remaining planted area to sugarcane (ie., 39%) is replaced with new varieties developed by CENICAÑA which are superior to current ones Oilpalm The case study of the Colombian Oilpalm Research Center (CENIPALMA) is analyzed for the period 1990 to 1999 (CENIPALMA, 2000). The main results are summarized in Table 2 and the conclusions derived from this analysis are: (a) Research funds for CENIPALMA also comes from parafiscal funds, which are equivalent to 0.5% of the total vaue of production. These funds are complemented with marginal allocations from other investors which represent about 10% of parafiscal funds. (b) Most of the research agenda is executed in private plantations and the agenda is established based on a technical advisory committee with experts from the production and processing sides. (c) Research expenditures grew at a rate of 22% per year between 1990 and 1999 and about 89% of these resources came from oilpalm producers (Table 2). (d) Most of these funds were allocated to the development of integrated pest and disease management and soil improvement practices, which contributed to signifficant increases in productivity (ie., from 13 to 17.4 mt/ha; Table 2). It has been in these two areas where most (81.1%) returns to research have been obtained (CENIPALMA, 2000). (e) Research investment contributed to change the production pattern of the oilpalm industry. During the 80 s, industry growth (ie., 12% per year) was explained by an increase in the use of factors (11.5% per year increase in labor use and 13.1% per year increase in the use of capital). During the 90 s industry growth (ie., 9.3% per year) was explained by an increase in total productivity (ie., labor use only increased 2.9% per year and capital use increased 3% per year). (f) Increases in planted area and yield were accompained by a greater efficiency in the use of labor. In ha of oilpalm generated one minimum salary and this relationship in 1999 was 7.12 : 1. (g) These technological changes increased marginal production by 1.53 million tons during the period If this change had not occurred, Colombia would now be importing 186,000 mt/year. During 1999 Colombia exported 109,000 mt Coffee Although no comprehensive evaluation of investment in research by the Colombian coffee-growing Federation (FEDECAFE) exists, several ex post analyses have been carried out. To describe the impact of research, two cases rust and the coffee berry borer are given of problems recently faced by coffee growers and representing a major threat to the industry. These alternatives also contrast in terms of the work carried out on experiment stations and on farm by extension agents. To solve the problem of coffee rust, a resistant variety, Colombia, was developed. But obtaining a variety that tolerated the coffee berry borer was impossible. Instead, its spread was faced by 9
10 implementing cultural controls, which, although lowered on-station research costs, represented higher extension costs. Resisting coffee rust. The fungus Hemileia vastatrix, which causes coffee rust, appeared for the first time in the Americas in 1970 in Brazil. Because strong control measures were adopted, Colombia was the last country in the Americas where the disease appeared, in late In Colombia, coffee is grown in areas with cool climates that favor rust development. Rust readily attacks the varieties most commonly grown in coffee-producing regions. To assess the impact of the disease in the field, plantations receiving chemical control were compared with plantations not treated. Production in the latter decreased between 14% under shade and 30% under full exposure (López et al. 1990). In controlled experiments, production decreased from 10.9% to 20.7% for local varieties receiving no rust control. No significant difference was observed between the local varieties with rust control and the improved variety Colombia receiving no control. Table 3 shows how the disease evolved and how farmers responded by planting the improved variety Colombia. Six control methods, based on protection and systemic fungicides, are available. Determining the degree of adoption of the different control systems in the field was impossible. Graph 2 shows the results obtained with one of the cheapest control methods. The internal rate of return varied between 12% and 31%, depending on the control method used. The most expensive was pneumatic pressure with protective fungicide and the cheapest, Motax with systemic fungicide. Integrated management of the coffee berry borer. The coffee berry borer, Hypothenemus hampei (Ferrari), is the major insect pest attacking coffee worldwide. It was detected in the Americas in 1913 in Brazil and has been causing serious problems in Colombia since its appearance in 1988 (Bustillo 1990). In 1999, the borer was found in 400 municipalities, encompassing 380,721 coffee farms and 715,073 hectares (Herrón 1998). The borer, in addition to reducing coffee production by destroying the bean, also causes fruit fall, increases the proportion of grain broken during processing, and alters beverage flavor. To control the pest while protecting the agroecological system, FEDECAFE accepted, as policy, to develop and use an integrated pest management system that included the collection of borer-infested beans (Re-Re), spraying coffee trees with the fungus Beauveria bassiana, and releasing the beetle Cephalonomia stephanoderis for disease control. Both the fungus and beetle attack the borer. Insecticide applications were to be used according to established infestation levels that are determined by periodic samplings. Extension workers were trained in the technology to disseminate it. In 1994, the groundwork was laid for conducting an ex post analysis of the impact of these pest control and coffee production practices. Four hundred coffee farms were monitored to assess the impact of several variables such as farm size, farmer s level of education, planting density, variety type, age of coffee plantation, shading versus full exposure, topped and free-growing coffee cultivation, attendance to training events, and 10
11 technical assistance at the farm level. Although a formal study relating investment with achieved benefits has not been conducted, available evidence shows the complexity of the situation when technology adoption, rather than involving the release of a new variety, requires changes in crop management and farmer behavior (Table 4, Graph 3). An analysis of the relationship between socioeconomic variables and adoption indexes indicated a direct correlation (with a level of significance greater than 0.1) for the following variables: formal education, area planted to coffee, and farm s level of specialization. Other variables, such as years as coffee grower, time with coffee berry borer, land tenure, farmer s age, and family size, had no relationship with technology adoption. There was a direct and significant relationship with contracted labor and with labor availability in the region. Availability of family labor had no relationship with adoption levels. There was a direct and significant relationship between the variables of transfer (e.g., groups of friends, attendance to courses, and permanent technical assistance) and credit The private sector invested in areas where research and technology transfer could quickly obtain a return on investment either by increasing yields or reducing production costs. The profitability for the private sector funded-research was higher because the most expensive investment was allocated by public-funded institutions. This can be demonstrated by the following arguments: Human resources. Non-Government Organizations (NGO s) and the private sector have about one-third of all research scientists in Colombia. These individuals were educated and trained by the Colombian Institute of Agriculture (ICA). Trained personnel is the single most important research cost and has represented between 56% and 70% of the total cost of privatefunded research since 1986 (Beintema et al., 1999) Investment areas. The private sector concentrated its research in annual crops in order to get returns to investment in the shortest period of time and where scientists had more experience. About 86.4% of scientists worked in annual crops, 7.5% in perennial crops, 3.4% in post-harvest losses and handling, 1.7% in livestock, and 1% in management of natural resources. Of total private-funded research costs, 63% was allocated to testing and validation of new crop varieties (Beintema et al., 1999) Low interest in forming strategic alliances with public-funded research. When the Colombian Institute for Agricultural Research (CORPOICA) was created by the government it was expected that a significant amount of research funds would come from the private sector. However, during the last 5 years this amount has represented less than 4% of total operational costs of CORPOICA (Beintema et al., 1999). Thus, there is little incentive for the private sector to form a strategic alliance because it implies a higher cost with lower probability of capturing the benefits of 11
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text:
On Jul 19, 2:03pm, Roy Leventhal wrote:
> Subject: Re: [SI-LIST] : Edge rates
> Mike,
> I'll take the position that data sheet specsmanship problems have relatively
> little to do with technology issues and quite a lot to do with people
> themselves. I'll explain myself.
Yes. You could be write for two reasons. One is that the specwriter
is simply padding the results to cover any unknown or neglected 2nd
order effects. The other reason is that if they keep specifying
the part with a capacitive load, then they never have to be responsible
for SI effects such as ringing and so on. I would think that
SLOW/TYP/FAST IBIS models should be sufficient for the SI engineer
to gaurentee SI and timing.
> But first, let me say, up front that switching behavior into a transmission
> would be a welcome addition to data sheets. I say addition, because people
> to cling to baselines. In this case switching behavior into a lumped load.
> gives them, so they feel, a comparison with something they are familiar with
> understand. Then also, folks who are standards and procedures oriented like
> component (yep, been there - done that) engineers, test engineers, etc., are
> control oriented and like repeatability. So, even if people start testing
> transmission lines don't expect the old methods to disappear any time soon.
Yes, I've been through this already. We designed a 200Mhz buffer
for a group and they "verify" the design by extracting the design
and simulate against capacitive loads. We had them modify their
procedure to drive an unterminated 50 ohm line. We also had to
explain how to spec the driver delay and tline delay equations.
We think that everything worked out with the verification folks. However,
the "battle" has only begun in that, as you pointed out, the test
folks, managers, and so on, will also need to be educated.
If anyone goes through this same exercise, I would highly recommend
that the simulation conditions are fully specified. Otherwise
they might try a 10ns tline at 200Mhz or something to that effect.
Another example - if the buffer is effectively source terminated such
as a CMOS buffer, then it is very difficult to convey to others that the
buffer delay is from 50% of the input to 25% of the output signal!
For this case, I opted instead to spec. the delay as the 50% crossing
of the signal at the far end of the transmission line minus the 50%
crossing of the input signal minus the progation delay of the
transmission line.
> Your story brings to mind a recent simulation I ran where the question was
> correct Vol - the value from the data sheet or the prediction of the IBIS
> The issue was simulating the correct values for noise margin. Inquiring into
> this at the Silicon vendor we were informed that "The value on the data sheet
> guard banded by 200 mV because we guarantee it."
> Of course, try collecting on those guarantees even if you test for them. I
> recall characterizing processes and publishing many semiconductor device data
> sheets. Disclaimers were standard fare in any of them as they are today. Or,
> open any IBIS or SPICE file and look at the disclaimers therein. All of what
> am asserting is, I believe, a result of the usual adversarial nature of the
> relationship between supplier and customer. Also, a result of people wishing
> avoid responsibility for their own actions. Specifically, I include specs
> are set far wider than they need to be, parts that are misapplied in a lazy
> design and anything else where it doesn't take rocket science to come up with
> better answer. As far as I'm concerned the whole specsmanship discussion plus
> the "why do anything until the customer absolutely demands it" discussions
> like rationalizations for doing a second class job.
> If you want to break out of the adversarial loop and have the numbers to mean
> anything at all, you have to look two things:
> 1. Communicate what you really need in a Purchase Spec under your control.
> 2. Get buy-in to that Spec by building trust, understanding - especially
> technical understanding, etc., with the supplier. Be sure you both listen
> absorbtively.
> I can only re-emphasize the many fine suggestions by D.C., yourself and many
> others regarding specs and the exchange of technical information.
> But, there are three other points I've been trying to make:
> 1. The earlier the "what-if" simulation the better even if you have to
> (invent)" the model characteristics that will work, loosely based on a real
> device.
> 2. Early efforts to desensitize the design to device variations and
> characteristics - shared with your device supplier.
> 3. Then listen to your supplier and respond to their suggestions until you
> to the most mutually beneficial agreement = specification.
> Finally, take steps to deal with those things that cannot be solved
> at the device level and don't believe that expected problems will magically
> themselves.
I totally agree with you and D.C. regarding how to get real specs
for real parts. Unfortunately, I suspect that many of us don't
have the clout to work that closely with the supplier. (Or maybe
we don't have or don't bother to take the time). Those
that do have the resources to leverage the supplier into providing
realistic specs can pave the way for the rest of us.
> Regards,
> Roy
-- _______________________________________________________________ Mike Degerstrom Email: [email protected] Mayo Clinic 200 1st Street SW Gugg. Bldg. RM 1042A Phone: (507) 284-3292 Rochester, MN 55905 FAX: (507) 284-9171 WWW: http://www.mayo.edu/sppdg/sppdg_home_page.html _______________________________________________________________
**** To unsubscribe from si-list: send e-mail to [email protected] In the BODY of message put: UNSUBSCRIBE si-list, for more help, put HELP. si-list archives are accessible at http://www.qsl.net/wb6tpu/si-list ****

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Whether you want to sell your work online, share it with others (without sending the actual object), or start a photographic record of what you've made, sooner or later you'll probably want to photograph your polymer clay creations.
Photographing polymer clay art seems simple enough-- until you actually try it. There are a number of common problems that can detract from the beauty of your work, but there are also solutions. You'll soon find that getting a great capture is as much of an art as the polymer clay techniques you used to create the gorgeous object you want to photograph! It takes time to learn and perfect your photographic technique, but with a few good pointers, you'll soon see dramatic improvements. What follows is a list of ten tips to get you started in the right direction.
Ten on Tuesday: Ten Tips for Photographing Polymer Clay Artwork
1. Learn how to use your camera.
Sure, it sounds obvious, but let's admit it: Most of us are so excited to try out our new toys that we don't always spend the time it takes to learn all the features. It can be intimidating, at first, but give it a try. Now is a great time to take out your manual and give it a closer look. If you know someone with camera know-how, ask them to show you some of what your camera can do. Experiment with different settings-- something beyond the automatic setting. Look for a message board or other online community where you can ask questions about your specific model.
If you have an out-dated camera-- or one that is strictly point-and-shoot-- now may be the time to consider shopping around for a new one. You needn't spend a lot of money to get a good digital camera, depending on what you want to do with it.
2. Be sure you have good lighting.
A photograph is captured light, so if you start out with poor lighting, you'll have poor photographs. I like to experiment with lighting-- take photos of the same object in a few different kinds of light. Sometimes I'm surprised by the results-- and with digital cameras, it doesn't cost much more than your time to take a few extra shots.
Natural light is almost always better than artificial light-- and it's free-- but you can also purchase special studio lighting. When photographing in natural light, it's usually best to have indirect light. In other words, you don't want the sun shining directly on the object. One way to achieve this is to use a diffuser. There are a number of ways to diffuse light. You can purchase a special box for this purpose (such as the EZ Cube), but you can also create your own "shield" from vellum, white fabric, or something similar. The idea is to let some light through to your object, but to soften it.
I made my own diffuser by cutting a hole in the bottom of an old gallon ice cream bucket. I simply place the bucket upside down over my bead (or whatever I'm photographing) and take the photo through the cut hole. The "frosted/clear" plastic of the bucket filters the light beautifully! (I first read this tip on PCC, but I can't remember whose it was. . .)
If you need to photograph with artificial light, you'll get the best results by using special lights in combination with a diffuser. (I don't know much about that set-up, myself, so I won't attempt to explain it. (g))
3. Use a tripod.
If you don't already have one, a tripod is a good investment. It doesn't have to be an expensive one, so long as it's easy enough to use that you'll actually use it. A tripod can help you cut down on blurry photos. Once you have your camera in place on a tripod, you don't have to worry about holding it the whole time-- and you more easily find the same spot time after time, if you're photographing a series of several similarly sized objects. A tripod also allows you to take longer exposures without blurring the photo. A longer exposure means that the shutter is open for longer than usual. As long as your tripod and camera hold still, this can give you a brighter image with a wider range of focus.
4. Get up close and personal.
If you're photographing small-scale objects like beads, earrings, or miniatures, you can easily "lose" your subject in the photo. A huge photo with a tiny bead in the middle isn't very impressive. Try to get as close to your subject as possible (without ruining your camera's ability to focus properly). If your camera has a macro setting-- or better yet, if you have a special macro lens-- now is the time to use it.
Macro lenses allow you to focus much closer to your subject than you can with a standard lens. For example, close-up photos of flowers and insects are usually taken with a macro lens. You'll find macro lenses at a variety of price points. You don't have to spend a fortune to get a macro lens that will take good photos of jewelry, beads, etc., but of course you can, if you'd like to. ;o)
If you don't have a macro lens and can't afford one right now, just get in as close as you can without sacrificing focus. (If you find, when you download your photos and see them big on the monitor, that they look a tiny bit blurry, go back and give it another try from slightly further away. Getting closer is no good if you end up with blurry images!) If your camera has a zoom function, don't forget to use that. Even if you can't fill up the whole photo with your subject, you can always crop the photo later. (I'll talk more about that later on.)
5. Be aware of your background.
So far, we've been putting all the focus on your subject, but it's also important to give some thought to the background. No matter how great your piece looks on its own, the right background can improve a photograph of it. Which background is "right" will depend on the subject (its color(s) and style), the purpose of the photo, and your personal taste.
For a very formal photo, you may want a solid black or white background-- or a gradient (look here for an example), which you can buy or print out on your home printer.
For something less formal, you can play around with brightly colored and/or patterned paper (scrapbook paper, for instance), fabric, leather, glass, brick, stone-- anything interesting that goes nicely with the color(s) of your subject. You can even give your subject a little "set". This is especially popular among some jewelry artists. A necklace draped around a vase-- earrings in the fold of a large, lushly green leaf-- a bracelet nestled on the silken folds of scarf. These "sets" usually are chosen for visual interest and/or to convey a certain mood (freshness, femininity, youth, etc.). Sometimes they show the subject in its "natural surroundings"-- i.e. a piece of jewelry on a woman's dresser, near her perfume.
Sometimes people like to include something in the photo for scale-- a coin, a ruler, or a grid to quickly illustrate the size of the object for sale.
The main arguments against using strong patterns, "sets", or rulers in photographs is that they may distract from the main subject. This is a matter of personal taste, so experiment to see what you like. If you have trouble deciding what looks best, show some friends a few options and ask which set-up they prefer. Try to notice the background/composition of product photos you admire. You may learn a few tricks that way, too. Eventually, you'll find the solution that meets your needs.
6. Clean up your act! ;o)
It's amazing what shows up on your computer monitor! All the dust, fuzz, lint, etc. that you didn't see when you were happily snapping photo after photo "magically" appears when you're looking at the pictures full size. Try to eliminate some of these annoying distractions by giving your work a quick polish-- or a puff of air-- right before photographing them. The same goes for your background and "set"; if they've been sitting out for a while, they can get dusty. (Some dust can be done away with during post-processing, but if there's much, it's a real pain-- not to mention that it can be tricky, if it's on the main subject of the photo.)
If your camera has a feature that allows you to zoom in and see your photo larger (on the camera, before downloading them to the computer), you can take advantage of that. It might save you the annoyance of having to completely redo a shoot.
7. Look at things from different angles.
If you're photographing your work to sell online, you'll often have the option of sharing more than one photo of each piece. In that case, it's a good idea to take photos from different angles.
Even if you're just photographing for your own sake, you may find that changing things around a little gives your photos a fresh look. Instead of taking every photo from straight on, try lowering the camera so that you have a different view of the piece.
If photographing with a view to sell the object, you'll want to provide as many different views of the piece as possible. Show the front, back, and sides of the piece. Consider taking a close-up of any special details that may not be obvious from a photo of the whole object.
Remember, one of the benefits of digital photography is that you can take as many photos as you like without having to pay to develop them all, so keep an open mind and play around.
8. Do a "stand-up job". ;o)
(Ok, I'll admit it; I have a weakness for puns! (g))
If you're photographing a special bead-- or any other object that doesn't easily stand just the way you'd like-- you can give it a little help. It depends on the look you want, but sometimes having the bead "just lying there" isn't exactly inspirational. Maybe you want it tilted back a bit with the prettiest side showing. Maybe you just want to give it a little more stability so that it's not constantly falling over or rolling around.
Different artists suggest a few different solutions for this problem. One idea is to use the teensiest bit of poster tack (the stuff used to hang posters on walls without nails or pins). Roll a tiny ball of the tack, then press your bead into it. With a little practice, you should be able to position your bead perfectly with none of the tack showing. You can also use "prop wax", which is made especially for this purpose. When photographing larger items, you may be able to prop them up against something-- anything sturdy, but small enough that it won't be visible in the photo. Experiment to find what works best for you.
9. Do a little post-processing (as needed).
Whether we know it or not, most of the images we see these days have been "processed", to some degree. The already-skinny model has had a few more pounds shaven away digitally; the covergirl's little blemish has been erased with a few clicks of the mouse. I'll leave you to form your own opinions on that subject (g), but in many cases, a little post-processing can improve a product photo.
Post-processing doesn't have to be intimidating. Once you learn the steps and create a routine of your own, it's easy. You'll need some type of photo-editing software. Adobe Photoshop (including the cheaper, more basic Photoshop Elements) is the best-known, but it's certainly not the only program out there. Your digital camera may come with a very simple program that allows you to crop and rotate photos, but you can also purchase photo-editing software. You can even find useful programs available for free online. (I don't know much about programs other than Photoshop, but in a recent blog entry, Christie mentioned one called GIMP. I'm sure you can find other options with a little research.)
Once you have your photo-editing software, you need to learn how to use it. Fortunately, you don't have to know every single function to get started. There are plenty of tutorials and message boards online where you can learn how to use most programs-- or you may be able to find an instructive book (maybe even at your local library). If you're very lucky, you might know someone who can give you a lesson in person. Just take your time, take notes, and remember that it will get easier with time.
The following are some of the functions I find most useful in Photoshop:
- Crop-- Allows you to select which portion of the photo you want to stay and which part should "go away". Particularly useful for shifting the focus back where you want it, if you couldn't get in close enough when you were taking your photos.
- Resize-- If you don't need your photo to be huge, there's no sense in keeping it huge. It just takes longer for the program to process; it also takes longer to upload. However, you don't want to make them too small. How big they'll need to be depends on what you'll be doing with them. For instance, at Etsy, 1000 pixels wide is suggested. If you're not sure what size you'll need for a certain application, you can probably find advice in the FAQ or a forum.
- Unsharp Mask-- There are a variety of ways to put a little extra sharpness on a photo. This is the one my husband (who just happens to be an Adobe Photoshop certified professional (g)) suggested that I use. (Note: If you find yourself relying too heavily on post-processing sharpening filters, it's time to work on your photo setup. Work to get a good, sharp focus when you take the photo, because no amount of post-processing can entirely compensate for a poor-quality photograph.)
- Cloning tools-- This type of tool (Clone Stamp Tool, Healing Brush, etc.) allows you to copy one part of the photo and paste it over another part-- or to take an average of the surrounding pixels and "paint" over in a similar color and texture. (Each tool has its own pros and cons. Once you've played around with them, you'll know which is best to use for a given task.) These tools are amazing time-savers. With them, you can remove small blemishes with a few quick mouse clicks. However, if you're using your photos to sell your work, you'll have to be careful to remove only photographic blemishes (dust, for example) and not something that is a permanent element of the piece (fingerprints and similar). Remember that your goal should be to make your work look as good as it truly does-- not to give a false representation of it.
- Color adjustments-- You can adjust the colors, brightness, contrast, etc. in a number of ways. (Look under Image>Adjustments.) Which is "best" depends on who you ask. Some people swear by Levels. Personally, I usually turn to Curves first (because that's how my husband taught me (g)), then maybe follow up with Color Balance (which is good way to pull down the yellow in artificially lit photos). You have the most control over your results if you manually adjust the colors, but if you're in a hurry or just aren't very particular about it, you can also use the auto adjust features, such as Auto Levels, Auto Color, and Auto Contrast. (There's also the option to select "auto" in the Curves box.)
10. Learn the tricks of the trade. (Study at the feet of the masters.)
We can learn a great deal from professional photographers. If you're feeling very ambitious, you can sign up for a class, but you can also learn a lot from a good book or from the many free tutorials, articles, and communities available on the internet.
Here are a handful of interesting links I found with just a few minutes of researching:
- Jewelry photography articles at Ganoksin.
- Information on photographing jewelry, beads, etc. (Yes, it's from a supplier of photographic equipment, but the information's free. (g))
- This one's about glass, but I think many of the tips are just as useful for polymer clay-- especially translucent pieces.
- Here's one about photographing jewelry in general.
- Don't forget about the GlassAttic page on photographing polymer clay.
- Rena Klingenberg's "Tips for Photographing Jewelry".
- Syndee Holt offers some photo tips on her website. Also, if you have access to old issues of PolymerCAFE, you can find a couple of related articles she's written for the magazine. Look for Vol. 5 No. 1 (Winter 2006/07) and Vol. 5 No. 2 (Spring 2007). There may be more related articles in up-coming editions, because the second article is labeled "Part 2 of a series".
Isn't it wonderful how one hobby (polymer clay) can lead you into so many other interests? :o)


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For a brief moment, the American public got a glimpse of something that is rarely seen: Liberalism's "War on Family."
This short glimpse occurred as Hilary Rosen berated Ann Romney on CNN over having "never worked a day in her life". While her tirade continued, she simultaneously revealed exactly how liberalism views women, particularly mothers.
For decades, the main goals of feminism and women's rights movements have been portrayed as striving for "equal rights" and "equal pay". If these were the true goals of radical liberalism, all would be good and well in the world. Yet, these are just parts of a masquerade created to conceal the actual goal of a long-term "War on Family".
For almost a month, Democrats, including Obama, have been accusing the GOP of waging a "War on Women", citing opposition to the "Contraception Mandate" and attacks on Sandra Fluke's "testimony" to Congress. In all these attacks, there has been little that was not intentionally manufactured and staged in advance by DNC operatives, including the awkward question to Romney on birth control in a January GOP debate. One of these operatives was Hilary Rosen, who visited the Obama White House thirty-six times in the last three years and partnered with Anita Dunn to stage the Sandra Fluke testimony last month.
When given the chance, Rosen opened fire on Ann Romney; not for her opposing beliefs, but for being a stay-at-home mother. According to the liberal view, raising a family cannot possibly be work, but rather an oppressive role forced upon women by the traditional concept of family. Rosen and like-minded liberals target their hate towards the American family formula, as they see the family as counter-productive to the cause of women's "independence". In their skewed world, children are shackles and husbands are oppressors, resulting in their disdain for career mothers and conservative women.
Ann Romney is that strong conservative woman.
Her entire life story threatens the hollow walls radical feminism has spent years to construct. Mrs. Romney, a breast cancer survivor, has raised five boys and committed her life to the cause of motherhood; going against the modern liberal mantra of career first, family optional. When combined with that fact that she has multiple sclerosis, Mrs. Romney becomes a symbol of the strength and courage a stay-at-home mother must have and what she can achieve. For Rosen, this lifestyle is does not fit into the mold of the "modern women", who must achieve a fulfilled career and spend years fighting against the injustices of the male-dominated world. It never even occurs to the Rosen's of the world that motherhood is a career, noble of recognition and more advanced than any public-relations position a presidential administration could offer.
This "War on Family" is not new, but has simply been exposed again by this brief lack of verbal restraint. In the early-90's, Hilary Clinton exposed the agenda concisely, saying:
"I suppose I could have stayed home and baked cookies and had teas, but what I decided to do was to fulfill my profession…"
Teresa Heinz-Kerry let her disdain for non-career mothers show through in 2004, claiming:
"I don't know Laura Bush. But she seems to be calm, and she has a sparkle in her eye, which is good. But I don't know that she's ever had a real job… I mean, since she's been grown up."
Even yesterday, President Obama attempted to cleverly take the side of Rosen when he said:
"…we didn't have the luxury for her [Michelle Obama] not to work."
By making this statement, Obama made it clear that he believes the work of a "stay-at-home" mother is a "luxury", as if raising children ends at 5pm every day.
While income is relative to one's spending structure, the Obama's clearly made a life-choice to balance raising children with their careers. In this free nation, this personal decision should be respected as theirs to make. Yet, this freedom to decide does not seem to apply to conservative mothers or Ann Romney. For all the diversity and tolerance the Left preaches, there does not seem to be much room for respect and acceptance of career mothers and their priorities in life.
Within only a couple of days, the Obama campaign's artificially created "GOP War on Women" has boomeranged into a full-bodied spotlight into the soul of the liberal perspective on a women's place in society.
As the general election fight shifts into high-gear, this blatant attack on family is only the beginning of what is planned for the remainder of the year. As conservatives, we must continue to keep the spotlight on this true agenda and on liberal's gender stereotyping of women in today's political arena.
We must defend Ann Romney and a women's right to choose a career in motherhood and child-rearing.


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It is June 2013 we are officially half way though the new year! And what a new year it has been! I have had some highs and lows but mostly highs! I am so grateful for a new month and a renewed spirit ready to embrace whatever else 2013 has for me. I am expecting a lot of wonderful things to happen in this second half of the year!
I went to my new Doctor! I really like her. Got some blood work done because I am really dragging I feel like I did last year when I was really low on Vitamin D. Sure Nuff she sent me an email saying I have a few vitamin deficiencies. I glanced at the other results and they were good cholesterol, sugar, etc. so we have a follow up next week.
I been back at the gym going hard and my new heart rate monitor is a great tool! I have been on point with my Weight Watchers meetings and I had 2 great weigh ins in a row! 4 pounds each! I am down again this week but will wait to weigh in on Saturday since I went in on Sunday. I am journaling everything everyday I will share a few of my meals over the pass 2-3 weeks! I'm feeling really good but every once in a while I am reminder how quickly every pound adds to my waistline. Like I wanted to wear a dress yesterday and I wore it last year it was free flowing last year and darn it if it wasn't too small! It was hugging alllll on my belly I was like yikes! On the other hand I did fit into some capris my Mother gave me a few months ago that couldn't get pass my thighs. Whoo hooo! Now I just fit!! I mean just! I could barely think about sitting lol but I was still happy!
So I have been busy as usual but all good things so I can't complain! I set some good goals for June here they are below!