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EDITOR'S NOTE: The following is Jonah Goldberg's weekly "news"letter, the G-File. Subscribe here to get the G-File delivered to your inbox on Fridays.
Dear Reader (including the good cat, which for some reason is opposed to my daughter getting an education),
Monsieur Google tells me that "emotional correctness" is a term that's been used before including by — ack! — the constantly self-parodying Sally Kohn. But fortunately, I don't mean it the way she does. In fact, I think I mean something close to the opposite.
There's a lot of tribalism and romanticism in the water these days. By tribalism I mean the idea that loyalty to one's side comes first and arguments come later, and when they do, they must be bent to fit the needs of one's side. By romanticism, I mean the primacy of feelings over facts.
The vexing thing is that a lot of liberals agree with this observation when it's framed as a criticism of conservatives. That's Obama's whole shtick these days, decrying "bubbles" and the lack of a "common baseline of fact." And by "these days," I really mean his entire presidency. Obama has always argued that anyone who disagrees with him is doing so from a deficit of facts and surplus of partisanship and ideology. Even when Elizabeth Warren disagreed with him, he resorted to this lazy arrogance.
But Obama is hardly alone. This has been a theme in progressivism going back a century, from the progressive obsession with "disinterestedness" to JFK's insistence that "political labels and ideological approaches are irrelevant to the solution" of modern challenges. "Most of the problems . . . that we now face, are technical problems, are administrative problems," he insisted, and these problems "deal with questions which are now beyond the comprehension of most men."
The whole ludicrous and yet somehow quaint "epistemic closure" panic of the last decade and the rise of "explanatory journalism" illustrated the extent to which liberals believe that confirmation bias is a uniquely conservative failure. Paul Krugman cut to the epistemological chase with his claim that "facts have a liberal bias." Neil deGrasse Tyson's fantasies of creating a utopian world called "Rationalia" is in one sense a great punchline to a joke, but it's also a perfect example of how liberal tribalism uses scientism to discredit perspectives it doesn't like.
Care, Damn It
All of that is annoying, but it can't hold a candle to the ugliness of emotional correctness. In recent years, we've seen how the real crime isn't conservative intellectual or ideological dissent but conservative emotional dissent. Mozilla's Brendan Eich being pelted from his job, the perfidious treason of the wedding-cake bakers, the assaults on Hobby Lobby and Chick-fil-A, the bonfires of asininity lit every day on college campuses: These have so much less to do with an ideological argument and more to do with the new unwritten and unspoken fatwah: "You will be made to care."
During that idiotic Halloween controversy at Yale, one student captured the moment beautifully when she complained that an administrator's attempts to discuss, explain, and debate the issue were beside the point. "He doesn't get it," she wrote. "And I don't want to debate. I want to talk about my pain." The truth is she didn't just want to talk about her pain, she wanted her pain validated and even celebrated.
In the Soviet Union and other totalitarian societies, displaying overt signs of "insufficient enthusiasm" is a crime:
"Now, if a North Korean university professor is suspected of insufficient enthusiasm for the system, they will be gone without a trace very quickly," Andrei Lankov has written of the Hermit Kingdom. "Even the memory of the unlucky victim would likely disappear."
The other day an NPR reporter tweeted:
One yr ago today, #Obama gave his last #SOTU & called for cancer cure. @RepTomPrice refused to applaud. This yr, he is Sec. of #HHS nominee https://t.co/gXfH7JHrMC— Marilyn Geewax (@geewaxnpr) January 12, 2017
Marilyn Geewax surely can't think that Tom Price, a doctor, is against curing cancer. But she clearly thinks that there's some serious problem with Price for not applauding an entirely debatable and typical rhetorical bauble in a State of the Union Address. My point isn't to single out Geewax. I'm sure she's a perfectly nice person.
My point is simply that in this moment of cultural and ideological polarization, the refusal to share one's passions is a sign of disloyalty.
The Trump Tribe
And that is true on the right as well. In fairness, it's surely always been true on the right to one extent or another, because the phenomenon I'm talking about is a product of human nature not ideology. The coalitional instinct is a universal human trait that causes people to link up in tribal bonds. The great evolutionary psychologist John Tooby explains that the coalitional instinct "explains a number of otherwise puzzling phenomena."
For example, ancestrally, if you had no coalition you were nakedly at the mercy of everyone else, so the instinct to belong to a coalition has urgency, pre-existing and superseding any policy-driven basis for membership. This is why group beliefs are free to be so weird.
I'm writing about this at considerable length in my book, so I won't cannibalize myself here. But the coalitional instinct is an important concept to keep in mind these days.
It certainly helps me understand the barrages of invective and utterly bizarre psychoanalyzing I'm subjected to every day. For instance, last night I was on Bret Baier's Special Report. On the show, I praised Trump's appointments and offered a plausibly favorable interpretation of his disagreements with his cabinet officials. I also defended Trump's tweets supporting LL Bean, but I criticized others. The response, as usual, from the Trump Tribe was an irrational miasma of rage and projection.
When you cut through the trollery, the basic complaint is simply that I am guilty of insufficient enthusiasm for Donald Trump. I keep getting asked in various ways, "When will you get over your Never Trump obsession?" As I've written countless times now, as far as I'm concerned, Never Trump isn't a thing anymore. Trump won, he'll be the next president, so there's nothing to be "never" about.
As far as I'm concerned, Never Trump isn't a thing anymore. Trump won, he'll be the next president, so there's nothing to be 'never' about.
The problem is that "Never Trump" has morphed in the minds of both liberals and conservatives to mean something very different. For liberals, it means one must never defend anything Trump does or even nod to his legitimacy in the slightest way — lest one be guilty of some form of hypocrisy (this is just another manifestation of the ancient practice of liberals telling conservatives the right way to be conservative).
On the right, Never Trump has become a convenient psychological crutch for dismissing inconvenient arguments. Like the ever-metastasizing phrase "fake news," it's waved like a magic wand to make any threatening claim disappear without having to deal with it on the merits. Marxists used to use the term "false consciousness" in much the same way: to head-off threatening facts or arguments by attacking motives. When I point out that until a few months ago Republicans and conservatives despised crony capitalism or "picking winners and losers," the instant reply amounts to: "When are you going to get over your Never Trump obsessions?"
The upshot of all of these responses is "Get with the program," "Get on board the Trump Train," or "Get on the right side of history." I've spent the last two decades decrying this form of argumentation from liberals — twice at book length. I don't see why I should abandon that position now. Indeed, the only logically consistent argument for why I should (and one often whispered or hinted at behind the scenes) is that it's the safe play for my career and my income — to which I say, "Meh."
How to Help Trump Win
But I've dilated on all that many times in this space, so let me make a different point. I very much want Trump to be a successful conservative president — which is to say, I don't want him to be a successful statist president. I understand all-too-well that many of Trump's fans do want him to be a successful statist president. They don't use the word "statist," preferring the rough synonym "nationalist." They either sincerely think, or convincingly pretend to think, that there's a meaningful difference between a statist and a nationalist. There isn't.
That's a worthwhile argument to have, and there will be many opportunities to have it down the road.
But if Trump is going to be a successful conservative president, I think his biggest fans will have to recognize their own tribalism. I'll give you two examples. Last night I got these responses to my appearance on Special Report:
@JonahNRO having a total meltdown on FOXNews Re:: Trump tweets. Jonah is never, ever right.@realDonaldTrump knows voters want him to tweet— S Pillar (@oldguyinhemet) January 13, 2017
@BretBaier @JonahNRO Jonah Goldberg is STILL a NeverTrumper with crow hanging out of his mouth. We don't want to see/hear him. WE DON'T!!!— Carolinagirl101 (@southernpearle) January 13, 2017
Put aside how much these tweets exemplify the points I made above.
The most relevant point is the claim that "the voters want him to tweet." Trump's spinners make similar claims ten times a day, insisting that "the American people" support whatever it is he's doing at a given moment.
Donald Trump's approval ratings are the lowest for any incoming president in history, by a very, very wide margin. Obama went into his inauguration with a net favorability rating of +71. George W. Bush and Clinton had +36 and +50, respectively. Trump? Negative seven (-7). He's dropped 13 points in the last month. Quinnipiac has his favorability rating at 37 percent, a marked drop since November. The internals are worse. He's lost ground in almost every category since the election. Only 12 percent of Americans say they think he will be a "great president." Oh, and Americans think by a 2–1 margin (64 to 32) that he should stop tweeting.
Looking at these numbers, it is very difficult to see how the Trump Tribe can claim he has the support of the American people for his behavior since the election, unless you define "the American people" as the Americans who unabashedly support Trump. And it seems that a lot of people in the Always Trump camp believe exactly that.
Various & Sundry
Yes, yes, I know this was not a particularly — or even remotely — jocular G-File. Sometimes that's the way things break. For those who've come to expect that every week, I apologize. My muse for this "news"letter is always unapologetic self-indulgence, and sometimes I just don't have the pull-my-finger jokes in me. I'm still deep in Book Hell and have a slew of big-time hassles in my private life I'm trying to deal with. I also woke up to discover I made a stupid mistake in my column today, which always puts me in a foul mood. Tune in next week, maybe we'll both have better luck.
Canine Update: The beasts are doing well, though Pippa had a scary incident with the dogwalker in which she fell through some ice. She emerged a bit like George Bailey after he's shown the light in It's a Wonderful Life. Pippa greeted everyone, including some dogs she's normally afraid of like Spock after he realized Captain Kirk wasn't dead. And since this "news"letter has been deficient in Vitamin J (for jocularity), I'll recount a somewhat off-color tale from this morning.
While I was getting dressed for our pre-dawn perambulations, Pippa and Zoë were doing their usual celebratory wrestling and mutual face-licking. At one point, as she is wont to do, the Dingo was biting the scruff of Pippa's neck when she, uh, well farted. It was surprisingly audible and seemed to take Zoë more by surprise than anyone else. She wheeled around to see what the Hell happened in steerage on the HMS Dingo. At first, she seemed shocked that she didn't find a squirrel with a Woopee cushion. But then she caught the scent and followed it out of the room like one of those Loony Tunes dogs that smells a roast beef from far away. Perhaps that's why she seemed so keen to enjoy the fresh air this morning.
Has the New York Times given up on stopping Jeff Sessions's confirmation?
Should Trump's appointees fear his Twitter account?
The new Ricochet GLoP podcast discusses Meryl Streep and the Golden Globes, the culture wars, Rogue One, and more.
Obama's farewell address was a campaign rally in disguise (corrected version).
And now, the weird stuff.
Picasso's life in self-portraits
Why not? Scientists blast antimatter atoms with a laser for the first time
Taxpayers foot the bill for Doggie Hamlet
Brits send meat-and-potato pie into space
How many basset hounds can fit on a couch?
Behold what lurks in the sea's dark depths
How do you poop in Antarctica?
Rescuers save stray pregnant dog
Behold: Spider lives underwater
Science: Conservatives really are better-looking
Science: Revenge really is sweet
The world's saddest destinations
NASA has a plan to destroy Earth-threatening asteroids, but SMOD turned out to be a liar like every other politician, so we won't need it
Scientists are building an animal-fart database


text: Danish/Icelandic artist Olafur Eliasson will speak about his The Parliament of Reality, a new, permanent outdoor installation sited near the Richard B. Fisher Center for the Performing Arts. Conceived specifically for the Bard campus with the life of the College in mind, The Parliament of Reality draws attention to our surroundings, both man-made and natural, while challenging the way we perceive and act in the world. The project is inspired by the Althingi, or Icelandic Parliament, the oldest national democratic institution in the world.

subset: commoncrawl


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Florida's Redlight Program Designed To Make Driving More Dangerous By Shortening Yellow Lights
from the putting-lives-in-danger dept
But, of course, various governments hate that idea, because it would decrease the massive revenue from red light camera fines. That's why over and over and over again, we see that various governments are caught redhanded lowering the time for yellow lights. Make no mistake about it: this increases the danger, and puts many more people at risk. Stupidly, it probably also could end up costing the city more in terms of having to respond to more accidents and deal with more injuries. But, boy, I'm sure it pumps up the revenue on red light camera violations.
The latest example of this comes via Darby Keene, who points out that the Florida Department of Transportation quietly tweaked its own standards for yellow light intervals in 2011, allowing them to be shorter without breaking the law (after many cities have been caught violating official standards). And, of course, various cities quickly did lower the interval timing. Yes, revenue at the expense of public safety. Research has shown that reducing the time of a yellow light by a mere half a second can double the number of red light camera citations -- and in some cases, the changes to FDOT's regulations meant cities reduced the length of a yellow light by an entire second. Smell that? It's the smell of revenue for cities, intermingled with wrecked cars and destroyed lives!
Even worse: while FDOT is claiming that it changed its regulations to clean up some wording, and not because of potential revenue, the report from WTSP, also found emails from FDOT engineers telling local government officials to lower their yellow light intervals to the absolute minimums allowed. That is, they weren't even saying it was just an option, they were being told to decrease the timing to make the intersection less safe, but more profitable.
And, while FDOT defended the whole thing claiming that they changed the policies to "match federal guidelines," the report explains that federal guidelines actually recommend longer yellow light times, just as we discussed above.
Don't you feel safer now?
A USDOT/Federal Highway Administration (FHA) report said cities should not use speed limit in the yellow interval equation because it results "in more red light violations and higher crash rates." And if drivers' average speeds cannot be calculated, it's recommended engineers use the "speed limit plus 10 mph" variable to producing more conservative, and safer, yellow intervals.
Another report stresses the importance of using 85th percentile speed to calculate yellow intervals, while slide 28 on this report indicates when yellow light times are lengthened, severe crashes drop.
USDOT also recommends an extra half-second of yellow time at intersections with lots of trucks or elderly drivers to allow them to react safely. And despite the fact that Greater Tampa Bay is home to five of the nation's 12 oldest counties (by median age), it's also home to some of the shortest yellow lights.


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Sunday, November 18, 2007
Review of Kwame Dawes's Invisible Flying
120 pages
Kwame Dawes's latest collection begins by taking the reader to a Kingston of the mind, the Kingston of his youth long left behind but never forgotten. It begins with poems that are so deeply personal and familial – about his father, about his brother – that the appearance of politics, of the Kingston of 1980 and of a quotation from the Jamaica Labour Party's campaign song of that year, comes as a visceral shock.
The themes established in the first few pages of this collection are repeated throughout the book, though the poet contemplates places other than Kingston and experiences other than those of growing up in the Jamaica of the 1970s and 1980s. Experiences that include his younger brother growing into manhood, his mother's care, his father's childhood in Sturge Town, St Ann, and his own efforts to create an identity for himself:
my first decision there – to change my name, not
Neville any more, not the Anglo name, the protection
of my father's birthright, his Oxbridge imprimatur.
I read these poems, and I feel like an intruder in Dawes's life, an observer over his shoulder in the various vignettes he sets out, which are always personal, always intimate, and yet at the same time detached so that the observer, seeing things through the poet's eyes, still feels an observer. He explores his life and invites the reader to join with him in this exploration of his own private space.
Even in the title poem, "Impossible Flying", which is pretty openly political, with its simultaneously engaged and detached view of Jamaica in the 1970s, we find ourselves suddenly moved from the approaching Jamaica Labour Party victory in the elections of 1980 which takes place in a public space to a private encounter between the poet and his brother as the latter tries to do the impossible and fly. It is not the first of the many surprising juxtapositions in this book. And even the political becomes personal; the socialism of 1970s Jamaica becomes an inverted snobbery, an effort to claim the mantle of poverty:
how we fought
to be poor, to be sufferers.
It is his brother and his father who populate most of these poems, though one is dedicated simply 'for Mama' and others deal with adult relationships outside the birth family, and the central theme is the poet's striving for manhood in relation to both. But there is something more: "This is," he writes, "the tale of our redemption."
We follow Dawes through Kingston, through London, through Canada, through South Carolina, as he explores his present, his past, his family, his own body as it grows fat with age, and we feel privileged to be his traveling companions through the ordinarinesses, discomforts, joys, and epiphanies of life. Dawes was born a traveler, and he can do nothing but take his readers with him on his explorations of place, people, and self.
Mortality sits lightly on these poems, his father's death and the inevitability of his own:
I do not want to die. So absurd
this admission, this effort to confront
the unpredictable odds of our living.
These poems are filled with regret, for lost chances, for more innocent times, for the relationships that are no more. It is that regret, the melancholy that fills these poems, "the messy/contracts we make with blood legacies" as Dawes puts it.
The blurb on the back cover declares that Dawes is "widely acknowledged as the foremost Caribbean poet of the post-Walcott generation". That's a bold claim, most especially because, apart from place, there is at first glance little that is Caribbean about these poems; most of them could have been written anywhere. They are about what it is to be male, how a masculine identity develops in the shadow of a father, in the presence of a brother. The history in them is personal, even at its most political. Yet it is a claim that should be weighed carefully, for Dawes is a true poet, and his work speaks to one of the most significant qualities of being human which is "the dreary cadence of regret". And that regret is a pain that can be as political as it is personal.
F.S.J. Ledgister
Clark Atlanta University
Friday, June 8, 2007
Machiavellian Moments: Norman Manley, Eric Williams, Democracy and Decolonisation in the British West Indies
Machiavellian Moments: Norman Manley, Eric Williams, Democracy and Decolonisation in the
F S J Ledgister
Attraction and inspiration are the sugar coating enabling the political leader to engage in political education, as J.S. Mill put it promoting "the virtue and intelligence of the people themselves."[i] Mill tells us, also, that a people who have been slaves have to be taught self-government, and require "not a government of force, but one of guidance," a point of considerable relevance when considering the politics of the
On the side of the metropolis, we should consider the assertion of Sir Alan Burns, a colonial administrator in Africa and the
Undertook the gigantic task of helping the peoples of various under-developed territories to overcome the handicaps imposed on them by nature and environment; to learn the principles of democracy and honest administration; and to qualify themselves for independence.[iii]
While this is dishonest, self-congratulatory, and self-deceptive, it contains the underlying positive claim of the colonial ruler: that they acted as trustee for peoples who could not have sustained their own self-governing polities in the world of competitive capitalism. It also encapsulates a truth, British rule provided (or provided the conditions) for the emergence of an educated subject class that learned "the principles of democracy and honest administration" along with the rules of cricket.
On the other side, consider the equally bombastic pronouncement of Eric Williams, the historian-statesman who governed
The independence of
The bombast should not blind us to the facts that British colonialism, by transmitting liberal-democratic values, did sow the seeds of its own destruction, and that a once-colonised people must find its own path in the world.
Though British colonialism was not the high-minded, altruistic enterprise that Burns makes it out to be, it had an influence persisting into the age of independence. Current political institutions in all the former West Indian colonies, except
A colony's history is not entirely its own. The history of the colonial power is also, if only in part, the history of the colony. The evolution of political ideas and practices in the "mother country" affects events in the colony. The values associated with the imperial overlord are normative and may remain so in the post-colonial period. In colonies like those in the
Most British West Indian colonies, by the late nineteenth century, were Crown Colonies, ruled by imperial fiat from
I explore one aspect of how autocratically governed colonies became independent liberal democracies. How were the values of colonial rule challenged, and by whom? The short answer is nationalism buttressed by social democracy. Deeper analysis must involve considering who planted the seeds of nationalism and social-democracy.
I focus on two nationalist leaders of the late colonial period, Norman Manley of
I examine their writings and speeches in the pre-independence period, to determine how they constructed their theories, what these were, and how they functioned both as a means of gaining office and as a challenge to the colonial political order. Manley and Williams saw themselves as the political educators of their peoples; each sought, successfully, to acclimate liberal and social democracy to late colonial polities. After discussing the political thought of these statesmen, I will consider the nature and basis of their approach to politics.
Norman Washington Manley: The Dutiful Intellectual
The labour revolt of May and June 1938 in
Manley, a Rhodes Scholar, returned to
The labour revolt thus found him ready to enter public life. The political needs of the time provided Manley with a purpose and an objective: constructing a nationalist and social democratic political culture.[x]
His first major statement came at the founding conference of the PNP in September 1938. His speech was a first statement of his political philosophy and his conception of the purpose of political organization:
No amount of economic good will make our people a real unity. All efforts will be wasted unless the masses of the people are steadily taken along the path in which they will feel more and more that this place is their home, that it is their destiny. They will then do more for it, more work, more effort, more thinking, more sacrifice, more discipline, and more honesty than by any other measure you can bring in this country.[xi]
Political education, then, is the cornerstone of political development. Obviously, it is the task of the party to educated the people and create within it a national spirit and a sense of common purpose. That purpose involves not only the transformation of the political system through the achievement of self-government, it means also the transformation of the economy, and an end to middle-class complacency. Manley acknowledged that he had to shake off that complacency himself:
And it [the PNP] will be opposed by all those who look back upon what they regard as the beautiful past, the past of peace and contentment and freedom from agitation. But great things are not done without effort; and discontent is the divine prerogative of man. There are those who love our thatched huts and the picturesqueness of Back-O-Wall, and those who look at smiles on people's faces and believe that all is well because people will smile, nature is bountiful, and one season follows another. I have lived in that feeling myself, I have felt those sentiments. If you live in a place long enough you become complacent. What you see every day you regard after a time as belonging to the order of things.[xii]
To exercise that divine prerogative to challenge the existing order and ameliorate it is obviously the task of the political party and the political activist. Manley provides not only a set of goals, but also a political language that, though not revolutionary, is fundamentally transformative. He insists that "the order and nature of things" has to be changed, and that this is the purpose of politics. The political party is the agent of that purpose.
Manley connected nationalism with liberty, democracy, and creativity. Freedom can be maintained only through constant striving against authority, both external and internal. Democracy is necessary in order to realize human creative potential and "the evolutionary potential in every society however chaotic and vague its elements may seem." Consequently, to demand self-government for
Logically, then, we would suppose the PNP to be committed to some form of socialism; and we would be correct. In 1940 the party committed itself to democratic socialism, which Manley defined as involving a "vital transformation of society" though not limited by "rigid doctrine" and neither anti-religious nor revolutionary.[xiv] In other words, Manley saw the PNP as playing the role of the Labour Party in
Manley entered the legislature as leader of the opposition and an advocate for self-government in 1949. In 1955 he finally achieved office. In government, the PNP did not immediately increase the pace of constitutional advance, having chosen to join the West Indies Federation proposed by the British, no longer either capable or willing to maintain an empire, as a means of ridding themselves once and for all of their colonies in the Caribbean.[xv] Nonetheless, Manley continued to move for greater Jamaican control of internal affairs.
In 1957 Manley made a remarkable broadcast to the Jamaican people, stressing the role of "the little people, the poor, the humble, and the seeming weak" in
Manley had not forsaken independence, but transferred his focus from
Although the federation was a creature of the British, many West Indian nationalists, including Manley, were committed to it. Manley's rival, Bustamante, lacked that deep commitment, and in 1960 announced that the JLP was opposed to federation as a matter of policy. Manley's response was to call a referendum on the question for September 1961.
In announcing the referendum, Manley asserted that there was a West Indian nation destined to take its place in the comity of nations. This nation contained a West Indian people, with common aspirations and a common history, which was on the verge of achieving unity.[xviii] As an exemplary nation where people of different races "are learning, have nearly learnt, how to dwell together in unity," the West Indian nation was obliged to become an independent state as a light to the world.[xix]
Manley could not transmit his vision of a united West Indian nation to a majority of the Jamaican electorate, which, on
Yet independence had been his goal, and he welcomed it unreservedly, transferring back to
A few years later, retired from politics and looking back over his career, he declared that the mission of his generation had been to create a national spirit, and achieve political independence, the succeeding generation had the task of conceiving and creating a society "based on principles of equality" in which no group of Jamaicans would be alienated from or reject the Jamaican nation.[xxiii] At the end of his life, however, his vision had become more somber.
was a real chance to rebuild the national spirit, and to think out afresh the sort of
His vision was liberal, social-democratic, and humanitarian. He brought to Jamaican politics both conscientiousness and conscience, not to mention a strong moral awareness. His biographer, V. S. Reid, did not exaggerate when he stated that Manley's life had been lived to the end of achieving independence and that "he had caused a multitude to praise."[xxvi] It was entirely fitting that just before his death he should be officially proclaimed – by his political rivals – a national hero.
Eric Williams: The Hero as Politician
Before there was an organized labour movement, much less a labour revolt, in
Then a leader with vision did appear; Eric Eustace Williams, an academic intellectual with a blazing image of the history and destiny of his homeland at the forefront of his thought, was borne into office on a wave of popular enthusiasm in 1956, and remained in power until his death in 1981.
To assess Williams as theorist and activist, we need to note the distinction between Williams the statesman and Williams the scholar. His scholarly career lasted from the late 1930s until the mid-1950s. Thereafter, although he published books as late as 1969, he was very much the political leader. Yet, though these careers occupied different stages of Williams's life, each informed the other; there are clear political concerns in his academic writing, and his political career was definitely informed by his academic interests.
Williams first came to public attention with The Negro in the Caribbean (1942), a study of the region in the war years derived from his travels on behalf of the Caribbean Commission. In this book, he advocates political and economic federation of the
The third book written by Williams before he became an active politician, Education in the West Indies [1950] was produced in response to the decision by the British government to establish a University of the
From the mid-1940s to the mid-1950s, Williams was Secretary of the Caribbean Research Council of the Caribbean Commission, based in
Williams's relationship with the Caribbean Commission was stormy; he perceived them as biased against him on grounds of race and national origin. In 1955 the Commission refused to renew his contract. On the day he left their service, under the auspices of TECA Williams gave a speech at
The decision to commit his expertise to the service of his people catapulted Williams into a position of leadership that may have been unexpected but was hardly unwelcome. He entered public life at a crucial moment in
Williams became the leader of a new political party, the People's National Movement (PNM), seeing it as a vehicle for political education as well as a body of activists seeking office. Williams emphasized his leadership and his commitment to political education by speaking regularly in what he called "the
The PNM had to overcome considerable distrust of politics as usual. Williams set out to do this in a pamphlet entitled The Case for Party Politics in Trinidad and Tobago [1955]. Trinidad, he contended, was "the sick man of the
One of the most common of the claims made to fame by the candidates was their experience in city or county councils and in ward-work. The manifestos are full of boasts of standpipes erected, drains paved, roads surfaced, telephone booths installed or secured, traces improved, and cemeteries enlarged, undertaken, or under construction. If the candidate is not able to guarantee you living space, dying space is the next best thing; if you guarantee the candidate a happy hunting ground in this life, he will guarantee you a happy resting place in the next.[xxxiv]
Williams goes on to point out that without the backing of a party, the promises of individual candidates were meaningless. What is more, it would not have mattered had the electors in 1950 backed a completely different set of independents.[xxxv]
Having lambasted the existing political elite, Williams turns to arguments to back the "overwhelming" case for "a democratically organized party". Such a party would have a coherent programme, and internal discipline would enable its members to carry out that programme.[xxxvi]
The main task of the party is political education, with emphasis on the Burkean notion of the representative serving the nation as a whole rather than the local constituency. Political education is not limited to such tasks, but should focus on getting "the people to do things for themselves and think for themselves."[xxxvii]
The party must be national, appealing to all classes, races, and religions.[xxxviii] Williams underlined this by stressing the cooperation of capital and labour, and his opposition to racial discrimination. As for the problem that any new party faces, the question of the experience of its leaders, Williams declared: "My colleagues and I are and always will be inexperienced in corruption, in changing our minds, in promising one thing and doing the opposite." Instead, the party would hold up to Trinidadians the ideals of Athenian democracy, "animated by the noble sentiments of Pericles."[xxxix]
The PNM's victory in 1956 brought Williams to government. Two years later, in elections to the West Indian federal parliament, the PNM was dealt a sharp 6-4 defeat by the Democratic Labour Party (DLP) a rally of the "outs" formed to fight the federal elections by Sir Alexander Bustamante. The DLP constituted a significant challenge to the PNM. It took up the oppositional role that Williams had initially envisaged for his party, and it provided ethnic contrast: the PNM had become identified with one ethnic group, the Creoles; the DLP, consequently, became the Indian party.
Williams, for his part, sought to stress the open, multiracial nature of the PNM, its commitment to political education, the development of a national identity, democracy, and economic change. In his speech, "Perspectives for Our Party" given at the PNM's third annual convention in 1958, he noted that the PNM had established party government, given the country a political leader "who speaks with authority," established the "University of Woodford Square"[xl] as a public forum, set up its own newspaper, won control of the legislature and local councils, posed "a conception of the new society," and spearheaded the nationalist movement.[xli]
His government had operated according to the Lincolnian ideal, promoting development and political education. The party had to be organized as "the indispensable complement and support" of the political system. It had to penetrate "into the deepest masses of the people".[xlii]
In this party organization, the "Political Leader" (i.e., Williams) plays an important role. As theoretical guide he inspires the party, and plays the central role in political education. The political leader sets the tone for the party. In the conditions of the
The DLP provided Williams with the opportunity to make a statement about nationalism and democracy that remains to this day the benchmark of West Indian nationalist thought. In January 1961, a liberal white businessman, Sir Gerald Wight, wrote an open letter to Williams, expressing concern about anti-democratic tendencies in the PNM government. In his reply, Williams contended that the PNM was "in the historical stream which runs from Aristotle to Franklin D. Roosevelt," and told Sir Gerald "
Addressing a crowd at
Williams's opponents, he declared, were concerned only with power, not with the history of the colony or its progress. All they could see in Williams's slogan was "racial antagonism;" but "
While his opponents in the DLP sought to hold back the tide of liberation, Williams and the PNM by developing the country, by recognizing the small farmer and the worker, by standing for the dignity of labour, had ended "Massa Day" in
By calling on Williams to repudiate the phrase, the DLP had demonstrated that they were no more than modern house slaves. The PNM, by contrast was committed to building a free, democratic nation.[xlviii]
At this point, Williams seems to slide into farce by noting that his government had been able to welcome Sir Winston Churchill to the colony, and "it is only left now for Her Majesty the Queen to visit us." Clearly, the values of
It is noteworthy that Williams, in this and other speeches and writings, connected liberal democracy in
Both themes are present in Williams's speeches and writings as his country moved to independence. On
The History was intended to show that in
While Williams the historian sought to provide his people with a sense of their common history, Williams the prime minister sought to give his people a sense both of the solemnity of the occasion and the significance of the achievement: "You are nobody's boss, and nobody is your boss."[li]
The important issue was what would be done with independence. Trinidadians had the responsibility of protecting and promoting their democracy, defined in clearly liberal and social democratic terms. For democracy to survive and thrive "an informed and cultivated and alert public opinion" was necessary.[lii]
There is, however, a note of pride in his final words:
Let us then as Nation so conduct ourselves as to be able always to say in those noblest and most inspiring words of St. Paul, "By the Grace of God we as people are what we are, and His Grace in us hath not been void."[liii]
There is something fundamentally West Indian about being able to find a biblical text to endorse the nation-state. Williams had brought his country to independence; unlike Manley he crossed the stream into the new land, and for nearly two decades after independence was at the head of
Discussion: The Politician as Foundational Theorist
Modern political theory in the West begins with a concern for the creation of nation-states. This is the problematic of Machiavelli's Prince and Discourses on Livy, and it is unavoidable in considering the establishment of post-colonial states. Colonial rule created polities that were large workshops, producing goods for the markets of the imperial power, rather than being nations or states in embryo. As late as World War II most colonies were not considered capable of governing themselves.
At the same time, colonial rulers justified their rule by arguing that it provided benefits for both colonizer and colonized. It was not exploitative, but, rather, a means of civilizing the world and appropriating its unused resources for the benefit of humanity. As a British scholar noted in the 1940s:
Although colonial relations arise out of the search for material advantage, men like to justify their activities on moral grounds and colour them with the warm glow of humanitarianism.[liv]
The imperial powers provided their colonial subjects with the education necessary to supply a lower middle class of clerks, police constables, and schoolteachers, whose status and social mobility were linked to the state. These people came from the subject races, and their experience administering the lower levels of the state, and, over generations, rising in the bureaucracy, gradually gave them a sense that they could run as well as serve the state. Local intelligentsia, fostered by the colonial authorities, were, as Benedict Anderson puts it "central to the rise of nationalism in the colonial territories."[lv]
The British tried to inculcate their values and beliefs in their colonials to keep the subject populations docile and encourage loyalty to the metropole. To do this, they needed a class of educated people to act as the transmission belt for imperial values. Some of these colonial subjects could aspire to some degree of status as a result of education in the metropole. It is no accident that such figures as Trinidad and Tobago Island Scholar Eric Williams and Rhodes Scholar Norman Manley were scholarship boys who won the glittering prize of an
In exposing young colonials to the values of British high culture, and then expecting them to return to middle class status in their homelands, the British miscalculated. Men like Williams and Manley – talented, sensitive, and intelligent – could not long accept subordinate status. They had received the same, or better, preparation as the leadership of
In the late 1930s, under the impact of the Great Depression, the working people of the British West Indies emerged as a political force in their own right, one that could be used by middle class activists to gain their own ends, and that would accept these activists as leaders in order to gain improved wages, working conditions, and social mobility. The worker revolts of the late 1930s provided emergent political leaderships with a demos on whose backs they could ride to power, but which they also had to serve. Before the labour rebellion, the mass of West Indians had been subjects; their actions earned them the right to become citizens.
Educated activists who possessed a vision of a transformed society wanted more than mere office. They wanted to create nations. Beyond their immediate, or long-term, advantage, they sought sovereignty and national independence for a sophisticated political community whose citizens could control their lives individually and collectively. They took the political awakening of the West Indian masses in the way that Machiavelli had urged Cesare Borgia and Lorenzo de' Medici to liberate their homeland:
This opportunity, then, must not be allowed to pass by, in order that
Their approach could not be that of simply overthrowing the barbaro dominio of the British. British colonial rule was authoritarian. It was also the rule of law, a constitutional government in which subjects of the Crown possessed defined rights and liberties. In spite of this, the fact that the majority of colonial subjects were excluded from political life made it possible for Williams and Manley to act as "redeemers" in Machiavelli's sense of the word.
But not only, or merely, as that. Other leaders – Bustamante in
It is difficult to untangle to what extent this was a product of their educations and humanist world-view, and to what extent they were taking Machiavelli's advice that those who seek to change the form of government must "retain the shadow of its ancient customs."[lviii] In the West Indian case, this meant not the prevailing customs of colonial administration, but those which were normative even though not applied: the British rules of parliamentary democracy.
The Machiavellian caution employed by Manley and Williams stands in stark contrast to the radicalism of Cheddi Jagan, leader of the People's Progressive Party in
The role of Manley and Williams was to bring together the needs of the West Indian middle and lower classes with the norms of Western parliamentary democracy and the ideals of the post-Enlightenment West. This meant constructing theories of politics that did not challenge the assumptions of the West, but did stress the importance of middle and lower class West Indians, and gave them a sense of history, significance, and value. Williams's concern with West Indian history, and the impact of colonialism on the West Indian peoples, and Manley's vision of an exemplary people, a light unto the nations, are the means whereby this was achieved.
They did this, furthermore, not as patriarchal dictators dispensing wisdom from above, but as activists in the democratic arena. The competed with men such as Bustamante in Jamaica, or Albert Gomes and Tubal Uriah Butler in Trinidad, who, while they lacked the particular humanist vision of Manley or Williams, could speak to the people in terms they understood and offer themselves to the masses as the people who would best handle their public business.
What Manley and Williams achieved was the routinization of liberal democracy – and its values – in the space of a generation. They succeeded in imparting meaning to abstractions of political thought and convincing their peoples that they were citizens who could govern themselves. We tend to forget, absent the context of colonial rule, how radical an ideal this was at the beginning, and how significant it has been.
In any discourse there must be speakers and hearers, and discourse only works if those who are in the position of hearers are willing to listen. People respond to a message when it has engaged their thought. The message of Williams and Manley that West Indians could act creatively, manage themselves wisely, and stand up on their own feet is one that resonated with large sections of their peoples. Their vision of a self-governing homeland had meaning for their listeners because they could recognize themselves, in what their leaders said, as actors in rather than victims of history. Manley and Williams engaged the masses of their countries, and in that engagement the masses were transformed, and transformed themselves, into nations. Thus Williams and Manley could lay the foundation for nation-states, and regard that construction as the mission for their generation of leaders.
In recognizing their limitations as political chieftains, we should not forget what they have achieved: in
[i] John Stuart Mill, Considerations on Representative Government [1861], in J.S. Mill: Three Essays.
[ii] Ibid., 175.
[iii] Sir Alan Burns, In Defence of Colonies:
[iv] Eric Williams, British Historians and the
[v] Paul Sutton argues that comparison of Manley and Williams is only apt 'if the aim is political or intellectual biography'. ('The Historian as Politician: Eric Williams and Walter Rodney'; in Alistair Hennessy, ed., Intellectuals in the Twentieth Century
[vi] Rex Nettleford, Manley and the Politics of
[vii] Philip Sherlock, Norman Manley.
[viii] See the biographies of Manley by Philip Sherlock (note 7 above), and V.S. Reid (note 26 below).
[ix] Ibid., 73-80.
[x] Nettleford, op. cit., 14.
[xi] Norman Manley, "Launching of the People's National Party," in Rex Nettleford, ed., Norman Washington Manley and the New
[xii] Ibid.
[xiii] Norman Manley, "Of Freedom," in ibid., 384-385.
[xiv] Norman Manley, "The PNP Declares Itself a Socialist Organization," in ibid., 59-64.
[xv] Rex Nettleford, note in ibid., 134.
[xvi] Norman Manley, "A Moment of Joy, a Moment of Promise," in ibid., 158.
[xvii] Ibid., 159-160.
[xviii] Norman Manley, "Referendum: The Verdict is Yours," in ibid., 174-177.
[xix] Ibid., 177. "To dwell together in unity" was the motto on the West Indian coat of arms.
[xx] Norman Manley, "To Plough the Land and Gather the Fruit: Address at the Opening of the Independence Parliament," ibid., 312.
[xxi] Ibid.
[xxii] Norman Manley, "
[xxiii] Norman Manley, "A Mission to Perform," ibid., 365.
[xxiv] Norman Manley, "Mission Accomplished: The Wheel has
[xxv] Ibid., 381.
[xxvi] Victor Stafford Reid, The Horses of the Morning – About the Rt. Excellent N.W. Manley, Q.C., M.M., National Hero of Jamaica: An Understanding.
[xxvii] Eric Williams, The Negro in the
[xxviii] Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery. London & Chapel Hill: The
[xxix] Winston Mahabir, In and Out of Politics: Tales of the Government of Dr. Eric Williams from the Notebooks of a Former Minister.
[xxx] Eric Williams, "My Relations with the Caribbean Commission, 1943-1955" in Eric E. Williams Speaks: Essays on Colonialism and
[xxxi] Ibid., 164-165.
[xxxii] Ivar Oxaal, Black Intellectuals and the Dilemmas of Race and Class in
[xxxiii] Eric Williams, "The Case for Party Politics in
[xxxiv] Ibid., 179.
[xxxv] Ibid., 183.
[xxxvi] Ibid., 183-184.
[xxxvii] Ibid., 186-187
[xxxviii] Ibid., 196.
[xxxix] Ibid., 204-205.
[xl] Williams was inordinately proud of this. He cites in this speech, as an example of "the international recognition of the
[xli] Eric Williams, "Perspectives for Our Party," in Cudjoe, op. cit., 208-209.
[xlii] Ibid., 226-227.
[xliii] Ibid., 228-229.
[xliv] Williams, Inward Hunger, 263-264.
[xlv] Cudjoe, op. cit., 238-246.
[xlvi] Ibid., 247-252.
[xlvii] Ibid., 252-254.
[xlviii] Ibid., 255-262.
[xlix] Ibid., 262-263.
[l] Eric Williams, History of the People of
[li] Eric Williams, "Independence Day Address" in Cudjoe, op. cit., 266.
[lii] Ibid., 267-268.
[liii] Ibid., 269.
[liv] J.S. Furnivall, Colonial Policy and Practice: A Comparative Study of
[lv] Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, revised edition.
[lvi] Niccolò Machiavelli, The Prince: A Bilingual Edition. Tr. & ed., Mark Musa.
[lvii] Niccolò Machiavelli, Discourses on the First Ten Books of Titus Livy. Tr. Leslie J. Walker, S.J., ed. Bernard Crick. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1970, 266.
[lviii] Ibid., 175.


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By Laura Zuckerman
(Reuters) - A former Montana high school teacher was released from prison on Thursday after serving just one month for the rape of a 14-year-old student who later killed herself, a corrections department spokeswoman said.
The lenient term for Stacey Rambold, 54, for the rape of Cherice Moralez in 2007, which prosecutors had complained was below the legal minimum penalty for such a crime, drew public outrage.
The outcry from women's groups was further inflamed by remarks made by the judge during the sentencing hearing, suggesting the victim was partly to blame. District Judge G. Todd Baugh said the teenager had seemed older than her years and was "probably as much in control of the situation" as her teacher.
Rambold was released from Montana State Prison about 10 a.m. local time, said Judy Beck, spokeswoman for the state Department of Corrections. He must check in with a probation officer in Billings, and has already been registered as a sex offender.
Rambold had been charged with three counts of sexual intercourse without consent, the Montana equivalent of rape, in 2008 in connection with Moralez, a student in a technology class he taught. He was suspended from his Billings Senior High School job and later surrendered his teaching certificate.
But before the case could go to trial, Moralez killed herself in 2010, crippling a prosecution that was depending on her testimony. In a plea deal struck later that year, Rambold admitted to a single count of rape, while prosecutors postponed the case and agreed to dismiss it if he completed sex offender treatment.
Prosecutors reinstated the case after being notified that Rambold had been dismissed from a treatment center for violating its rules. He pleaded guilty to rape in April, and last month was sentenced by Baugh to 15 years in prison - with all but 31 days suspended.
Baugh has apologized for his remarks about Moralez, but that has not quelled the outrage, which drew protests outside his offices last month. The Montana attorney general has appealed the sentence as insufficient under state law.
Chris Evans, probation and parole supervisor with the state Department of Corrections, said Rambold will be on probation until 2028.
His release comes with nearly 50 conditions, including sex offender treatment and no contact with those under 18 unless accompanied by an adult aware of his conviction and approved by his probation officer, Evans said.
(Editing by Cynthia Johnston)


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Gomez in LA: Has there been a shift?
It's official: Roger Mahony is no longer the archbishop of Los Angeles. Actually, it was official nine months ago, when Jose Gomez arrived from San Antonio to be Mahony's coadjutor (in effect, co-bishop). The appointment of coadjutors, once considered to be an incredible vote of no-confidence in the sitting bishop, has become so commonplace that no one notices anymore.
The appointment of Gomez, a member of Opus Dei, was indeed a signal of a shift, or more properly a cementing of a shift begun long ago. But the shift began much earlier, at least 15 years ago, with the appointment of Francis George as archbishop of Chicago to replace Joseph Bernardin. Since then, bishops in Bernardin's pastoral, seeking-the-middle-ground style have progressively been replaced by bishops with a narrower doctrinal approach. A post at GetReligion criticizes much of the coverage of Mahony's departure as a classic liberal-to-conservative shift, though I think on the broad strokes, the secular media has it right, though Gomez has given signs that he has a more pastoral approach than some feared. The annual Los Angeles Religious Education Congress will, I think, be a fair barometer of the direction things will go. Keep you eyes on the speakers and on the liturgies.
Gomez' installation is truly the end of the Bernardin era, but it also signals another shift, toward non-U.S.-born bishops. Gomez is from Mexico, as is his replacement in San Antonio, Gustavo Siller (a former auxiliary bishop of Chicago). There are U.S.-born Latino bishops, including Jaime Soto in Sacramento, a Mahony protege and perhaps Mahony's own preferred choice as a replacement. But he was passed over.
And finally, there is this: The largest archdiocese in the United States is now shepherded by a member of Opus Dei, something that would have been unthinkable 20 years ago. There has been a shift indeed.


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Cody Springs & Jared Michaels in Hot Jocks Nice Cocks
Synopsis: Cody and Jared play hard on the field with the other guys, and they definitely carry their share of the load. After the game however, they feel hard in the shower and want to share their loads.
Porn stars: Cody Springs , Jared Michaels
Who: Athlete, College boy, Friend
Where: Locker Room, Shower
Categories: 69, Athletic, Blonde, Cum on stomach, Kissing, Lean, Masturbating, Short hair, Smooth, Tattoos, Tight ass, Young guy


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Ian Hutchinson may not be a household name here in the United States, but over on the Isle of Man, "Hutchy" is a pretty big deal. Winning five solo-class races in the 2010 season, the English rider's hot-streak was cut short after a tragic closed circuit racing accident, which saw him sidelined for the 2011 TT fortnight.
Suffering another leg injury going into the 2012 racing season, Hutchinson was still physically not 100% as he headed to the TT, with the Swan Racing Team making obvious adjustments to his Yamaha YZF-R1 to accommodate Hutchy's injured leg.
While Hutchinson would ride through the pain, he was noticeably off the pace during this last TT meeting.
While a large component of those results are surely products of his physical state, where were compound by the fact that his practice and racing schedule has been truncated, many also wondered about Hutchinson's mental state as well.
Twice beaten, once shy, one Swan team member explained to me that when you looked into the his eyes as he got on board the bike, there was something there that didn't exist before in Hutchy's eyes. "Fear?" I asked. The team member wouldn't comment further.


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The Missed Chance in Bosnia
Balkan Odyssey
The Dayton Peace Agreement on Bosnia Hercegovina
The Black Book of Bosnia: The Consequences of Appeasement
With No Peace to Keep: United Nations Peacekeeping and the War in the Former Yugoslavia 4DL. Include £4.50 for postage.)
Americans don't have much use for David Owen. As European peace negotiator during the Bosnian war, he came to symbolize for American policy-makers and many liberals everything that was temporizing and casuistical in the European response to the catastrophe. Worse, he had the effrontery to tell Americans that they had got Bosnia wrong. It was true, he said, that the Serbs were mainly responsible for oppression and brutality, but the conflict was not a morality play about blameless Muslim victims and evil Serb aggressors; it was a war in which all sides could be criticized. The story of his failed peace mission in the Balkans is crucial to understanding how the Dayton agreement became possible, but it is not a story likely to command great attention at a time when US and other IFOR troops are being deployed and a kind of peace is beginning to spread across the Bosnian winter landscape.
Yet Owen deserves a hearing in America. There has rarely been a more detailed indictment of the drift and delusion in recent American foreign policy than in his book. Of course, Balkan Odyssey is self-serving. It is far from a pleasure to read, less a book than an open cast mine. But it contains a great many revelations drawn from secret memoranda and confidential reports that detail every twist and turn of Owen's failed journey. That the British and European governments should have chosen to allow Owen to release the documents he cites suggests that they are tired of being portrayed as appeasers and want their story told in the United States. The book is candid, sometimes scathingly so, but it is not rancorous and it is not anti-American. Owen is angry that the Americans let him down, but he is also honest enough to admit that he failed to do enough to get them on his side.
Balkan Odyssey makes it clear that events in Bosnia set in motion the worst crisis in European-American relations since the Suez debacle of 1956. NATO, the UN Security Council, and the European Union were at loggerheads at every point. As the Guardian journalist Ed Vulliamy argues in With No Peace to Keep, a collection of essays on UN peacekeeping, the Americans basically believed in using air power to drive the Serbs to the negotiating table. But both the Bush and Clinton administrations drastically compromised their standing with their European allies by refusing to commit US troops under UN authority. The Europeans feared that air strikes would make their forces vulnerable to being taken hostage, and in any case wouldn't dislodge the Serbs from the territory they had gained.
In reality, these were excuses: neither American nor European policy-makers wanted to intervene at all. National interests seemed to require only that the Yugoslav problem be quarantined, not that it be solved. Had it not been for the sustained moral disquiet of a…
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Contract Information
First and foremost, note that it takes 4-6 weeks to process a contract. The following are the steps you must follow and information you must know in order to organize an event involving an off-campus artist, performer, or speaker:
- Contract Regulations
- Inviting Artists, Performers, or Speakers to Campus
- Reserving a Venue
- Requesting Funds
- Negotiations
- Wesleyan Contract Request
- Payment Process
Contract Regulations
Wesleyan University's administration must authorize any contractual relationship entered into by student groups or individual students. All contract agreements into which student organizations or individual students enter (such as performance contracts, service contracts, etc.) must first be reviewed, approved, and then signed by the Director or Associate Director of Student Activities and Leadership Development (SALD). Contracts funded by the WSA or WSA Concert Committee must be signed by the WSA Office Coordinator.
Only the Director of Usdan University Center, Director of Student Activities and Leadership Development's or WSA Office Coordinator's signature is valid with regard to contract enforcement. Therefore, contracts that bear the signature of a student or an advisor representing the University will not be honored. Contracts above a certain amount must be signed by the Vice President for Administration and Finance. However, they will always first be reviewed by the Office of Student Activities & Leadership Development or the WSA Office Coordinator.
Contracts can be very complex. These are things you should know:
- Verbal agreements are almost always considered legally binding.
- Written agreements are always considered legally binding.
- Any student group holding a musical event or hiring a speaker must supply a contract or request a Wesleyan contract, and have a completed Wesleyan W-9 Form for the performer to the SALD office, in compliance with the regulations pertaining to Wesleyan as a non-profit institution.
- READ YOUR CONTRACT IN FULL! If after reviewing a contract you realize that you may have trouble meeting some of its requirements, DO NOT HAVE IT SIGNED! While most parts of a contract are non-negotiable, some parts may be.
- Do not forget, a student should never sign a contract. The contract must be read, approved, and signed by the Director of Student Activities and Leadership Development or WSA Office Coordinator depending on the funding source.
Inviting Artists, Performers, or Speakers to Campus
There is a stack of brochures from agents of speakers, artists, and/or performers in the WSA Office where you can find ideas, addresses and phone numbers of agents. If you can't seem to find the agent you need or what you're looking for, the staff in the Wesleyan Student Assembly (WSA) or Student Activities and Leadership Development (SALD) office may be able to help you. Agents are often aware of the clients of other agents and may be able to set you in the right direction.
If the artist, speaker, or performer you are interested in is not one that would be likely to have an agent, there are a variety of ways you might go about getting in touch with them. You may be able to reach them through their place of employment (e.g. a university) or through an organization they are involved with (e.g. a record label). If it is someone who has been published, you can write or call their publisher. If it is a group that has recorded an album, you can write or call their recording company (though they will probably have an agent if they are popular). Many artists/speakers also have websites.
Reserving a Venue
Make sure to reserve your space using Room Request (EMS). You can find the link in your portal. Also, ask the WSA Administrator what your group's smartkey budget number is. You will need to give this number to the SALD staff in order to finalize your reservation of a facility, arrange for equipment, and to ensure, if necessary, that Physical Plant and/or Public Safety support services will be available.
Be sure to confirm your reservation for the facility where you want to hold your event. Call the artist/speaker/performer and confirm the time and date. At the event make sure that members of your group are present to collect admission, prevent eating, drinking, and/or smoking in facilities where it is not permitted, and to keep aisles clear for safety reasons.
For more information about reserving a space, click here.
Requesting Funds
Once a student group has a proposed date, time and place for an event, and knows that the artist/speaker/performer is available to come to Wesleyan at that time, the group can apply to the Student Budget Committee (SBC) or the Concert Committee (CC) for funding, or can seek alternative sources of funding.
- The SBC needs as much information as possible with regard to your event; you should know the details of your event even before a contract has been made up and signed. When applying for funding, the SBC needs to know all projected costs for the program, including ticketing, public safety charges, custodial services, AV costs, the cost of the speaker or artist, and extraneous charges incurred by the speaker/artist such as transportation, lodging, and food costs. DO NOT COMMIT TO AN ARTIST, SPEAKER OR PERFORMER IF YOU HAVE NOT YET BEEN GRANTED FUNDS FROM THE SBC OR AN ALTERNATIVE SOURCE!
- After the group has submitted an application for funding, the SBC discusses it and will inform the group if they have received any allocations. This will happen within a week of meeting with the SBC. Once you have received funding and you begin to negotiate a contract, it is important that you stay in close communication with the SBC, the WSA administrator and/or the Office of Student Activities and Leadership Development. All contracts should be sent directly to the WSA Office Coordinator — never to a student box.
Student group leaders are responsible for negotiating contracts with artists, performers, or speakers. You should begin negotiations at least four to six weeks before the event. Please be advised that Wesleyan University's administration MUST supervise any contractual relationship in which the University becomes obligated whether it is from an outside agency or a university contract. You can list your name as the contact person on the contract, but you need the WSA Office Coordinator listed as the reviewing agent or official signer. Please note: Failing to acquire Wesleyan University consent will delay or prevent payment to the artist. We have provided the following questions to assist you with your negotiations.
IMPORTANT CITIZENSHIP INFORMATION: It is important to know an artists/performers/speakers citizenship status during negotiations and prior to signing a contract with them. The easiest was to collect this information is by having the artist complete Wesleyan's W-9. Activity conducted by a Non US Citizen in the US (and subsequent payments made) are highly regulated. Deviation could jeopardize an individual's current visa status and/or future travel to the US, as well as impose immigration and IRS fines and fees on the University.
Regardless of whether the payment is made to an agent or the artist, disclosure of citizenship and corresponding proof of work eligibility of the artist must be submitted to Wesleyan prior to signing a contract. Please contact Christine Rodrigue (x3502) with questions regarding work eligibility requirements for Non US Citizen.
Questions to ask your artist/speaker/performer:
- What is their address and social security number or the federal ID number of the organization they are working with? This information is necessary because of IRS regulations pertaining to Wesleyan as a non-profit institution. You will need this information in order to have a check made out to the artist. Artists or performers who are not US Citizens will need to provide proof of work eligibility prior to signing a contract.
- Will they need to stay overnight?
- How do they plan to get here (car, bus, train, plane)?
- Do they have any special dietary needs/restrictions?
- Does their contract contain any clauses or riders for which you will have to make arrangements ahead of time (such as ordering food, sound or light equipment)?
Wesleyan Contract Request
If the artist/speaker/performer does not have a contract of their own, you will need a Wesleyan Contract drawn up. To do so, you must complete the Contract Request Form. You also need to have your speaker complete Wesleyan's W-9 form that fits their tax filing status. Below are the appropriate forms. Complete the paperwork and then schedule an appointment with a staff member in the Office of Student Activities at least four to six weeks before your event.
Contract Request Form
W-9 for Individuals
W-9 for Businesses
Payment Process
To request payment for an artist, speaker, or performer you must complete a Financial Request Form and attach the signed contract. Speakers and performers may now scan and email, or fax their contract. Contracts should be faxed to 860.685.2461 or emailed to the event coordinator. Both the contract and Financial Request Form should be submitted to the WSA Office. After both documents have been reviewed and funds have been verified, the forms will be processed for payment. It normally takes 7 to 14 business days for a university check to be cut or longer if further information is needed.
To request payment for a vendor, rental facility, etc., submit the original invoice along with a Financial Request Form to WSA Office.
Ticketing Options
Please note this free service for ticketing here.


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For over a decade, Microsoft — the monopolist of its era — treated its customers on Macs as second-class. Its Office suite never achieved parity with its Windows sibling, even when the differences were not dictated by platform architectures. Whether it was document compatibility, font-metrics, macros, integration with other Microsoft software or myriad other gotchas, Mac versions were always lacking. Every new version of Office promised better compatibility but never really delivered it. Worse, Microsoft never quite integrated Apple-grown technologies into Office to better blend it into the Mac ecosystem, claiming it would break cross-platform compatibility with the Windows versions.
Sadly, this wasn't an occasional inconvenience but a source of daily frustration for millions of paying customers, corporations and individuals alike. With business so dependent on Office, Microsoft's message was loud and clear: if you want the real thing switch to Windows.
Sufficiently annoyed by all the trouble, some users did.
Most didn't, and haven't forgiven Microsoft ever since.
Therein lies a lesson for Google
Today, we know that the iOS version of Google Maps has been inferior to its Android sibling for sometime, turn-by-turn directions being the most obvious example. Clearly, Google and Apple have far better ability to integrate apps into their own respective mobile ecosystems, but we don't really know the contractual, commercial and even technical considerations for the disparity in this particular case.
So far this has not been a major issue. In the future, it may be a different matter. In Apple's Feud With Google Is Now Felt on iPhone, New York Times says:
But [Google] would not say whether it was building an iPhone app for users to download. Its only public statement on the matter has been vague: "Our goal is to make Google Maps available to everyone who wants to use it, regardless of device, browser, or operating system."
Google could decide not to build an app, as a gamble that iPhone users depend on its maps so much that they might switch to Android. [Emp. added]
After outsmarting and outspending its then-chief rival MapQuest, Google has been dominating mobile maps on phones for half a decade. From a corporate rivalry standpoint, Google is in an enviable position at the moment, certainly amused by the current kerfuffle around the iOS 6 Maps app.
However, it would be monumentally myopic of Google management to "decide not to build an [iOS native map] app" or to think Apple Maps's lack of polish will cause any meaningful migration of iOS users to Android or that Apple management would let that happen. In the end, Google management may be hypocritical but, unlike their loud amen corner in the Comments section, they're likely not blind to obvious realities.
Samsung may have become the biggest smartphone seller by volume, but I'm sure even Andy Rubin realizes Samsung doesn't have 400+ million users (each with a credit card account) who have proven themselves to be the world's most lucrative online demographics. These users have invested billions in Apple's media and app ecosystem. They are the happiest bunch whenever product satisfaction surveys are taken. They upgrade regularly. They are loyal. They frequent Apple Stores with alarming regularity. They wait in line, rain or shine. They are not going anywhere.
There's, of course, the other side of the coin. Reports argue that Google makes much more from iOS than its own Android. Since I don't believe any numbers coming out of Mountain View (not that Google ever officially discloses meaningful Android numbers anyway) no one really knows the footprint of Google Maps on Google's balance sheet. I suspect not much. However, for Google that makes all its money from advertising, being able to harvest spatiotemporal user data to triangulate purchasing intent must be priceless.
Every time an iOS user interacts with Google Maps, directly or through other apps that use its API, Google gets extremely useful data that soothe its search and advertising pangs, tens of millions of times a day around the globe. For Google (and now Apple) maps are an input modality to discover user intent, perhaps only rivaled by command line search and social network affinity graphs.
But direct financial contribution is not the most important rationale for Google Maps on iOS. One of the key reasons why Google has better data than Apple is the fact that for many years users of Google Maps have been sending corrections to Google, which has improved its accuracy significantly. So by not submitting Google Maps to the App Store, Google would not only give up a very significant portion of its mobile revenue, but more importantly, it would self-induce a debilitating data-blindness on the world's most lucrative mobile ecosystem.
If Apple does admit Google Maps into the App Store, iOS devices (where Apple makes its money) would be the only mobile platform that offers both Google and Apple map apps. Of course, Google could submit such an app and Apple could reject it. Then, as Jean-Louis Gassée would say, Damned If You Google, FTC'ed If You Don't.
Some dilemma.


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DOVER – Hundreds are gathered at the McConnell Community Center in Dover awaiting a stump speech by Republican vice presidential nominee Paul Ryan.
Ryan is making his third trip to New Hampshire since joining the Romney ticket. The Wisconsin congressman is expected to speak at a town hall-style event in Dover shortly after 11 a.m.
A score board-style national debt counter was part of the backdrop for Tuesday's event, which is one of at least two campaign stops on the itinerary for Ryan today.
Ryan made his first campaign appearance in the Granite State shortly after being announced as GOP presidential nominee Mitt Romney's choice for vice president. Ryan joined Romney at a rally in Manchester last month, then campaigned once again in the city on his own a few days later.
Ryan's visit came less than 24 hours after a stop in New Hampshire by U.S. Sen. John McCain. On Monday, the Arizona Republican and former presidential nominee also held a town hall-style event at the Veterans of Foreign Wars Post 168, located at 238 Deer St. in Portsmouth.
The region has seen a surge in politicking from both sides of the presidential race during the last several weeks. In addition to appearances by Ryan and Romney, who recently visited Nashua, the campaign organized a speech by Ann Romney in Stratham, and Romney's eldest son, Tagg, was also recently in Milford to March in the Labor Day parade, according to a report from the Nashua Telegraph.
At 42, Ryan is the same age as Romney's eldest son Tagg. He serves as the chairman of the House Budget Committee, and is best known on the national stage as the architect of a Republican budget aimed at controlling the deficit and reducing spending.
While the Ryan budget has garnered wide support from GOP legislators, Obama's campaign has hammered Romney for selecting Ryan as his running mate, highlighting reforms in the budget that would reshape the Medicare program.
A new poll says the race for president remains tight in New Hampshire, but the amount of undecided voters is on the rise.
The WMUR Granite State Poll released Thursday shows 45 percent of likely voters plan to support Obama, 40 percent say they will vote for Romney, and 3 percent say they support another candidate.
The percentage of those who are undecided jumped to 12 percent from 4 percent in August.
Crowd awaiting Republican VP nominee Paul Ryan in Dover
DOVER – Hundreds are gathered at the McConnell Community Center in Dover awaiting a stump speech by Republican vice presidential nominee Paul Ryan.


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There will be three chances over the next week
There are several more chances for kids to be signed up for the Taft West Side League over the next several days.
The first will take place this Wednesday from 6-8 p.m. at the West Side Recreation and Park District's Gym Party Room. A couple of days later on Saturday, the West Side Little League will hold another signup along with tryouts at the Little League fields. Tryouts begin at 8 a.m.
Another registration and tryout will be held the following Tuesday at 6:30 p.m.
All Minor, Major, 50/70 division kids must tryout.
The West Side Little League also needs coach and volunteer applications to be turned in and more coaches for t-ball, pitching machine and minors. If anyone is interested they can signup at the tryouts.
There is also another way to sign up. Go to www.taftwestsidelittleleague.org to sign up.


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This lithograph features a Hubble image of the galaxy cluster Abell 2744, which exhibits a special feature known as gravitational lensing. The backside includes a description of the image and its features. Students use the image and the information... (View More) provided to generate related questions, then conduct research to find the answers. Lesson details, including suggested research websites, are provided. (View Less)
This series of laboratory lessons and activities uses authentic solar imagery and data to introduce students to solar science. Students are asked to explore details in imagery, including how to deal with the issues of noise and resolution, and... (View More) understand scale. They are introduced to the concept of space weather and how that affects both observing instruments and the Earth. Students learn about spectra, how helium and coronium were discovered, and go on to explore real spectra from the Sun. Most activities are mathematically based, and targeted for grades 9-10. Imagery is included from NASA/ESA's SOHO mission, NASA's SDO mission, and Japan's Hinode satellite. (View Less)
Emphasizing the synergies between science and engineering, these video clips highlight the research of professional ocean scientists and engineers in various disciplines. The clips are accompanied by additional relevant content including images,... (View More) data visualizations, graphs, animations, and other information. Content has been organized into more than a dozen thematic areas such as Solving Old Problems with New Technology and Small Scale Observations and Large Scale Ideas. All content has been aligned with science and engineering practices from the Next Generation Science Standards, including "asking questions and solving problems" and "planning and carrying out investigations," providing applicable resources for teachers who want to provide role models of effective practice for their students. (View Less)
Materials Cost: Free
This lithograph features an image from the Hubble Space Telescope, showcasing a colorful view of the star-forming nebula N90, located in the Small Magellanic Cloud. The accompanying activity, In Search of...the Electromagnetic Spectrum, is a... (View More) curriculum support tool designed for use as an introductory inquiry activity. In this activity, students will use the lithograph image and text to generate questions about the electromagnetic spectrum, and then research the answers to those questions. Students will then create a presentation to demonstrate their understanding of the material. (View Less)
Materials Cost: Free
This is a poster about the Compact Reconnaissance Imaging Spectrometer for Mars (CRISM), an instrument onboard the Mars Reconnaissance Orbiter. Learners can find out what it does and how it works, then go online and start exploring the Red Planet... (View More) with real Mars data. (View Less)
Materials Cost: $1 - $5 per group of students
This educational wallsheet illustrates Newton's First Law of Motion. In the related activity, students will discover the properties of inertia and motion, and see how they have very important real-life applications. The activity includes background... (View More) information, pre-activity reading, pre-activity discussion questions, an assessment, and post-activity extension activities that tie student observations back to the Swift satellite. This is the first of four posters on Newton's Laws. (View Less)
Materials Cost: Free
The two activities included in this guide introduce students to the principles behind Newton's Law of Gravitation. The guide provides teachers with background information, preparation suggestions for each activity, as well as material lists, and... (View More) demonstrations. The activity guide assumes knowledge of Newton's Second Law of Motion, can be tailored for the level of the students, and can be completed individually or in groups. This is the last of four posters on Newton's Laws and a copy of the wallsheet intended to accompany these activities is available on this website. (View Less)
This educational wallsheet provides several simple illustrations of Newton's Second Law. In the activity included, students study the motion shown in the drawings to decide how it relates to the object's velocity, whether or not the velocity is... (View More) changing (acceleration), and what forces are causing any acceleration. The activity provides teachers with background information, pre-activity reading, pre-activity discussion questions, an assessment, an extension activity for advanced students, and post-activity discussions that tie the classroom activity back to the Swift satellite launch. This is the second of four posters on Newton's Laws. A copy of the wallsheet intended to accompany the activity is available on this website. (View Less)
This educational wallsheet illustrates Newton's Third Law of Motion. The accompanying activity is an experiment in which students create a balloon and straw rocket. Students must figure out how to shoot the balloon from the back of the classroom and... (View More) hit the blackboard in the front of the room using a fishing line as a track for the balloon to follow. The activity provides teachers with background information, pre-activity reading, pre-activity discussion questions, an assessment, and post-activity discussions that tie the classroom activity back to the Swift satellite. This wallsheet is the third of four posters on Newton's Laws and a copy is available on this website. (View Less)
Materials Cost: $1 - $5 per group of students
This website provides an overview of ocean surface circulation. Satellite and model data allows high school students to investigate circulation patterns, navigation, associated weather and climate, natural hazards and marine resources. There are... (View More) five lessons affiliated with this site; the teacher and student guides to each can be accessed directly from the home page. (Note that these lessons are cataloged individually.) Other links provide information on background, impact, gathering data, researchers, data resources and a glossary. There are also online quizzes on the home page on navigation, coriolis force, satellites, ocean warming, energy balance, and ocean gyres. (View Less)


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'Tis better to give than to receive. But if you can give twice, why wouldn't you? These holiday picks will not only delight friends or familia, but they'll also help others, too! Whether your gift supports organizations for Peruvian women at risk for human trafficking, single mothers in Guatemala or families right here in the U.S., these gifts will really let you spread some cheer.
1. Alliance for Children's Rights Forever Hoodie
Alliance for Children's Rights Forever Hoodie
The FOREVER hoodie benefits the nearly half a million children in foster care across the country. With a donation of $75 or more to the Alliance for Children's Rights (plus $15 shipping), you'll receive a FOREVER hoodie, a favorite of Selena Gomez, Goerge Lopez, and other celebrities, who are supporters of the cause. The Alliance has raised $200,000 for children in foster care through the FOREVER project.
Hoodie, $75 donation, kids-alliance.org
2. Wakami Jewelry
Wakami Jewelry
Wakami is a brand that works to help impoverished single mother artisans in rural areas of Guatemala. Their woven jewelry, including bracelets and necklaces, are both beautiful and make a real impact. We love this neutral bracelet pack!
Urban Adventure Pack, $22, wakamiusa.com
3. United by Blue Bags
United By Blue Bags
Give a gift, save a fish. For every product sold, United by Blue removes one pound of trash from our world's oceans and waterways through company-hosted cleanups. Every product is great, but we're especially loving the McKenzie tote which can work as a diaper bag, purse or shopping tote.
McKenzie Tote, $78, UnitedbyBlue.com
4. Tory Burch Planner
Tory Burch Planner
This agenda is not only beautiful, but 100 percent of the proceeds will go to the Tory Burch Foundation, which is committed to providing economic opportunities to women and their families in the U.S.
Agenda, $125, toryburch.com
5. Kiehl's Body Butters
Kiehl's Body Butters
These limited edition yummy smelling whipped body butters (grapefruit!) will make your body smell and feel great. Something else that will make you feel great: 100 percent of the net profits will go to the Share Our Strength's No Kid Hungry campaign, which is devoted to ending childhood hunger in America.
Body Butter, $30, kiehls.com
6. FEED Artisan Tote
FEED Artisan Tote
This beautifully crafted tote will provide 1 child with micronutrients for 1 year, to keep them happy and healthy.
Guatemala Bag, $50, feedprojects.com
7. Able Made x Whit Peru Dot Clutch
Able Made x Whit Peru Dot Clutch
This adorable clutch with metallic gold dots will provide a month of essential training for 30 women at risk for human trafficking for 30 days through the organization Not for Sale.
Clutch, $120, ablemadeshop.com


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Art and Memorabilia
Art Collection
The majority of the Museum's fine art collection is administered by the Library. Many items from the Collection are on exhibit in the permanent halls but hundreds are in Library storage or out on loan.
The Memorabilia Collection preserves many objects that help tell the story of the Museum's history, including ephemeral components of exhibition, scientific and documentary equipment, as well as collections of personal artifacts, including those of Lincoln Ellsworth and Carl Akeley.


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Featured News - Current News - Archived News - News Categories
by Susan Mikula Campbell
Petitions for candidates interested in running for the two open seats on the Niagara-Wheatfield Board of Education are due by 5 p.m. Monday, April 22, in the school district's Business Office.
The seats currently held by Kathy Fleming and Lori Pittman will be on the ballot this year.
According to Robin Vertino, district clerk, only one completed application had been received at the district's administration building by Tuesday. That petition came from Pittman.
Fleming has been on the board since 2007. Pittman, a former board member, was appointed to temporarily fill the seat of Michael Brock when he resigned. The two candidates with the most votes will each receive three-year-terms ending June 30, 2016. The candidate filling the unexpired term will be installed immediately after the election. The second candidate will take office on July 1.
Petitions for board candidates are available in the district's Business Office at 6700 Schultz St., Wheatfield. Petitions must have at least 76 signatures. Candidates must be U.S. citizens, able to read and write, at least 18 years old, and have been a district resident for at least one continuous year.
The school district's annual budget vote and school board election will be held from 8 a.m. to 9 p.m. Tuesday, May 21, in the Adult Learning Center of the Niagara-Wheatfield Senior High School, 2292 Saunders Settlement Road, Sanborn.


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For the bishops, much to lose in the contraception kerfuffle
The battle lines keep shifting on the contraception front: Catholic Charities USA denies that it has endorsed the Obama administration's "accomodation" for religiously affiliated social service, health, and educational institutions. (They had been listed by Faith in Public Life with other faith groups as supporters.) The Catholic Health Association, however, has endorsed it, as has the Association of Jesuit Colleges and Universities, the Sisters of Mercy, and Notre Dame. Yesterday Faith in Public Life did a conference call with Notre Dame's Cathleen Kaveny (also a columnist for Commonweal), Duquesne's Nick Cafardi, and Catholic University's Stephen Schneck, all of whom came out in favor of the solution. Meanwhile, the list of Catholic colleges and universities who admit to covering contraception for their employees grows, including Dayton University in western Ohio, which has no plans to drop the coverage.
The U.S. bishops, on the other hand, not only reject the administration's accomodation, but have expanded their objection to applying the mandate to any employer at all, with their general counsel, Anthony Picarello arguing that if he opened a Taco Bell, he shouldn't have to provide contraception coverage for his employees.
But making access to certain kinds of health care dependent on the individual conscience of one's employer is not going to fly with many; as a negotiating starting point, it's also a non-starter. To take such a position in an election year further makes the bishops appear to be supporting the GOP under the cover of an appeal to "religious freedom." (Both sides are ready to take this issue to voters.)
I fear that approach may backfire, further isolating them not only from the political mainstream but from rank-and-file Catholics as well--who don't want bishops telling them how to vote. Put simply, access to contraception is simply not the hill the bishops should want to die on, especially not when their main talking point seems to be "pregnancy is not a disease," a statement that utterly ignores the medical, much less economic, reality of pregnancy and childbirth. The longer this goes, the more extreme the bishops will appear, and I do not see any positive outcome for them.
The compromise that is being offered may not be perfect, but it provides sufficient moral distance for employers to live with. I still argue that the complete exemption for explicitly religious institutions is far broader than anyone acknowledges.
The bishops got a pretty good deal on the political side of things and showed they still have some political muscle. But trying to push their winner-take-all approach for the sake of ideological purity will not get them further concessions--and it could do them great damage. They should heed the moderate Catholic voices around them and declare victory.


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Thanksgiving Show & Tell
I have a feeling that I'm doing what a lot of you are doing right now: staring at the leftovers in my fridge and wondering how many more Thanksgiving sandwiches I can squeeze out of the turkey and dressing. Anyone in the same boat?
Since I can't help but wonder how many of us printed out recipes from FoodNetwork.com and are hovering over the same leftovers this post Thanksgiving weekend, I thought it would be fun to do a " Thanksgiving Show and Tell" of sorts here on The FN Dish.
What FoodNetwork.com recipes did you whip up this past Thursday? Send me all your food beauty shots at email@example.com -- I'll collect all the photos I get and put them up this coming week! Just be sure to email them over as soon as possible as you're munching away on the leftovers.
Now remember, this is show AND tell, so be sure to give me a quick sentence or two about how it turned out? Was it a smash? Did you forget to set the timer and burn it? Give me a good story!


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exactly what I think too. I think Bolts look more stable, because the Ride kite pumps a little when nuclear gusts hit it, but it actually feels really stable in the gusty winds still.rightguard wrote:I tried it a little, I was over powered but it was nice. Seemed a little more bar pressure than my bolts but a little more direct control in the jumps. I'd like to try the 6. I'll tell him to try that.
The 6 is unreal Should be a fantastic Maui kite..here it rarely is windy enough for it.
I gotta get my boots on and ride them a little with a TT.


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This is a portal for a network of freelancer women in Germany
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May 17, 2018 - While the Alkacon team is currently working hard on OpenCms version 11, another maintenance release 10.5.4 for OpenCms 10.5 is now ready for download, fixing some security issues. A new version of Alkacon OCEE for 10.5.4 is also available.
May 17, 2018 - The OpenCms 10.5.4 release notes contain detailed information about the new features and fixes in this version.
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Insight Bowl becomes Valley of the Sun Bowl
Didn't see this posted anywhere, but this is gonna be a little confusing. So there's the Sun Bowl in El Paso, and no there is the VALLEY OF THE Sun Bowl. It is still keeps it's B1G-Big 12 tie in.
Another change is the Champs Sports Bowl (ACC vs SEC) becomes the Russell Athletic Bowl.
Also is in the Phil Steele magazine if anyone doesn't believe Wikipedia.