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PHOTOS: WEBSITE and iPAD | WIRELESS
The vigil took place at Matt Cruz's parish Our Lady of Grace, led by Father Jim DeGrassa.
DeGrassa said the 17-year-old Neshaminy High School student underwent yet another surgery on his neck Monday night.
"He's a good kid. I was just talking to him the other night at youth group and we were baking cookies for the shut-ins and we were just joking around," friend Taylor Esher said.
Taylor and her sister, Sarah, know the Neshaminy High School student well.
"He's a really positive upbeat person who is really strong and I think he can pull through this," Sarah Esher said.
Earlier, Father DeGrassa also identified one of the other injured students as Joey Cleary.
Cruz and Cleary were among the 35 people injured in the crash.
Some remain in Boston hospitals, but a small group arrived back home around 12:30 a.m. Monday, but did not want to talk.
Investigators say the bus slammed into an overpass around 7:30 p.m. Saturday, trapping 42 people inside.
17-year-old Alana Merrigan was napping in the back of the bus when she was jolted from her seat
"I just remember getting thrown into the seats. I didn't know what happened," Alana said.
Panicked and confused she immediately dialed her parents on her cell phone
"She's just screaming and freaking that the roof is caving in and [her father's] like 'calm down are you alright, what's going on, tell me what is going on around you,'" Teresa Merrigan said.
"I don't know what to say, I felt helpless, I can't get there in five minutes you know what I mean," Gary Merrigan said..
Alana, a junior at Bucks County Technical High, is nursing a concussion and an injured foot from the crash.
"(She said) that she was trapped in the bus. She could hear sirens and some people and parents were really trapped," Gary said.
Because she was in the back of the bus, she was among the first to be rescued and helped hoist several of her friends through a roof escape Hatch.
But it took an hour to extract the more severely injured and trapped
"It was a very scary experience. I wasn't expecting it and you would think the driver would have been aware of the height of the bus and the height of the [overpass]," Alana said.
Alana is now back home and her family says they are focused on her recovery.
The students and chaperones had just taken a tour of Harvard University through the Destined for a Dream Foundation, which is based in Bristol Borough.
Massachusetts State Police say the driver of the bus, Samuel J. Jackson, missed several height limit signs on Soldier's Field Road.
The bus belongs to Calvary Coach out of West Philadelphia, which Action News has learned had two unspecified safety violations in the past two years.
"He said he looked at the GPS, looked down to make the turn and when he looked back up, the bridge was a low bridge, he hit the low bridge," said Ray Talmedge, Calvary Coach owner.
Curtis Hill, the husband of Destined for a Dream founder Erica Hill, says his wife and board members are in Boston checking on the victims while he's been in the office taking calls from parents.
"What went through my mind was basically that I was shocked. I was kind of devastated but I was concerned for the students," said Hill.
Meanwhile, State Police in Massachusetts say the bus driver has not been cited or charged, but they continue to investigate.


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FRESNO, Calif. --The body of a California National Guard Soldier arrived at the Modesto Airport late Tuesday morning.
Benjamin Pleitez, 25, was killed July 27th while serving in Afghanistan. Pleitez was from Turlock.
A memorial service will take place Wednesday at the Seventh-day Adventist church in Turlock.
Pleitez is the fourth California National Guardsmen to die in Afghanistan.

subset: commoncrawl


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Avery Tyler sentenced to life in prison
Avery Tyler sentenced to life in prison
OMAHA, Neb. —
Former Bellevue basketball star Avery Tyler will spend the rest of his life in prison.
A judge handed down the sentence Wednesday on his first degree murder conviction. He also imposed a 20-30 year sentence for the gun charge.
A jury convicted him for the September 2012 shooting death of Delayno Wright. It happened outside the Halo Ultra Lounge near 175th Street and West Center Road.
In court, Wright's little sister told the judge about her brother. "He was loved by so many people," Taylor said.
As deputies escorted Tyler out of the courtroom, his family yelled, "I love you."
Tyler responded, "I love you too."


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FRIDAY FEBRUARY 15 – 7.30PM – CINE CLUB – The Cine Club returns to the Invisible Dog for a second year of classic, art house films curated by Isabelle Ormieres and Sandrine Humbert. This year the Cine Club's monthly selections will be paired with short films.
Friday February 15
Film to be announced
Saturday January 5
Chico & Rita (2010)
Directed by Tono Errando, Javier Mariscal, Fernando Trueba
Chico is a young piano player with big dreams. Rita is a beautiful singer with an extraordinary voice. Music and romantic desire unites them, but their journey – in the tradition of the Latin ballad, the bolero – brings heartache and torment.
Short Film presented before the movie
Aphorisms by Lawrence Mesich 2012
Saturday December 15 – Special Kids
The Adventures of Robin Hood (1938)
Directed by Michael Curtiz and William Keighley
with Errol Flynn and Olivia de Havilland
Sir Robin of Locksley, defender of downtrodden Saxons, runs afoul of Norman authority and is forced to turn outlaw. With his band of Merry Men, he robs from the rich, gives to the poor and still has time to woo the lovely Maid Marian, and foil the cruel Sir Guy of Gisbourne, and keep the nefarious Prince John off the throne.
Thursday November 15
Black Cat, White Cat (1998)
Written by Emir Kusturica and Gordan Mihic
Directed by Emir Kusturica
Matko is a small time hustler, living by the river Danube with his 17 year old son Zare. After a failed business deal he owes money to the much more successful gangster Dadan. Dadan has a sister, Afrodita, that he desperately wants to see get married so they strike a deal: Zare is to marry her. But none of the two care much for an arranged marriage: Zare is in love with Ida, Afrodita is waiting for the man of her dreams. [source imdb]
Short Film presented before the movie
OnThoughts by Andre da Loba is a picture book and animated short film illustrated by a poem. A collaboration of images by Andre da Loba and words by Emilio Remelhe, On Thoughts takes its audience on a coming of age journey through transformative moments lived, lost, found and yet to come. What happens when inspiration takes flight and leaves you behind? You catch-up and exceed its expectations. On Thoughts is an ambitious and contemplative play on words set in acts of color and courage.
Donation $5 at the door
Friday October 26, 7.30pm
Close up
Written and directed by Abbas Kiarostami
Pretending to be Mohsen Makhmalbaf making his next movie, Ali Sabzian enters the home of a well-to-do family in Tehran, promising it a prominent part in his next movie. The actual people involved in the incident re-enact the actual events, followed by the footage from the actual trial that took place (source imdb)
Short film by by Hayley Morris (Best Animated Short at the Sundance Film Festival)
Joker's Daughter – Lucid (2009)
watch here
Saturday September 22 – 8pm
Caro Diaro / Dear Diary
Written and Directed by Nanni Moretti.
Starring Nanni Moretti and others
Nanni Moretti directs himself playing himself in this wry look at life. Presented in three chapters, Moretti uses the experiences of traveling on his motor-scooter, cruising with his friend around a set of remote islands in search of peace to finish his new film and consulting doctor after doctor to cure his annoying rash to cast a humorous look at his life and those around him (source imdb)
Screening will be followed by discussion around a drink – Doors open at 7:30 pm – Free Admission – $5 suggested donation
Short Film presented before the movie
Plan of the City is a new animated film, conceived and directed by Joshua Frankel, about the architecture of New York City blasting off into outer space and resettling on Mars. The film's visuals are an animated collage combining live action footage, animated elements, illustrations and treated photographs, including photos taken by the Mars rovers Spirit and Opportunity made available to the public domain by the NASA Jet Propulsion Laboratory.
Plan of the City was created in collaboration with composer Judd Greenstein and NOW Ensemble, an acclaimed "indie classical" chamber ensemble; the ensemble, including Greenstein, feature prominently in the film as live actors set inside the animated framework.
Plan of the City, by Joshua Frankel, 2011, 13′


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Lego Key Light is the perfect flashlight.
At 2.75", this pocket sized key chain is the brightest flashlight around. 2 super bright LED's emanate light through the feet of the LEGO Mini-figurine, with pose able arms and legs, you can shine the light anywhere you like.
Press the logo on the chest for a burst of light. Key Light includes 2 CR2025 batteries.
RATINGS: Lots of people rate our toys. Look for the to see the toy's rating.
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Hello Aunt Hazel, I agree our bodies want to participate in praise and should too😄😉
Thank you for the linkup today. Blessings to you
Amen, sister. Rhythm is from the Lord. The greatest of all gifts are from the Creator Himself, it is the enemy that moves in and perverts. This reminds me that we need to be mindful of our Father's will, not the rules of a hypocritical enemy.ReplyDelete
I love this post! By nature, I am not a *mover* - and my dancing skills are not skillful. But, we must allow ourselves to be moved by the Spirit, and sometimes that means moving!! My knees aren't what they used to be either, but I also like to sway from foot to foot in time with the music. God placed this love of music in our souls, and it's good to respond!
Just wonderful, Hazel. God so intended for us to enjoy music and praise Him with all our being!ReplyDelete
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You will find the art gallery in the middle of the old centre of Amsterdam, called the Jordaan quarter. The famous Anne Frank House and "Westerkerk" are just around the corner. And you will also find many other interesting art dealers, shops and galleries nearby.
Sign up to our mailing list if you are interested in receiving periodic updates and event announcements. We do not share our list with anyone.
Please read 'Submissions' first when you'd like to send us your work!
For any other questions, please call us during the opening times of the gallery:
Wednesday, Thursday, Friday and Saturday, from 1 to 6 PM.
Mobile / Cell phone: +31 (0) 6 1500 7777
For '1st-timers' ... the entrance to a commercial art gallery is always free of charge. So don't hesitate: come and visit us. No obligations!
Of course you can send us an e-mail as well, or use the form below.
Our e-mail address is firstname.lastname@example.com.
Our updated Privacy Policy as of 25 May 2018: please visit this page.
If you are an artist and would like to send a selection of your work, please note the following guidelines:
- Look closely at our website to ensure your work is in line with the photography we carry.
- We prefer to receive an e-mail with a low-res presentation of your work, together with a short CV, reference to your website, etc.
- When you send samples, then do it in an easy-to-view format and enclose a self-addressed, stamped envelope so that we may return the work to you if we decide it is not suited for Eduard Planting Gallery; any unsolicited work sent without return postage will not be returned.
- Due to the large amount of submissions we receive, we are only able to review the work a few times per year.


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The One-Drop Rule Arrives in the Postbellum Lower South
Essays on the Color Line and the One-Drop Rule
by Frank W Sweet
October 1, 2005
en days after Florida seceded, the state's Senators David Levy Yulee, and Junior Senator Stephen Mallory (both born and raised in the British West Indies) walked out of the U.S. Capitol in Washington to lead the Confederacy in a war to preserve slavery. Eyewitness Virginia Clay-Compton wrote of the sad event in her diary:
One by one, Senators Yulee, Mallory, Clay, Fitzpatrick and Jefferson Davis rose, the emotion of their brother senators and of us in the galleries increased, women grew hysterical and waved their handkerchiefs…men wept and embraced each other mournfully,… scarcely a member of that Senatorial body but was pale with the terrible significance of the hour.1
Throughout the United States, sons and husbands went to war. Like countless other American families, the Osbornes of St. Augustine were torn between loyalty to their state and to their country. The Osborne family was of Hispanic heritage, light-brown complexion, and middle-class status. They were listed as members of the White endogamous group in the 1850 and 1860 censuses. The father, Samuel Osborne was a shipwright. His elder son, Sam Jr., was a journeyman in his father's trade. His younger son, Manuel, was an apprentice who drilled once a month with the local militia unit, the St. Augustine Grays. When war broke out, the Grays were activated into the Third Florida Infantry, Company "A," and young Manuel marched off as a White solder to fight for the Confederacy.
A few months later, in March of 1862, a U.S. Army regiment under General David Hunter landed in St. Augustine and recruited for the Union. Samuel and his elder son joined the fight to end slavery. To the Yankee eyes of the U.S. Army, the two Osborne men looked Black, despite the family's census records. And so, the Army shipped them to X Corps HQ in Hilton Head, South Carolina, for basic training.2 They were posted to the First South Carolina Volunteer Infantry (later renamed the 33rd US Colored Troops), and served as Black soldiers until war's end.
The divided brothers and father never met in battle. All survived and they reconciled after the war. Manuel moved to Ft. Lauderdale, then retired back home to St. Augustine. All three men received military pensions; two from the U.S. Army, one from the former Confederate State of Florida. Manuel's name appears prominently in the town's muster roll of heroes who wore gray; the Confederacy saw him as White. His father and brother, who wore blue, only recently received recognition from the city; the Union saw them as Black. During Reconstruction, an avalanche of well-meaning Northerners buried Florida's lower South culture. The 1870 and 1880 censuses list the entire Osborne family as "Negroes."3 Times were changing and the color line was shifting in the direction of the one-drop rule.
* * * * *
This essay presents three topics. Florida and Georgia shows two societies in transition. At mid-century, Florida was still in the process of adopting an endogamous color line. By Reconstruction, one was firmly in place and moving towards invisible Blackness. Similarly, the color line in Tidewater Georgia hardened between 1860 and 1880, but had not yet become a one-drop rule. Louisiana describes a post-war struggle between the old aristocracy, who strove unsuccessfully to preserve their biracial French culture and, on the other hand, an alliance of Yankee occupiers and Anglo-American Louisianans who crushed Colored Creole society out of existence by merging it with freed Blacks. South Carolina depicts a third society in transition. It describes the nation's second attempt to write a one-drop law. The second attempt, like the first in 1853 Virginia, failed when lawmakers realized that it would penalize elite South Carolina families.
Florida and Georgia
Two biographical vignettes and a court case show that color-line attitudes in Florida and Georgia had also begun to change around mid-century. The court case is Dillon v. Dillon, 1878 Georgia. The biographical vignettes are about the two candidates for the U.S. Senate from Florida in 1845.
As discussed earlier, Andrew Jackson undermined Florida's biracial Spanish culture by flouting Article VI of the Adams-Oniz treaty that ceded Florida to the United States.4 Some dark-complexioned members of Florida's genetically mixed population fled to Mexico or Cuba, some joined the maroons and became Seminoles, and others were accepted into mainstream society as White Americans. Among those who successfully redefined themselves as White were both 1845 senatorial candidates, Joe Hernandez and David Levy.
José Mariano Hernandez's three plantations, San José, Malacompra, and Bella Vista, stretched along what is now Florida's highway A1A from Painter's Hill, just north of Flagler Beach, to Marineland.5 His parents, Martin and Dorotea, had been among the original indentured servants of the New Smyrna Colony.6 In September of 1822, President James Monroe appointed Hernandez as Florida's first territorial representative. He took his seat in the Seventeenth U.S. Congress at the age of thirty-five. In his six-month term, Hernandez accomplished two projects. First, he persuaded the president and Congress to repeal Jackson's discriminatory laws as they applied to light-complexioned Hispanic Floridians.7 Second, he persuaded them to uphold Jackson's disfranchisement of free Blacks, Seminoles, former slaves, and the descendants of runaways.8 One might plausibly suspect that these were a quid pro quo. In order to save his own people, the Minorcans of St. Augustine, Hernandez may have thought it necessary to throw to the wolves those who were poorer and darker yet.
On February 19, 1823, Congressman Hernandez asked the chairman of the House Committee on Indian Affairs to remove the Seminoles to a reservation between Ocala and Tampa Bay.9 He wrote that, consequent to their decimation by invading Americans from 1811 to 1818, the Seminoles "being thus broken up have continued ever since, without the least Kind of Spirit of industry or enterprize, [sic]—they could at one time have been considered as having arrived at the First Stage Civilization." But now, he concluded, they had degenerated to uselessness.10 On February 21, Congress agreed and ordered the Seminoles to a reservation "south of Charlotte's River."11 This resulted in the 1823 Treaty of Moultrie Creek, which ordered the Seminoles moved to a four-million-acre reservation between Ocala and Tampa, thus starting the chain of events that led to the Seminole trail of tears, over a decade later.12
In the fall of 1835, President Jackson ordered the U.S. Army to take the dark Seminoles into custody, return them to slavery, and deport the light-skinned ones to Oklahoma. The Seminoles did not accept their fate supinely. Jackson's order triggered what historian Larry Rivers calls "the largest slave rebellion in U.S. history."13 Like other New World maroon communities, the Seminoles (a corruption of cimarrones, Spanish for "runaways") are descendants of Europeans, Africans, and Native Americans who fled slavery generations ago. Culturally, they still consider themselves Native Americans and speak either Mikasuki or Muskogee.14 On Christmas Day, Seminoles and their allies attacked San José, Malacompra, Bella Vista, and the other plantations owned by the anti-Seminole faction. Anglo-American militia under Hernandez (now a U.S. general) retaliated by attacking Bulowville, Carrickfergus, Rosetta and the other plantations owned by Seminole supporters.
The conflict became the longest, bloodiest, and costliest interracial war in U.S. history. It was waged, if any war can be said to have a single cause, in order to enforce the endogamous color line. In 1817 and again in 1823, the U.S. Army had offered peace if the Seminoles would give up their Negroes. Tribal leaders insisted that no Negroes lived among them—just dark Seminoles.15 For ten years, U.S. troops pursued the Seminoles, trying to split Black from Indian in a culture that lacked the very concept of "race." As Major General Thomas Sidney Jesup wrote in 1836, "This… is a negro, not an Indian war."16 In 1837, General Joe Hernandez thought he had won by capturing the enemy commanding general Asi-Yahola (nowadays known as "Osceola"), a man of Scottish descent. Hernandez had lured him into an ambush under a sham flag of truce.17 But instead of surrendering, the Seminoles fought on. Seven years later, when Colonel William Worth finally announced that, "hostilities with the Indians within this Territory have ceased," two thousand U.S. soldiers and the same number of Seminole soldiers had lost their lives.18 Dark-skinned families who had lived free for generations were "returned to slavery." Light-skinned Seminoles were deported to Oklahoma. A few hundred Seminole families refused to be torn apart, abandoned their homes and farms and fled deep into the Everglades.19
Throughout ten years of war, Hernandez demonstrated his loyalty and his adopted Anglo-American culture. By the time it was over, he had been fully accepted into the White side of the endogamous color line despite his parents' ancestry as members of the group once known as "Turnbull's niggers."20 His sons went to the best private schools.21 By 1845, he had become an influential Whig politician.
David Levy descended from Sephardic Jews in Africa. Centuries earlier, the Ladino-speaking Levy family had been expelled by Spain's Inquisition and joined the Sephardic Diaspora that enriched Mediterranean art, commerce, and politics for hundreds of years. They rose in Ottoman civil service. In 1776, Moses Levy's father, Jacob, was the Yulee of Morocco, the grand vizier or chief advisor to the king. A palace revolution drove the Levy family to flee to Gibraltar.22 Young Moses sought his fortune in St. Thomas, Virgin Islands and married there. He entered a business partnership with another Sephardic Jew, Philip Benjamin. The Levy's son, David, was born in 1810. The Benjamin's son, Judah, was born the following year and the two boys became friends. Moses Levy moved to Cuba in 1816 and became wealthy as commissary supplies contractor to the Spanish Army in Havana. Anticipating Florida's transfer to the United States, he bought 60,000 acres of Florida land in 1818. He took up Florida residence in July 1821, thereby becoming a U.S. citizen. A few years later, David Levy was admitted to Harvard. His childhood friend, Judah Benjamin, simultaneously went to Yale.
When David Levy graduated from college, he became a Presbyterian, a politician, and a businessman. He built a huge sugar cane plantation near Cedar Key and the county was named after him—Levy County. In 1841, he became Florida's territorial delegate to the US Congress, like Hernandez before him, and changed his surname by adopting his grandfather's old title, "Yulee." The arrival in Congress of a swarthy, multi-cultural, African Jew did not sit well with everyone. His election prompted New England's John Quincy Adams to sniff:
Levy is said to be a Jew, and what will be, if true, a far more formidable disqualification, that he has a dash of African blood [italics mine] in him, which sub rosa, is the case with more than one member of the house.23
Adams's words reveal two points. First, Levy's "dash of African blood" was common knowledge. Second, since slight African ancestry was "the case with more than one member of the house," it was surely not a "formidable disqualification" in most people's minds. John Quincy Adams and other Northerners may have been horrified, but it was obviously not a problem with Levy's electorate or with other members of Congress from the lower South.
Levy served on the committee that wrote Florida's constitution. Together with Whig Governor Richard Keith Call, he spent the next five years leading the drive for Florida's statehood. In 1845, Congress accepted Florida as the twenty-seventh state (Iowa was the balancing free state). Levy (Democrat) and Hernandez (Whig) ran against each other for the state's first U.S. Senate seat.24 Levy won and Hernandez retired to Cuba.25
Even at mid-century, as the upper South was in the process of considering the one-drop rule which had been invented in the North 20 years earlier, Florida was still struggling to implement the endogamous color line itself. The voters accepted both senatorial candidates as White even though both possessed widely known African ancestry.
The first stirrings of the one-drop rule in Florida appeared during Reconstruction when, as narrated in this essay's opening anecdote, light-brown Hispanic soldiers who were White when they fought for the Confederacy, became re-defined as Black by occupying Northerners in the war's aftermath.
The hardening of the color line in late nineteenth-century Georgia is also evident. In 1877, Rachel Dillon (born Rachel Black) of Savannah divorced her husband of twenty years and sued for alimony and child support in Dillon v. Dillon, 1878 Georgia. According to the testimony of her neighbors, the Dillon couple and their children were well liked in the neighborhood. Until the sudden divorce, the marriage had been considered a model in the community.26
The community knew that Rachel had a touch of African ancestry, but they considered her White nonetheless. When they were newlyweds, Mr. Dillon had shown his love for his new bride by obtaining a special act from the Georgia general assembly publicly declaring that Rachel was legally positioned on the White side of the endogamous color line. Although late antebellum Georgia resembled North Carolina in having a one-eighth blood-fraction statute, attitudes towards color line permeability in mid-century Savannah resembled the class-based rules in nearby Charleston, South Carolina.27 Nevertheless, Mr. Dillon had realized in the chaotic pre-war decade, that times were changing and the endogamous color line was hardening. He had ensured his bride's future social standing in December of 1857 by obtaining an act of the state legislature that declared:
Whereas doubts have existed whether [Rachel Black], of the county of Chatham, is entitled to the rights and privileges of citizenship; and whereas satisfactory proof has been furnished to establish her said rights and privileges; and whereas it is just and proper that said doubts should be forever removed: Be it enacted, that from and after the passage of this act, the said (naming her as before) and her children (naming them) be, and they are hereby, declared to be severally entitled to all and singular, the rights and privileges of citizens of Georgia, and to be fully capable, each or any of them, of inheriting, holding and receiving all manner of property, real or personal, by bequest, deed, or in any other manner whatever.28
The record is silent as to why Mrs. Dillon divorced her husband, much less why the divorce came after two decades of apparently happy marriage. His defense, however, must have stunned the community. He claimed that Rachel had been Black all along and that, per the state's anti-intermarriage law, they had never been legally married, and so he would pay neither alimony nor child support.
The jury was asked to decide on five questions of fact: First, did Mr. Dillon procure the act of the legislature asserting his bride's Whiteness? Second, was Rachel Dillon (the plaintiff) the same person as Rachel Black (named in the act)? Third, assuming that Rachel Dillon had less than the one-eighth statutory blood fraction, was she legally Mr. Dillon's wife? Fourth, did she in fact have less than the statutory one-eighth blood fraction? Fifth, if Rachel were found to be non-White due to having more than the statutory one-eighth blood fraction, then was her marriage valid anyway?29
The jury quickly decided in the affirmative for every question but the fourth. The marriage was valid if she had less than one-eighth Negro blood, the marriage was also valid if she had more than one-eighth Negro blood, and it was Mr. Dillon himself who had her Whiteness enacted by the legislature. But the jury could not reach a verdict on the fourth point (Rachel's actually blood fraction). They considered the question irrelevant in light of their findings on the other four. The court ordered the defendant to pay alimony and child support.
The lack of a jury decision on Mrs. Dillon's actual blood fraction was the basis for Mr. Dillon's appeal. In January of 1878, the Supreme Court of Georgia, Judge Bleckley presiding, upheld the decision with a pedagogical essay on the legal principle of estoppel, ruling that Mr. Dillon should never have been allowed to testify in court as to his wife's "race" because, twenty years earlier, he had sworn under oath that she was White. In sum, Mr. Dillon had correctly foreseen in 1857 that the color line would become harsher in coming decades. As it turned out, he was one of the first to try to take advantage of the new one-drop rule when his marriage collapsed.
As discussed earlier, mid-century Louisiana was also under pressure to change from Franco-American to Anglo-American customs, especially regarding the status of the in-between endogamous group, the Colored Creoles.30 Slowly, the English-speaking immigrants had their way. They passed a succession of laws restricting the rights of free Blacks (limiting marriage, travel, firearms, property ownership, judicial standing, education, and so forth). In the early years, such anti-Black laws explicitly exempted the Colored endogamous group. By 1843, the Colored group was no longer named as legislative special case, but they still considered themselves exempt, and the courts still usually upheld their special status. Numerous court cases held that the Colored Creoles were not considered Black regarding freedom papers, curfews, and the like.31 But by the 1850s, the courts had begun to treat all but the wealthiest and most powerful Colored Creoles as free Blacks.32
The Colored Creole community began to split into two groups. Light-complexioned ones urged their darker relatives to emigrate. Those who were too dark to prosper under American rule (and who lacked the wealth to stay anyway) began to leave. Two groups went to Haiti shortly before 1850. In 1857, two shiploads went to Tampico. Another ship left for Vera Cruz a few months later. In one parish alone, the number of Colored Creoles too dark to pass into the White world fell from 351 in 1855, to 153 in 1860.33
In 1850, one Colored Creole in three owned at least $2,000 in real estate (about $100,000 in today's money).34 But by 1860, only two groups of Colored Creoles remained. First, were those with such fair complexions that they were accepted as White, despite French accents. Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard was of this kind. Short, courtly and light-skinned, he was born in 1818 to a prosperous family of St. Bernard Parish.35 Second, were those who were so wealthy that their darkness was politely ignored. Examples of this swarthy-but-rich kind included Aristide Mary, who owned real estate valued at $30,000 ($1,500,000 in today's money) and Antoine Dubuclet, a sugar planter with over 100 slaves who became state treasurer after the war.36
At the war's outbreak, the Colored Creoles owned property worth $2 million ($100 million in today's money), and their working class still dominated such skilled crafts as bricklaying, cigarmaking, carpentry, and shoemaking.37 When the shooting started, a substantial majority of Colored Creoles formed up their traditional militia units on behalf of the Confederacy.38 Light complexioned ones were accepted. West Point graduate P.G.T. Beauregard of St. Bernard Parish became a Confederate general. But the Confederacy did not accept free Blacks in combat roles, so most Colored Creoles were turned away. Nevertheless, as in Brazil or Cuba today, money whitened. Even dark-complexioned Creoles could escape the free Black label if they had enough money. Jean-Baptiste Pierre-Auguste, Charles Lutz, and Leufroy Pierre-Auguste of St. Landry's Parish joined the Confederate army as combat soldiers. They saw action at Shiloh, Fredericksburg, and Vicksburg."39
As the war ground on to its conclusion, wealthy Colored Creoles adopted a certain noblesse oblige towards the Black freedmen. As officers, they had once commanded their own slaves in the state militia. Now they expected to resume a position of power. In 1864 they were horrified to learn that, far from granting them suffrage, the Union occupation forces under General Nathaniel Banks restricted their movement and civil rights, treating them as if they were freedmen themselves. In numbers, they dominated the New Orleans Equal Rights League of 1865, but found their political power hampered by the language barrier. English, it seems, had become the language of politics.40
The tension between the Colored Creoles and the Black freedmen became evident even as the war was ending. The Colored Creole-backed New Orleans Tribune supported the idea that the elite should lead and the freedmen should follow. The competing liberal newspaper, the Black Republican, editorialized that "We all know that not one in a hundred of our brethren on the plantations would ever receive his just earnings if the [Colored] planter were left to himself." During postwar Reconstruction, many Colored Creoles refused to send their children to school with former slaves. Although this may have been due to language difference, it exacerbated tension between them and the freedmen, and this led to a self-perceived distinction between Colored Creoles and freedmen politicians. During the Constitutional Convention, a freedman delegate vowed that he did not intend "to have the whip of slavery cracked over us by no [Colored] slaveholder's son."41
They joined a three-way struggle for power, trying to wrest political control from Black freedmen and Black Yankees. According to the New Orleans Tribune, they were subject to "innumerable petty antagonisms," and prey to scheming [Black Yankee] carpetbaggers who took "advantage of the apparent jealousy existing between free colored people and freedmen to assert political leadership among rural blacks." The Tribune's editor, spokesman of the "old free population" insisted that only the Colored Creoles had the education and breeding to rule. Reconstruction's shaky start and premature collapse in Louisiana was, in part, due to the Colored Creoles' difficulty in making common cause with the Black freedmen—a difficulty exacerbated by their French-English language barrier.42
The Colored Creoles did not gracefully join common cause with their former slaves—they were gradually pushed into it by Northern attitudes towards the color line. They found themselves compelled to defend newly won Black rights, like it or not. "The civil rights struggle was waged, for the most part, by the [Creole] elite. The issue had little meaning for the freedmen-farmers whose life-style precluded dinner at hotels or first-class seats on trains."43
In 1864, General Nathaniel Banks of the occupying U.S. Army in New Orleans tried one last time to preserve the Jamaica-like class-based alliance between the White and Colored endogamous groups on the one hand, against the free Blacks and newly freed former slaves on the other. Lincoln had asked Banks to satisfy the Abolitionist Congress while at the same time cultivating a single color line (rather than Louisiana's traditional two lines) separating only two endogamous groups (rather than the traditional three). Banks secured the agreement of a Louisiana federal judge named Durrell to rule that anyone with "a major part of white blood, should possess all the rights of a white man."44 But the attempt failed before the solidarity that was growing between former biracial slave-owners and their former slaves. "As far as the law is concerned," declared the Mobile Nationalist, "the [Colored] Creole and freedman stand upon the same level…. They must, in the future, rise or fall together."45 Many dark-skinned freeborn Colored Creoles realized that their future was in the hands of Yankees, Black and White. They refused to dissociate themselves from the freedmen because the freedmen were the only source of political power still open to them. Banks's plan failed. As Banks put it, "a few men, who wanted to break the bundle of sticks without loosening the band, defeated [the plan]."46
The splitting of Louisiana's Colored Creole families into Black and White branches accelerated after the war. Ultimately, the problem was the evaporation of the Coloured/Black color line and the hardening of the White/Colored color line. It was becoming increasingly accepted among all English-speaking Americans, Yankees and Rebels alike, Blacks and Whites alike, that anyone of any discernable African descent was a member of the endogamous Black group.47 (Contrast this with post-emancipation Jamaica, where the beleaguered White population allied with the Mulatto elite to keep down the free Blacks.) And so, Anglo-American attitudes forced light-complexioned Creoles to pass into the White world, like it or not. And dark-complexioned Creoles were pushed into the ranks of Black freedmen, again like it or not. As Judith Schafer put it, "Little did they know that emancipation would lower their status, as whites increasingly lumped freed slaves and former free people of color together as one large and highly objectionable part of the state's population."48
Two cases show Louisiana in transition: Walsh v. Lallande, 1873 and Succession of Fortier, 1899. Charles Lallande was a member of Louisiana's Colored Creole endogamous group. His paternal grandparents were Spanish and Native American, his maternal grandparents were French and African, and all had been born free. He had homesteaded a tract of federally owned land in Pointe Coupee Parish, Louisiana on December 31, 1844 and had "been in quiet possession of the property" ever since. On November 14, 1860, an ex parte proceeding by the commissioner of the U.S. general land office ordered the cancellation of Lallande's homestead on the ground that he was a free Negro, and so could not be a citizen of the United States. The land was then awarded to a person on the White side of the White/Colored color line, William Walsh, who, in 1866, obtained a ruling from the U.S. Secretary of the Interior dispossessing Lallande on the same grounds. Lallande refused to vacate his homestead, Walsh sued and won a court order removing Lallande. The court grounded its decision on the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Scott v. Sandford, 1857, that Negros could not be U.S. citizens.49 Lallande appealed the order to the Louisiana Supreme Court in Walsh v. Lallande, 1873 Louisiana, justices Ludeling, Taliaferro, Wyly, and Morgan presiding.50
In March, 1873, the state supreme court overturned the lower court and awarded the property back to Charles Lallande. They ruled that gens de couleur libre had been citizens of Louisiana "in the full enjoyment of those rights [of citizenship]" since long before the Dred Scott case, which was inapplicable in any event. According to the Louisiana Supreme Court, the Dred Scott decision, "was that a negro of African descent, whose ancestors were of pure African blood, and were brought into this country and sold as negro slaves, was not a citizen." But, according to the Louisiana justices, Charles Lallande and those of his Colored Creole endogamous group were not "free Negroes." They were Colored, not Black, and so they were not subject to laws regarding free Negroes. In fact, the justices unanimously ruled, "by the treaty whereby Louisiana was acquired, the free colored inhabitants of Louisiana were admitted to citizenship of the United States." In an interesting moment of historical irony, Redemptionist Louisiana's highest court held that the Reconstruction federal government could not revoke a Colored person's citizenship. Curiously, everyone involved in the case—litigants as well as judges—pointedly ignored the fourteenth amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which had been ratified on July 9, 1868, guaranteeing national as well as state citizenship to all native-born residents.51
The first lower South case arguably decided by the one-drop rule upheld on appeal happened twenty-six years later. It was the estate dispute, Succession of Fortier, 1899 Louisiana.52 "Angela Fortier, widow of Placide Bienvenu, died in the city of New Orleans on the 8th of April, 1896." So begins the court record of a turn-of-the-twentieth-century case, which reveals that a one-drop rule was starting to be applied in New Orleans at that time. Angela was at least 80 years old when she died intestate and childless. But shortly after the Parish of New Orleans took possession of her estate, a niece named Delphine Fortier, who was at least 60 years old, appeared on the scene and claimed possession as Angela's sole surviving blood kin.
Testimony would show that, three years after the Louisiana Purchase, Jean Michel Fortier, an influential member of New Orleans's White endogamous group and director of the Bank of Louisiana established a plaçage relationship with Marguerette Henriette Milon, a woman of the Colored endogamous group.53 They lived as husband and wife for thirty years, he dying in 1836 and she in 1838. They left a son, Edmond Gustave Fortier, who was accepted into the White side of the White/Colored color line and a daughter, Angela Fortier (the woman after whom this case is named), who lived her life as a member of the Colored group.
Edmond Gustave Fortier, like his father, also established a long-term monogamous plaçage relationship. He and Caroline Delzey, a Colored woman, lived as husband and wife for nearly forty years and had a daughter, Delphine (Angela's niece). In 1862, Edmond Gustave was on his deathbed. The priest who was summoned to administer the Sacrament of Extreme Unction said that Edmond's sins could not be absolved as long as he and Caroline remained unmarried in the eyes of the Church. Witnesses were assembled and the elderly couple was wed just hours before Gustave perished. Over thirty years later, their now-elderly daughter Delphine fought the Parish of New Orleans over her Aunt Angela's estate.
Everyone agreed that Delphine was the late Aunt Angela's next of kin. The issue was whether Delphine was legitimate. It seems that by 1862, when Delphine's dying father married her mother, it was illegal in Louisiana to marry across the Colored/White color line.54 (It had been illegal since 1808 to marry across the Black/Colored color line.55) The state argued that, since Gustave was White and Caroline was Colored, the deathbed wedding was illegal, their daughter Delphine was illegitimate, and could not inherit her Colored Aunt Angela's estate. Delphine argued that her father had been White only by courtesy because his mother (Delphine's paternal grandmother) had been Colored. According to Delphine, when the deathbed wedding took place, the entire Fortier family, except for long-departed bank director Jean Michel, had actually been Colored.56
On June 19, 1899, The Supreme Court of Louisiana, Justices Nicholls and Watkins presiding, ruled that Edmond Gustave had been Colored all along, despite his having lived his life as an accepted member of White society. The court ruled that the deathbed wedding was thus valid, and that Delphine could claim her aunt's estate. Neither appearance nor blood fraction was cited in making this determination. Appearance seems to have been disregarded because the entire family looked European, as far as anyone can tell from the testimony. Blood fraction seems to have been disregarded because Louisiana's Constitution of 1892 had just changed the statutory definition from one-fourth (like Virginia) to one-eighth (like North Carolina) and, although Edmond Gustave was clearly White by either criterion, the point was never raised in court by either side.57 Like Scott v. Raubb, 1892 Virginia, Succession of Fortier, 1899 Louisiana was apparently decided on the basis of the one-drop rule of invisible Blackness. And like Scott v. Raubb the one-drop rule was invoked at the request of the individual herself, wanting to be declared non-White so that she could inherit a non-White ancestor's estate.
South Carolina
At war's end, South Carolina's Mulatto elite quickly moved to seize power. Across the South, only one fourth of the delegates of Reconstruction constitutional conventions were of the Black endogamous group. In South Carolina they were in the majority—seventy-six out of 124.58
At first, they were decidedly ambiguous about the future role of freedmen, their former slaves and inferiors. The conflict was felt in all social institutions. In 1866, Rev. Henry M. Turner wrote about his parishioners, "the blacks were arrayed against the brown or mulattoes, and the mulattoes in turn against the blacks."59 The educated Mulatto elite found freedmen's religious practices alien and were appalled by the anti-intellectualism of freedmen leaders.60 Although many welcomed slavery's end, most resented their loss of status and felt, correctly, that they were being submerged in a sea of freedmen. Most "avoided politics either because their business commitments took precedence, or so as not to jeopardize the personal connections with wealthy whites on which their economic standing depended."61
There were exceptional leaders, however, and their influence soon became decisive. Francis L. Cardozo, the son of a Jewish businessman and a free biracial mother, had attended the University of Glasgow and in 1865 took charge of the American Missionary Association's largest Charleston school. He made no distinction between freeborn and freed children and ridiculed the elitist idea that biracial children were more intelligent than African-looking ones. His influence was strong. Soon, the sons and daughters of elite South Carolina Mulatto families fanned out across the state to teach former slaves, a mission closed to the Louisiana Creoles, trapped behind their language barrier. Many South Carolina Mulattos then gained political power among working class freedmen and were elected as Constitutional Convention delegates and later as state legislators. Despite a few initial clashes between freedmen and the Mulatto elite, the latter soon came to throw their lot in with the former, as in Louisiana.62
Things were different for White planters, even those with slight African ancestry. Attitudes changed after Reconstruction, when South Carolina's color line hardened and its well-deserved reputation for color line permeability began to dwindle. By the custom of a dying past, such planters were still accepted as White. Then, South Carolina legislators explicitly debated the endogamous color line in the Constitutional Convention of 1895. The convention was called through the power and influence of "Pitchfork" Ben Tillman with the specific goal of disenfranchising South Carolina's entire Black endogamous group.63 Among influential White delegates (including some of slight African ancestry) were: John Gay Evans, John Laurens Manning Irby, George Dionysius Tillman (Pitchfork Ben's brother), and John Pendleton Kennedy Bryan. Among the Black delegates (including some of significant European ancestry) were: Robert Smalls,64 Thomas E. Miller, William J. Whipper, James Wigg, and Isiah R. Reed, from Beaufort; and Robert B. Anderson from Georgetown.65
The White delegates (including those with slight African ancestry) proposed to insert a prohibition of marriage across the Black/White color line into the new constitution.66 Since the prohibition was ostensibly intended to protect "racial" purity, Robert Smalls proposed an amendment that any White person guilty of cohabiting with a Negro be barred from holding public office. The uproar that this caused prompted James Wigg to crow that, for once, "the coons had the dogs up a tree."67 Smalls followed up by proposing that "all white men now cohabiting with Negro women be disbarred from voting in this convention." He was gaveled down when a White member replied that "if the amendment should prevail… this convention would have to be adjourned sine die for lack of a quorum."68
Once the intermarriage prohibition was passed, a discussion ensued as to the definition of a "negro." The original committee had proposed a one-eighth blood-fraction rule, bringing South Carolina into line with North Carolina to the north and Georgia to the south. But now Mr. Johnstone, the young delegate from Newberry, proposed amending this to a one-drop rule of endogamous group membership. He proposed to forbid "marriage between a white person and a person having any negro blood at all in his or her veins." A hush settled over the White delegates and the Black delegates sat back to observe their discomfort.69 It was an eerie re-play of the Virginia debates of 1853.70
"Pitchfork" Ben rose and tried to persuade Johnstone to withdraw his motion. Johnstone was adamant. Another delegate spoke quietly to Johnstone privately, to no avail. George Dionysius Tillman realized that such a definition would relocate many valued White citizens to the Black side of the endogamous color line. Perceiving the injustice of this proposal as well as its threat to White supremacy, and foreseeing that it could socially rip his state apart, he rose to his feet and gave the best-remembered speech of his political career:
If the law is made as it now stands respectable families in Aiken, Barnwell, Colleton, and Orangeburg will be denied the right to intermarry among people with whom they are now associated and identified. At least one hundred families would be affected to my knowledge. They have sent good soldiers to the Confederate Army, and are now landowners and taxpayers. Those men served creditably, and it would be unjust and disgraceful to embarrass them in this way. It is a scientific fact that there is not one full-blooded Caucasian on the floor of this convention. Every member has in him a certain mixture of… colored blood. The pure-blooded white has needed and received a certain infusion of darker blood to give him readiness and purpose. It would be a cruel injustice and the source of endless litigation, of scandal, horror, feud, and bloodshed to undertake to annul or forbid marriage for a remote, perhaps obsolete trace of Negro blood. The doors would be open to scandal, malice and greed; to statements on the witness stand that the father or grandfather or grandmother had said that A or B had Negro blood in their veins. Any man who is half a man would be ready to blow up half the world with dynamite to prevent or avenge attacks upon the honor of his mother in the legitimacy or purity of the blood of his father.71
The Charleston News and Courier reported the above speech under the headline "All Niggers, More or Less!" What is interesting to this study is that the Black delegates did not see the one-drop rule of invisible Blackness as a threat. By definition, such an endogamous group membership rule could affect only those who were middle class, looked European, and had no documented blood fraction. It was apparently a matter of indifference to the Black delegates—a White-on-White squabble. Only the White delegates saw it as a threat.
Two generations earlier, Virginia had gone through a similar debate, with a similar sudden realization, and a similar result.72 One more generation would have to pass before White Southerners forgot enough about their own heritage to swallow the one-drop rule.
* * * * *
This essay showed three societies in transition. At mid-century, Florida was still in the process of adopting an endogamous color line, but one was firmly in place and moving towards invisible Blackness by Reconstruction. The color line in Tidewater Georgia hardened between 1860 and 1880, but had not yet become a one-drop rule. Louisiana was the site of a struggle between the old aristocracy, who strove unsuccessfully to preserve their biracial French culture, and an alliance of Yankee occupiers and Anglo-American Louisianans who crushed Colored Creole society out of existence by merging it with freed Blacks. Finally, South Carolina lawmakers tried to write a one-drop law. This second attempt, like the first in 1853 Virginia, failed when the lawmakers realized that it would penalize elite South Carolina families.
1 As quoted by Celeste H. Kavanaugh, David Levy Yulee: A Man and His Vision (Fernandina FL, 1995) 27.
2 For a similar account of differences in the perception of "racial" feature between Northerners and lower Southerners, see the diary of General Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain, of Little Round Top fame as mentioned under topic "A Permeable, Shifted Color Line" in the essay, Barbadian South Carolina: A Class-Based Color Line.
3 Most of the Osborne family's story is reported in Jaqueline K. Fretwell, Civil War Times in St. Augustine (St. Augustine, 1986), 96. Their census and tax records are available at the Research Library of the St. Augustine Historical Society.
4 See the topic "Society Changed When the Americans Arrived" in the essay, Spanish Florida: No Endogamous Color Line.
5 Charlton W. Tebeau, A History of Florida (Coral Gables FL, 1971) 160, 163-64; Michael V. Gannon, ed. The New History of Florida (Gainesville, 1996) 210-11; Alfred J. Hanna, A Prince in Their Midst: The Adventurous Life of Achille Murat on the American Frontier (Norman OK, 1946) 82, 86.
6 In 1768, several hundred bondsmen and women from the Balearic Islands, southern Italy, Sicily, Africa, and Greece had been brought to work indigo plantations in New Smyrna by Scotsman planter Andrew Turnbull. In a rare example of successful servile insurrection, they had fled the plantations during the chaos of the American Revolution and migrated to St. Augustine. By 1821, the "Minorcans" (as they are still called today, despite their genetic diversity) had become yeomen, shopkeepers, tradesmen, and professionals. A few, like Hernandez, had become wealthy planters. See Carita Doggett, Dr. Andrew Turnbull and The New Smyrna Colony of Florida (Eustis FL, 1919); United States Congress, Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, 1774-1989 (Washington, 1989); Kathryn Hall Proby, Audubon in Florida (Coral Gables FL, 1974), 60; Daniel L. Schafer, "U.S. Territory and State," in The New History of Florida, ed. Michael V. Gannon (Gainesville, 1996), 207-30, 210-11; Philip D. Rasico, The Minorcans of Florida: Their History, Language, and Culture (New Smyrna Beach, 1990), 80; Alfred J. Hanna and Kathryn A. Hanna, Florida's Golden Sands (Indianapolis, 1950), 59; Alfred J. Hanna, A Prince in Their Midst: The Adventurous Life of Achille Murat on the American Frontier (Norman OK, 1946), 82.
7 Kathryn Abbey Hanna, Florida: Land of Change (Chapel Hill, 1941), 146-47.
8 John A Clegg, The History of Flagler County (Bunnell FL, 1976), 26 .
9 George Klos, "Blacks and the Seminole Removal Debate," in The African American Heritage of Florida, ed. David R. Colburn and Jane L. Landers (Gainesville, 1995), 128-56, 153.
10 John K. Mahon, History of the Second Seminole War 1835-1842, revised ed. (Gainesville, 1985), 30.
11 Ibid., 39.
12 Clegg (1976), 26.
13 Larry Eugene Rivers, Slavery in Florida: Territorial Days to Emancipation (Gainesville, 2000), 13.
14 John K. Mahon and Brent R. Weisman, "Florida's Seminole and Miccosukee Peoples," in The New History of Florida, ed. Michael Gannon (Gainesville, 1996), 183-206.
15 Kenneth W. Porter, The Black Seminoles (Gainesville, 1996) 19, 28.
16 Ibid., 67.
17 Ibid., 82-85.
18 As quoted in Frank Laumer, Dade's Last Command (Gainesville, 1995), 241-43.
19 Idem.
20 See the topic "Society Changed When the Americans Arrived" in the essay, Spanish Florida: No Endogamous Color Line.
21 See, for example, José Mariano Hernandez, "Hernandez to Hallowell," (1843).
22 Daniel L. Schafer, "U.S. Territory and State," in The New History of Florida, ed. Michael V. Gannon (Gainesville, 1996), 207-30 221; Alfred J. Hanna and Kathryn A. Hanna, Florida's Golden Sands (Indianapolis, 1950) 130.
23 From Adams's famous diary, as quoted by Celeste H. Kavanaugh, David Levy Yulee: A Man and His Vision (Fernandina FL, 1995) 10.
24 Alfred J. Hanna and Kathryn A. Hanna, Florida's Golden Sands (Indianapolis, 1950) 130.
25 John K. Mahon, History of the Second Seminole War 1835-1842, revised ed. (Gainesville, 1985) 99.
26 60 Ga. 204.
27 For the generational permeability of tidewater Georgia's color line, see Mark R. Schultz, "Interracial Kinship Ties and the Emergence of a Rural Black Middle Class," in Georgia in Black and White: Explorations in the Race Relations of a Southern State, 1865-1950, ed. John C. Inscoe` (Athens GA, 1994), 141-72.
28 60 Ga. 204.
29 To a modern reader, point five seems to be a question of law, not fact, but this is the way that it was framed. Apparently, the distinction between issues of law (the judge's turf) versus fact (the jury's) was not always as clear-cut in the late nineteenth century as it is today.
30 See the topic "French-Speaking Louisiana" in the essay, Antebellum Louisiana and Alabama: Two Color Lines, Three Endogamous Groups.
31 Judith Kelleher Schafer, Becoming Free, Remaining Free: Manumission and Enslavement in New Orleans, 1846-1862 (Baton Rouge, 2003), 97-98.
32 Virginia Meacham Gould, "The Free Creoles of Color of the Antebellum Gulf Ports of Mobile and Pensacola: A Struggle for the Middle Ground," in Creoles of Color of the Gulf South, ed. James H. Dormon (Knoxville, 1996), 28-50, 44.
33 Ibid., 45-46.
34 Loren Schweninger, "Socioeconomic Dynamics among the Gulf Creoles," in Creoles of Color of the Gulf South, ed. James H. Dormon (Knoxville, 1996) 54.
35 John S. Bowman, ed. Who was Who in the Civil War (New York, 1994), 21-22.
36 Gould (1996), 28-50, 46.
37 Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution (New York, 1988), 47.
38 James G. Hollandsworth, The Louisiana Native Guards: The Black Military Experience During the Civil War (Baton Rouge, 1995), 1-20.
39 Schweninger (1996), 60.
40 Foner (1988), 64-65.
41 Ibid., 65, 101, 113.
42 Ibid., 306; John David Smith, Black Voices From Reconstruction (Gainesville, 1997), 93.
43 Dorothy Sterling, ed. The Trouble They Seen: The Story of Reconstruction in the Words of African Americans (New York, 1994), 239; Foner (1988), 285.
44 Nathaniel Prentiss Banks, "Report to the President," Appletons Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events, 1864 1864, 480-1.
45 As quoted in Foner (1988), 215.
46 Ibid., 480. For a slightly garbled account of these events, see Lerone Bennett Jr., Forced Into Glory: Abraham Lincoln's White Dream (Chicago, 1999), 620.
47 Adam Fairclough, Race & Democracy: The Civil Rights Struggle in Louisiana, 1915-1972 (Athens, 1995), 5.
48 Judith Kelleher Schafer, Becoming Free, Remaining Free: Manumission and Enslavement in New Orleans, 1846-1862 (Baton Rouge, 2003), 165.
50 25 La. Ann. 188.
51 To put this point in context, Louisiana at the time was in the throes of what can only be called an intrastate civil war. Even as the Walsh v. Lallande decision was being announced, The First Battle of the Cabildo (5 March 1873) was being fought, when all-White state troops loyal to Democrat governor-elect John McEnery were defeated by integrated soldiers of the Metropolitan Police, loyal to Republican governor-elect William Pitt Kellogg. One year later, The White League triumphed and captured the state when their all-White forces used artillery to crush the integrated state militia under former Confederate General James Longstreet in the Battle of Liberty Place (14 September 1874). Apparently, the federal Constitution was not in the forefront of Louisianians' minds at this time. For a summary of the military events of these years, see Kimberly S. Hanger, A Medley of Cultures: Louisiana History at the Cabildo (New Orleans, 1996a), Chapter 9.
52 51 La. Ann. 1562.
53 Although usually described as concubinage where White men took Colored mistresses, the custom of plaçage provided legally enforceable rights for the woman. It was unrelated to endogamous group membership per se, but is an aspect of the French upper class. As Susanne Heine puts it, "The latest public figure known to have pursued this way of living was the late Prime Minister, Mitterand, whose parallel family came to light only after his death." See Interracial Voice, Politically Correct Revisionism: Or Why Mixed-Race Heroes Blacken Over Time, March/April [Electronic Magazine] (2002).
54 H. E. Sterkx, The Free Negro in Ante-Bellum Louisiana (Cranbury NJ, 1972), 285-315 passim.
55 Louisiana Code of 1808, page 24, Article 8.
56 Many witnesses phrased their testimony as if endogamous group membership were biologically determined, rather than socially assigned.
57 Some scholars suggest that a later case—State v. Treadaway, 1910 Louisiana, 126 La. 300—was more important in the rise of the one-drop rule. See, for example, Luther Wright, Jr., "Who's Black, Who's White, and Who Cares: Reconceptualizing the United States's Definition of Race and Racial Classifications," Vanderbilt Law Review, 48 (no. 2, 1995), 513-70, 528-29 and Virginia R. Dominguez, White by Definition: Social Classification in Creole Louisiana (New Brunswick NJ, 1986), 30-33. For an contemporary account of Louisiana's switch from 1/4 to 1/8 blood fraction, see Succession of Gabisso, 1907 Louisiana, 119 La. 704.
58 Thomas Holt, Black Over White: Negro Political Leadership in South Carolina During Reconstruction (Urbana, 1977), 57; Dorothy Sterling, ed. The Trouble They Seen: The Story of Reconstruction in the Words of African Americans (New York, 1994), 123.
59 Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution (New York, 1988), 101.
60 Ibid., 361.
61 Leon F. Litwack, Been in the Storm So Long: The Aftermath of Slavery (New York, 1979), 513-14.
62 Thomas Holt, Black Over White: Negro Political Leadership in South Carolina During Reconstruction (Urbana, 1977), 58; Joel Williamson, After Slavery: The Negro in South Carolina During Reconstruction, 1861-77 (Chapel Hill, 1965), 313; Foner (1988), 102, 318-19; John David Smith, Black Voices From Reconstruction (Gainesville, 1997) 94, 109.
63 George Brown Tindall, South Carolina Negroes, 1877-1900 (Columbia, 1952), 81-91; Holt (1977), 220. "Pitchfork" Ben Tillman is probably best remembered as the politician who, upon hearing that President Roosevelt had dined with Booker T. Washington at the White House in October 1901, said, "Now we will have to kill a thousand niggers to get them back in their place."
64 Smalls was a famous Civil War hero, best-known for having captured a Confederate ship in 1862 and delivering it to the U.S. Navy. A year later, he was commissioned a ship's captain in the U.S. Navy.
65 Tindall (1952), 81.
66 Ibid., 298.
67 News and Courier, "The Miscegenation Matter," The News and Courier, Oct. 4 1895b, 1.
68 Theodore D. Jervey, The Slave Trade: Slavery and Color (Columbia, 1925), 196-200.
69 News and Courier, "The Miscegenation Matter," The News and Courier, Oct. 4 1895b, 1.
70 See the topic "Virginia Rejects the One-Drop Rule" in the essay, The Antebellum South Rejects the One-Drop Rule.
71 The speech is quoted in Joel Williamson, New People: Miscegenation and Mulattoes in the United States (New York, 1980) 93; Lerone Bennett Jr., Before the Mayflower: A History of Black America, 6th rev. ed. (New York, 1993) 319; J.A. Rogers, Sex and Race, 3 vols. (St. Petersburg, Fla.: Helga M. Rogers, 1944) II:367-70; and Theodore D. Jervey, The Slave Trade: Slavery and Color (Columbia: The State Company, 1925) 199. See News and Courier, "All Niggers, More or Less!," The News and Courier, Oct. 17 1895a, 5 for the full-length original.
72 See the topic "Virginia Rejects the One-Drop Rule" in the essay, The Antebellum South Rejects the One-Drop Rule.
Frank W. Sweet is the author of Legal History of the Color Line (ISBN 9780939479238), an analysis of the nearly 300 appealed cases that determined Americans' "racial" identity over the centuries. It is the most thorough study of the legal history of this topic yet published. He was accepted to Ph.D. candidacy in history with a minor in molecular anthropology at the University of Florida in 2003 and has completed all but his dissertation defense. He earned an M.A. in History from American Military University in 2001. He is also the author of several state park historical booklets and published historical essays. He was a member of the editorial board of the magazine Interracial Voice, and is a regular lecturer and panelist at historical and genealogical conferences. To send email, click here.


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A true socializer, Tofurky Grounds get along great with all kinds of recipes, adding hearty flavor to your comfort food favorites. Chili-mac or sloppy joes anyone?
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Contains: Soy, coconut.


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Welcome To Warming Trends, Hearth & Fireplace Store Santa Rosa
3-2-1 Burn Clean! Wood Appliance Replacement Program
Warming Trends is your premier hearth shop in Santa Rosa for Outdoor Fireplaces, Bar-B-Ques, Outdoor Kitchens, Firepits and more!
Located in downtown Santa Rosa, Warming Trends provides fireplaces, inserts, stoves, heaters, bbq's, outdoor kitchens, outdoor fireplaces, firepits, accessories & cleaning supplies. For over 30 years we have provided and serviced thousands of stoves to Bay Area residents. Let the warmth of a fireplace or stove increase your comfort and enjoyment of your home with style using efficient environmentally responsible products. Don't forget about our extensive line of outdoor products.
Warming Trends is Sonoma County's premier hearth and home store. From heating inside to our outside products of BBQ grills, outdoor kitchens and fire pits. We have you covered in and out of your home.
From classical to elegant, or modern to minimalist, we the right fireplace or stove that will look great while providing plenty of heat for your home.
Our Showroom
Monday – Friday 9am – 5:30pm
Saturday 10am – 5pm
Sunday (Closed)


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Pentagon remains social-network savvy for now
Pentagon is not completely opposed to social media, as seen by its latest announcement stating that the Department intends to fully utilize these communication tools.
There were fears that the Pentagon would not want to use social media after it got rid of its social-media office, as reported by Wired.com.
The officers handling the office had all quit to join other companies and the Pentagon's social media office was left untouched.
However, Bryan Whitman, a spokesperson for Pentagon, told wired.com that Social media tools are pervasive in the 21st century communications environment, and the department intends to fully utilize those capabilities.
The Department is only removing the bureaucratic format for the policy, which will be replaced by a more permanent format, he added.
There have been several concerns about the use of social media in the army, which were heightened after the recent WikiLeaks controversy.
Some bureaucratic shifts may occur, but in terms of substance, we're not anticipating any changes, Whitman says, as social-media use is the way a predominantly young force communicates, Wired.com said.
The Pentagon has a love-hate relationship with social media and even considered shutting down of such services internally in the fear of internal security.
However, under the Obama administration the Pentagon and security services are growing more tech-savvy. President Obama is the first President in the White House to have access to his own Blackberry, though his communication is heavily monitored and only a handful of people have access to his ID.
The White House also began offering Virtual Tours of the place last year, including certain areas that are not generally open to the public tours offline.
The bureaucratic changes might keep in mind the WikiLeaks documents and it remains to be seen what kind of punishment will be awarded to those who would be party to such further leaks.


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Savoy cabbage stew
Due to its attractive deep green colouring and crinkly leaves savoy cabbage popularity has never waned. Savoy cabbage is a very versatile brassica, its flavor is mild and earhty, and the leaves are tender even when raw, therefore it can be prepared and cooked in several ways. Savoy cabbage is … More


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So I actually made a bunch of these in the Christmas variety for Christmas presents this year and then I realized that I didn't keep any for myself and I think they are really cool so I made myself some Valentine's Day! I need something to pin up all of those Valentines on my fridge.
These are very simple to make and you only need a few materials: ModPodge 3Dimensional Magic, Bottlecaps, Magnets, Paper, and glue.


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Ely Public Library
The Mission of the Ely Public Library is to enable all residents of our service area to have free and equal access to the resources that satisfy their educational, cultural, informational and recreational needs. The library shall make every effort to promote awareness among all residents of the availability of these resources to fulfill their needs.
Location, Contact & Hours:
P.O. Box 249
Phone: 319-848-7616 Fax: 319-848-4056
Library Staff:
Library Board:


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Reach for the stars! Sweet and simple -- with this brilliant pewter pair on your ears the possibilities are endless.
- Pewter
- Post earrings
- 0.25" x 0.25" (0.6 x 0.6 cm)
- Made in Thailand
For bulk pricing on quantities of 25 or more, please contact our Customer Service department at email@example.com.
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Arlington, VA (PRWEB) August 17, 2006
The International Association for Counterterrorism & Security Professionals (IACSP) announces download availability of a special 9/11 Memorial Tribute and poem for use by print, broadcast and online media for the 2006 anniversary of the attack on America. Award-winning author and speaker Craig O. Thompson, communications director for the IACSP, penned the tribute and accompanying poetry.
The Memorial Tribute text is available in pdf or Word doc formats. Either format can only be downloaded directly from the "Attached Files" section to this PRWeb® site news release (to the right of this release). It will not be made available from the IACSP site.
The purpose of the tribute is to honor those fallen heroes and survivors of 9/11, including all first-responders (police, fire, medical and other responders); many who dedicated and sacrificed their lives on that historic Attack on America -- including those who died on Flight 93 and at the Pentagon.
The patriotism, heroism, faith, spirit and values displayed at Ground Zero is embodied in this special essay, paying tribute to those who were affected by the tragedy at the World Trade Center's twin towers and across America. Five years later, the strengths of patriotism, hope, freedom and liberty expressed in our Declaration of Independence help Americans rise above the tragedy.
Previously, since 2002, Thompson's "A 9/11 Memorial Tribute ... In Perspective" has only been available on the organization's member web site for the 24-hour period of each year's anniversary. The revised 2006 edition, now titled "A 9/11 Memorial Tribute ... In Perspective Five Years Later," has been modestly updated and is available for download.
The memorial tribute includes a 1,300-word essay accompanied by a 144-word poem titled "Father & Son." The poem is dedicated "... to the memory of the thousands of souls who had no choice as to their fate, on September 11th -- to the honored men and women who gave their lives with courageous acts of valor on that day, and to those brave and determined souls who have died in defense of our homeland here and abroad."
Thompson's poem was inspired by the heroism of father and son first-responders Thomas Langone, NYPD and Peter Langone, FDNY. Both lost their lives along with hundreds of heroic first-responders who died in the collapse of the World Trade Center buildings on September 11th, 2001.
According to Stephen J. Fustero, IACSP director of operations, "For this fifth anniversary of the attack we felt it appropriate to go beyond only allowing our association members, and those who found our web site, access to the memorial tribute for just one day."
"Craig Thompson," he added "agreed to provide one-time full publication and broadcast rights of the tribute for media outlets that choose to utilize it in an appropriate setting."
Fustero suggested the tribute be published on or around the 9/11 anniversary date, depending on the type of print or broadcast media use and publication deadlines.
Non-exclusive one-time free publication rights to print or broadcast the 9/11 Memorial Tribute and Poem (together or individually) will be granted to publishers and broadcasters as long as the text of the memorial and/or poem is used without alteration (either together or individually) and are accompanied by their respective copyright notices and the full credit box -- with all of the web and e-mail links left intact for print and broadcast media or online publication.
Two alternative "last paragraphs" are provided for those publications or broadcasters that choose not to include the poem.
Publishers may choose to insert a tasteful editorial lead-in or add their own tasteful photograph(s), logo or jpeg(s) in place the IACSP provided pictures. However, all credits in the "credit box" are required. Any other use is prohibited without expressed written permission of the author.
Author, Craig O. Thompson, is available for interviews.
For questions in regard to the tribute, other permissions, photos, questions or interviews, publishers and broadcasters are requested to use the contacts provided on this PRWeb® 9/11 Memorial Tribute news release page or contact the author at the e-mail address that accompanies the downloaded Memorial Tribute.
Download the text documents in pdf or Word doc formats directly from the "Attached Files" section to this PRWeb® site news release page (to the right of the release). Faxed copies may be obtained by contacting the author directly (U.S.A. media only).
Jay Caniglia
Craig O. Thompson
317-535-3705 Ext. 3705
Note: The International Association for Counterterrorism & Security Professionals (IACSP.com) is concerned with all aspects of counterterrorism and serves its members as a focal point for information, activities, and as a network for interacting with other professionals in the field. Its purpose is to provide education and information to the public, and to promote international cooperation in counterterrorism policy. It publishes a monthly member newsletter and the quarterly "Journal of Counterterrorism & Homeland Security International" magazine (also available at Border's Bookstore). IACSP membership is open to anyone with a sincere professional interest in understanding the security threat posed by terrorism and related conflicts. International members constitute a growing network of professionals, academics, former government officials, students and individual citizens from around the world.


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Do people not understand how bad this is?
President Obama's is insisting on "economic patriotism" from corporations that he claims are "deserters" because they relocate their headquarters overseas to avoid paying the high U.S. corporate tax rate.
And Obama is targeting not just greedy businessman trying to do right by their shareholders. In his speeches. Obama defines "economic patriotism" as not only avoidance of legal tax shelters, but concurrence with his whole economic program.
Nobody seems to care. If conservatives were implying that those who disagreed with them were unpatriotic, the Washington press corps would be staging serious-minded discussions on TV about whether the Tea Party was trying to usurp democracy.
Anyway, I appeared last Friday on One America News Network's Rick Amato Show to discuss this egregious Obama tactic.
OANN is on AT&T U-verse; channels 208 standard definition and 1208 high def; VerizonFiOS at 116 SD and 616 HD; and CenturyLink on 209 SD and 1209 HD.
Rick's show airs weekdays at 10:00 pm Eastern and 7:00 pm Pacific.


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Across the aisle, across the country
In the decades we've been in business here at Trout Unlimited, we've seen politics come and go. Whether you're from a red state or a blue state doesn't matter.
But your commitment to conservation does.
We are dedicated to being part of the process of protecting our natural resources. As anglers, we know the importance of coming to the table and being part of the conversation.
Stand up, speak up and keep fighting for the clean water, clean air and sporting opportunity you want to pass on to future generations.
Clean water
For clean water and good fishing, there is nothing more important than the laws protecting the headwaters of our streams and rivers. But those protections are now threatened.
Public lands
It has taken Congress no time to try to sell off the public lands that belong to us all. Multiple bills have already been introduced and we expect more to come. The time to protect our sporting heritage is now.
Pebble Mine
Wrong mine. Wrong place. Plain and simple. Bristol Bay is North America's powerhouse for salmon — the largest sockeye salmon producer in the world. As a major local and international economic driver, Bristol Bay must be protected.
Funding conservation
A dollar spent on conservation not only protects our natural resources, it fuels a multi-billion dollar industry and creates millions of jobs. Now more than ever, we need to invest in conservation and our future.
National Monuments
Congress and the Secretary of the Interior are currently considering actions that would reduce protections for national monuments. Some have already been targeted.
Little Mountain
Located in the heart of Wyoming, this wildlife rich landscape is a prime example of a place that can find the right balance between conservation and energy development.
Abandoned mines
There are over 500,000 abandoned hardrock mine sites in the American West where there is no responsible party to take on the cleanup. Help us change that by supporting Good Samaritan legislation.
Get Engaged
Getting involved in conservation issues begins in your own backyard. Here are some resources to get engaged in the issues that matter in your community.
Want more ideas?
Acting for conservation can take on many forms. And to make an impact for future generations, we must all be willing to donate our talents, whatever they may be.
Whether it is volunteering at a local stream clean-up, making a dollar contribution to a conservation organization or participating in the political process, your contribution is never too small.
Fill out our survey below and let us know how you can help.
Stand up for our coldwater heritage


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Ethan Hawke definitely thinks he was too young to marry Uma Thurman back when he was 27, according to Elle magazine.
"There was this discovery that the male brain isn't done until 28. I definitely think my frontal lobe was not finished," he tells the magazine. "I had no business taking vows that would last more than two weeks."
In his defense, Hawke says he was looking to use marriage as a way to gain some sense of control over his life. "Success when you're young is really overwhelming. The world felt out of control and I wanted to stop it from spinning so fast," he says. "I thought marriage would decrease my variables or something. I was absolutely wrong."


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Rumors of God's death may have been greatly exaggerated, but the prevalence of a materialistic philosophy that cannot give an adequate account of human freedom and moral responsibility has put in jeopardy many of the core ideas at the base of our civilization. Without metaphysics we are left simply with physics, and physics is about power, leverage, and force.
Sexually violent predator laws permit the indefinite confinement of persons who have already served a sentence for their crime. They are a perfect example of what C.S. Lewis called the humanitarian theory of punishment, replacing punishment and desert with treatment and therapy.
It is often alleged that the American founders lacked a unified and coherent political theory. To the contrary, a recent book by Thomas West shows that the founders broadly agreed on a philosophy of natural rights, calling for both the protection of liberty and the promotion of virtue.
Donald Trump's election has made one thing clear: right-wing politics, conservatism, and the Republican Party are not interchangeable.
The irony of Obama's presidency, with its ambitious calls for "hope" and "change," is that circumstances have assigned him the duty of presiding over the last days of the old regime. Our postwar political order, it seems, has sown the seeds of its own dissolution.
In both Dred Scott and Roe, the justices of the Supreme Court had to decide what it means to be a person, whether human beings can be considered property, and what it means to be deprived of liberty. They got it wrong both times.
A new documentary on late-term abortion providers shows us that the abortion debate is much more about why life is valuable than about when human life begins.
Adam Freedman's stark proposal in The Naked Constitution that we strip our founding document of its modern and academic glosses shows us that we need to take structural reforms to our Constitution seriously.
Slavery was a great evil, but the Constitution was neither its source nor its guarantor.
The recent Penn State scandal reminds us that if sports are to instill moral character, we must approach athletics first as an education in the virtues, not as an avenue to fame and wealth.
The Founders' nuanced views of religion and politics prevent us from reading modern concerns about the separation of church and state into their words.
An America without social conservatism would be stripped of its conservative enlightenment roots and go the way of Europe via entitlements and centralized economic regulation.
Many expect that the Supreme Court will soon overturn the traditional marriage laws remaining on the books in forty-three states, a prospect that would have been unthinkable only a decade or two ago. What happened?
Martin Luther King, Jr., espoused a worldview repugnant to many of those who now claim his legacy.
An upcoming Supreme Court decision might give government, rather than religious organizations, the final say on who counts as a religious minister.
Rick Perry's prayer rally engendered accusations that he wrongly crossed the church-state divide. But great leaders in American history have long held that religion is a necessary basis for public morality.
We are still reckoning with the legacy of Roe's fraudulent jurisprudence.


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Activating a license is the process of applying a license file to a specific AppDNA database – for example, after buying a full license after running in evaluation mode, or upgrading from AppDNA Standard to Enterprise edition. You can activate additional license files against a database that is already licensed – for example, to increase the number of applications you can view reports for. You can also activate an AppDNA database using a XenDesktop or XenApp Platinum license.
When you activate a license, it is imported into the AppDNA license server and applied to a specific AppDNA database.
To activate a license file:
When the activation has finished, the wizard displays a message if you must unlock the applications in the Apply Licenses screen.


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Zeina Daccache is a Lebanese actress, director, and drama therapist. She has directed the award-winning film and stage versions of 12 Angry Lebanese (2009, First Prize – Muhr Arab Documentary at DIFF), which was presented by male inmates at the Roumieh Prison, and Any, which documented the lives of Lebanese women following the July 2006 war. Daccache has also founded the Catharsis-Lebanese Center For Drama Therapy. (Dubai IFF)
Scheherazade's Diary will screen twice at the Human Rights Watch Film Festival on June 22.
W&H: Please give us your description of the film.
DZ: Imprisoned women, whether mothers or daughters, take center stage in Scheherazade's Diary, a documentary filmed throughout Catharsis, the non-profit drama therapy/theatre project that I set up in 2012 in Lebanon's Baabda Prison. The female inmates mine the depths of personal experience and confront patriarchy as they prepare and present the first theatre play staged inside an Arab women's prison.
W&H: What drew you to this story?
DZ: This is my second documentary shot inside a prison. The first one (12 Angry Lebanese) was shot in Roumieh, a male prison. I am a drama therapist/theatre director, so as with my first film, I brought a camera to shoot the whole process for Scheherazade's Diary. I then watched the footage and saw something deeper and further than the play, and realized a film needed to be made.
W&H: What was the biggest challenge in making the film?
DZ: My films are really made at the editing stage. Creating a one-hour film from 90 hours of footage is not easy. Furthermore, my films are done with the minimum shooting material required (we only use daylight, the sound boom is held by the inmates, etc.)
W&H: What advice do you have for other female directors?
DZ: Be real: if you feel you are "inventing a scene" (i.e., crafting things, not leaving them spontaneous), then you are creating a story and not the population's story. Keep the story as is, the style as is, and, most of all, keep the message as is.
W&H: What's the biggest misconception about you and your work?
DZ: That I always intend to make a film, whereas I only decide if there's a film at the point where around 100 of hours of footage have been shot.
W&H: Do you have any thoughts on what are the biggest challenges and/or opportunities for the future with the changing distribution mechanisms for films?
DZ: Yes, less money to the filmmakers or producers and therefore less money to the cause (in my case: the cause of the prisoners). That's why picking a good distributor is the biggest challenge.
W&H: Name your favorite woman directed film and why.
DZ: Nadine Labaki. She's a Lebanese filmmaker who's genuine, and genuine people are rare nowadays.
Sign Up: Stay on top of the latest breaking film and TV news! Sign up for our Email Newsletters here.


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Here at Britlish, you will find great English language learning material created especially for you by an innovative and passionate teacher of English.
You will find material to help with your pronunciation, like my very popular Sounds British Interactive British English IPA Chart.
There is the incredibly immersive English Mystery series which sees the students trying to solve a typical murder mystery while improving their English at the same time.
There's even English learning material that other teachers won't even try to teach, like the Sounds Rude Body Parts application which is strictly for adults only.
Fur literary buffs, there are study packs to go with the video English lesson podcasts of such works as Charles Dickens' A Child's History of England, a 37 part ongoing series.


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SSC Routine 2016 | Dakhil Routine 2016 | Dakhil Vocational Routine 2016 : The routine of SSC exam 2016 has published by Bangladesh education board. This is the final routine of S.S.C. SSC examination corresponds to Dakhil and SSC Vocational Exam in Madrasah and Technical Education Board Separately. SSC exam will start from 1st February 2016. There are many gaps between the two subject exam for taking good exam preparation. Students are happy to see such kind of student friendly SSC exam routine 2016.
SSC Routine 2016 | Dakhil Routine 2016 | SSC Vocational Routine 2016
SSC exam will start first February,2016 and the subject is Bangla First Paper. Exam will be held at 10am to 1pm. The S.S.C. exam will end at 14 March 2016. Last exam is practical exam. That means total duration of SSC exam is forty three days. Students are egerly waiting for the SSC routine 2016. Here they get their desired routine with all details.
Some important Subject of SSC exam and their code is given below:
Bangla First Paper- 101
Sohoj Bangla prothom potro – 103
Bangla bhasa and Bangladesh Songskriti 1st Paper – 105
Bangla 2nd paper – 102
Sohoj Bangla 2nd paper – 104
Bangla bhasa and Songskriti 2nd paper – 106
English first paper – 107
English 2nd paper – 108
Islam Shikkha – 111
Hindu dhormo – 112
Bouddo dhormo – 113
Christ dhormo – 114
Physics – 136
Chemistry – 137
Vugol – 110
Biology – 138
Social Science – 145
General science – 127
Accounting – 146
Garhostho – 129
Krisi Shikkha – 134
Download SSC Routine 2016 image format
Dakhil Routine 2016
Dakhil exam will start same day with SSC exam. Last exam date of Dakhil is 15/3/2016. Dakhil Routine 2016 Madrasa Board has published recently. Dakhil exam routine 2016 is given below:
Download Dakhil exam in image format
Dakhil Vocational Routine 2016
Dakhil Vocational Exam Routine 2016 has published by Madrasa Board. Dakhil vocational exam will start with ssc and dakhil exam in the same date first February 2016. SSC vocationl exam will end in 3/1/2016. Dakhil Vocational Routine 2016 is given below:
Download Dakhil Vocational Routine 2016
All boards routine such as SSC Routine 2016 Dhaka Board, SSC routine 2016 Rajshahi Board, SSC routine 2016 Chittagong Board, SSC routine 2016 Jessore Board, SSC routine 2016 Comilla Board, SSC routine Shylhet Board 2016, SSC Exam Routine Barisal Board 2016, SSC routine Dinajpur Board 2016 are same.
Frequently Asked Question (FAQ) By Students about SSC Routine 2016 –
When SSC exam will Start ?
Ans: SSC exam will start First February 2016
When SSC exam will end ?
Ans: SSC exam will end in 14 March 2016
Does Calculator Allowed in SSC exam?
Ans: Yes Calculator Casio 100ms is allowed
Does Mobile Phone is allowed in SSC exam?
Ans: Not allowed. If anybody is found with mobile he should be expelled.
To know more about SSC exam click on the below link:
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Consider Your Choices: Abortion, Adoption & ParentingClick here to schedule an appointment
If your pregnancy test is positive, our trained consultants will meet with you to discuss your options and provide the information that you need to make the choice that's right for you.
Abortion Adoption Parenting
You may consider abortion for many reasons:
• Reluctance to let others know you're pregnant
• Desire not to interrupt life plans
• Financial or emotional inability to care for a baby
• Pressure from the father of the baby or other family member to get an abortion
• Health concerns for you or the baby
If abortion seems like the best solution, keep in mind that abortion is a medical procedure.
First you need to know if you're ready for abortion:
• Are you really pregnant?
• How far along are you?
• Does this pregnancy require immediate medical attention?
• Are you at risk for a spontaneous abortion, or miscarriage?
Before you make an appointment for an abortion you should know:
• The kinds of abortion available
• Abortion risks to your health
• Questions to ask the abortion clinic
Our staff, many of whom have been where you are, can address your questions and concerns and educate you about abortion with the facts you need to make a good decision.
Some women choose adoption for many reasons:
• Feel conflicted about abortion but not ready to parent
• Desire for a two-parent home for the child
• Eliminates delays in pursuing life goals
• Improved financial support for a child
• More mature and stable parenting
If you're considering adoption, you have many options. You will decide:
• Whether to be a part of selecting the adoptive parents
• If you want a relationship with your child
• Between an open or closed adoption
• To make it a private or agency adoption
If you're pregnant, adoption is one of your three options. Adoption can be a solution to an unplanned pregnancy. Don't rule it out without learning the facts of this option. Be fully informed.
Before deciding to parent, you may have legitimate concerns that must be addressed:
• Fear that you're not ready to raise a child
• Lack of a good job or financial support
• Effect on school or career plans
• Medical insurance
• Father not willing to parent
• No other familial support
• Childcare while you work
We can talk over all of these pressing issues as well as possible solutions so you can decide whether parenting is possible.
Whatever you decide, make it an informed decision in a safe place with supportive people surrounding you. Call one of our Women's Center's today or make an online appointment.


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The 4th episode in the 'Today With Stephen Kempert' series. Stephen is waiting to meet his friend, Daniel, in the West Village for some lunch when he meets an interesting gentlemen who just wants to say hello. Stephen and Daniel find out the hard way that the customer isn't always right!!
- September 25, 2009
- 415 Views


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php Sound Music Sharing Platform
phpSound is a Social Music Sharing Platform similar with SoundCloud, that allows users to upload their music online and share them with the world.
php Sound Music Sharing Platform Script/Admin Features:
General Settings: Allows you to change various settings about the website and limitations.
Users Settings: Allows you to change various settings about user accounts and features, and predefined settings for them to be enabled or disabled.
Pro Accounts: Allows you to enable or disable Pro Accounts, change settings such as upload size, monthly plans, currency, etc.
Social Login: Allows you to enable or disable Social Login.
Themes: Allows you to change the whole website layout, the current theme enabled is marked Active .
Statistics: Advanced user and site statistics User Registrations, Tracks, Comments, Reports, Likes, Earnings and more.
Password: Allows you to change the Administrator Password.
Manage Users: Allows you to edit users, suspend, delete accounts, view transaction history and more.
Manage Payments: Allows you to view the payments details, suspend or enable a certain payment.
Manage Reports: Allows you to manage the reported Tracks and Comments, like suspending or deleting them.
Manage Categories: Allows you to add certain categories that will be displayed on the "Explore" page.
Manage Ads: Allows you to add Advertisments in certain places on the website.
API to retrieve User Profile Details or latest 20 Messages of a User.


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Words that end in chagen
Found 1 words that end in chagen. Browse our Scrabble Word Finder, Words With Friends cheat dictionary, and WordHub word solver to find words that end with chagen. Or use our Unscramble word solver to find your best possible play! Related: Words containing chagen
- Scrabble
- Words With Friends
- WordHub
- Crossword


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Watch DramaFever Award nominated movie Architecture 101
Next week, DramaFever's special Movie Night movies will return with a brand new movie that everyone will be really excited about! This week, let's watch the Third Annual DramaFever Awards nominated movie Architecture 101, starring Uhm Tae Woon, Han Ga In, and Suzy. Grab some popcorn and join us as we watch this movie about star-crossed lovers reunited again.
Synopsis: When Lee Seung Min (Uhm Tae Woong) first met Yang Seo Yeon (Han Ga In) in an architecture class, he unwittingly set the foundation for a star-crossed love. Seventeen years later, Seo Yeon approaches Seung Min to build her dream house on Jeju Island. Despite his plans to marry Eun Chae (Go Joon Hee) and move to the U.S., he takes on the project, which brings Seung Min and Seo Yeon closer than ever. But with so much water under the bridge, is love still possible?
Watch Now
To see our other new movies, make sure to come back every Saturday night for a DramaFever Movie Night movie HERE!
The Third Annual DramaFever Awards, presented by Toyota, are coming up in exactly two weeks in New York City, and now's your last chance to buy tickets to this star-filled event! While all VIP and First Tier General Admission tickets have sold out, there are still a few Second Tier General Admission tickets left for $25, so get them while you still can!