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Richard Seymour's new book, "American Insurgents", presents a historical analysis of anti-war protest in the United States. His previous books are "The Liberal Defence of Murder", now published in paperback, and "The Meaning of David Cameron". He blogs at Lenin's Tomb, and writes regularly for the Guardian. Seymour is a PhD candidate at the London School of Economics. He discussed his new book with New Left Project's David Wearing.
David Wearing: Can you summarise for us the subject of your new book?
Richard Seymour: American Insurgents is a brief history of anti-imperialism in the US, from the revolution to the present. Now, this is an odd subject: what's so American about it? What's so anti-imperialist about it? It doesn't seem to sit right. Apart from anything else, most pundits and historians imply that there's something profoundly paradoxical about the idea of an American Empire. Thus, we are treated to lapidary formulations about the 'Empire of Liberty'. This has to do with its ambiguous revolutionary legacy, which is something I explore in the book.
What can be said is that the liberal-democratic ideas that animated the revolution are in some respects in conflict with imperialism. The legatees of that revolution have often operated on that tension, using the inherited liberal-democratic discourse - the principle of self-determination, consent of the governed, etc - against imperialism. Thus, the Anti-Imperialist League, a mass movement included such luminaries as Mark Twain, Henry James and Jane Addams, appealled to the constitution, and the declaration of independence, against the US colonial war in the Phillipines in 1898. That is what is specifically American about the anti-imperialism I'm discussing.
As for what's so anti-imperialist about it, I should say up front that I have not restricted my purview to those movements which explicitly considered themselves anti-imperialist as that would be mainly a chronicle of marginalia. This is a study of the concrete political formations that arose against specific imperialist ventures. For, even if at an ideological level specific groups or individuals did not understand the problem as imperialism, the political struggle they were conducting was against imperialism. This is not to say that it doesn't matter whether groups self-identify as anti-imperialist or not. Their analysis matters, largely because it is a determinant of how successful they can be. It is just that it would be unduly restrictive, and finger-wagging, to adopt an ideal-type of anti-imperialism against which to measure those whose struggles we need to learn from.
One of the key differences that emerges in the history is, to put it very schematically, between liberal anti-imperialism and socialist anti-imperialism. The 19th century is dominated by the former, the 20th century by the latter. So the first two chapters of the book are concerned with how anti-imperialists through the 19th century attempted to use the liberal-democratic aspects of the American make-up against its expansionist drives. This takes us through the resistance (by early feminists, abolitionists, Whigs, etc) to colonial dispossession of Native Americans and the expansion of the slaveocracy in the conquest of Mexico, through to the 'colonial turn' at the end of the nineteenth century. This liberal-democratic strategy had its limits. The Anti-Imperialist League, for example, was a liberal anti-imperialist group. It was dominated by bourgeois white males and, though its dominant political tenor was anti-racist, it incorporated Southern planters nostalgic for slavery. It made use of the labour of workers, women and 'people of colour', but excluded them from its running. It adopted a legalist, parliamentarist political strategy, and channelled its energies into the Democratic campaign of 1900. This was a catastrophic decision, resulting in demoralisation when their ticket lost. Ironically, the demoralisation may have been worse if their candidate had won. There is a long history of anti-imperialist movements evaporating when they imagine they have gained executive power - witness the evacuation of the vast majority of the US antiwar movement from the scene after Obama's election.
However, already by the end of the nineteenth century, socialist and labour movements were asserting themselves. It was largely the socialist left that resisted Wilson's interventions into the Mexican Revolution and his participation in the Great War. The socialists took a very different approach to the liberal-democratic strategy. First of all, they systematically linked anti-imperialism to the material interests of the working class, and the oppressed, by arguing that imperialism was in the interests of capitalism and would make ordinary Americans worse off. Many in the Anti-Imperialist League had also argued that imperialism had 'economic' causes, but it wasn't usually a class issue for them. Second, they advocated the exercise of what Francis Fox Piven calls 'disruptive power' to stop the war machine: strikes, civil disobedience and evading conscription.
Theirs was not a passive, parliamentarist or legalist strategy. And they were met with violent counterattack. This is where a particularly virulent fusion of nativism and anticommunism was born. The militias, citizens bodies, judicial investigations, raids etc which were launched under the Wilson administration to crack down on the socialist Left took aim especially at presumed 'aliens'. These were exact precursors of the anticommunist networks of the Cold War.
But still, in most 20th century anti-imperialist movements, coalitions had had to be formed between socialists and liberals. (Again, I stress that this is a deliberately simplified schema: actual coalition-building involved navigating an array of heterogenous identities and axes of oppression, but the fundamental political and strategic divide can be summed up as one between socialists and liberals). So, these two strategies had to be reconciled, or at least co-exist in the same broad movement.
So, this is a history of US anti-imperialism but, in principle, the questions it addresses can be of use in analysing situations outside the US.
DW: What inspired you to take on this particular subject?
RS: For me, it was logical to follow up certain topics that I had to leave only cursorily examined in [Seymour's earlier book] The Liberal Defence of Murder: to wit, the counterpoint to liberal imperialism in anti-imperialist movements, and the extent to which liberalism itself was involved with that. As importantly, the manifest decline experienced by the antiwar movement in all of the core imperialist countries over recent years - this one included - raised some problems that needed to be addressed.
Specifically, is it possible to say in general which tactics are most likely to succeed or fail? Can we discern how much decisions by organised antiwar groups can help or hinder movements, and how much is due to factors outside their control? How important are antiwar soldiers? What about the question of solidarity with the people under attack?
There's a rich history of anti-imperialist movements forming alliances with the subjects of imperialism, such as the highly effective Central American solidarity movements of the 1980s, but that wasn't the case during the Iraq war - despite the fact that the fortunes of the antiwar movement clearly ebbed and flowed depending on the vigorousness of the resistance to the occupation. Did it make a decisive difference? If so, could it have been overcome if certain arguments had been won against the demonisation of Islam?
Or take the strategic divide I mentioned, between liberals and socialists. In the US antiwar movement, most recently, the activists were polarised between a largely pro-Democratic Party group called United for Peace and Justice, and a radical, explicitly anti-imperialist group called ANSWER with links to the 'Marxist-Leninist' group, Workers World Party. The two achieved unity for a brief while over limited tactical objectives - a march, or a rally, say - but fell out over priorities. I can't do justice to their dispute but, in my opinion, UFPJ were too close to the Democratic leadership and too keen on coalitions with leading Democrats. It is the UFPJ's activists who overwhelmingly vacated the scene after Obama's election, thus preventing the antiwar movement from achieving critical mass afterwards, and leaving it very poorly placed to respond to the Middle East revolutions and the US intervention in Libya.
Similar divisions were evident over Vietnam. The question arises: is it better for everyone to be under the same umbrella, as per Stop the War in the UK; or is it better to have people working in the same movement in different groups, with more freedom to pursue their different strategies? This is the difference between a pluralist free-for-all and the 'united front'. I personally think the 'united front' has the advantage here, though this unity is something that has to be constantly worked on, constructed, negotiated over and renewed. I don't pretend that the book offers concise formulae in answer to these questions, but it offers some compass points.
DW: Give us a few specific examples from your research of anti-war campaigns in the United States that have been broadly successful and some that have not. Are there any general lessons we can draw from these examples and apply in the future?
RS: First of all, we have to be very careful about what we judge as 'successful', and on what grounds. We can list the failures relatively easily. There was no anti-Korean War movement to speak of: there were campaigns, involving small numbers of people - pacifists, feminists, African American leftists, communists and Trotskyists - but these didn't sum up to a movement. Nor is the reason for this complicated. The Cold War had seen the destruction of the 'Popular Front' Left, which was the left that had been dominated by the Communist Party during the Thirties. 'Reds' were being hunted out of unions, out of politics, out of workplaces, and so on. When Kim Il-Sung's forces crossed the 38th parallel, it was seen as a simple case of Communist aggression, no different in its assault on the free world to Stalin's annexation of eastern Europe. No one particularly cared that the US had imposed a right-wing autocrat on the south, that the whole peninsula was embroiled in a civil war along class and ideological lines, and that the south had engaged in attacks on the north. To mention any of this was commie talk. So, most left-wing groups were incorporated into the anticommunist bloc, and thus pro-war.
Take another failure. The opposition to an attack on Iraq in 1990-1 was big, and initially seemed to have the public on-side. However, it was waylaid by the seemingly inexplicable rise in patriotic, 'pro-troops' sentiment once Desert Storm began. Thus, despite some sizeable mobilizations, the movement never acquired the critical mass needed to disrupt the war's planning. Importantly, they lost the battle over the 'framing' of the war. The public was not interested in a war for oil. Nor were they interested in defending the Kuwait royal family. So, while antiwar activists said 'no blood for oil' and poured execration on the Al-Sabah family, the administration focused on the threat of weapons of mass destruction, and the reports of alleged atrocities (many of which came from the PR company Hill & Knowlton), which was highly effective. There was also the 'yellow ribbon' campaign, a sentimental 'pro-troops' soft sell that, while not making an explicit case for war, summoned patriotic affect. And finally, the media began a campaign of revisionism over the Vietnam War, claiming that antiwar protesters had abused soldiers. The aim was to force antiwar activists onto the defensive about their attitude to the beloved troops - and it worked. Many activists accepted this 'memory' of the anti-Vietnam War protests, and sought to distance themselves from it.
In terms of the forces that could be mustered, and despite the persistence of anti-imperialist activism during the 1980s, the Reaganites had dealt some severe blows to the left and the labour movement, and had harrassed and disrupted peace groups under the rubric of anti-terrorist laws. This meant that the forces available for mobilisation in 1991 were much less than they would have been in 1981: the mobilisations over Desert Storm never reached the levels of the anti-nuclear 'Freeze' campaign in the early 1980s. So, despite profound differences, we can see a couple of common factors here. The first common factor is the vital role played by the state in disorganising leftist and oppositional groups. The second is the importance of ideological struggles over the long term. Before a specific war is on the agenda, the ideological terrain has already been formed by previous struggles. Whether the obstacle is anticommunist nationalism or just residual patriotism and deference to the armed forces, it is usually something that has been worked on - in educational institutions, places of worship, the mass media, and so on - for years beforehand. In this connection, an important context for the big antiwar movement over the invasion of Iraq in 2003 was the long-term campaign against sanctions conducted by small numbers of people, but with the cumulative result of undermining the demonization of Iraq and humanising its citizens.
But what constitutes success? Clearly, winning the argument with the public is an important precondition of success. Yet, if you judge a campaign purely in terms of winning the argument with the public, we can rack up quite a few successes. Noam Chomsky made the mordant observation during the anti-nuclear 'Freeze' campaign of the 1980s that it was "probably the most successful campaign ever carried out in the US peace movement" by virtue of meeting its own goal of winning public support, but also that it "had essentially zero impact on American politics". One could also observe along similar lines that the non-existing movement against the Korean War was a success on similar grounds, because a couple of years into the war, public support for it began to plummet. In terms of winning mass opinion with cross-party support, the Anti-Imperialist League was one of the most successful anti-imperialist movements in US history. It also completely failed to stop the colonial wars in Cuba or the Philippines, or later in Haiti. Winning support and respectability aren't the only things that matter. As Frances Fox Piven points out, social movements scholars all too often treat protest movements as purely symbolic, communicative affairs designed to create a good impression in the public mind. This underestimates the importance of what she calls 'disruptive power', which is the withdrawal of cooperation from the day-to-day reproduction of social relations: strikes, sit-ins, occupations, organised boycotts, etc. The pattern of many successful movements is that they start by being disruptive, and winning some partial victories, then gain public support. Indeed, one of the most effective ways of breaking up the ideological dominance of those in charge is to disrupt the means by which their political and economic dominance is reproduced.
The anti-Vietnam War movement is an interesting contrast with some of the above examples. It was opposed by most of the political establishment and media for most of its duration. It was vilified, and subject to severe police harrassment, illegal raids, and ultimately killings. This repression was part of a wider system of para-political repression unleashed by J Edgar Hoover, known as COINTELPRO. Yet, and notwithstanding the apocalyptic murder that was able to go on until the US was finally defeated, it is also an archetypal success story. Why? Because, in rough concert with the indigenous resistance led by the Viet Minh, it produced a crisis of political authority sufficient to worry the US ruling class, and fuelled a breakdown in the chain of command in the armed forces. It made it extremely difficult to fight the war effectively, and eventually contributed to a defeat for the US, which in turn acted as a restraint on imperialism for many years afterwards. The resulting 'Vietnam Syndrome' was never completely overcome, and it resulted in the US being extremely reluctant to commit to long wars with a long-term troop presence.
How was this achieved? First, the stability of the US system was increasingly threatened by the civil rights movement, which was a university of activism for many who would go on to join the anti-war movement - tactics of disruption and civil disobedience could be adapted and put to the use of the antiwar movement very effectively.
Second, the international system was disrupted by a wave of anticolonial movements, racking up successes in the late Fifties and early Sixties, which drew the attention and sympathy of many in the civil rights movement, who saw their struggle as part of a global revolt against racist domination. This was the material basis for the revival of anti-imperialist ideology throughout the Sixties, underpinning the sympathy for the Vietnamese people and the breakdown of anticommunist ideology. It meant that there was no longer such a taboo in working with socialists, and that the radicals were not working in isolation.
Third, as the movement developed, it started to win support in the rank and file of the organised labour movement (as opposed to the right-wing leadership), which was important in building the basis for radical actions like the moratorium on 16th October, 1969, which saw 1 million people turn out in what was effectively a militant strike action - it was dubbed a 'moratorium' to avoid alienating middle class opinion.
Fourth, the movement began to make headway in the armed forces, where - because of the draft - hundreds of thousands of working class youths were deployed. They began to desert, evade the draft, disobey orders, and 'frag' (shoot) their superiors. Recruitment fell dramatically. The army was literally breaking down.
Finally, the essential condition in all this was the unified and determined resistance of the Viet Minh and their popular base. Had they been broken, had the Tet offensive not happened, then the occupation of the country would have stabilised, a new regime would have emerged with US blessing, and the antiwar movement would have subsided.
All this is not to say that there weren't weaknesses in the campaign. As always, there was a tendency for the movement to be polarised between what might be styled as an 'ultra-left' radicalism, where small groups of people initiate seemingly militant actions without reference to the wider movement they're engaged in, and a liberalism in which the needs of the movement are too often subordinated to the desire to maintain respectability and ties with the Democratic Party. And it took a long time to overcome divisions between radical students and trade unionists. Moreover, once the struggle became a serious threat to the US ruling class, the scale of repression was escalated, and it forced those involved to harden their ideological stances. Unfortunately, this often meant the spread of ideas like Maoism and hardcore Stalinism, and produced cult-like behaviour from some. For others, it meant moving into the Democratic Party and thus into the graveyard of social movements. It was bad enough that George McGovern lost to Nixon in a landslide: to reiterate an earlier theme, in some ways it could have been even worse if he had won the 1972 election, as large sections of the antiwar movement would certainly have retired. Then there were those who simply gave up protest and started shopping for individual and spiritual freedom, sampling the crudités of personal development - est, gestalt, smorgasbord, hypnotism, tai chi, health food, etc. This is the tendency that Christopher Lasch described as 'the culture of narcissism' peculiar to a particular phase of advanced capitalism.
Still, the Vietnam War was ended with Americans fleeing Vietnam from the roof of 22 Gia Long Street, as the Viet Minh advanced. They got, to borrow a phrase from Bernie Grant, a bloody good hiding. And the antiwar movement played an honourable, central role in this.
DW: After the 1960s there was a lot of anxiety in American circles of power about the rise in popular protest and the dread prospect of the public forcing its way into the political arena. The Trilateral Commission for example concerned itself with analysing this phenomenon and proposing solutions. And obviously a very large part of that had to do with the war in Indochina and the popular movement against it. Can you talk a bit about how policymakers understood the "Vietnam Syndrome", and the effect that had on US foreign policy in subsequent years?
RS: The term 'Vietnam Syndrome' emerged first in opposition to detente. In Reagan's useage, it meant that a "noble" cause - the American war in Vietnam - had been subverted by the successful spread of Viet Minh propaganda among ordinary Americans, who were foolishly persuaded that peace would come by ending the war. But it also meant that policymakers were increasingly unable or unwilling to invest in military build-up, or to assert US (ruling class) interests overseas, the "sickly inhibitions against the use of military force" (Norman Podhoretz) that, supposedly, allowed the USSR to meddle and provoke civil war in Latin American countries. It was used to justify the US proxy wars in El Salvador and Nicaragua, as well as Afghanistan, but it also stood for the fact that they had to use proxies rather than intervene directly, because of the mass opposition that would otherwise be provoked. Rolling back the gains made by the anti-Vietnam War movement and reconstituting imperialist ideology has been an ongoing challenge, partially met by the revival of certain colonial ideas under the rubric of 'humanitarian intervention' in the 1990s.
The work of the Trilateral Commission is related, but slightly different. Initially, its strategy was not necessarily against detente. In fact, the early position was one that favoured trade with the USSR as a means of softening it up for incorporation into the capitalist system (leaving aside arguments about whether the USSR was already capitalist). Its key agenda was to support the 'trilateral' management of the world system by the US, Europe and Japan, in which problems (secessions, insurgencies, etc) would be dealt with by local proxies. The balance of opinion among US, European and Japanese constituents shifted against detente in the late 1970s and early 1980s, in favour of military escalation. But even then elements of the power that compromised the Commission - like the capitalist oligopolist David Rockefeller - continued to support trade rather than confrontation. So, there were different strategies for overcoming the 'Vietnam Syndrome', of which the Reaganites represented only one.
The question that you deal with is the Commission's worries about democracy in light of the antiwar, feminist, black and workers' movements. Its 1975 report, The Crisis of Democracy, suggests that there is a surfeit of democracy, that too many popular constituencies are vying to participate, not just in the formation of policy but in the day to day running of society. The US constitutional republic was always supposed to be an aristocratic system. But the infringement of popular sovereignty was disrupting the ability of business and administrative elites to get on with managing the affairs of the country. The Commissioners were for a limited, parliamentary democracy, but only on prudential grounds: that is, democracy was useful as a means of creating legitimate, stable orders, and would only work if the population could be restored to apathy. I think this is particularly interesting today, because once more capitalism is reaching a stage were the extant parliamentary democratic system is unable to cope with the needs of the system, viz. the imposition of 'austerity' measures. Thus, as a Le Figaro columnist put it, the rule of unelected technocratic governments in Greece and Italy should be long enough to "be effective" but must "be limited in order to guarantee, in the best conditions, a return to democratic legitimacy." (Quoted by Etienne Balibar) Now, this is interesting. Imperialist powers have a long history of justifying aggression on the grounds that they will bring democratic liberty to the subjects of their aggression. The reality is that the ruling classes in core imperialist countries don't particularly care for democracy: they want it only inasmuch as it can be contained. This has implications for what the grateful beneficiaries of US & European 'liberation' can expect.
DW: Bringing us up to date, the most recent war waged by the US was its involvement in the NATO intervention in Libya earlier this year, and opposition to that appears to have been pretty muted. To what can this be attributed, do you think? Clearly the degree of military commitment is incomparable with Iraq or Afghanistan, with no troops on the ground acting as a focal point for public concern. But was there also a sense in which the left found itself torn between two instincts: on the one hand, its desire to see the success or at least the survival of a popular uprising against a tyrant, and on the other hand, concern about the consequences of Western involvement both in terms of levels of death and destruction and in terms of the danger that the uprising would be hijacked and co-opted by the West?
RS: I think the first factor that has undermined any antiwar movement over Libya is partly external the situation itself: the election of Obama. An important study, cited in the book, suggests that once Obama was elected, large swathes of the antiwar movement simply abdicated. They abandoned the streets. Now, this reflects one of the weaknesses of the antiwar movement over the last decade. Although the ideological thematics of the struggle were in some senses radical - it was a war for oil, empire-building, etc., not just a badly executed policy, or a mistake - the dominant tone was more anti-Bush than anti-imperialist. Now, one doesn't sniff at anyone being anti-Bush: he asked for it. But it did unfortunately mean that once the Democrats took Congress in 2006, and especially once Obama got the executive in 2008, the movement lost critical mass. Actually, to be blunt about it, I think United for Peace and Justice, the pro-Democratic antiwar group, basically stopped organising in any serious way. So, their line on Libya was reasonable, though a bit anodyne: support the democratic struggles of the peoples of the Middle East, but don't support the US given what they've just done. But they didn't do much about opposing the war. ANSWER did more, but unfortunately the tone of its meetings was predominantly pro-Qadhafi. On the other hand, a number of generally antiwar intellectuals vociferously supported the intervention in Libya - like Juan Cole, for example. So, this points to the second factor: in the face of a revolutionary process, which necessarily disrupts all stable political and ideological coordinates, opinion began to fragment on the Left in quite a serious way.
It is true, as you say, that many people were torn over this war. Of course, a lot of people weren't remotely conflicted. The pro-Qadhafi lot didn't want to see the revolution succeed: as far as they were concerned, it was an imperialist proxy and nothing more. Most of the pro-war crowd didn't see any conflict between a NATO-backed war and a revolutionary process: this illustrates the tenacity of the ideology of 'humanitarian intervention', or more broadly of the tradition of liberal imperialism that my last book dealt with. The more fertile, and to me more interesting, arguments have been had in the space where that tension does exist. Here, disagreements become heated, and therefore shed more light. And this is important because how we solve these problems now has a great bearing on how we approach similar problems, which we are better enabled to tackle, in the future.
That said, let me outline broadly what the stronger arguments for and against the war were - these, from an anti-imperialist perspective. In its favour, there was a genuine revolutionary movement, being crushed by Qadfhafi's forces, which engaged in serious war crimes and brutal assaults on civilians. Qadhafi's broadcasts were horrible, threatening vicious reprisals against those who had rebelled, and on the eve of intervention, he was clearly winning. There was no way that the opposition could have taken power without the assistance of NATO. The intervention was extremely limited and would give the opposition breathing room without fully subordinating it. And the reality is that the majority of the population in the east were probably very glad that NATO did intervene - reservations notwithstanding.
Against it, there was a genuine revolutionary movement, which was about to be hijacked by NATO. It could have been allowed to arm and continue the fight independently, but instead the imperialist powers, controlling the pace of events from the air, and via proxies on the ground, would control the political settlement after the war. The result would not be a revolution, because the masses would be excluded from power. Those within the opposition who had pushed hardest for an alliance with imperialism, and who would be empowered by it, were dissident ruling class factions who favoured a swifter shift toward neoliberalism than the old state-entrenched elite was able to organise. If the revolution was in fact defeated, at least for now, then imperialist intervention would simply prolong the war, and at best end with a status that could have been achieved with a negotiated settlement: a reconstituted regime making the neoliberal transition, with some liberalisation on human and civil rights. At worst, it would either produce a stalemate and lead to the partition of the country with potentially bloody consequences or shade inexorably into harder aerial bombardment and then perhaps to a ground invasion with catastrophic consequences.
How one decided between the two couldn't be decided in advance by abstract slogans. Yes, there is an accumulated wealth of experience which informs one's instincts. And yes, even abstract slogans advert to important principles, the accumulated wisdom of past experience, which should not be compromised lightly. But in this case the only way to finally decide one's position was to be as concrete as possible. And this points to another problem, another reason for division: it was incredibly difficult to establish what was actually going on. This isn't because it's a far away country of which we know little - not in the age of the internet.
The reason hinges, ironically, on one of the successes of the revolution: they gained control of the major cities of the east. Thus, dual power acquired a territorial dimension. And within the liberated cities, a new opposition media emerged, broadly reflecting the positions of the insurgency. There was also some very effective use of social media. All well and good. Yet, once one has decided that imperialism is the answer, that one has to win over international audiences, there is inescapably an element of dissimulation. And that is exactly what happened here. For example, as far as we can tell, some of the rebel forces spread unfounded rumours about Qadhafi using 'African' (meaning black) mercenaries. But it was impossible to know at the time how much of this was true - so does one accept the claims, with all the consequences that this has? The consequence, as we now know, has been lynchings, mass arrests and ethnic cleansing by rebel forces, a tragic degeneration of the original revolutionary promise. Or does one dispute them as prima facie implausible - despite Qadhafi's known use of mercenaries in the past? In the end, what decided this question for me personally was the less-than-subtle racist code being used. And it was this, before the intervention began, that raised alarm bells. Even if mercenaries were being used, it wasn't the scenario being described by the opposition leadership, which meant that there was probably much else that couldn't be trusted.
Similar unfounded claims were made about Qadhafi sending out troops with viagra to engage in widespread rape. Opposition members seem to have actively sought out journalists to feed this story to them. Now, again, this claim may be obviously lurid and propagandistic, but there are lots of similar, more modest claims that it would be hard to judge the veracity of from a distance. Then there were the claims of aerial bombardment being deployed, which were used to justify the NATO 'no-fly zone' in the first place. It was later reported that the only actual aerial bombardment was carried out by NATO. But who seriously doubted these claims when they were made? Then there were the seemingly inflated casualty figures, which were an important basis for some of the claims about what would happen if Qadhafi was allowed to continue unimpeded to retake Benghazi. For example, social media was used to spread very early on the message that Qadhafi had killed 10,000 people. This was after one week, before the state had even got its business together and seriously started the counter-attack. Reportedly, the claim originated with a Libyan ICC member who was based in Brussells. It didn't tally with the statistics provided by Human Rights Watch. But suppose HRW hadn't been able to provide their own statistics (which, anyway, are far from final)? How would you judge such a claim? In terms of its plausibility, you could only compare it to other claims coming out of Libya - and that's where propaganda becomes mutually reinforcing. So, for those who couldn't decide their position in light of abstract slogans, the problem was one of actually determining what was going on.
Now, the case for or against intervention does not stand or fall based on any one of these points. But the questions these points pose are important. They force us to think about how we relate to genuine resistance movements. They compel us to reflect on the class and ideological cleavages within those movements. For example, the Libyan opposition was almost wholly dominated by a dissident, pro-US, neoliberal faction of the ruling class. It lacked any Left to speak of, and had no labour movement. The civil society base was weak, because Qadhafi had never tolerated a civil society opposition. Does that make the uprising less genuine, less deserving of support? No. Does it decided for or against intervention? No. But should such considerations inform our analysis, and thus how we respond to what is taking place? In my opinion, yes, absolutely.
We will face similar dilemmas again. Imperialist intervention in Syria is not wholly implausible, for example, though the resistance to that within the Syrian opposition is stronger than in Libya. If that materialises, it will be important not to collapse into cheerleading for bombing or invasion, while at the same time orienting toward the popular opposition forces in the country rather than simply denouncing them as an imperialist proxy. Thus, the debate over Libya was valid and necessary, and its implications have still to be drawn out. The challenge, in my view, is to develop a consistently anti-imperialist perspective that is grounded in support for the Middle East uprisings, and which can adapt to the sudden, sharp shifts that will arise as a result of their successes and setbacks.


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Nicaragua holidays
Nicaragua group tours are ideal for those visiting the country for the first time. Gain an insight into the highlights of the country, and combine this with nearby countries – Costa Rica, Honduras, Panama and more – for a real Central American adventure in the company of like-minded travellers.
Take in the natural and cultural wonders of Central America, from tropical landscapes and volcanoes to colonial heritage and superb Mayan cities. Get an insight into the history of the civil war and...
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Weddings – Häät
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"If your photographs aren't good enough, you're not close enough. " –Robert Capa
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"The raw materials of photography are light, time and memory." –Keith Carter
Newborn – Vastasyntyneet
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Portraits – Muotokuvat
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For new products, the serial number will be listed on the hosel of every club. On all iron sets made after 2009, the serial number will only be listed on the 6 or 7 iron.
03. If I provide a Serial number for my Srixon / Cleveland Golf club, can you verify authenticity?
To verify the authenticity of yourSrixon / Cleveland Golf clubs, you will need to provide us with a copy of the sales receipt, along with the serial number. This will allow us to ensure that your clubs are genuine Srixon / Cleveland Golf products.
01. I am looking for an older Srixon product, how do I know if you are still making it?
Our products are typically in line for a maximum of two years. Beyond that, some would only be available for purchase on a case-by-case basis. Certain Internet retailers have new versions of our clubs; for site recommendations, please call us at 1 800 222 227.
02. I am looking for the specs for my older Cleveland Club; where can I find this information?
You can call our Customer Service department at 1 800 222 227 and they will be able to provide you with the information you are looking for.
03. How do I clean my clubs?
Wipe down the golf club with a wet towel after every shot. To clean the grooves, use a nylon brush, and never use a steel brush. You can use mild soap and water when needed.
01. Where can I find a replacement head cover for my Srixon / Cleveland Golf club?
We offer head covers for our current product line in our authorized retailers. If the head cover you are looking for is not available there, please contact our Customer Service department at 1 800 222 227, with your inquiry and we can see if that item is available at that given time.
02. Where do I get information on Corporate or ASI Sales?
Please contact by phone at 1 800 222 227.
03. I am a consumer; am I able to purchase directly from Srixon / Cleveland Golf over the phone?
Unfortunately, we do not allow consumers to purchase directly over the phone. You are able to purchase products through any of our authorized retailers. You can find a dealer in your area by using our DEALER LOCATER.
04. I have lost a club in my Srixon iron set, where am I able to find a replacement?
We keep inventory for up to two years after the date of release. If it is an older product, please call our Customer Service department at 1 800 222 227 and they are able to guide you towards authorized resellers who may have the club you are looking for.
01. I have a broken component on my Srixon / Cleveland Golf club. How can I get this fixed?
To see if the broken club would be covered under our Manufacturer's Warranty. You would have to take the club to an Authorized Dealer and have them set up a repair authorization with us. Then, the club would have to be shipped, where it will be inspected by our repairs department. They would assess the damage and let the dealer know if it would be covered under our warranty.
02. I have an older Srixon / Cleveland Golf club that broke. How do I know if this would be covered under [warranty]?
Srixon / Cleveland Golf warrants its golf club products to be free from defects in materials and workmanship for one year from the date of first retail sale. This warranty does not apply to wear or damage from abnormal use, misuse, abuse, neglect or accident, or to products which have been repaired or modified other than by Srixon. Srixon does not warrant damage to its products caused by third parties. A club may be covered if it has undergone normal modification as in re-shafting and or re-griping. It will be at Srixon / Cleveland Golf discretion to determine if such modification has caused any damage. At Srixon's option and as the buyer's sole remedy, defective products covered by this limited warranty will be either repaired or replaced at no charge to the buyer. Such defective products must be returned to the authorized Srixon / Cleveland Golf dealer from which such products were purchased. End user customers may contact Srixon directly regarding any problems relating to warranty service. All buyers or users are requested to return their warranty registration cards. Srixon / Cleveland Golf DISCLAIMS ALL LIABILITY FOR ANY INCIDENTAL OR CONSEQUENTIAL DAMAGES.


text:
Update, May 12, at 6:24 am
POLITICO reports on May 11 that Trump's dissatisfaction with Nielsen did not begin only with the recent uptick in illegal border crossings, but that it dates back at least to late 2017, when she stated at her confirmation hearings that she favored a permanent solution for DACA recipients and opposed Trump's border wall plan.
As a result of these statements, she was attacked by Fox News immigrant-hating commentators such as Lou Dobbs and Ann Coulter. Coulter, according to POLITICO, called Nielsen an "Open Borders Zealot".
The same publication also reports that Trump was "livid" with Nielsen because of these comments and threatened to pull her nomination. This raises a question whether White House immigration policy is being made in the Oval Office, or whether it is originating with Fox News. See:
Update, May 11 at 3:49 pm:
The Washington Post also reports the story described below in the New York Times about Trump's May 10 cabinet meeting outburst against DHS Secretary Nielsen, apparently brought on by a seasonal increase in illegal border crossings from Mexico. According to the WP, Trump shouted at Nielsen:
"Why don't you have solutions? How is this still happening? We need to shut it down. We're closed."
Nielsen's protests that the DHS has to follow the law regarding what actions it can take, apparently made no impression on Trump, despite the attempts of AG Jeff Sessions, who does certainly not have a reputation as a supporter of illegal immigration, or nonwhite immigration in general, to defend her.
I do not have a direct link to the WP story, but it can be accessed through Google. My original comment appears below:
The New York Times reports on May 10 that DHS Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen, who by all reports has been loyally and faithfully making every[possible effort to carry out Donald Trump's "zero tolerance" policy toward Central American immigrants seeking entry to the US to pursue asylum claims, has written but not submitted a resignation letter after Trump berated her in front of the entire cabinet during a lengthy anti-immigrant tirade for allegedly failing to secure the nation's borders.
It appears from The Times' report that one of the main bones of contention was over the fact that current immigration law allows asylum seekers to present asylum claims ant the border and grants them the right to a hearing before an immigration judge if a border inspecting officer finds that the applicant has a credible fear of persecution.
It also appears that Trump was evidently holding Secretary Nielsen responsible for the fact that there is such a law, and that her department is evidently attempting to obey it by allowing some asylum claimants to enter the US for this purpose.The Times reports that Trump vented his anger as follows:
"We've very much toughened up the border, but the laws are horrible...The laws in this country for immigration and illegal immigration are absolutely horrible. And we have to do something about it - not only the wall, which we're building sections of right now."
Aside from the obvious untruth in this last comment, since no part of Trump's wall is in fact being built now other than repairs to existing fencing, Trump's above rant has all the fury of a dictator's wish to do away with laws that he doesn't like and hatred of what the great Roman poet Virgil 2,000 year ago called a gens invisum (despised race or nation of people - see Aeneid, Book 1).
Last week, in an even more ominous attack against non - only non-white immigrants, but the Rule of Law in America in general, Trump stated as follows in a speech about immigration to the NRA, according to the same report:
"We don't have laws. We have laws that were written by people who could not truly love our country....
"We're going to start defending our country. We're going to start defending our borders."
In other words, Latino and other non-white immigrants are the enemy. And people who enact laws which protect their rights are traitors. This is what the president of the United States appears to be saying.
In addition to berating Secretary Nielsen for following this country's laws giving asylum seekers at the border certain rights, The Times reports that Trump is also dissatisfied with Nielsen for failing to show sufficient cruelty toward immigrant families seeking entry at the border:
"One persistent issue has been Mr. Trump's belief that Ms. Nielsen and other officials in the department were resisting his direction that parents be separated from their children when families cross illegally into the United States, several officials said. The president and his aides in the White House had been pushing for a family separation policy for weeks as s way of deterring families from trying to cross the border illegally."
(One has to suspect that Stephen Miller, a top immigration adviser to the president who has often been accused of supporting white supremacist causes
may have been one of these officials, but this is only speculation. I have no actual knowledge beyond the NYT report.)
It is also important to note that in the above quoted extract from his outburst over the fact that America's current immigration laws do not always neatly fit in with his own immigration agenda, Trump stated (or shouted) that the laws in this country are "horrible" for both "immigration and illegal immigration".
Contrary to what some of Trump's defenders might argue whenever he makes a statement that is hard for any reasonable person to defend, there is no reason to assume that this was merely a slip of the tongue by a president who is not famous for being precise with words. The obvious meaning was that Trump is highly dissatisfied with America's legal immigration system, not only with alleged loopholes for unauthorized immigrants.
Anyone who has not been totally asleep since Trump took office on January 20 of last year can tell from Trump's own statements and actions as president that he has a very hard time dealing with a legal immigration system which allows Muslim refugees, South and East Asian H-1B and other highly skilled professionals, African diversity visa lottery winners, and close relatives of American citizens who come from Latin America and every other part of the world other than "Countries Like Norway" to immigrate to the US with legal visas.
As Trump's presidency continues, for however long that may turn out to be, we can expect that there will be even more attacks on non -white immigrants from various parts of the world, and more officials responsible for for the immigration system who may be leaving or threatening to leave this administration because of attacks from the president for adhering to the rule of law in America.
Roger Algase is a New York immigration lawyer and a graduate of Harvard College and Harvard Law School. He has been helping mainly skilled and professional immigrants from diverse parts of the world receive work visas and green cards for more than 30 years. Roger's email address is firstname.lastname@example.com


text:
HP OpenVMS SystemsC Programming Language
OpenVMS 64-bit virtual addressing support makes the 64-bit virtual address space defined by the Alpha and Itanium architectures available to the OpenVMS operating system and its users. It also allows per-process virtual addressing for accessing dynamically mapped data beyond traditional 32-bit limits.
The HP C compiler supports 64-bit pointers on all hardware platforms where the OpenVMS operating system supports 64-bit pointers; that is, on the Alpha and Itanium processors.
This support is provided through command-line qualifiers and pragma preprocessor directives that control the size of the C pointer because:
Single objects larger than 2 gigabytes are not fully supported, even with 64-bit virtual addressing in effect.
No changes are required for existing 32-bit applications that do not need to exploit 64-bit addressing.
The following qualifiers, pragmas, and predefined macro control pointer size:
The /POINTER_SIZE qualifier lets you specify a value of 64 or 32 (or LONG or SHORT) as the default pointer size within the compilation unit. You can compile one set of modules using 32-bit pointers and another set using 64-bit pointers. Take care when these two separate groups of modules call each other.
The default is /NOPOINTER_SIZE, which:
This default represents no change over previous versions of HP C.
Specifying /POINTER_SIZE with a keyword value (32, 64, SHORT, or LONG) has the following effects:
Use of the /POINTER_SIZE qualifier also influences the processing of HP C RTL header files:
See the HP C Run-Time Library Reference Manual for OpenVMS Systems for more information on the impact of 64-bit pointer support on HP C RTL functions.
See Section 1.3.4 for more information about /POINTER_SIZE.
The __INITIAL_POINTER_SIZE preprocessor macro is useful for header-file authors to determine:
Header-file code can then be conditionalized using the following preprocessor directives:
#if defined (__INITIAL_POINTER_SIZE) /* Compiler supports 64-bit pointers */ #if __INITIAL_POINTER_SIZE > 0 /* Application uses 64-bit pointers */ #if __INITIAL_POINTER_SIZE == 32 /* Application uses some 64-bit pointers, but default RTL routines are 32-bit.*/ #if __INITIAL_POINTER_SIZE == 64 /* Application uses 64-bit pointers and default RTL routines are 64-bit. */
Use the /CHECK=POINTER_SIZE qualifier to generate code that checks 64-bit pointer values at runtime to make sure they can fit in a 32-bit pointer. If such a value cannot be represented by a 32-bit pointer, the run-time code signals a range error (SS$_RANGEERR).
Be aware that the compiler generates the same kinds of warning messages for pointer-size mismatches whether or not this qualifier is specified. The run-time checks can detect problems that cannot be detected at compile time, and can help determine whether or not certain warnings are safe to suppress.
See Section 1.3.4 for more information about /CHECK=POINTER_SIZE, including defaults and an example.
The #pragma pointer_size and #pragma required_pointer_size preprocessor directives can be used to change the pointer size currently in effect within a compilation unit. You can default pointers to 32-bits and then declare specific pointers within the module as 64-bits. In this case, you also need to specifically call the _malloc64 form of malloc to obtain memory from the 64-bit memory area.
These pragmas have the following format:
#pragma pointer_size keyword
#pragma required_pointer_size keyword
The keyword is one of the following:
|{ short |32}
|32-bit pointer
|{ long |64}
|64-bit pointer
|Saves the current pointer size
|Restores the current pointer size to its last saved state
The #pragma pointer_size and #pragma required_pointer_size directives work essentially the same way, except that #pragma required_pointer_size always takes effect regardless of command-line qualifiers, while #pragma pointer_size is only in effect when the /POINTER_SIZE command-line qualifier is used.
The #pragma pointer_size behavior allows a program to be built using 64-bit features as purely as a 32-bit program, just by changing the command-line qualifier.
The #pragma required_pointer_size is intended for use in header files where interfaces to system data structures must use a specific pointer size regardless of how the program is compiled.
See Sections 5.4.19 and 5.4.20 for more information on the pointer-size pragmas.
The pointer-size qualifiers and pragmas affect only a limited number of constructs in the C language itself. At places where the syntax creates a pointer type, the pointer-size context determines the size of that type. Pointer-size context is defined by the most recent pragma (or command-line qualifier) affecting pointer size.
Here are examples of places in the syntax where a pointer type is created:
int **p; // Declaration ip = (int **)i; // Cast
void foo(int ia[10][20]) {} // Means the following: void foo(int (*ia)[20]) {}
void foo (int func()): // Means the following: void foo (int (*)() func);
typedef int a_type[10]; void foo (a_type ia); // Means the following: void foo (int *ia);
Note that a typedef binds the meaning of pointer syntax while a macro does not. Even though both constructs can contain a * used in a declaration, the * in the macro definition is not affected by any pointer-size controls until the point at which the macro is expanded. For example:
#pragma pointer_size 64 typedef int * j_ptr; // * is 64-bit #define J_PTR int * // * is not analyzed #pragma pointer_size 32 j_ptr j; // j is a 64-bit pointer. J_PTR J; // J is a 32-bit pointer.
The following special cases are not affected by pointer-size context:
#pragma pointer_size 64 main(int argc, char **argv) { ASSERT(sizeof(argv[0]) == 4); }
#pragma pointer_size 64 ASSERT(sizeof("x" + 0) == 4);
sizeof(&foo) == 32 sizeof(&s ->next) == sizeof(s)
#pragma pointer_size 64 typedef int * ip64; #pragma pointer_size 32 typedef int * ip32; ip64 a,b; ip32 c; a = (ip32)b; // No high-order bits are lost c = (ip32)b; // High-order bits are lost
An application can use both 32-bit and 64-bit addresses. The following semantics apply when mixing pointers:
The following general header-file considerations should be kept in mind:
fprintf(FILE *, const char *, ...);
Be aware that pointer-size controls are not unique in the way they affect header files; other features that affect data layout have similar impact. For example, most header files should be compiled with 32-bit pointers regardless of pointer-size context. Also, most system header files (on OpenVMS Alpha and I64 systems) must be compiled with member_alignment regardless of user pragmas or qualifiers.
To address this issue more generally, the pragma environment directive can be used to save context and set header defaults at the beginning of each header file, and then to restore context at the end. See Section 5.4.4 for a description of pragma environment .
For header files that have not yet been upgraded to use #pragma environment, the /POINTER_SIZE=64 qualifier can be difficult to use effectively. For such header files that are not 64-bit aware, the compiler automatically applies user-defined prologue and epilogue files before and after the text of the included header file. See Section 1.7.4 for more information on prologue/epilogue files.
HP C automatically processes user-supplied prologue and epilogue header files. This feature is an aid to using header files that are not 64-bit aware within an application that is built to exploit 64-bit addressing.
HP C header files typically contain a section at the top that:
A section at the end of the header file then restores these pragmas to their previously-saved state.
Mixed pointer sizes introduce another kind of state that typically needs to be saved, set, and restored in header files that define fixed 32-bit interfaces to libraries and data structures.
The #pragma environment preprocessor directive allows headers to control all compiler states (message suppression, extern_model , member_alignment , and pointer_size ) with one directive.
However, for header files that have not yet been upgraded to use #pragma environment , the /POINTER_SIZE=64 qualifier can be difficult to use effectively. In this case, the automatic mechanism to include prologue/epilogue files allows you to protect all of the header files within a single directory (or modules within a single text library). You do this by copying two short files into each directory or library that needs it, without having to edit each header file or library module separately.
In time, you should modify header files to either exploit 64-bit addressing (like the HP C RTL), or to protect themselves with #pragma environment . Prologue/epilogue processing can ease this transition.
Prologue/epilogue file are processed in the following way:
The prologue/epilogue files are otherwise treated as if they had been included explicitly: #line directives are generated for them if /PREPROCESS_ONLY output is produced, and they appear as dependencies if /MMS_DEPENDENCY output is produced.
To take advantage of prologue/epilogue processing for included header files, you need to create two files, __DECC_INCLUDE_PROLOGUE.H and __DECC_INCLUDE_EPILOGUE.H , in the same directory as the included file.
Suggested content for a prologue file is:
__DECC_INCLUDE_PROLOGUE.H: #ifdef __PRAGMA_ENVIRONMENT #pragma environment save #pragma environment header_defaults #else #error "__DECC_INCLUDE_PROLOGUE.H: This compiler does not support pragma environment" #endif
Suggested content for an epilogue file is:
__DECC_INCLUDE_EPILOGUE.H: #ifdef __PRAGMA_ENVIRONMENT #pragma __environment restore #else #error "__DECC_INCLUDE_EPILOGUE.H: This compiler does not support pragma environment" #endif
Consider the following suggestions to avoid problems related to pointer size:
The following examples illustrate the use and misuse of 64-bit pointers.
|Example 1-2 Watch Out for Pointers to Pointers (**)
/* CC/NAME=AS_IS/POINTER_SIZE=64 */ #include <stdio.h> #pragma pointer_size 64 char *C[2] = {"AB", "CD"}; /* sizeof(C) = 16 */ char **CPTRPTR = C; char **CPTR; #pragma pointer_size 32 char *c[2] = {"ab", "cd"}; /* sizeof(C) = 8 */ char **cptrptr = c; char **cptr; int main (void) { CPTR = cptr; /* No problem. */ cptr = CPTR; /* %CC-W-MAYLOSEDATA */ CPTRPTR = cptrptr; /* %CC-W-PTRMISMATCH */ cptrptr = CPTRPTR; /* MAYLOSEDATA & PTRMISMATCH */ puts(cptrptr[0]); /* ab */ puts(cptrptr[1]); /* cd */ puts(CPTRPTR[0]); /* Bad address passed. */ puts(CPTRPTR[1]); /* Fetch off end of c. */ }
Compiling Example 1-2 produces:
$ cc example1/name=as_is/pointer_size cptr = CPTR; /* %CC-W-MAYLOSEDATA */ ....^ %CC-W-MAYLOSEDATA, In this statement, "CPTR" has a larger data size than "short pointer to char". Assignment may result in data loss.) CPTRPTR = cptrptr; /* %CC-W-PTRMISMATCH */ ....^ %CC-W-PTRMISMATCH, In this statement, the referenced type of the pointer value "cptrptr" is "short pointer to char", which is not compatible with "long pointer to char". cptrptr = CPTRPTR; /* MAYLOSEDATA & PTRMISMATCH */ ....^ %CC-W-MAYLOSEDATA, In this statement, "CPTRPTR" has a larger data size than "short pointer to short pointer to char". Assignment may result in data loss.) cptrptr = CPTRPTR; /* MAYLOSEDATA & PTRMISMATCH */ ....^ %CC-W-PTRMISMATCH, In this statement, the referenced type of the pointer value "CPTRPTR" is "long pointer to char", which is not compatible with "short pointer to char".
|Example 1-3 Trivial 64-Bit Exploitation
#include <stdio.h> #include <stdlib.h> __int64 limit, count; size_t bytes; char *cp, *prevcp; int main(int argc, char **argv) { sscanf(argv[1], "%d", &bytes); sscanf(argv[2], "%Ld", &limit); printf("bytes %d, limit %Ld, tot %Ld\n", bytes, limit, bytes * limit); for (count=0; count < limit; count++) { if (!(cp = malloc(bytes))) { printf("Max %Ld bytes.\n", bytes * (count + 1)); break; } else if (!prevcp) printf("First addr %Lx.\n", cp); } prevcp = cp; printf("Last addr %Lx.\n", prevcp); }
Compiling, linking, and running Example 1-3 produces:
$ cc example2 $ link example2 $ example2:==$sys$login:[.john]example2 ! << set up a symbol $ example2 65536 1234567890123456 bytes 65536, limit 1234567890123456, tot 7121664952292605952 First addr 610b0. First addr 730b0. First addr 850b0. First addr 970b0. First addr a90b0. . . . First addr f1c30b0. First addr f1d50b0. First addr f1e70b0. First addr f1f90b0. First addr f20b0b0. Max 225378304 bytes. Last addr 0. $ $ cc/pointer_size=64 example2 $ link example2 $ example2 65536 1234567890123456 bytes 65536, limit 1234567890123456, tot 7121664952292605952 First addr 1c0010010. Max 42532864 bytes. Last addr 1c2d8e010.
|Example 1-4 Preceding Example No Longer Trivial
#include <stdio.h> #include <stdlib.h> __int64 limit, count; size_t bytes; char *cp, *prevcp; static void do_args(char **args) { sscanf(argv[1], "%d", &bytes); sscanf(argv[2], "%Ld", &limit); printf("bytes %d, limit %Ld, tot %Ld\n", bytes, limit, bytes * limit); } int main(int argc, char **argv) { do_args(argv); for (count=0; count < limit; count++) { if (!(cp = malloc(bytes))) { printf("Max %Ld bytes.\n", bytes * (count + 1)); break; } else if (!prevcp) { printf("First addr %Lx.\n", cp); } prevcp = cp; printf("Last addr %Lx.\n", prevcp); }
Compiling Example 1-4 produces:
$ cc/pointer_size=64 example3 do_args(argv); ....^ %CC-W-PTRMISMATCH, In this statement, the referenced type of the pointer value "argv" is "short pointer to char", which is not compatible with "long pointer to char".


text:
- As noted, Matt Hardy, Jeff Hardy, Drew Galloway, Maria Kanellis, Mike Bennett, Reby Hardy and Jade are no longer with TNA. Mike Johnson of PWInsider reports that there could be more departures coming as there have been several other talents who have been asked about locking themselves into new deals. They are looking for talents that are going to commit to them, and are willing to part company with those who won't. Some of the talent that are already locked into deals with TNA include World Champion Bobby Lashley, Moose, EC3, Eddie Edwards, Davey Richards and Eli Drake.
It was noted that talent in some cases will only be able to work outside bookings if they are approved by the company, and the company would receive 10% of those earnings. There apparently may also be some changes to how royalties are paid.
- Pro Wrestling Sheet is reporting that former WWE and TNA Producer Bruce Prichard will be returning to Impact Wrestling at this week's television tapings in Orlando. Prichard worked behind-the-scenes for TNA from 2010 through 2013, and appeared on-screen as a judge for Gut Check. The report noted that Prichard will be working in an advisory position, he will also have an on-air role. While it's not known what his on-air role will be, it was noted that the success of his podcast was part of the reason for TNA bringing him back.
Charles Maynard contributed to this article. Follow Raj Giri on Twitter at @RajGiri_303. Got a news tip or correction? Send it to us by clicking here.


text:
The Joma Mundial shirt is a grassroots replica of the Swansea City shirt with a round neck that stands out for its embossed V-shaped fabric on the chest and the embroidered logo.
Teams like Swansea City wear this kit.
Discontinues - End of 2018
Available sizes: ADULTS ONLY
SKU Codes: 101104 pg25
Men's Shorts & Trousers
Compression - Ultra-slim fit that enhances flexibility and athletic output.
Semi Fitted - Semi-slim and athletic cut nipped at the waist to ensure mobility and comfort.
Regular - Fitted but not nipped at the waist, this comfort-slim fit provides flexibility and mobility.
Fitted - Designed to contour the body without constrictions or compression.
Wash instructions
Care for clothing promptly. The sooner you pre-treat and launder the stained clothes, the better your results will be.
Don't allow mud or stains to set.
Do not leave wet or dirty kit in football or gym bags, where smells and permanent stains can develop.
Read carefully the manufactures washing instruction found on the label of each garment
**DO NOT TUMBLE DRY OR PLACE ON A RADIATOR ANY GARMENT WITH PRINTED NUMBERS, SPONSORS LOGO or INITIALS ETC**
Total: £0.00 Saving: £0.00
You can personalise this item at the next step


text:
AIARE Companion Rescue
Designed specifically to meet the needs of advanced recreational students who have taken an AIARE 1 and Avalanche Rescue Class.
A stand alone course that is intended to be retaken on a regular basis in order to keep abreast of best practices in rescue, while return participants will expand their skill set with advanced topics and realistic scenario practice to help improve their skills after the course. Each participant will have the opportunity to receive professional coaching their rescue skills and will receive a rescue card acknowledging completion date at course end.
Meet at Buena Vista Community Center, 715 E Main St, Buena Vista, CO 81211
For more information, check out the course here.


text:
The barrier island of South Florida is home to Ocean Drive, Lincoln Road and more.
This ultra private neighborhood favored by the affluent is only accessible via ferry.
This upscale community features a number of million dollar homes in an island setting.
This small yet affluent village is named for its appealing bay and oceanfront location.
A family friendly city very popular for its namesake mall and varied real estate.
This city runs along the Atlantic Ocean and is home to many high end condos.
"The City of Pleasant Living" features lush neighborhoods and a vibrant downtown area.
A large island to the southeast of Miami, you'll find parks, beaches and scenic surroundings.
The Jills: Jill Hertzberg & Jill Eber have been selling Miami Beach real estate with a commitment to excellence for many years. The Jills' area of expertise includes but is not limited to the sale of luxury Miami Beach homes in exclusive and secure communities and Miami new developments, resulting in the sale of many multimillion dollar Miami Beach homes and condominiums. They have record-breaking sales in Miami-Dade County, including the highest recorded sale of all time. These sales and the service that accompanies them, have earned The Jills a sterling reputation as top Miami luxury real estate agents, as well as a host of prestigious awards and accolades, including #1 Team Worldwide out of 85,000 Coldwell Banker agents and membership in Coldwell Banker/NRT Society of Excellence. This membership represents the top 1/2 of 1% of all CB/NRT Sales Associates worldwide. The Jills' team consists of esteemed award-winning Realtors: Felise Eber, Danny Hertzberg and Hillary Hertzberg.
The Jills' vast list of prestigious clientele includes world dignitaries, actors, musicians, celebrities, sports figures and local prominent business leaders. The Jills' reputation for excellence is based on their unique ability to match "one-of-a-kind" clients with "one-of-a-kind" Miami homes. "Jill and I share more than the same name. We have the same work ethic and goals, and we love, respect and trust each other implicitly," says Jill Eber. "We both believe in providing the highest level of service to our clients, and together we can do so. Working together is very motivational. We are both naturally enthusiastic people and we feed off each other, which makes work fun."
The Jills deal in real estate transactions across South Florida including Miami condominiums, Miami apartments and Fisher Island real estate but specialize in Miami Beach luxury real estate and South Beach luxury real estate. The Jills have sold many Miami Beach luxury homes in locations like Fisher Island, the Miami Beach waterfront homes of Star Island and the Venetian Islands. Their focus as luxury Miami Beach brokers has allowed them to acquire numerous contacts and connections that are vital to the successful transaction of luxury Miami Beach real estate. Their success over the years has made the name "The Jills" synonymous with luxury real estate in Miami Beach and other South Florida Communities.
With six different islands comprising it, the Venetian Islands between Miami...
We've talked a lot about the elegant homes of Pine Tree Drive in Miami...
The Town of Surfside is tucked away quietly between Miami Beach and Bal Harbour...


text:
Christine worked at YSL beauty (By Yves Saint Laurent) for 12 years, which gave her the knowledge and skills to found her bespoke event company Paris Privè and now the B&C Club, which is named after herself and her business partner Bénédicte De Nonneville. Having organised over 600 bespoke, luxury events with companies like Dior, L'Oréal, Microsoft and BNP, just to name a few, she's an expert on what it takes to be successful and hone your entrepreneurial spirit.
You've worked in the luxury sector for quite some time, what do you find most rewarding about the industry?
When you work in the fashion industry, you don't live in the fashion or the luxury industry. You create a product for somebody else, and I found it very interesting to work both on luxury brands' codes as well as how to meet best the local market needs. I worked 12 years for YSL beauty, and I was in charge of their affiliates, so I was travelling between the mother company and 16 subsidiaries all over Europe. I needed to make sure that people far away from the mother company understood their role, as in the luxury and fashion industry the roles and codes are very specific. For example, you put the brand signature in a very specific place, but if you even move it two centimetres, it's not the same. These details can be hard to understand, so you need to explain their importance. On the other hand, it's critical for the mother company to understand the market, as we need to sell.
My role was to define the markets to the mother company, and what the specificities of these customers were, but also making sure the brand is very strong and respected. You don't consume in the same way in UK and in Italy for example, a good instance of this was the Touche Eclat. It was the best seller of the YSL beauty range. The UK was fantastic at selling it and they invented a necklace with the product hanging. It wasn't a policy of the house but the necklace created a link with the customer. After convincing the brand, we managed to deploy this technique to other markets in a very successful way.
How and why did you make the transition into events?
The luxury industry is very attractive and I wanted the events I created and proposed to my clients to reach the highest standards. I learned a lot from the fashion and luxury industries and duplicated these techniques into my events company. Detail is the most important part of luxury, and I took this across. If you want to speak to high level clients, every detail is very important. I also learned that you have to give clients what they want, whatever the cost, because they do live in that world. I have an entrepreneurial spirit and for a very long time I had this idea to create off the beaten track events, and after 12 years in the same company I just thought it was time to make it happen!
Do you have any fashion mantras that you live by?
Natural, you have to always be natural. Even if you're very sophisticated, you have to wear it very naturally, because you always need to look confident. If you are confident in your style, then you can be whatever you like to be. You don't have to be somebody else, and you can improve step by step.
What's your personal style?
Since I was a child I wanted beautiful, good quality things. I wanted more than I could afford. I always preferred to buy with my pocket money one investment piece over quantity. Your style is an investment and it has to match your ambition.
What were you aiming for?
I have changed a lot during my life, I come from an academic background where fashion was seen as quite superficial. What was important was culture, study and literature; I was a little bit apart from my family's ethos. I think I've had several lives in my life, so my style has changed but I've always been very classical and natural.
What fashion and beauty brands are most 'you'?
I think all designers have something to offer, I like to mix rather than sticking to one designer. The contrast is good! Of course I am fond of YSL, because I know the brand well and a part of my heart is still there. I also like Peter Pilotto, Dior, Chanel, Louis Vuitton, Vanessa Bruno, Zadig & Voltaire, and so many more!
What trends are you excited for this season?
I'm fond of a style that is already in the street, this hippy-chic, boho look.
What would you advise a woman with an entrepreneurial spirit but doesn't know where to start?
I'd advise her to wait, to be in a company where you learn the ropes and how to work with others. When you want to launch your company, I've already launched two, you know when it's the right time to launch. You have to wait for the evidence.
What are your tips for people wanting to find the right business partner?
I think that it's the most difficult part of the business, actually to sell and create products is hard but you can do it. However, nobody is perfect and I'm so lucky to be working with someone like Bénédicte, who is a great partner. My advice is to never choose just a friend, as that's the easiest way to not be friends anymore. Choose someone complimentary.
What makes your events different from your competitors?
The B&C club is a community. People like to meet each other at the events, the members are friends and they plan to meet at the B&C club events. People like to share a good moment, but it's more a way to be together and participate. That's what we wanted to create, we wanted something fun. The B&C Club doesn't just focus on one area, we create 6 to 8 events a month that span across literature, art, fashion- everything! We send a programme two months in advance, and the members select the ones they want to attend. For example, events where we share a fashion house's history, like our event with Chanel- we don't want to take a member to just go and see the clothes, we want them to have an experience. To be part of a story. With fashion brands we like them to explain the inspiration and conduct demonstrations. Then we have other events, where it's more cultural, like going to a private exhibition where the museum is opened out of public hours.
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ZANU PF land invaders at Heany Junction Farm in Umguza, Matabeleland North, have filed an urgent High Court chamber application seeking an interdict order to stop their eviction by law enforcement agents.
In the application, the ruling party activists led by Ntombizodwa Mhlanga, Bishop Ngwenya, Nqobani Ndlovu and Zephania Dube cited former Lands minister Douglas Mombeshora and Home Affairs minister Obert Mpofu, Prosecutor-General Ray Goba and Police Commissioner-General Augustine Chihuri and a lands officer identified as Sibonginkosi Moyo, as respondents.
In her founding affidavit Mhlanga, who is a Zanu PF youth league member, submitted: "I and other applicants have been settled at Heany Junction Farm since January 2013 and I have a permanent home comprising four rooms. I live there with my husband and three children and I also live with my sister's children. I have 46 chickens and five goats and I have a field that I have ploughed. I aver … that I consider it to be my permanent home.
"My family is one of the 385 families that settled at Heany Junction Farm in the year 2013. The second applicant Ngwenya to 32 applicants are also part of the people settled at the farm … first respondent [Lands minister] has always known of our existence at this farm. The second respondent [Mpofu] authorised our occupation at this farm as a Member of Parliament of our constituency Umguza."
Mhlanga said at some point she took documents with names of other applicants to the fifth respondent [Moyo], who stamped them acknowledging their existence and Mpofu assured them that they would not be evicted.
Mhlanga said on November 8 this year, Lands ministry officials teamed up with about 40 anti-riot police officers and besieged the farm ordering them to move out.
"They informed us to pack our bags and vacate our homes before 6pm that day. The police then arrested us on November 8 this year in the evening and they detained us at Queens Park Police Station. The next day we appeared at the Tredgold Magistrates' Court in Bulawayo facing charges of occupying gazetted land."
She said they were released on bail and the matter is still pending.
"We are approaching the courts to seek an interdict against the respondents to refrain from evicting us and prosecuting us, as well as demolishing our homesteads without a court order as this will be unlawful."
The respondents are yet to enter an appearance to defend the case.


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About the Author
At school I discovered that I could write. But realised soon afterwards that I didn't actually have anything to say!
So writing was put on hold as I went through university, graduating as a medical doctor, before entering Jewish
studies to become a rabbi in the UK Reform Jewish movement. En route I got hooked on the Hebrew Bible and
spent the next thirty years teaching it, as Principal of Leo Baeck College where I had trained.
If that seems a narrow world, the opposite is the case. For the modern rabbi is engaged with the complexity of life
for a minority community, still coping spiritually and intellectually with the Holocaust, challenged daily by everything
associated with the State of Israel, and trying to make a contribution to the wider society. My own response
included a commitment to interfaith dialogue with Christians and Muslims, a long-term engagement with German
society, and lecturing engagements in many parts of the world.
Meanwhile I found my voice: with scholarly but accessible books on the Bible, on interfaith dialogue, on Judaism;
the editing of prayer books for the Reform Jewish movement in the UK; the occasional poem; a number of songs that burst out of me in the sixties and seventies – and a series of popular religious writings together with my friend and colleague Rabbi Lionel Blue.
On retiring from the College I wanted to start a new language, stumbled upon Japanese, and ended up teaching Bible to Christian theology students in Japan. There I started a collection of 'netsuke', those small carved figures used to anchor a 'purse' to the belt of a kimono, and found myself writing stories from 'within' their world. Netsuke Nation: Tales from Another Japan is the fruit, my first venture into fiction.
So now I have my own website – and can lay all my 'wares' out on the stall. I wonder what's next.
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text:
Zach Fetters, a.k.a Circadian Rhythm (stylized as "circadian rhythm." ), is a 15 year old average American teenager with a love and passion for electronic music, more specifically anything old or experimental. Zach was born on January 14th, 2001, and was always interested in music. At the age of 12, however, he decided to further his interest for music by dabbling in music production in FL Studio, his favourite choice of DAW. Ever since then, through multiple aliases, many different styles, and numerous releases, Zach continues to produce today.
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I've tried to clean up the computer as much as possible, but I am really scared that I am going to delete on of the windows components.
I don't have the Windows installation disc, but I basically want to start the computer from scratch, deleting everything on it except the windows components and Microsoft Office.
(I have backed up all my needed files)
Will this make the computer run faster and free up some space?


text:
if 6 were 9 (amethyst)
Oh yes we did....Hendrix inspired leggings!
Gorgeous hand dyed vintage metallic crochet lace is stitched down the front and back.
Made from gorgeous luxe quality crushed velvet that really hugs the body! Fabric has lots of stretch, a nice weight. Easy pull on style.
Sizes XXS, XS, S, M, L, XL
Size XXS 00 Measurements:
Waist 22" (elastic not stretched) stretches up to 29"
Inseam 25"
Front Rise 9.5"
Size XS 0/2 Measurements:
Waist 24" (elastic not stretched)
Inseam 25"
Front Rise 9.5"
Size Small 4/6 Measurements:
Waist 25" (elastic not stretched)
Inseam 25.5"
Front Rise 10"
Size Medium 8/10 Measurements:
Waist 26" (elastic not stretched)
Inseam 26"
Front Rise 10.5"
Size Large 10/12 Measurements:
Waist 27" (elastic not stretched)
Inseam 26.5"
Front Rise 11"
Size XL 14/16 Measurements:
Waist 30" (elastic not stretched) stretches up to 37"
Inseam 36"
Front Rise 13"
Made in USA
Poly/Spandex 4 way Stretch
Hand Wash Line Dry
This is a cut to order item so please allow 5 days to make


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Tucker Carlson's 4pm ET show is being scrubbed, TVNewser has learned. Sources say MSNBC wants to emphasize a live edition of Tucker at 6pm.
The change is expected Monday, July 9 — ahead of a potential early prime shakeup at CNN. Another hour of MSNBC live will replace Tucker at 4pm.
>Will incoming anchor Tamron Hall anchor the 4pm?


text: Nokia 252 Series Cellular Telephone (170-1223/4/5/9/30/31) NAM Programming Note: The procedures in these documents apply to the following Nokia 252 Series Cellular Telephones (6 total): 170-1223/29 - Woodgrain Finish 170-1224/30 - Gun Metal Finish 170-1225/31 - Black Finish (Sold in California ONLY!) The only differences between the six phones are those noted above. The New Nokia 252 Model cellular telephones are capable of supporting authentication. The programmer must decide which form of A-Key is desired for use. The two A-Key format options are RANDOM or DEFAULT. If a RANDOM A-Key is desired for use, use the Easy NAM 1 programming sequence. If a DEFAULT A-Key is required, use the Easy NAM 2 programming sequence. The clear key can be used to correct mistakes. The Nokia 252 has advanced SID features that can present up to four operator names (per NAM) in the display when the phone is using one of the 31 systems stored during NAM programming. Menu Driven Easy NAM Programming for NOKIA 252 Handportables 1. Turn on Phone and Enter Easy NAM Access Code. * # 6391# for NAM 1 with Random A-Key, or * # 6392# for NAM 2 with Default A-Key 2. Enter the 10 Digit Area Code and Phone Number and Press The Send Key. 3. Enter System ID Code (SID) Supplied by the Service Provider (1-5 Digit SID) and Press The Send Key. Optional Settings are Language and Lock Code (See Below). Programming is Completed. Phone Automatically Powers Off and Then Back On. Notes: 1. Change the Lock code by adding a pound sign and new lock code after the SID. (Example: 42#7788; Lock code = 7788). 2. Change the Language by adding a pound sign and new language code after the SID. (Example: 42#2; Language = Spanish). 3. Change the Lock code and Language code by separating each set of numbers by a pound sign. (Example: 175#7788#2; Where the SID = 00175, Lock code = 7788, Language = Spanish). 4. Either *#639# or *#6391# will program NAM 1 location. Complete NAM Programming Instructions 1. Turn the phone on. 2. Enter the NAM access code. Factory default is: * 3 0 0 1 # 1 2 3 4 5 [OK]. 3. Verify that "NO SERVICE" appears in the display. Note 1: If NAM location 1 (Random A-Key) is not being used, clear the default MIN by using the following key sequence: Press and hold [CLR], then press [Menu][OK][\/][\/][\/][OK][ok][ABC][2][OK][OK]. ENTER COMMON NAM INFORMATION (Memory Location 1): 4. Press and hold the [CLR] key until the display clears. 5. In one long string, enter the special NAM parameters according to the format of Example 1 below. Enter each emergency number (such as 911 or *911) followed by the pound (#) key, the Language Code followed by an asterisk (*) key, and the desired five-digit Security Code. Language Code designators are: 0 = English, 1 = French, 2 = Spanish. Note 2: Emergency numbers entered in memory location 1 can be used while call restrictions are active and when the phone is locked. The first number entered in the list of emergency numbers is used for the speed dial (9) key when the Emergency 9 Dialing feature is set to active (MENU 3 7). Location Numeric Contents Alpha (ABC) 1 Common NAM Information (Example 1) 2 NAM 1 Mobile Phone Number Wake Up Message 3 NAM 1 System Parameters (Example 2) Operator Name 4 NAM 2 Mobile Phone Number Wake Up Message 5 NAM 2 System Parameters (Example 2) Operator Name 6 Programming Date 7 Operator Name for SID group 1 8 Operator Name for SID group 2 9 Operator Name for SID group 3 10 SID Status (Example 3) 11-40 SID* Operator Name Group Identifier Example 1: [Second Emergency Number]\ /[Language Code] \ / [First Emergency Number]---> 9 1 1 # * 9 1 1 # 0 * 1 2 3 4 5 / [Security Code]/ 6. Enter [OK] 1 [OK]. Enter Mobile Phone Number (Memory Location 2 or 4) 7. Press and hold the [CLR] key until the display clears. 8. Enter the correct 10 digit phone number. An optional wake up text message may be added by pressing the [ABC] key and entering the desired message from the keypad. 9. Enter [OK] 2 [OK] (For NAM 1 with RANDOM A-Key). Enter [OK] 4 [OK] (for NAM 2 with DEFAULT A-Key). Enter System Parameters (Menory Location 3 or 5) Press and hold the [CLR] key until the display clears. In one long string, enter the system parameters according to the format of Example 2 below. Be sure to separate each parameter with an asterisk (*) or pound (#) as shown below. Example 2: [System ID] [Access Overload Class] | | [Country Code] | [Access Method] / [Group ID Mark] / / / / / / / / / / / 3 4 * 1 * 1 * 3 3 4 * 1 5 * 1 5 # 0 1 1 * 1 * 1 Optional [ABC] Enter / \ \ \ System Name | \ \ \ [Local Use Mark] [Initial Paging] \ [National Prefix] \ [International Dialing Prefix (3 Dig.)] Note: A System Text Message can be added during the above string. This Text will appear when the phone uses the associated SID. 10. Enter [OK] 3 [OK] (For NAM 1 with RANDOM A-Key.) Enter [OK] 5 [OK] (For NAM 2 with DEFAULT A-Key). Enter Program Date (Memory Location 6) 11. Enter the programming date (month and year) in a four digit sequence (for January 1997, Enter 0197). This location can only be programmed once. The phone will display "NOT SAVED" if programming is attempted more than once. 12. Enter [OK] 6 [OK]. Verify NAM Information: Press and hold the [CLR] key until the display clears. Use the [\/] key to check locations 01 through 06. Verify that the information for each memory location is correct. To exit the programming mode, power the phone off then back on. If "NAM ERROR" appears on the display, programming was done incorrectly and must be repeated. Valid NAM data must be entered prior to SID programming. SID Programming (Memory Locations 11 - 40, Optional) SID information is stored to memory locations 11-40 in NAM programming mode. The SID information stored now is only relative to the currently selected NAM (MENU 3 9). A system ID is entered as a decimal number. The Operator Name (alpha tag) is optional and will be displayed when the phone is locked onto the associated system. The format is defined in Example 3. Example 3: [System ID]____ ___[Operator Name Location] \ / 1 1 1 1 * 1 [OK] 1 1 [OK] For example, the following could be entered: 3 0 1 5 * 1 [OK] 1 1 [OK] (System ID=3015, stored in location 11 and would display operator name stored in location 7). 2 5 5 6 * 2 [OK] 1 2 [OK] (System ID=2556, stored in location 12 and would display operator name stored in location 8). Checking for SID Data (Memory Location 10) The SID checksum is stored in memory location 10. The SID checksum is stored in memory location 10. Enter [MENU][OK][OK][ABC]10[OK]. The format of the parameters are shown as: [Number of friendly SIDs * Checksum] The up-down arrow key is used to view and confirm the SID values. Clearing SID Information To clear one SID location press and hold [CLR], the screen will clear then enter [MENU][OK][\/][\/][\/][OK][OK][ABC][#][OK], number of location to clear, [OK]. To clear all SID data, press and hold [CLR], the screen will clear then enter 00 [OK] 10 [OK]. (2/25/98)


text:
A new play structure, safe recreational enclosure and heating in classrooms are some of the upgrades planned for two San Mateo parks.
Gateway Park and Martin Luther King Jr. Community Center and Park in northern San Mateo will receive the improvements later this year if the request to move the $136,000 for the work is approved March 15. A public hearing was held Wednesday.
Heather Stewart, San Mateo's neighborhood and improvement housing specialist, said because the city and parks are cash-strapped, using money for parks through the Community Development Block Grant is one way to get the work done.
"These parks need some improvements," she said. "They serve the communities Community Development Block Grant is targeted toward."
According to city documents, Martin Luther King Jr. Park — located off Monte Diablo Avenue — is set to receive new fencing to close off ball fields during the winter and allow maintenance crews to reseed them.
"They get a lot of use during the summer," she said. "This way we'll be able to rejuvenate the fields and curb vandalism."
The park and community center will also receive an enclosed patio for the preschool that uses the recreation center, for safety purposes during play time. These projects are estimated to cost $56,000.
A teen study room in the park's recreation building will also have heating installed, Stewart said. The room was converted from a weight room and is made up of concrete walls, so the heating system would be a welcome improvement, she said.
"We're helping make it a little more pleasurable to be back there," Stewart said.
Gateway Park will also benefit from the community block grant money being used for these park improvements.
Gateway Park, located off East Third Avenue and serving as the "entryway to San Mateo," will get a new play structure. The current green and orange steel structure is old, according to Stewart.
"It's out of date, primarily," Stewart said. "I'm told it's about 17 years old, and they have a lifespan of 15 to 20 years. Also, federal safety codes have changed and so have ADA codes. So we're installing to update code-acceptable
San Mateo is home to nearly three dozen parks, including Sugarloaf Mountain and Seal Point Park on the San Francisco Bay.
Improvements planned for two San Mateo parks:
MLK Recreation Center and Park
Patio: Enclosed for use by preschoolers, $36,000
Field fencing: To allow for reseeding in the offseason, $20,000
Restroom privacy: Steel privacy screens for the exterior of the men's room, $4,000
Teen study room improvements: Baseboard heater and cabinet space, $6,000
Gateway Park
Play structure: Replace existing equipment and ground surface material
Source: City of San Mateo


text:
November 28, 2007
Slow Cooker Black Bean & Veggie Soup
Every year around this time, I take out my crockpot and get ready for the soup season. I can put all the ingredients - vegetables, beans, rice, liquids either at night before going to bed or in the morning before leaving for work and I have a big flavorful, bubbling pot waiting for me for dinnertime.
With some buttered bread slices or a quick salad, this makes a delicious weekday meal when we are either running late from work, a stuck in traffic or just plain tired.
In the slow cooker, food is cooked over low heat for a long period and retains all the nutrients and flavor. Since it also cooks at a lower temperature it also uses less energy. This week, I made black bean and vegetable soup.
Here is a picture of the red kidney beans and vegetable soup I made last week. And last year I even tried Mulagatawny Soup in the slow cooker too. It turned out great!
1 can black bean
1 red pepper- chopped
2 medium carrots - chopped
2 celery stocks - chopped
6-8 mushrooms - chopped
3-4 shallots/green onions- chopped
1 clove garlic - grated
1/4 tspoon oregano (I used dried)
1/2 tspoon coriander powder
pinch of turmeric powder
1 can vegetable broth
1/2 cup water
Salt and black pepper according to taste
I like to slightly saute the garlic and the spices together and then add it to the crockpot.
Add all the chopped vegetables and the beans to the slow cooker. Then add the spices, broth and water and let it cook. The one I have has only two settings high and low. I set it to ow and let it cook for 5-6 hours.
Garnish with cilantro and serve warm.
This goes to Suganya at Tasty Palettes who is hosting November as Vegan Month.
25 comments:
Mandira, that is the perfect meal for the cold winter night. Beans make it a perfect one pot meal.ReplyDelete
Pictures are too good and soup looks delicious!ReplyDelete
Wow that is what i call delicious soup. My sister have a crockpot and she always say things made in it are deliciousReplyDelete
love the way you have clicked the cam, gud angles....ReplyDelete
Suganya - slow cookers make my weekday meals real easy :)ReplyDelete
ISG - Beans do make it a full meal. We have been trying to include it regularly in our meals.
RK, Asha, Bindiya, Bee - thanks. I've had the crockpot for a few years now and comes in handy for soups and stews. I am yet to try a roast in it.
Kribha, Namratha, Remya if you don't have a crock pot, you can try the same recipe and cook it on stove top with low heat. It should work as well. Do let me know how it turns out for you.
Lavanya - I love the easy one pot meals and crock pots are perfect for those recipes :)
Thanks Happy Cook, Musical, Cynthia, Sher, Kaykat. I love soups during winter.
Jaya you are right. Crockpot save time and energy and makes one delicious meal :)
Thanks Bharathy, Mythreyee, Siri, Sagari. I hope you will enjoy it as much as we did.
Seena these are called crockpots or slow cookers and are widely available in retail stores and online. There is a wide range of prices too!
Thanks Kitchen Scientist, Rachel.
Mandira, that's a lovely recipe for bean and veggie soup, perfect for those slow cold evenings by the fire, curled up with a good book! Cooking everything from scratch, using only the freshest ingredients available makes a lot of difference to our well being and health! We all know that a healthy lifestyle with healthy eating can contribute towards much more quality in our living, what with the lifestyle diseases rampant today including obesity and heart problems. For some expert tips on healthy eating habits check out our blog at http://knorratseven.blogspot.com/ReplyDelete
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