text:
Hugh M. Lewis, 1996
Copyright, 1996, Hugh M. Lewis
Copies of this text may be printed for research and
classroom use only.
Because the family is the central building block of overseas Chinese
society, it is worthwhile to look at its typical structure and dynamics in
closer detail. The segmentary lineage structure of the overseas Chinese family
is well documented (Crissman, 1967). We can refer to the clan based surname
organization of Chinese families which lack great lineage depth and land
holdings, as characteristic of the Jetty Chinese, and as remarked upon by
Maurice Freedman (1958), as a typical alternate pattern to the more
predominant patrilineal society of Chinese.
Yang (1945:134) defines the Chinese clan in traditional southern China as a
local grouping of Chinese families sharing a common surname and maintaining
close social relations. Members are connected not only by kinship but by
mutual obligations and privileges--sets of implicit reciprocal obligations
between members and families which are mostly indirect and informal and which
can be very powerful. Authority is vested in the clan as a group, and when a
clan is strong, the families that compose it are developing and prosperous.
The clan provides its people with a central sense of social orientation and
represents an intermediate and often alternate social orientation between the
family and larger socio-political levels.
The kinship pattern on the Jetty appears to be strongly patrilineal with
patrilocal residence (approximately 86%). There are a few exceptions to this
rule, in which husbands marry into the families of the wife's father (12%) or
young families are establishing semi-autonomous residences in other houses.
Generally, the Jetty is characterized by sur-name exogamy, but this pattern
also has a few noteworthy exceptions in which individuals with a common
surname, clan descent or "hyphenated surname" are marrying within
the Jetty (approximately 4-5%).
Analysis of similar segmentary lineage structures in Africa has important
implications in terms of political leadership and quick mobilization of
manpower for emergencies. We can refer to such structures as corporate in
nature in the emphasis of unilineal descent as the basic principle of their
social organization. The corporate identity of lineage descent groups is
defined in the context of other similar groupings, either in relationship or
In this interpretation, ancestor worship and veneration of the earth
through well-developed systems such as feng shui (Chinese geomancy)
constitutes the institutionalized basis of pan-ethnic Chinese religious
identity on which a common sense of political community can be based. These
ritual institutions do not allow the individual to have friendly and
cooperative relations with other individuals outside of corporate groups
(Fortes 1951:165). When such lineage structure is well developed within the
overall social system, it is likely that the principle of kinship and kinship
relations are central to defining and "sanctioning a personal field of
social relations for each individual."
The extensive web of kinship, which may cut across lineages, serves as a
counterweight to the inherently divisive nature of unilineal descent
structures. The levels of local organization, kinship, corporate group
structure, government and ritual religious institutions which may be related
to different sets of collective interests, may be interconnected in a
hierarchical manner." (Fortes 1951:166)
Secret societies can be seen as the alternate adoption of this principle in
those social domains where kinship and lineage are not strong or well
expressed, as well as the expression of "complementary filiation"
that is defined by identity to sibling groups and that serve to reinforce the
predominant lineage structure of the society.
The foundation of integration, from this theoretical standpoint, is that
all these levels should be expressed simultaneously in every social
relationship and activity. There occurs as a consequence of such social
integration a complex process of social stratification in which "members
of the society are distributed in different, non-identical schemes of
allegiance and mutual dependence in relation to administrative, juridical and
ritual institutions." (Fortes 1951:166) Individual allegiance within a
number of intersecting organizations serves to reinforce the overall
structure. Personal identity becomes conceived as "an assemblage of
statuses." (Fortes 1951:171)
From this perspective, kinship as a jural concept emerges foremost as the
connecting link between external political and internal domestic aspects of
the society. In this context the structural role and importance of kinship is
expressed in interpersonal relations as interpersonal rights and obligations
and as constitutive of the basis of social relations between people.
Descent as the basis of social organization has the possible consequence of
disambiguating and regulating rights over the reproductive power of women and
also of "precisely and incontrovertibly" fixing one's place in
society on the basis of parentage. (Fortes 1951:167) Parentage provides the
principle model of jural unity of the descent line and of the sibling group.
Kinship relations gain an essential moral quality. "The kinship system
achieves this because kinship bonds link together individuals who are
cooperating with each other to serve many varied interests, and who rarely
co-operate with other unrelated persons." (Worsley 1955:63) Descent
groups thus are "an arrangement of person that serves the attainment of
legitimate social and personal ends. These include the gaining of a
livelihood, the setting up of a family and the preservation of health and
well-being." (Fortes, 1953:170)
The moral nature of this kinship model is extended out to embrace and
subsume other possible hierarchical relationships in society, to define one's
principle sense of obligation in other authority structures. The religion
represents a projection of this kinship model upon the Chinese cosmography,
and the perennial reenactment of religious-mythical themes on the Chinese
stage in front of the temples may represent a continuous playing out of the
conflicts, tensions and dilemma latent within the kinship system.
Mandatory surname exogamy is the principle basis of lineage
differentiation. It appears that in such exogamous systems, the role of the
woman as "wife-mother" in one lineage is fundamentally at odds with
her role as "daughter-sister" in another lineage. Avoidance customs
become the expression of the common rule that these two sets of inherently
conflictual statuses must never be confounded. In this regard, conflicts
become expressed principally between wives who share competing interests in a
husband's resources, and between sister's-in-law who have competing interests
over the father-in-law's resources. Hence, the death of the patriarch often
signals the demise of the lineage, the break up of an extended family
"under one roof," and where great money may be involved, the
beginning of long court battles to decide who are the first, second and
"secondary" inheritors of the estate.
Thus, given this review of the study of patrilineal kinship organization
and its significance to understanding the central importance of Chinese
family, it is worthwhile to examine some of the ways in which this central
ethnocultural model of kinship may become expressed in overseas Chinese
society. Analysis of kin terms of reference elicited ethnosemantically from
the Jetty reveals a normal complex structure of kin terms with no less than
thirty separate categories:
father = "papa," "pa," "apa"
mother = "mama," "ma," "amah", "ma
ee" "ai ee"
father's father = "ah kong," "lai kong,"
father's mother = "ah ma," "lai ma," "lai"
mother's father = "ah kong," "gua kong"
mother's mother = "ah mah," "gua mah"
father's father's father = "chor," "lai chor,"
"choo," "chor kong"
father's father's mother = "ah chor,"
mother's younger brother = "ah ku," "ku"
mother's older brother = "tua ku"
mother's younger sister = "ah ee"
mother's older sister = "tua ee"
father's younger brother = "ah chek"
father's older brother = "ah pek"
father's older sister = "a kor," "kor," "koh"
(affectionate terms)
father's younger sister = "si kor"
mother's/father's male niblings = by name, "piau lek" (roughly,
mother's/father's female niblings = by name, "piau chi" (roughly,
son = "lau seh," "hau san," by name
daughter = "char wah," by name
older sister = "ah chi," "chi chi," "tua
chi," "chi," usually by name
younger sister = "sua moey," by name
older brother = "tua koh," "ah koe," "ah
hia," "hia," "koe," also by name
younger brother = "sua tee," by name
younger brother's wife = "chim"
mother-in-law = "chim," "ah chim," "ah mak"
father-in-law = "chek," "ah chek," "ah pa"
son-in-law = by name, "ah beng"
older brother-in-law = "ah koe," usually by name
younger brother-in-law = by name
daughter-in-law = by name
older sister-in-law = "ah soo," "ah ee," "can use
names but very rare"
younger sister-in-law = by name
wife = by name, "boh a ah," "boh," "char boh
husband = by name, "lau ah," "ang" "ta por
older brother's wife = "um," "ah um"
"in-laws" = "tang mui"
grandaunt = "a po," "chek ma" (uncommon, ambiguous
granduncle = "chek kong" (uncommon, ambiguous reference)
The componential model of terms of reference below may hypothetically exist
for the Jetty Chinese. In this model, diagonal lines represent sexual
stratification, and horizontal bisecting lines represent age stratification.
Dashed lines represent those categories and divisions that are inherently more
ambiguous and "weaker." A double line around male-ego's parents
represents the double strength of these relationships.
Several important points must be made about this kinship
"structure." First, age seniority, sex, and consanguinity/filiality
are the most important principles, in that order, such that terms of reference
are reserved for older people of a similar category, for males and for those
of the line of descent, and the pattern is clearly a patrilineal one that
gives way at the third generation--mother's grandparent's and father's
mother's parent's.
Componential model of Chinese terms of reference
Successively higher people (e.g. "father's father's father's
parents") can theoretically be taken into account in such a system, but
such accounting is rare, and according to one informant, "it is not too
good to live too old, great great grandparent's will eat all the
There is ethnographic evidence of an especially close, and possibly
"joking" relationship between mother's sister and male ego (as well
as possible avoidance between male ego's brother and wife), which suggests
that this relationship may embody in many ways the structural tensions latent
in this model. The categories all give way to personal names and
"affectionate nicknames" at those points where these principles do
not operate, for instance, juniors, females, niblings and in-laws. It is also
the case on the Jetty that people "live so close they know each other by
name, and 'familiarity breeds contempt,' if one moves out and comes back then
call by (term of reference)." It is also important to note that there is
considerable variability of this pattern on the Jetty. Probably more
"sinocentrically" and familially inbound and tradition-oriented
people use more terms of reference than those more available to Western ideas
and influences. Thus it is difficult to say exactly how many categories there
really are; the structure being shrinkable or expandable at the margins where
terms of reference become inherently more ambiguous.
It might also be the case that affinally defined relationships which are
alternate and complementary to the patrilineal relationships are inherently
ambiguous and conflict-prone. It also signifies the inherent, structurally
subordinate position of the female within the system that in a sense is set up
with the central purpose of maintaining the superiority of the male in
relation to the structurally subordinate counterpart. It is an asymmetry best
expressed in the husband/wife and mother/daughter-in-law and mother/son
triangle. It is only to the mother, and by extension, senior aunties, that
male ego is subordinate to a female in any way, and then only in the most
conditional of ways. It is principally only through the son that the wife, as
a mother, can exert any real influence or power.
The extension of this model onto wider spheres of social relationship would
mean the imposition of a certain sense of order on the broader relationships
of the world, an order that can best be comprehended from within the framework
of the model itself. Implicit obligations of rights and responsibilities would
be entailments of such extensions. On the Jetty, this extension of the model
is had by the use of the blanket reference "Ah" as a prefix to
people's first name. This is a term of respect and deference marking social
distance, at the same time it is a term of privileged endearment, solidarity
and affinity. The second facet is as one old aunty told me, "Chan and
Chan is enough already. Everyone on the Jetty is related."
It is in this sense that we can speak of an alternate sinocentric identity
among the overseas Chinese that is not individualistic or
"ego-centric" in the manner that American identity can be
understood. It is "kin-centric" in which a person's persona and
personality are inextricably tied by a set of crosscutting and complementary
status as "son/brother/cousin/father" or alternately as
"daughter/sister/cousin/mother," with all the psycho-dynamic and
social differentials and confusions that such multiple roles may involve.
Furthermore, we can refer to the extension of this basic kin-centric
identity of the male/female ego as an inherent aspect of the socialization and
identity of the individual in the larger world, such that the individual can
be expected to carry these identities forth into many different kinds of
relationships with people depending upon a complex calculus of rank,
seniority, consanguinity, collaterality and gender.
The main conclusion which I draw from this ethnocultural model of kinship
is that, given the basicness of sexual stratification and the direct
superimposition of age stratification, these two principles cohere with the
central structural "function" of the subordination of the female and
the super ordination of the male ego. This function has probably served a
number of different purposes of socio-political, religious and economic
integration. It has served to locate the individual in a precise way in the
nexus of a kinship model in whichever widening social relationships have an
inherent unpredictability and potential for danger. It has served to put a
premium upon the role of the male.
It is with the purpose of further illustrating and exploring these
relationships that several sets of task (thematic apperception tasks, grids,
dichotomous inventories and sentence completion frames) given to the Jetty
Chinese can be elaborated and understood. In all of these tasks the theme of
familial based relationships and identity, and of their symbolic extension
onto a largely social arena, emerged as the most common denominator. It is a
theme that expresses recurrent indications of basic insecurity vis-α-vis
parental love and authority, the vagaries of this authority, and the
competitive-cooperative nature of the relationships between compeers.
The first set of tasks were "grids" that involved subjects
rating, on a scale of zero to three, different basic categories of familial
members--father (n=10), mother (n=12), son (n=11), and daughter (n=16), but
also between grandparents, godparents, aunts, uncles, husband, wife)--in
relation to one another according to certain basic statements:
X should....
take care of
answer to
serve food to
give money to
pray after
be served food by
The percentage of agreement of each set of relationships between mother,
daughter, son and father was calculated and correlation tables were
constructed on the basis of these relationships. The discrimination table
below presents the percentage of agreement in each of the 12 sets of
relationships, in which a score close to one represents very strong agreement
(Father = Fa, Mother = Mo., Son = So, Daughter = Da).
serve food
give money
not question
served by
Percentage of agreement across 12 sets of relationships and
10 dimensions.
The correlation matrix of agreements between the 10 relational dimensions
presented above across the 12 scoring categories is shown in the table below.
take care
Correlation matrix between the ten relational dimensions
across the 12 relationships.
Correlation matrix of the 12 relationships across the 10
It is evident from these patterns that there are fundamental differences of
understanding of relationship between father, son, mother and daughter at
least in terms of these dimensions which deal mostly with issues of authority
and obligation. This structure of relationships can be used to make inferences
about the basic model of the different roles involved in these relationships.
In terms of agreement, the responsibilities of the sons to the others show the
highest amount of agreement (.60) and then the daughters (.50) the mothers
(.42) and then the fathers (.32).
The table below represents the cumulative scores of the different
dimensions in terms of the basic scoring categories:
should not question
be served food before
Cumulative scores of the 10 dimensions.
From the patterning of these percentage distributions and correlations in
the different categories, it is possible to systematically derive a series of
600 rules (10 dimensions X 12 relationships X 5 scoring categories) with
variable confidence limits (alternative criteria of percentage scores). By
this means a paradigm of these relationships between fathers, mothers, sons
and sisters can be constructed. Of this set, certain rules can be selected
which serve as key predictive discriminators. In this manner a computer-based
system can be used to define the basic familial model in terms of the
dimensions of the grid. Below is a simple discrimination table relating to
giving money and punishing.
Discrimination table across the five categories for two
In the table above certain rules can be derived given an arbitrary cut off
level. If we hypothesize a cut off value of .7, then the following rules can
be obtained:
Sons should give money to fathers (1) and it is indifferent (1).
Sons should give money to mothers (1) and it is indifferent (1).
Daughters should give money to mothers (1) and it is indifferent (1).
Daughters shouldn't punish fathers (1) and it is not indifferent (-1).
It is ambivalent and not indifferent (-2) that sons should punish mothers
It is ambivalent and not indifferent (-2) that daughters should punish
mothers (.9).
Mothers should punish sons (.9) and it is indifferent (.8).
Daughters should give money to fathers (.9) and it is indifferent (.8).
Fathers should punish daughters (.8) and it is indifferent (1).
Fathers should punish sons (.8) and it is indifferent (1).
Sons shouldn't punish fathers (.8) and it is not indifferent (-1).
Daughters should give money to sons (.8) and it is not indifferent (-1).
Mothers should punish daughters (.7).
It is ambivalent and not indifferent (-1) that mothers should give money to
daughters (.7).
It is ambivalent and not indifferent (-1) that fathers should punish
mothers (.7).
It is not indifferent that fathers should give money to daughters (-1).
It is not indifferent that mothers should give money to fathers (-1).
It is not indifferent that sons should give money to daughters (-1).
It is not indifferent that fathers should give money to sons (-1).
It is not indifferent that mothers should give money to sons (-1).
It is not indifferent that mothers should give money to daughters (-1).
This model, that coheres between mother, father, son and daughter, can be
extended to embrace other relationships within the kinship model. In the
obligation of children to grandparents (n=9), children should take care of and
give money to them (100%), answer to, obey, serve food to and cannot punish or
scold and have no rights over grandparents (100%), and have few privileges
over them. The greatest indifference is in whom should pray after whom, or be
served by whom or question whom, and who should be free from whom. These same
relationships and saliencies carry over almost completely to the relationships
between children and both categories of parents and godparents, though there
is slightly greater indifference about children obeying their godparents than
either their parents or grandparents.
Dichotomous (True or False) Tasks
A number of dichotomous (true or false) inventories were employed in this
study to assess the "reported" response pattern to basic values and
beliefs. The questions were made up with the intention of exploring certain
domains of values and attitudes relating to sex, gender, authority,
relationships between human and animals, acculturation and class, and familial
relationships and obligations, money and religion. It was believed that
patterns agreement in relation to certain categories of questions would be
similar to those patterns of other kinds of categories, such as the
relationship between adults and children compared to the relationship between
human beings and dogs.
These emerged as a fairly successful form of task as most subjects did not
seem too threatened by it, and many even seemed intrigued in doing them. The
inventories were developed one after the other, beginning with a basic 15 item
"Dogs-Children-Women" dichotomous inventory (n=121); leading to a 25
item "Sex-Authoritarianism" inventory (n=71); then to a 20 item
"Products-Commercials-People" inventory (n=64); to a 22 item grid
(n=61) rating basic categories of people along five basic dimensions of
cleanliness, generosity, and obedience; to a 15 item set of miscellaneous
assorted questions filling in gaps in the other inventories (n=58); and,
finally, to a 25 item set of questions relating religion, fortune, and
parental authority (n=30) that was administered toward the end of the study.
In the first task, relationships between attitudes and opinions toward
animals, cleanliness, women, and children were explored through a set of
fifteen questions (n=124). The following are the rank order percentages of
agreement (true answers) to the most agreed upon questions (True > 50%;
footnote references after certain items report actual associations with the
particular questions):
Older children should take care of their younger brother's and sisters.
If adults are talking, children should not interrupt. (97.6%)
Showing too much affection to a child will spoil the child. (94.4%)
A child should not answer back an adult. (88.7%)
If a woman dresses too daringly, she's asking for trouble. (81.5%)
A woman should not go out to drink by herself. (81.5%)
A daughter-in-law should respect a mother-in-law's wishes. (65%)
Dogs are dirty. (57.3%)
A child should be punished for spilling its food. (52.42%)
Strong agreement across the sample shows that traditionally a
daughter-in-law is in little better position than a child in relation to the
mother-in-law, and that the mother-in-law's prerogative will be held to
outweigh that of the wife. More loosely, it can be interpreted that the chief
responsibility of the daughter-in-law would be to take care of the children of
the household. It is interesting that it is among the women themselves that
there is the least agreement to this last question (28 out of 51, or 54%).
Dogs do not feel pain like people do. (19.35%)
Women should not sit in coffee shops by themselves. (36.29%)
A dog should not come inside. (43.55%)
Women should always listen to their men folk. (45.96%)
It is best to whip a dog with a cane to make it obey. (48.38%)
Chaining a dog up makes it a good watchdog. (49.2%)
These responses can be interpreted as showing greater agreement in regard
to children than in regard to either dogs or women. In this task, the men's
sample (n=28) had a high average score of 9.6 and the women's subsample (n=51)
average was 10.843. These were at odds with the child's subsample (n=8) which
was 8.75, with the non-Jetty sample (n=17), which was 8.35 or the reference
group sample (n=20) which was 8.95. It can be said that in relation to these
questions about dogs, women and children, women have a slightly more
conservative and traditional orientation than the men, and both men and women
have a more conservative orientation than the other samples. For the women,
there were 18 (35.29%) who had a score of 13 or above and 33 with a score of
ten or above (64.7%), compared to five men (17.857%) with a score of 13 or
above and 16 with a score of ten or above (57.14%).
This difference between the men and the women may reflect the nature of the
experiences and relative level of education between the men and the women. The
women on average appear to be more bound to the domestic world of the Jetty
than the men.
Another inventory was designed with the aim of eliciting attitudes in
relation to women. Items showing the most agreement were the following:
A husband should help do housework. (91.5%)
It is O.K. for little boys to play with little girls. (90.14%)
It is O.K. for the daughter of a hawker to marry the son of a banker.
It is O.K. for an unmarried man over 40 to live with his parents. (88.73%)
It is O.K. for a child to wipe up an invalid parent's bodily excrement.
It is O.K. if a daughter of a doctor marries a construction worker.
It is important for a child to work for and support the parents. (84.5%)
It is right for a woman to leave her husband if he regularly mistreats her.
It is O.K. for a father to clean his infant daughter's bottom. (81.7%)
A child must not be allowed to see its parents naked. (78.87%)
A man can serve his wife a meal at the table. (63.38%)
It is important for a son to continue his parent's religion. (53.52%)
Questions that show the least agreement across the total sample include the
following (percentages represent frequencies of "true" responses):
A son or daughter can scold his or her parents. (9.86%)
It is best if a child follows its parent's choices in marriage. (16.9%)
It is all right for a woman to get drunk sometimes. (18.3%)
It is O.K. for an unmarried woman to sleep with a man. (19.72%)
It is all right if a woman touches a man in public. (21.13%)
Highly intelligent women are attractive. (26.76%)
It is good for husbands to go out to nightclubs or bars on weekends without
their wives. (28.17%)
It is O.K. for a single man and woman to be alone together inside a room.
It is O.K. for a man to wash a woman's clothes. (38%)
Women can behave like Tomboys and men can behave like women. (38%)
It is O.K. for a single unmarried woman to pursue a professional career
even if it means indefinitely postponing marriage and having a family. (38%)
It is O.K. if a man gets drunk occasionally. (49.29%)
The scores were adjusted such that a low score is equal to a high rating of
ethnocentrism. The average score of the female sample was 7.55, compared to a
male average of 8.33. The children's average score was 8.75, the non-Jetty
sample's score was 10.56, and the reference group's average score was 8.1.
Again, the women show slightly more ethnocentric attitudes than the other
There is a since of a clear double standard as far as attitudes towards men
and women are concerned. For instance, while almost 50% agreed that men can
get drunk, only 18% said that a woman can get drunk. While 38% said women
should not sit in coffee shops by themselves, 28% said that men can go out to
bars on weekends without their wives.21
On the next inventory, subjects were asked to evaluate comparative
relationships between men, women, boys, girls, adults, children and dogs on
the basis of five dimensions (cleaner than, more affectionate than, more
obedient than, more trustworthy than and more generous than). The greatest
amount of agreement was:
Adults are more generous than children. (81.96%)
Children are cleaner than dogs. (78.68%)
Men are more generous than women. (77%)
Women are cleaner than men. (73.77%),
Adults are cleaner than children. (70.49%)
Dogs are more obedient than children. (68.85%)
Children are more affectionate than dogs. (67.21%)
Boys are more generous than girls. (63.93%)
Adults are more obedient than children. (57.38%)
Children are more trustworthy than dogs. (55.74%)
Adults are more obedient than dogs. (49.18%)
The questions show the greatest false (percentages show low scores of true)
answers over the entire sample are as follows:
Men are more affectionate than women. (6.5%)
Boys are more obedient than girls. (9.84%)
Boys are more affectionate than girls. (9.84%)
Boys are cleaner than girls. (11.48%)
Men are more obedient than women. (19.67%)
Boys are more trustworthy than girls. (27.87%)
Adults are more affectionate than children. (29.5%)
Men are more trustworthy than women. (32.78%)
Children are more trustworthy than adults. (37.7%)
Adults are more trustworthy than dogs. (47.5%)
Of all the dichotomous tasks, these questions have the highest average
inter-item correlation scores, showing strong inter-item associations. From
these responses, the following discrimination table below was derived based on
what were inferred to be "strong" relationships versus
"weak" relationships from the complementary scores of
Percentage scores of complementary strong and weak
There is a -.382 intercorrelation between strong and weak dimensions
(cleaner, affectionate, obedient, trustworthy and generous). From this table,
a number of rules were inferred that occur with relative plausibility (greater
than .7) and from which a rule-based knowledge system modeling these
relationships might be developed.
Women are more affectionate than men.
Women are more obedient than men.
Women are cleaner than men.
Children are more affectionate than adults.
Girls are cleaner than boys.
Girls are more affectionate than boys.
Girls are more obedient than boys.
Men are more generous than women.
Adults are more generous than children.
Dogs are more obedient than children.
Childre are cleaner than dogs.
From the foregoing rules it can also be inferred that men and boys are
viewed as more positive and in greater association with "stronger"
relationships than women or girls, and that maleness is associated with
adultness while femaleness takes on similar patterns of being a child. Only
with the characteristic of generosity did women and children appear stronger
than men or adults. Generosity can be interpreted as a negatively valued trait
(i.e., a sign of weakness) among Chinese whose strongest spontaneous
typifications of themselves is that of "stinginess." In the next
inventory, (n=65), the most agreed upon questions were:
Smoking is worse for women than for men. (83.1%)
Newer appliances are better than older appliances. (73.85%)
It is better to buy a larger quantity more cheaply on sale. (73.85%)
Newer things are better than older things. (70.76%)
People on commercials are wealthier than average. (67.6%)
Thin women are more attractive. (67.6%)
Things on sale are a better deal than things not on sale. (67.6%)
Newer clothes are better than older clothes. (59.76%)
Questions upon which there were the most false answers were:
Men who smoke live as long as men who do not smoke. (9.2%)
Wealthy people are more attractive. (26.15%)
More expensive things are better than cheaper things. (32.3%)
Smoking is not a dirty habit. (35.38%)
Products advertised on television are better than those not advertised.
Products sold at Komtar (Supermarket/Mall) are better than those sold at
the market. (40%)
Men who smoke are more masculine. (44.6%)
Wealthy people are like people who are on commercials. (46.25%)
People on television are better looking than those who are not. (49.23%)
The object of this inventory was to elicit attitudes and value judgments
that were related to acculturation, smoking, the media, and materialism. The
average score for the children (n=6) was 9.17. For the women (n=20) it was
11.7. For the men (n=12), 9.67. For the non-Jetty sample (n=9) it was 7.78.
For the reference group (n=18) it was 8.72.
On the following inventory, 15 questions were asked that were meant to plug
any holes left over from the previous questionnaires. The greatest agreement
were on the following items:
Young men and women should not have sexual relations. (70.2%)
Most men prefer to marry attractive women. (68.4%)
Boys and girls should start dating early in life to find the right partner.
It is O.K. if an older woman marries a younger man. (63.15%)
Police protect rich people more than they protect the poor. (61.4%)
People who do not gamble are afraid of losing. (56.14%)
The average tourist is a middle-aged couple. (56.14%)
The questions on which the most number of false items were marked included
the following:
Most police do not take bribes. (14.03%)
It is O.K. for a single young man to sleep with a woman. (29.8%)
It is all right for a man to have more than one wife. (29.8%)
You are bound to strike it rich if you keep playing numbers. (35%)
Most Westerner's are wealthy. (36.84%)
A child should be discouraged from marrying outside one's own race.
Long engagements result in better marriages. (42.1%)
Police will assist you if you report your bag snatched. (49.12%)
The average score of true for the children (n=6) is 5.17. For the women
(n=15) it was 7.4. For the men (n=9), 7.11. For the non-Jetty sample (n=9), it
was 6.89. For the reference group (n=18) it was 7.33.
The final dichotomous inventory was designed to elicit beliefs about the
supernatural and about fate. Because it was designed toward the end of the
study, it suffered a basic problem of translation. The sample size was
relatively small (n=30), so the scores are collapsed into a single group. The
most agreed upon questions were:
People on earth cannot know their places in heaven. (92.5%)
Money is a cause of evil. (77.7%)
Money is good. (74%)
A person who does bad deeds is bound to suffer misfortune. (70.3%)
If a parent is wrong then heaven will punish the children. (70.3%)
Children are basically good and learn how to be bad. (59.2%)
One's fortune on earth is influenced by one's filial piety. (59.2%)
Success in money is a sign of good fortune. (51.8%)
Children are basically bad and must be taught to be good. (51.8%)
Your ancestor's will reward you if you work hard. (51.8%)
Questions upon which there was the least agreement were the following:
Success in making money is a sign of one's fate in heaven. (11.1%)
One's place on earth is influenced by one's ancestors in heaven. (14.8%)
One's place in heaven is measured by one's fortune on earth. (14.8%)
The Gods can be influenced by the deeds of people. (14.8%)
A child should obey its parents even if its parents are wrong. (18.5%)
A person's fate in life determines that person's state after death. (18.5%)
Gods are willful and unpredictable. (18.5%)
Our parent's are influenced by our ancestor's fate in heaven. (22.2%)
Success in business is influenced by the worship of one's ancestors. (25%)
Our thoughts and actions can be influenced by the will of Gods. (25%)
Success in life depends upon the goodwill of the Gods. (25%)
A man's good fortune depends upon the happiness of his ancestors. (25%)
Evil spirits cause human misfortune. (30%)
Fate is controlled by the Gods. (30%)
Good people are favored by the Gods more than bad people. (33.3%)
Success is a sign of respect for one's ancestors. (33.3%)
Happiness is measured by how much money one makes. (37%)
A person will suffer misfortune if spirits aren't placated. (37%)
One's ancestors in heaven are influenced by one's fortune on earth. (37%)
People are controlled by fate. (37%)
Agreement to the tasks as indicated by the number of true scores is 45.33%.
This may signify that the task was not very well designed or interpreted, but
also that there may not be clearly uniform agreement of a theoditical beliefs
by these people of the Jetty. Many of the questions were more inherently
ambiguous, even with proper translation, thus being more difficult for people
to answer in a definite and clear way.
Question Frame (Sentence Completion) Tasks
There was an assortment of other tasks that entailed completion of sentence
frames. It appears that linguistically structured symbolic framing tasks do
elicit patterns of response comparable in many respects to the other kinds of
tasks such as the inkblots and drawing tasks. These tasks were difficult to
administer, in part because of the translation problem, but also because of a
great deal of resistance to their completion.
The following is a set of sentence completion tasks (n=12, Fry 1976:3) that
dealt with feelings and attitudes toward family.
1. My family is.... happy (50%); cheerful; big (33.3%);
small; cooperative; "stable when my brother doesn't gamble."
2. I love... my family (41.67%); parents (25%); nature or
mother (16.67%); teacher; relatives; friends; earth; and father. "
3. People... "are good" (25%); "must be
together;" "must be realistic;" "are lovely;"
"live on the earth;" "are different;" "are created by
4. Men... "are strong" (16.6%) "must be
gentle;" "must not be selfish;" "made from soil;"
"are more responsible;" "must work to live;" "must
have a good job;" "are our protectors;" "are very
rough;" "are very lusty."
5. Women are... intelligent and the bearers of children
(16.6% each); "made from water;" make life more interesting;"
caring; "must love the family;" "refined; hardworking.
6. Sister's are... good and solve our problems (16.6%);
helpful; "family too;" friendly; clever.
7. Brother's are... good (25%); "must love each
other;" "help each other when bullied by someone;" "are
helping hands;" "are okay;" males.
8. Fathers... good (41.67%); dead (16.67%); gentle; loving;
generous, hardworking, kind.
9. Mothers... good (33.3%); housewife (16.67%); kind; gentle;
dead; lovely, friendly; hardworking; "loves my brother more but is a
great woman."
10. Children... cute (50%); naughty (25%); wise; "gift
from the Gods;" future; playful; innocent; "can like what they
11. A spouse... "must love each other;" good;
"partner of life;" "future depender;" "must take care
of family."
12. Marriage is... happiness (16.67%); "a funny and
stupid thing;" "the way of men and women;" "the way to
build a happy life;" "beginning of a new family;' "our valuable
choice;" "help each other;" "traditional
13. I hate... dogs and cats (16.67% each); lying; fighting;
loneliness; unhappiness; myself; strange and unnatural feelings; ticks; bad
14. I fear ... lizards (16.67%); dogs; cats; mice;
loneliness; beatings; no money; mistreatment.
15. I think of myself as.... a good child (16.67%); very
responsible; hardworking and generous; a tough girl; a gentleman; a good
husband and father; a nurse.
A small sample (n=18) from a couple of sets of sentence completion tasks
given to children proved quite interesting. Questions were originally
constructed with the aim of getting at basic attitudes of children of various
age groups. A number of "graded" tasks were thus designed and used.
Responses are presented in order of descending frequencies (responses with
percentages indicate one or two people only, and are included to give the
range of different types of response):
1. What I like best about school is... PE. (77.8%); math
(22.2%); playing badminton; playing; talking with friends; crafts; Chinese
studies; Malay studies; English; sweeping the floor; cleaning the blackboard;
the library that gives knowledge; and the Malay teacher who is a joker.
2. When I grow up I want to be...a policeman (22.2%) who
catches robbers and thieves; a nurse; soldier; fireman who saves people;
hairdresser; beautician; printing (like the brother); a writer working in a
publishing company "because get to bring papers home to write with;"
a typist because "I like playing with typewriters;" and a driver of
alcoholic beverages.
3. My parents become angry when I... go out with friends
(22.2%); go out and fight (22.2%); play around; steal things; gamble; beat my
younger brother; don't do my homework; don't listen to them; go to the
shopping mall with my friends; don't help with the housework; go to my
friend's house; go swimming.
4. Bad things are...smoking (55.6%); drugs and gambling
(44.5%); fighting (22.2%); stealing; gangs; mixing with other bad people;
quarreling; "bad words, nothing else."
5. The leader of my country... is intelligent (77.8%); favors
Malays (66.7%); is good; takes shares of bribes; disfavors Penang; takes care
of the country.
6. The world will be a better place when..."there are no
wars" (33.3%); "they don't take young girls to sell" (22.2%);
no fighting (22.2%); no drugs; "we don't throw trash everywhere;"
there is peace; "and other countries don't invade us;" no stealing;
no gangs; no quarreling.
7. Children shouldn't...gamble (44.5%); smoke (33.3%); fight;
scold; use foul words; "take mom's money to buy drugs;" "take
mother's money to treat friends;" (22.2% each); "con mother's
money," "scratch, vandalize, but in when older people are
talking;" be bad; mix with gang members; play with fire; be truant;
quarrel; scold teachers; use alcohol or drugs. "Teachers can hit. One hit
three students, and we cut up the teacher's tires."
8. When I cross a street, I..."look carefully before
crossing so that there are no cars;" (55.6%) see both sides (22.2%); go
when there are no cars (22.2%); run across and be extra careful.
Two sets of five open-ended questions were also asked. These questions
elicited conceptual domains over the central topics they addressed--namely
Thai women, Singapore, Japanese, Malaysian Products, AIDS, Chinese, Whites,
Blacks, Malays and Indians. They provide insight into how complex concepts
such as these may be constructed and cohere across a cultural field. Traits
and terms used to describe these concepts recur again and again throughout the
elicitations with great frequency. No single concept is monotypical--each
spans a range of values, images, experiences, beliefs which go into their
construction. Neither do they exist in isolation from one another or from
other domains of knowledge.
The first set of questions (n=120) were the following:
What do you think about Thai women?
What do you think about Singapore?
What do you think about the Japanese?
What do you think about things made in Malaysia?
What do you think about the AIDS problem in Malaysia?
1. Thai Women. Responses to the first question show that the
most frequent terms to describe Thai women were "dark"
(16.9%);"prostitutes" (13.7%); "like Malay" (8%);
"same as Chinese" (8%); "some good/some bad" (8%);
"sexy" (2.4%).
2. Singapore. Responses to the second question show the most
frequent associations to "Singapore" were "clean"
(22.58%); "good" (19.35%); "strict" (9.67%);
"beautiful"(6.45%); "nice;" "developed" (5.64%).
3. Japanese. The most frequent association to the concept of
the "Japanese" were fairness (complexion, 11.29%); shortness of
stature (13.71%); manners (8.9%); intelligence (8.9%).
4. "Products made in Malaysia" had fewer overall
elicitations than the other concepts, and was mostly associated with
"good" (21.78%); "O.K." (16.9%); "imports better
than" (9.67%); "not good" (9.67%); "good and bad;"
"inferior." (9.67%)
5. "AIDS in Malaysia" was most associated with
"in Malaysia" (46.77%); "not many cases" (33.87%); "a
lot of cases" (12.9%).
The second set of questions were the following (n=30):
What do you think about Chinese people?
What do you think about White people?
What do you think about Black people?
What do you think about Malays?
What do you think about Indians?
Responses were:
1. "Chinese" associations include
"hardworking" (33.3%); "selfish"
(23.3%);"intelligent;" "unpunctual;" "stingy;"
"face;" "talkative" (13.3% each). Other associations are
"money faced," "good," and "greedy."
2. "Whites" associations are "friendly"
(20%); "liberal" and "liberated" (16.67% each). Other
associations are adventurousness, tall, enjoy self, "different
thinking," "great thinking," and "easy going."
3. "Blacks" associations are "poor" (40%)
and "white teeth" (16.67%) . Other salient associations are
"curly hair," "tall," "good in sports," and
"contempt by Whites".
4. "Malays" associations are "lazy"
(33.33%) and "cooperative between themselves" (16.67%). Other
associations are unsporting, selfish, government parades, hate, rich, follow
the leader, dirty, proud, and easy-going.
5. "Indians" associations are "dirty"
(23.3%); "poor" (16.67%); "drinking" (16.67%). Other
salient associations are "fakers," beautiful eyes,
"smelly," religious, hardworking, and "simple life."
Apperception Tasks
The apperceptive tasks employed upon the Jetty explored the themes of
subjective identity cast in alternate and different role relationships with
other persons. Several tasks were used. The two main tasks were constructed
using cultural themata and images derived directly or indirectly from the
local universe of the study. The other tasks included adapted versions of the
CAT (Children's Apperception Test, adapted from Bellak 1971; Haworth 1966) and
of the SAT (Senior Apperception Test, adapted from Bellak 1975:271-289), all
of which were mostly administered to children and young adults.
The main task was referred to as the "Family Apperception Task"
(or FAT) and was designed with the explicit purpose of eliciting culturally
relevant themata concerning identity and attitudes in familially defined role
relationships. The second main task ("Picture Apperception Task" or
"PAT") took a range of wider social images from the local media,
images that presented certain ambiguous situations or events in a larger world
All the apperceptive tasks combined proved valuable in exploring attitudes
and identities that are clearly tied to familial roles and a kinship model of
the world. The CAT explored primarily the parent child relationship. The SAT
was effective in elucidating attitudes towards the elderly and grandparents.
The FAT was effective in exploring the range and organization of the familial
order, and the PAT proved of value in exploring the possible extensions of
this order into a wider universe of social relations and settings, especially
in cross-cultural contexts.
The CAT-S (Children's Apperception Test-Supplement, adapted from Bellak
1971: 252-263, n=12) is designed for very young children and its clear, simple
drawings of animals in human clothes are especially interesting for young
1. The first card that shows four cats on a slide elicited a basic theme of
four friends playing together on the slide, one that was made by the father.
They played and played until the mother called them home to wash them, feed
them and put them to bed.
2. The second card showing three monkeys at desks in a class reveals a
theme of two or three children who are good friends from home who eat and go
to school together, being punished by the teacher for not doing their work,
and being jealous of the one standing and reading, are also punished. They
become mischievous when they are outside, apologize to the teacher for being
naughty, and go home to eat rice.
3. The third picture reveals a theme of a girl friend/boy friend or
husband/wife relationship in which the female is very pretty for the man and
is serving the man tea or a glass of water because she likes the man, they are
happy and have or will have a baby.
4. The fourth picture reveals the them of a husband/wife and father/mother
and "girl friend /boy friend" "lang people pandas" (crazy
people bears) who get married, go to the doctor have a baby and love the baby
very much. The father loves the baby, and finds food for them, but dies.
5. The fifth picture shows a "kangaroo" with a hurt leg on
crutches, who went to the hospital after being hit by a car, and receives
sympathy from the mother who cooks for it. "Then he can only eat
vegetables and pork. He cannot eat shrimp and crab."
6. The sixth card deals with the theme of a four children running in a race
together. They lose their mother while they are playing and become very hungry
and sad. They get hungrier and hungrier as they look for their mother.
"One mad man started laughing. The man was lost in the jungle. The man
saw a tiger. The tiger ate he man up." Another older boy said: "One
day two families live next door to each other. Twins. They had twins. A boy
and a girl. So neighbors also had twins. A boy and a girl. They went to the
playground. The park. The mother was kidnapped by somebody. They started
looking for the mother. After a while they found her. They were very happy to
find the mother. One of them was smiling."
7. The seventh picture reveals a theme of a pregnant cat who is very big
and standing in front of a mirror preening herself and to see if she is pretty
or not because her boyfriend is coming in a van to take her to the disco. One
boy wrote this: "One day, one cat who was very, very stupid and one cat
very ugly and one cat very beautiful. This one not very pretty. The mother
beat her. This cat is no good. The mother scolded her. "Child is no
good". This cat went later for a walk. She went inside her room and
cried. She opened the door and went in."
8. The eighth theme is that of a sick child taken to the doctor by the
mother and who is given medicine from the clinic.
9. The ninth card shows a child with a father/mother showering after coming
in, and checking their body for something. They are getting ready to go
shopping which makes the child happy, but the mother gets lost while shopping.
10. The tenth, final card shows a theme of a cat standing in front of a
mirror with an apron and pregnant, wearing a necklace and a ribbon because she
likes to pretty herself. A boy said this: "One day, its one cat with a
friend, a very, very ugly friend. One day they fight and get scars. This cat
stands in the mirror and is not very pretty. The cat is ugly and the mother
beat her. She went out and people laughed at her. They teased her. The cat
looked in the mirror and saw she was not very good. There are scars on her
face. Her mother canned her. This baby is no good. One day, and the father and
baby went to the swimming pool. They are very happy when they go home. The
mother came home from work. It mother is very, very beautiful. It's mother and
baby went shopping and went to see the butterflies. She's very, very happy.
The baby walked to the room and went to sleep. Brush the teeth. It walked home
and walked to the room.
Themes of separation, oral gratification as a form of expression of
parental care and love, of being naughty, punishment, and low self-esteem are
recurrent responses in this task. There is a sense of happiness that is
attached to the family. The CAT (n=8) was adapted from those cards of the
Indian, Japanese and English versions (Haworth, 1966:3-12) that were deemed
most appropriate to the multicultural context of Malaysian society, and
revealed the following set of themes from a group of children who were a
little older:
1. The first card shows three children eating their lunch, talking and
being happy, a father/mother/servant is then standing behind them watching
2. The second card shows three children/bears playing tug of war. Two are
brothers. They are playing at a sports even. They get hungry and go home.
3. The third card shows a lion/man/father/Grandfather/elder sitting holding
a pipe, dreaming, the child is on the floor looking at him. The man is blind
and they are happy. He is also a boss. He tells his son he is going out.
4. The fourth card shows a mother followed by her child going to the
market/supermarket in the morning to shop. The child wants an ice cream.
5. The fifth card shows the parents bedroom where the mother and father
sleep with the child. Twins are sleeping soundly in the child's bed,
"clasping each other." "This is a bed. It is a very big. I like
this bed."
6. In the sixth picture the mother and father and child are sleeping
soundly and happily in a "cave/forest/jungle."
7. The seventh picture shows a theme of a hungry/fierce
"monster/father/tiger" trying to catch, hurt, eat the child/monkey,
but the child doesn't want this and tries to run away. "There is a giant
trying to put a kid into a pan which is boiling with the fire. The child is
trying to escape from her by crawling up the rock."
8. The eight picture shows four people sitting at home, in clinic, at
school or visiting for Chinese New Year, they are all talking, and the mother
is teaching/scolding the child for being naughty.
9. The ninth picture shows a child sleeping alone in a dark bedroom. It is
awake but tired. "One day, the child's mother are not in the house. But
the door is open. the child woke up but the mother was not in the room."
10. The tenth card shows a father/mother taking the child to the
toilet/bathroom to clean/shit/beat the child's bottom. The mother, who is
angry, beats the child as the child cries out loudly for help.
In these pictures there was no great thematic elaboration or any deep,
obvious Freudian content. They were treated in a matter of fact way, even when
responses were sometimes unhappy or even disturbing. In all the pictures, the
parent-child relationship is clearly marked and demonstrates recurring themes
of love, sympathy, hunger and feeding, shopping, playing, separation,
scolding, punishing, teaching and talking. The themes of being naughty and
being beaten or scolded, reappear as with the CAT-S.
The SAT (Senior Apperception Test designed for senior adults, adapted from
Bellak 1971: 271-289, n=8) was a little longer task of 16 cards depicting
senior men and women in different situations. There is in these responses a
sense of understanding of the feelings and predicament of the older people who
are usually identified as grandparents/parents, but also there is a general
lack of sentiment for their situation, sympathy perhaps precluded by the sense
of filial obligation and responsibility.
The family apperception task ("FAT," n=14) is also of sixteen
cards and is the most revealing as far as familial relationships are
concerned. There is more sharing of alternate response types that reveals an
interesting pattern of identification with different social roles:
1. The first picture shows alternately a father biding farewell to his son
going abroad to study or to perform some feat (58%), and a boss advising,
instructing, reprimanding a young employee (41.67%) The affinity of the boss
and the father and the son and the employee is clear.
2. The second picture shows a good, happy family with husband/father,
mother/wife, and son/child (100%) going out to play or shopping and having fun
together. The positive valuation of the nuclear family and parent/child
bonding in this picture is most salient. "The mother only has just one
child so she loves him more, if she had another, she would not love him so
3. The third picture shows a young couple sitting together, either a
husband (25%) /boyfriend (33%) and girlfriend (75%), being caught by an angry
boyfriend/girlfriend/wife/father/mother who wants to scold and kill them.
"Maybe that one is the ex-girlfriend of the boy. Because she is fat and
has short hair the boy doesn't want her. Jealous."
4. In the fourth picture the mother is lifting a child (83.3%) because they
are playing or there is a snake or the baby pissed. Alternately, a grandmother
is lifting her niece or "Teacher (male) teaching student to dance.
Holding the girl up like in gymnastics."
5. The fifth card shows a brother and a sister (91.3%) or a mother and a
child being chased or frightened by a dog (91.3%) or playing with the dog
6. The sixth card shows a boy (83.3%) who is naughty, waiting for a friend,
is very tall, or a man who is waiting or is a laborer. "He is a boy. The
boy's name is John. He goes out and fights. When he gets home, his mother
beats him. His mother sends him to stand outside."
7. The seventh card shows a doctor (41.67%), a father (33.3%) and a teacher
(25%) with a boy who is sick and needs to take medicine (91.3%).
8. Eighth picture shows a mother taking the child to or from school (75%).
In one it is a sister taking the child to school, or the mother is also the
teacher, and in another scenario it is a bad woman who has kidnapped the child
for one year. "Aunt, should I be dismissed early?" "No, you
shouldn't. You must wait until the lesson is finished." "Why?"
No, why not just follow my order. If not I will, I will..." "Will
what?" Eat you!"
9. The ninth picture shows the daughter taking the mother (41.67%) or the
granddaughter with the grandmother (25%) or an aunty (8.9%) or a bad woman who
has stolen something and has been caught or a girl introducing an older friend
to her mother. "The girl is showing filial piety toward her mother. I
think they want to go to see the doctor because their faces showing very
10. The tenth picture shows a girl who is a prostitute (83.3%) between two
men who are bad men and forcing her into prostitution, or are police.
"Two boys force the woman to sign the paper. The girl is a
"chicken." "She sleeps with these two men." "The girl
is a girl friend. Wear low-cut so can see the cleavage. The younger brother
holds the woman on the shoulder. The older brother looks like one holding the
girl's buttocks and her hand."
11. The eleventh picture shows a young girl (75%) playing with a rabbit on
the bed. Alternately it is a man (16.67%) with a rabbit. "The man is
showing sympathy because he plays with the rabbit during his free time, and he
doesn't mind the rabbit smell." "She messed up the bed so the bed is
now dirty. When the mother knocked at the door she quickly hid the rabbit
under the covers. Mother asked why it is so dirty. Rabbit ran out under covers
so mother beat the girl up. The mother beat her until she has cane marks all
on her leg. So the girl decided to give up the rabbit and put it back where
she found it and walked home."
12. The twelfth picture shows three women talking (66.6%) or three girls or
three people playing (33.3%) or "a mother, grandmother and
granddaughter." (8.9%) It could be a wedding, or they are in the kitchen.
"Three snoopy women sitting in a five foot way and gossip about some
people who they don't know and none of their business."
13. The thirteenth picture shows "James and Joan were at the sports
room. They were training about the 'kung fu,' or alternately a man and woman
going to investigate something that happened or a girl welcoming a boy to her
14. The fourteenth picture shows a woman with pots "See how fair she
is?" "Thinner than you!" "What?" "Thinner than
you." "Enough, look how more beautiful than the containers."
"Me once more pretty" "Stupid!"
15. The fifteenth picture shows one man sitting between two other men who
are trying to force him to do something he doesn't want.
16. The final picture shows three friends spinning a top in front of their
house (100%).
There is no correct manner of analyzing or interpreting these patterns of
response. There is no great affective elaboration of themes. Images of the
pictures were treated in a matter of fact way.
The themes of parent/child relations are recurrent enough to suggest that
these are important interpretations of otherwise vague and ambiguous pictures.
Though sample sizes are small, enough sharing of similar, recurrent themata
recurs to suggest that these analogies are culturally important. The analogous
associations of status identities, such as
"boy/son/boyfriend/father" and
"girl/daughter/girlfriend/mother" that are distinguished primarily
on the basis of gender and age (for instance, items 1, 4 and 9 in the CAT-S
above; items 1,3, 7 and 10 in the CAT above; items 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 9 and 12
of the FAT above), suggest a form of thematic elaboration of homologous pairs
(i.e., boy/girl, son/daughter, boyfriend/girlfriend, father/mother) that are
elaborated in alternative (perceived or imagined) contextual settings and that
may be symbolically interchangeable. Thus a quaternary structure of analogy is
boy is to son is to boyfriend is to father
as as as as
girl is to daughter is to girlfriend is to mother
This theme can be easily extended onto other authority models, as for
instance when father becomes uncle, boss, doctor, teacher, grandfather, or
mother becomes aunty, nurse, teacher, grandmother. We can imagine an extension
of the previous model as:
father is to uncle is to doctor is to teacher is to grandfather
as as as as as
mother is to aunty is to nurse is to teacher is to grandmother
Certain kinds of relationships like those considered for the grid tasks,
like "giving money to" or "scolding," may hold across
different analogical sets of relationships, such as between mother and
daughter or grandmother and granddaughter, as well as between student and
teacher or child and nurse (but possibly not for others: i.e.,
sisters/aunties/in-laws). Those expectations of differences in relationships
may be transferable between different homologous sets, exceptional differences
would still occur marking the difference the sets. The cultural calculus of
variables then would enter into play in the differential elaboration of these
relationships, and the asymmetry of these relationships (older/younger;
male/female) would lead to a partially deterministic model.
mothers scold/beat/feed daughters plays with girlfriends
shop with as fight/play with as kiss/flirt
fathers punish/eat/feed sons play with boyfriends
nurse/woman kidnaps/cares for boy helps aunty/grandmother
is to as is to as is to
policeman/man pimp/blackmail girl respects uncle/grandfather
Those patterns of relationship which hold strongly between mother, father,
son and daughter, may be transferred in a more diluted manner to other,
homologous kinds of relationships, such as grandmother, grandfather,
schoolmates or girl friends. This analogical structure is most elaborated and
evident with the FAT, but becomes more diffuse in the thematic elaboration of
the PAT (Picture Apperception Task) in that the representations of real
persons in a broader range of social roles is less inherently ambiguous, but
the setting, roles and actions remain vague and uncertain.
The PAT (n=16) had 21 pictures that were taken directly from local
newspapers depicting social situations and events that were both relatively
ambiguous and also sometimes graphic. The pictures elicited a variety of
themes about authority, familial relations, conflict, disaster and accidents,
violence, sexuality, school, and crosscultural (Malay) customs etc. It appears
that in these tasks the same basic familial patterns of identification are
largely carried over into most of these pictures. It shows a strong
ambivalence towards authority (i.e., the police), with a strong recognition of
the correctness of authority, as with police arm locking a young
"protester" who is a "bad person" (75%), and at the same
time a distrust of authority as being deceitful or vicarious. It reveals
themes of "mother-love" and "father-love" as both a sense
of obligation and responsibility to care for, feed and play with the child,
and these themes are largely carried over to contexts of the Malay household.
Authority and responsibility appear to be positively valued, and women and men
in uniform or in business suits are handsome and pretty.
These apperception tasks suggest, through their repetitive thematic
elaboration of familial roles and interaction, that kinship appears to be
central in importance in defining personal identity and interpersonal
relationships. This model is basically a moral one of filial obligation and
reciprocal duties and interactions between parents and child. The model of
parents as care-takers/guardians/nurturers/givers of food and their inherent
ambivalence as punishers is easily extended onto other authority role models
in society--teachers, bosses, police, doctors and grandparents and uncles.
Though there is a sense of duty, there is a not necessarily a connected sense
of great romantic sentimentality.
An interpretation of these tasks suggests that the basic ambivalence that
exists in the parent-child relationship (the parent as giver of money or food
versus the parent as punisher), may be transferred out onto a wider nexus of
relationships as an inherent ambivalence of identity (i.e., respect for and
identification with the authority police, bosses, teachers, versus a basic
distrust or fear of the possible arbitrariness of authority). Such ambivalence
of identification with outside authority may undercut an individual's capacity
to internalize completely the dominant values and norms of the host society or
to form relationships in a broader society based upon "trust." This
is especially the case when there may be competing or incompatible or
"discrepant" sets of norms (i.e. Chinese versus Malay, Berger and
Luckmann 1967:165-173)
1 Several hypothetical inferences can be drawn from this
model of kinship. First, sexual stratification which is most salient and
strongest in the first generation of the male ego's collaterals may be
evidence of it being a more basic and fundamental principle than that of age
stratification, which may have occurred subsequently. Secondly, at the first
and second generations ascending, it is evident that there is strong, almost
perfect, affinal symmetry in the system, a remarkable symmetry of
"complementary affinity" which is only offset by the very vertical
nature of the patrilineal ascent. Third, it is quite easy to see how this
model can be simply modified, even reversed in a sense, in cases in which the
husband goes to reside with the wife's family. Fourth, it is possible that the
relationships which are fixed by definition within the nexus of patrilineal
relationships can be easily extended out in "diluted" fashion to
encompass ever wider spheres of collaterality and hierarchy that is especially
defined on lineal or clan terms of common surname.
It is in the deeper history of Chinese society that we can find possible
answers to the origins of this system (Stover 1974)--in the perennial threat
of war and famine in a rural China, in the need for the rapid and effective
mobilization of males for defense, and in the need to organize productive
domestic/extra-domestic labor in an effective and profitable manner. We may
now only speculate as to the events which led to this system in the first
place, or as to the possible evolutionary implications of such a system.
Grids were also done on women's occupations (n=21); men's occupations
(n=12); professions (n=11); cars (n=11); 31 national groupings (n=5), based on
varying sets of dimensions. From each of these grids, it is possible to
construct different rule paradigms based upon the elicited dimensions and
similar to the one proposed for the familial model. In regard to
nationalities, Malaysians and Americans are equally highly rated across the
five elicited dimensions, followed by Chinese and Australians.
"Women should not drink." "A woman should not sit in a
coffee shop by herself. She can drink at home." "It is only all
right if just for coffee." "So many women and girls are working now
it doesn't apply anymore. This rule is 40 years old." "If it is an
older woman it is all right. But she must be accompanied by her parents or
other women. If not people will say she is a bar girl." "It is
nothing just to eat. Some do for snacks and coffee. It depends on the Coffee
shop environment, who will know the kind of men there." "The modern
world is different."
"If the mothers-in-law are right, daughters-in-law must listen to
them." "Daughters-in-law must have filial piety. Chinese law--must
always listen to mother in law wishes even if she is wrong." "The
mother-in-law is like your mother. Only young women should do it."
"Nowadays its different. They do not listen. Daughters-in-law control
their mother's-in-law, sometimes they fight them and even beat them."
"Some mothers-in-law are mean. If she is right she should be listened
to." "Now they talk facts." "Nowadays it depends."
"If the daughter of a doctor and a construction worker love each
other, then it is all right to get married." "If they are both
willing it is up to them, only I'm afraid the parents will object."
"If there are no objections, usually the rich parent's will object."
"They are not equal at all, not matched." "It depends on if
they love each other. Usually the rich marry the rich, but not always."
"We wash our clothes by machine now, so men can wash women's clothes,
but not by hand, and never hang them out. Older people will scold."
"But if the wife is sick we can wash only the wife's clothes."
"If my wife works it's up to me." "Only when the wife is
busy." "Ask wife, some can and cannot, some do and some don't."
"For Chinese, no. It is women's work, men work outside." "My
brother washes my clothes for me."
"It is not a husband's duty to feed an infant in the middle of the
night if he is working." "Some men share in this work."
"They have a share in the baby." "Some will help and some say
they are going to work the next day." "Chinese fathers love their
children and will do it." "Some will do it, but Chinese don't."
"Some ask their wives to do it."
The least agreement across this sample was "It is all right for a
woman to get drunk sometimes" (6.7%); followed by "It is best if a
child follows its parent's choices in marriage" (13.3%); "A son or
daughter can scold his or her parents," and "It is all right if a
woman touches a man in public" (20% each); "It is O.K. for the
daughter of a hawker to marry the son of a banker" (33.33%); "It is
O.K. for an unmarried woman to sleep with a man" (40%); "It is good
for husbands to go out to nightclubs on weekends without their wives,"
"A man should share in the feeding of the baby at night", and
"It is O.K. if a man gets drunk occasionally" (46.67%). The average
score for this subsample was 11.066.
"After your purse has been snatched, the police will wait for someone
to return the identification card." "They say they will help?"
"By law you have to report, you just report the loss to cover yourself
for your license and identity card, but you must find it yourself."
"It is hard to find back. The bag will never be recovered."
"They will assist you but it takes a long time to find it."
"Only 50% will help you."
"Police help the rich more than the poor because they want the rich
man's money." "They also protect the rich." "They 'jack'
only the rich." "The rich are afraid of bad people, bad people are
afraid of the government, the government is afraid of rich people."
"Rich people know the rules, poor people do not." "Rich people
give them more 'kopi' (coffee) money." "They also want rich people
to pay them pocket money." "Not all police but usually that is the
For the men's responses: "only if men have money can they have more
than one wife"; "Some men also have friends on the side";
"If one has money, why not"; "Two wives are enough";
"If the first one dies, sometimes men will take another"; "Two
or three wives also never mind"; "As long as there is money, it is
O.K., but by law only one"; "Personally, I do not want more than one
Some of these tasks also clearly explored the boundaries of their worldview
in a manner that they frequently found threatening. There was also a sense
that statements they could make may be linked to their own names and
identities with perhaps unknown consequences. This made the use of a tape
recorder for several of the tasks designed to elicit spontaneous,
tip-of-the-tongue oral responses, virtually impossible to use with anyone but
less than a handful of people. On several ocassions attempting to encourage
completion of these relatively simple tasks (from an American's point of view)
led to the characteristic "ingenuine" response that was hiding the
truth and which was wasting everyone's time, and even at a point to a closure
of a small group of people of the Jetty who had previously been quite open to
being interviewed.


text:
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To circle with a radius of 41 cm from the point R guided two tangents. The distance of both points of contact is 16 cm. Calculate the distance from point R and circle centre.
Leave us a comment of example and its solution (i.e. if it is still somewhat unclear...):
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Danger! You are Being Assimilated by Your Blog
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Item Details
Assessing the Environmental Effects of Trade Liberalisation Agreements [electronic resource]: Methodologies
- Format
- EBook; Book; Government Document; Online
- Published
- Paris : Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, c2000.
- Language
- English
- Series
- OECD Proceedings
- 9264171908
- Description
- Mode of access: World wide Web.
- Notes
- Proceedings of a workshop held at OECD headquarters in Paris on 26 and 27 October 1999.
- Includes bibliographical references.
- Copyright & PermissionsRights statements and licenses provide information about copyright and reuse associated with individual items in the collection.
Additional information about rights, reuse of Library materials, suggested citation forms, and related issues can be found on the "Permission to Use Library Materials" page.
- Copyright Not Evaluated
- Technical Details
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LEADER 01319cam a2200349 a 4500001 u5424075003 SIRSI005 20111108073915.0006 m d007 cr n008 000426s2000 fr a sb i100 0 eng da| 00393807a| 9264171908a| (WaSeSS)ssj0000090506a| DTC c| DTC d| TZT d| DLC d| WaSeSSa| lccopycat05000a| HF1379 b| .A86 20000727a| HF 2| lcco08200a| 333.7 2| 2124500a| Assessing the environmental effects of trade liberalisation agreements h| [electronic resource] : b| methodologies.a| Paris : b| Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, c| c2000.4400a| OECD proceedingsa| Proceedings of a workshop held at OECD headquarters in Paris on 26 and 27 October 1999.a| Includes bibliographical references.a| Mode of access: World wide Web.6500a| International trade x| Environmental aspects v| Congresses.6500a| Commercial policy x| Environmental aspects v| Congresses.6550a| Electronic books.7102a| OECD iLibrary85640u| http://RE5QY4SB7X.search.serialssolutions.com/?V=1.0&L=RE5QY4SB7X&S=JCs&C=TC0000090506&T=marca| 1a| XX(5424075.1) w| WEB i| 5424075-1001 l| INTERNET m| UVA-LIB t| INTERNET
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text: Back to all posts Cancellation The gig at The Royal Staff in Aldershot has been cancelled by email! No explanation given so very disappointing.. Leave a comment Add comment Please log in or register to include your contact info. Edit profile Log out * Name * Location * Comment Add comment


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Essential articles are being rushed to Ooty, the District headquarters, from Mysore, to help mitigate one of the worst natural disasters to hit the hill-district.
Official sources told Deccan Herald on Wednesday that as the roads in Nilgiris district have been severely damaged by the landslips that have claimed 43 lives so far, efforts were being made to move daily-use commodities like diesel and cooking gas from Mysore through the road link from there.
Gaping holes now dot the landscape of the scenic Nilgiris, more popularly known as the 'Blue Mountains' with landslides reported from over 100 places. Scores of village roads have been massively chipped away even as paramilitary forces assisted the local administration in the relief works. The operations to restore normalcy were going on a "war footing," Chief Minister, M Karunanidhi, said here on Wednesday evening.
Meanwhile, the Southern Railway announced that the heritage 'Nilgiris Mountain Railway' between Mettupalayam — at the foothills — to Coonoor and Udaghamandalam (Ooty) has been cancelled until further notice due to major breaches in the track at two places.
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Adolf Spiess FAQs: Facts, Rumors, Birthdate, Net Worth, Sexual Orientation and much more!
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Who is Adolf Spiess? Biography, gossip, facts?
Adolf Spiess (3 February 1810 Lauterbach Hesse - 9 May 1858) German gymnast and educator contributed to the development of school gymnastics for children of both sexes in Switzerland and Germany.
How does Adolf Spiess look like? How did Adolf Spiess look like young?
This is how Adolf Spiess looks like. The photo hopefully gives you an impression of Adolf Spiess's look, life and work.
Photo by: unknown artist, License: PD 1923, http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Adolf_Spiess.jpg
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Yes, as far as we know, Adolf Spiess is still alive. We don't have any current information about Adolf Spiess's health. However, being younger than 50, we hope that everything is ok.
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Aisling Judge, Anne Dambricourt-Malassé, Arnold Henry Guyot, Artie P. Hatzes and Auguste Barth are scientists that are similar to Adolf Spiess. Click on their names to check out their FAQs.
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