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Appendix A: Foswiki Development Time-line
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Foswiki Release 1.1.3 - 16 Apr 2011Foswiki 1.1.3 was built 16 Apr 2011. It is a release that fixes more than 150 bugs. jQuery has been updated to 1.4.3. The default PatternSkin has some usability improvements.
Foswiki Release 1.1.2 - 09 Nov 2010Foswiki 1.1.2 was built 09 Nov 2010. It is a release that fixes some very important bugs incl. a security related bug. Installations running 1.1.0 and 1.1.1 should be upgraded to 1.1.2
Foswiki Release 1.1.1 - 25 Oct 2010It is a release that fixes some important bugs that were introduced in 1.1.0. It is highly recommended that all running 1.1.0 upgrade to 1.1.1.
Foswiki Release 1.1.0 - 04 Oct 2010Foswiki 1.1.0 was built 04 Oct 2010. It is a release with more than 270 bug fixes relative to 1.0.10 and more than 680 bug fixes relative to 1.0.0. This release adds more than 100 enhancements. Foswiki 1.1.0 introduces jQuery Javascript user interface framework, improved topic history display, new QUERY and FORMAT macros, better user interfaces for group management, much improved WYSIWYG editor, facelift of the default skin, much improved configure tool, and much more. Foswiki 1.1 has many improvements that end-users as well as administrators will appreciate. In addition Foswiki 1.1 comes with a lot of "under the hood" improvements to the core code, with the goal of making it easier to plug in work from other projects, such as jQuery, KinoSearch, Solr and others. Work has been made to improve the definition of internal APIs to allow other not-yet-written modules, such as store implementations. Most of these modifications should be invisible to the end user and admin, but are important to position Foswiki for the next generation of plugins. Here is a list of the most important enhancements in Foswiki 1.1.0
Foswiki Hall of FameThe proud, free, independent Foswiki community as of the release of 1.1.0 (highlights - for full list see Foswiki:Tasks.HallOfFame)
Foswiki Release 1.0.10 - 09 Sep 2010Foswiki 1.0.10 was built 09 Sep 2010 as a patch release with more than 410 bug fixes relative to 1.0.0. This release is expected to be the final bug fixing release for foswiki 1.0, and wraps up about 70 fixes found since 1.0.9. Importantly, this release fixes an issue running configure on Perl 5.12, improves compatibility with proxy and enterprise search indexers, and updates the shipped plugins to the latest versions. It resolves a number of issues for running foswiki on MS Windows.
Foswiki Release 1.0.9 - 17 Jan 2010Foswiki 1.0.9 was built 17 Jan 2010. It is a patch release with more than 320 bug fixes relative to 1.0.0 and several enhancements. This release fixes many bugs in the Wysiwyg editor, bugs related to more advanced wiki applications and bugs in the Plugin API. It contains several bug fixes and enhancements related to security and spam fighting.
Foswiki Release 1.0.8 - 29 Nov 2009Foswiki 1.0.8 was built 29 Nov 2009. It is a patch release with more than 280 bug fixes relative to 1.0.0 and some enhancements. This release fixes a short list of quite annoying old bugs incl a bug that prevented efficient use of MailerContrib for producing newsletters. The Wysiwyg editor has been upgraded with the latest Tiny MCE editor release 3.2.7.
Foswiki Release 1.0.7 - 20 Sep 2009More than 30 new bug fixes and some enhancements. The Wysiwyg editor has been upgraded to using Tiny MCE editor version 3.2.2 which solves many editor related bugs. The pickaxe icon has been replaced by a "Wiki Text" button as the pickaxe was hard to guess the function of. Several bugs fixed related to the Cross-Site Request Forgery feature. TablePlugin sorts numbers and dates better EditTablePlugin handles SpreadSheetPlugin in footer rows correctly Fixed a problem where Windows installations of Foswiki would create new users with non-working passwords "Managing webs" feature redesigned for better usability
Foswiki Release 1.0.6 - 21 Jun 2009More than 40 bugs fixed and several small enhancements. Major security enhancement against Cross-Site Request Forgery A central translation framework got introduced. Foswiki is already available in 20 major languages and dialects. The new translation framework will ease the translation process by allowing contributions from users.
Foswiki Release 1.0.5 - 25 Apr 2009Additional 20 bugs fixed. Some few minor enhancements New security features added Upgrade package for 1.0.5 is relative to 1.0.0.
Foswiki Release 1.0.4 - 19 Mar 2009Small update of 1.0.3 with 33 more bugs fixed incl some severe bugs in EditTablePlugin. Upgrade package for 1.0.4 is relative to 1.0.0. The number of bugfixes in 1.0.4 relative to 1.0.0 is more than 100 + some bugs that were introduced and fixed in the not published 1.0.1-1.0.3. There are 5 minor enhancements.
Foswiki Release 1.0.3 - 28 Feb 2009Both 1.0.1 ,1.0.2, and 1.0.3 were not published because they did not pass the final quality control. Another handful of bugs were fixed. Upgrade package for 1.0.3 is relative to 1.0.0.
Foswiki Release 1.0.2 - 26 Feb 2009Same as 1.0.1 but with a handful of additional bug fixes. Upgrade package for 1.0.2 is relative to 1.0.0 since 1.0.1 was never published on the Foswiki website.
Foswiki Release 1.0.1 - 24 Feb 2009Patch release containing more than 70 bug fixes and some user interface improvements of configure. Due to a bug (Item1126) the development team decide not to publish this release but instead release 1.0.2 a few days later Bug fix highlights:
Foswiki Release 1.0.0 - 09 Jan 2009Foswiki is the old TWiki project under a new name. Restrictions on the use of the TWiki brand resulted in many of its developers continuing the project under the new Foswiki name. Foswiki is backwards compatible with all content from older TWiki installations. Foswiki 1.0.0 ships with a TWikiCompatibilityPlugin installed and activated by default, thus enabling most extensions made for TWiki to work under Foswiki.
New features and enhancements
Security UpdatesFoswiki is much more secure than TWiki 4.2.4.
Terminology changes in FoswikiAs part of the first Foswiki product release, various topics and terms were changed to avoid using the TWiki brand name and to more accurately reflect their purpose, including the following:
TWiki Release 4.2.1 (Freetown) released 2011-12-20T15:32:07ZPatch release following the 4.2.0 released 22 Jan 2008 New Features and Enhancements of TWiki Release 4.2
TWiki Release 4.1 (Edinburgh), 16 Jan 2007New Features and Enhancements of TWiki Release 4.1
TWiki Release 4.0.0 (Dakar), 01 Feb 2006Major New Features
01-Sep-2004 Release (Cairo)Major New Features
01-Feb-2003 Release (Beijing)
01-Dec-2001 Release (Athens)
01-Sep-2001 Release
01-Dec-2000 Release
01-May-2000 Release
01-Sep-1999 Release
01-Jul-1999 Release
1998 Releases
Dev FlowThe typical TWiki development flow...
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I got my second pink ribbon tattoo done yesterday and I love it!
It is placed on my chest to hide the very nasty scar I have from where the port-a-cath was placed. A port-a-cath is a small device they place under your skin in your chest with a tube going straight to your heart. It is used to administer the chemo.
Mine started to grow into my muscle and was causing physical damage so just a few months after my last treatment it was removed, so another cut on top of the barely healed scar resulted in an ugly scar that really bothered me.
So my tattoo was born!
Years ago I had already decided to get a swallow tattoo some day, some day just never came, I turned 40 and then decided I was too old for tattoos.
I'm 46 next month and you know what? I'm NOT too old! Lol apparently my skin is still perfectly suitable for ink!
I've already decided to get the top scar running from my breastbone to my armpit tattooed because wearing swimming suits it does show.
I'm going to get a branch of Japanese cherry blossom done there. Pink blossom of course!
I really liked the artist who did my tattoo yesterday so he is definitely doing my next one.
Hope to show you some of my own art soon! Still working on my art room!
Love & peace

subset: commoncrawl


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Developments in the late 20th and early 21st centuries
Native American life in the late 20th and early 21st centuries has been characterized by continuities with and differences from the trajectories of the previous several centuries. One of the more striking continuities is the persistent complexity of native ethnic and political identities. In 2000 more than 600 indigenous bands or tribes were officially recognized by Canada's dominion government, and some 560 additional bands or tribes were officially recognized by the government of the United States. These numbers were slowly increasing as additional groups engaged in the difficult process of gaining official recognition.
The Native American population has continued to recover from the astonishing losses of the colonial period, a phenomenon first noted at the turn of the 20th century. Census data from 2006 indicated that people claiming aboriginal American ancestry numbered some 1.17 million in Canada, or approximately 4 percent of the population; of these, some 975,000 individuals were officially recognized by the dominion as of First Nation, Métis, or Inuit heritage. U.S. census figures from 2000 indicated that some 4.3 million people claimed Native American descent, or 1–2 percent of the population; fewer than one million of these self-identified individuals were officially recognized as of native heritage, however.
The numerical difference between those claiming ancestry and those who are officially recognized is a reflection of many factors. Historically, bureaucratic error has frequently caused individuals to be incorrectly removed from official rolls. Marrying outside the Native American community has also been a factor: in some places and times, those who out-married were required by law to be removed from tribal rolls; children of these unions have sometimes been closer to one side of the family than the other, thus retaining only one parent's ethnic identity; and in some cases, the children of ethnically mixed marriages have been unable to document the degree of genetic relation necessary for official enrollment in a particular tribe. This degree of relation is often referred to as a blood quantum requirement; one-fourth ancestry, the equivalent of one grandparent, is a common minimum blood quantum, though not the only one. Other nations define membership through features such as residence on a reservation, knowledge of traditional culture, or fluency in a native language. Whether genetic or cultural, such definitions are generally designed to prevent the improper enrollment of people who have wishful or disreputable claims to native ancestry. Known colloquially as "wannabes," these individuals also contribute to the lack of correspondence between the number of people who claim Indian descent and the number of officially enrolled individuals.
A striking difference from the past can be seen in Native Americans' ability to openly engage with both traditional and nontraditional cultural practices. While in past eras many native individuals had very limited economic and educational opportunities, by the turn of the 21st century they were members of essentially every profession available in North America. Many native people have also moved from reservations to more urban areas, including about 65 percent of U.S. tribal members and 55 percent of aboriginal Canadians.
Despite these profound changes in occupation and residency, indigenous Americans are often represented anachronistically. Depictions of their cultures are often "frozen" in the 18th or 19th century, causing many non-Indians to incorrectly believe that the aboriginal nations of the United States and Canada are culturally or biologically extinct—a misbelief that would parallel the idea that people of European descent are extinct because one rarely sees them living in the manner depicted in history museums such as the Jorvik Viking Center (York, England) or Colonial Williamsburg (Virginia). To the contrary, 21st-century American Indians participate in the same aspects of modern life as the general population: they wear ordinary apparel, shop at grocery stores and malls, watch television, and so forth. Ethnic festivals and celebrations do provide individuals who are so inclined with opportunities to honour and display their cultural traditions, but in everyday situations a powwow dancer would be as unlikely to wear her regalia as a bride would be to wear her wedding dress; in both cases, the wearing of special attire marks a specific religious and social occasion and should not be misunderstood as routine.
Although life has changed drastically for many tribal members, a number of indicators, such as the proportion of students who complete secondary school, the level of unemployment, and the median household income, show that native people in the United States and Canada have had more difficulty in achieving economic success than non-Indians. Historical inequities have clearly contributed to this situation. In the United States, for instance, banks cannot repossess buildings on government trust lands, so most Indians have been unable to obtain mortgages unless they leave the reservation. This regulation in turn leads to depopulation and substandard housing on the reserve, problems that are not easily resolved without fundamental changes in regulatory policy.
The effects of poorly considered government policies are also evident in less-obvious ways. For example, many former residential-school students did not parent well, and an unusually high number of them suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder. Fortunately, social service agencies found that mental health care, parenting classes, and other actions could resolve many of the problems that flowed from the boarding school experience.
While most researchers and Indians agree that historical inequities are the source of many problems, they also tend to agree that the resolution of such issues ultimately lies within native communities themselves. Thus, most nations continue to pursue sovereignty, the right to self-determination, as an important focus of activism, especially in terms of its role in tribal well-being, cultural traditions, and economic development. Questions of who or what has the ultimate authority over native nations and individuals, and under what circumstances, remain among the most important, albeit contentious and misunderstood, aspects of contemporary Native American life.
Although community self-governance was the core right that indigenous Americans sought to maintain from the advent of colonialism onward, the strategies they used to achieve it evolved over time. The period from the Columbian landfall to the late 19th century might be characterized as a time when Native Americans fought to preserve sovereignty by using economics, diplomacy, and force to resist military conquest. From the late 19th century to the middle of the 20th, political sovereignty, and especially the enforcement of treaty agreements, was a primary focus of indigenous activism; local, regional, and pan-Indian resistance to the allotment of communally owned land, to the mandatory attendance of children at boarding schools, and to the termination of tribal rights and perquisites all grew from the basic tenets of the sovereignty movement. By the mid-1960s the civil rights movement had educated many peoples about the philosophy of equal treatment under the law—essentially the application of the sovereign entity's authority over the individual—and civil rights joined sovereignty as a focus of Indian activism.
One, and perhaps the principal, issue in defining the sovereign and civil rights of American Indians has been the determination of jurisdiction in matters of Indian affairs. Historical events in Northern America, that part of the continent north of the Rio Grande, created an unusually complex system of competing national, regional (state, provincial, or territorial), and local claims to jurisdiction. Where other countries typically have central governments that delegate little authority to regions, Canada and the United States typically assign a wide variety of responsibilities to provincial, state, and territorial governments, including the administration of such unrelated matters as unemployment insurance, highway maintenance, public education, and criminal law. With nearly 1,200 officially recognized tribal governments and more than 60 regional governments extant in the United States and Canada at the turn of the 21st century, and with issues such as taxation and regulatory authority at stake, it is unsurprising that these various entities have been involved in a myriad of jurisdictional battles.
Two examples of criminal jurisdiction help to clarify the interaction of tribal, regional, and federal or dominion authorities. One area of concern has been whether a non-Indian who commits a criminal act while on reservation land can be prosecuted in the tribal court. In Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe (1978), the U.S. Supreme Court determined that tribes do not have the authority to prosecute non-Indians, even when such individuals commit crimes on tribal land. This decision was clearly a blow to tribal sovereignty, and some reservations literally closed their borders to non-Indians in order to ensure that their law enforcement officers could keep the peace within the reservation.
The Oliphant decision might lead one to presume that, as non-Indians may not be tried in tribal courts, Indians in the United States would not be subject to prosecution in state or federal courts. This issue was decided to the contrary in United States v. Wheeler (1978). Wheeler, a Navajo who had been convicted in a tribal court, maintained that the prosecution of the same crime in another (federal or state) court amounted to double jeopardy. In this case the Supreme Court favoured tribal sovereignty, finding that the judicial proceedings of an independent entity (in this case, the indigenous nation) stood separately from those of the states or the United States; a tribe was entitled to prosecute its members. In so ruling, the court seems to have placed an extra burden on Native Americans: whereas the plaintiff in Oliphant gained immunity from tribal law, indigenous plaintiffs could indeed be tried for a single criminal act in both a tribal and a state or federal court.
A plethora of other examples are available to illustrate the complexities of modern native life. The discussion below highlights a selection of four issues that are of pan-Indian importance: the placement of native children into non-Indian foster and adoptive homes, the free practice of traditional religions, the disposition of the dead, and the economic development of native communities. The article closes with a discussion of international law and Native American affairs.
The outplacement and adoption of indigenous children
From the beginning of the colonial period, Native American children were particularly vulnerable to removal by colonizers. Captured children might be sold into slavery, forced to become religious novitiates, made to perform labour, or adopted as family members by Euro-Americans; although some undoubtedly did well under their new circumstances, many suffered. In some senses, the 19th-century practice of forcing children to attend boarding school was a continuation of these earlier practices.
Before the 20th century, social welfare programs were, for the most part, the domain of charities, particularly of religious charities. By the mid-20th century, however, governmental institutions had surpassed charities as the dominant instruments of public well-being. As with other forms of Northern American civic authority, most responsibilities related to social welfare were assigned to state and provincial governments, which in turn developed formidable child welfare bureaucracies. These were responsible for intervening in cases of child neglect or abuse; although caseworkers often tried to maintain the integrity of the family, children living in dangerous circumstances were generally removed.
The prevailing models of well-being used by children's services personnel reflected the culture of the Euro-American middle classes. They viewed caregiving and financial well-being as the responsibilities of the nuclear family; according to this view, a competent family comprised a married couple and their biological or legally adopted children, with a father who worked outside the home, a mother who was a homemaker, and a residence with material conveniences such as electricity. These expectations stood in contrast to the values of reservation life, where extended-family households and communitarian approaches to wealth were the norm. For instance, while Euro-American culture has emphasized the ability of each individual to climb the economic ladder by eliminating the economic "ceiling," many indigenous groups have preferred to ensure that nobody falls below a particular economic "floor." In addition, material comforts linked to infrastructure were simply not available on reservations as early as in other rural areas. For instance, while U.S. rural electrification programs had ensured that 90 percent of farms had electricity by 1950—a tremendous rise compared with the 10 percent that had electricity in 1935—census data indicated that the number of homes with access to electricity did not approach 90 percent on reservations until 2000. These kinds of cultural and material divergences from Euro-American expectations instantly made native families appear to be backward and neglectful of their children.
As a direct result of these and other ethnocentric criteria, disproportionate numbers of indigenous children were removed from their homes by social workers. However, until the mid-20th century there were few places for such children to go; most reservations were in thinly populated rural states with few foster families, and interstate and interethnic foster care and adoption were discouraged. As a result, native children were often institutionalized at residential schools and other facilities. This changed in the late 1950s, when the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs joined with the Child Welfare League of America in launching the Indian Adoption Project (IAP), the country's first large-scale transracial adoption program. The IAP eventually moved between 25 and 35 percent of the native children in the United States into interstate adoptions and interstate foster care placements. Essentially all of these children were placed with Euro-American families.
Appalled at the loss of yet another generation of children—many tribes had only effected a shift from government-run boarding schools to local schools after World War II—indigenous activists focused on the creation and implementation of culturally appropriate criteria with which to evaluate caregiving. They argued that the definition of a functioning family was a matter of both sovereignty and civil rights—that a community has an inherent right and obligation to act in the best interests of its children and that individual bonds between caregiver and child are privileged by similarly inherent, but singular, rights and obligations.
The U.S. Indian Child Welfare Act (1978) attempted to address these issues by mandating that states consult with tribes in child welfare cases. It also helped to establish the legitimacy of the wide variety of indigenous caregiving arrangements, such as a reliance on clan relatives and life with fewer material comforts than might be found off the reservation. The act was not a panacea, however; a 2003 report by the Child Welfare League of America, "Children of Color in the Child Welfare System," indicated that, although the actual incidence of child maltreatment in the United States was similar among all ethnic groups, child welfare professionals continued to substantiate abuse in native homes at twice the rate of substantiation for Euro-American homes. The same report indicated that more than three times as many native children were in foster care, per capita, as Euro-American children.
Canadian advocates had similar cause for concern. In 2006 the leading advocacy group for the indigenous peoples of Canada, the Assembly of First Nations (AFN), reported that as many as 1 in 10 native children were in outplacement situations; the ratio for nonnative children was approximately 1 in 200. The AFN also noted that indigenous child welfare agencies were funded at per capita levels more than 20 percent under provincial agencies. Partnering with a child advocacy group, the First Nations Child and Family Caring Society of Canada, the AFN cited these and other issues in a human rights complaint filed with the Canadian Human Rights Commission, a signal of the egregious nature of the problems in the country's child welfare system.
Religious freedom
The colonization of the Americas involved religious as well as political, economic, and cultural conquest. Religious oppression began immediately and continued unabated well into the 20th—and some would claim the 21st—century. Although the separation of church and state is given primacy in the U.S. Bill of Rights (1791) and freedom of religion is implied in Canada's founding legislation, the British North America Act (1867), these governments have historically prohibited many indigenous religious activities. For instance, the Northwest Coast potlatch, a major ceremonial involving feasting and gift giving, was banned in Canada through an 1884 amendment to the Indian Act, and it remained illegal until the 1951 revision of the act. In 1883 the U.S. secretary of the interior, acting on the advice of Bureau of Indian Affairs personnel, criminalized the Plains Sun Dance and many other rituals; under federal law, the secretary was entitled to make such decisions more or less unilaterally. In 1904 the prohibition was renewed. The government did not reverse its stance on the Sun Dance until the 1930s, when a new Bureau of Indian Affairs director, John Collier, instituted a major policy shift. Even so, arrests of Sun Dancers and other religious practitioners continued in some places into the 1970s.
Restrictions imposed on religion were usually rationalized as limiting dangerous actions rather than as legislating belief systems; federal authorities claimed that they had not only the right but the obligation to prevent the damage that certain types of behaviour might otherwise visit upon the public welfare. It was argued, for instance, that potlatches, by impoverishing their sponsors, created an underclass that the public was forced to support; the Sun Dance, in turn, was a form of torture and thus inherently harmed the public good. These and other public good claims were contestable on several grounds, notably the violation of the free practice of activities essential to a religion and the violation of individual self-determination. Analogues to the prohibited behaviours illustrate the problems with such restrictions. Potlatch sponsors are substantively comparable to Christian church members who tithe or to religious novitiates who transfer their personal property to a religious institution. Likewise, those who choose to endure the physical trials of the Sun Dance are certainly as competent to make that decision as those who donate bone marrow for transplant; in both cases, the participants are prepared to experience physical suffering as part of a selfless endeavour intended to benefit others.
By the late 1960s it had become increasingly clear that arguments prohibiting indigenous religious practices in the name of the public good were ethnocentric and were applied with little discretion. In an attempt to ameliorate this issue, the U.S. Congress eventually passed the American Indian Religious Freedom Act (AIRFA; 1978). AIRFA was intended to ensure the protection of Native American religions and their practitioners, and it successfully stripped away many of the bureaucratic obstacles with which they had been confronted. Before 1978, for instance, the terms of the Endangered Species Act prohibited the possession of eagle feathers, which are an integral part of many indigenous rituals; after AIRFA's passage, a permitting process was created so that these materials could legally be owned and used by Native American religious practitioners. In a similar manner, permits to conduct indigenous religious services on publicly owned land, once approved or denied haphazardly, became more freely available.
If allowing certain practices was one important effect of AIRFA's passage, so was the reduction of certain activities at specific sites deemed sacred under native religious traditions. For instance, Devils Tower National Monument (Wyoming), an isolated rock formation that rises some 865 feet (264 metres) over the surrounding landscape, is for many Plains peoples a sacred site known as Grizzly Bear Lodge. Since 1995 the U.S. National Park Service, which administers the property, has asked visitors to refrain from climbing the formation during the month of June. In the Plains religious calendar this month is a time of reflection and repentance, akin in importance and purpose to Lent for Christians, the period from Rosh Hashana to Yom Kippur for Jews, or the month of Ramadan for Muslims. Many native individuals visit the monument during June and wish to meditate and otherwise observe their religious traditions without the distraction of climbers, whose presence they feel abrogates the sanctity of the site; to illustrate their point, religious traditionalists in the native community have noted that free climbing is not allowed on other sacred structures such as cathedrals. Although the climbing limits are voluntary and not all climbers refrain from such activities, a considerable reduction was effected: June climbs were reduced by approximately 80 percent after the first desist request was made.
Repatriation and the disposition of the dead
At the close of the 20th century, public good rationales became particularly heated in relation to the disposition of the indigenous dead: most Native Americans felt that graves of any type should be left intact and found the practice of collecting human remains for study fundamentally repulsive. Yet from the late 15th century onward, anthropologists, medical personnel, and curiosity seekers, among others, routinely collected the bodies of American Indians. Battlefields, cemeteries, and burial mounds were common sources of such human remains into the early 21st century, and collectors were quite open—at least among themselves—in their disregard for native claims to the dead.
Among others who freely admitted to stealing from recent graves was Franz Boas, one of the founders of Americanist anthropology, who was in turn sued by the tribe whose freshly dead he had looted. The rationale for such behaviour was that indigenous skeletal material was by no means sacrosanct in the face of science; to the contrary, it was a vital link in the study of the origins of American Indians specifically and of humans in general. Indigenous peoples disagreed with this perspective and used many tools to frustrate those intent on disturbing burial grounds, including protesting and interrupting such activities (occasionally while armed), creating new cemeteries in confidential locations, officially requesting the return of human remains, and filing cease-and-desist lawsuits. Despite their objections, the complete or partial remains of an estimated 300,000 Native Americans were held by repositories in the United States as of 1990. Most of these remains were either originally collected by, or eventually donated to, museums and universities. Inventories filed in the late 20th century showed that three of the largest collections of remains were at museums, two of which were university institutions: the Smithsonian Institution held the remains of some 18,000 Native American individuals, the Hearst Museum at the University of California at Berkeley held approximately 9,900, and the Peabody Museum at Harvard University held some 6,900. A plethora of smaller museums, colleges, and government agencies also held human remains.
The larger repositories had in-house legal counsel as well as a plentitude of experts with advanced degrees, most of whom were ready to argue as to the value of the remains for all of humanity. Lacking such resources, indigenous attempts to regain native remains proved generally unsuccessful for most of the 20th century. By the 1970s, however, a grassroots pan-Indian (and later pan-indigenous) movement in support of repatriation began to develop.
In crafting arguments for the return of human remains, repatriation activists focused on three issues. The first was moral: it was morally wrong, as well as distasteful and disrespectful, to disturb graves. The second centred on religious freedom, essentially holding that removing the dead from their resting places violated indigenous religious tenets and that allowing institutions to retain such materials amounted to unequal treatment under the law. The third issue was one of cultural property and revolved around the question, "At what point does a set of remains cease being a person and become instead an artifact?"
In part because many of the remains held by repositories had been taken from archaeological contexts rather than recent cemeteries, this last question became the linchpin in the legal battle between repatriation activists and those who advocated for the retention of aboriginal human remains. Native peoples generally held that personhood was irreducible. From this perspective, the disturbance of graves was an act of personal disrespect and cultural imperialism—individuals' bodies were put to rest in ways that were personally and culturally meaningful to them, and these preferences should have precedence over the desires of subsequent generations. In contrast, archaeologists, biological anthropologists, and other researchers generally held (but rarely felt the need to articulate) that personhood was a temporary state that declined precipitously upon death. Once dead, a person became an object, and while one's direct biological descendants had a claim to one's body, such claims diminished quickly over the course of a few generations. Objects, like other forms of property, certainly had no inherent right to expect to be left intact, and, indeed, as mindless materials, they could not logically possess expectations. Thus, human remains were a legitimate focus of study, collection, and display.
These arguments were resolved to some extent by the U.S. Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA; 1990), which laid the groundwork for the repatriation of remains that could be attributed to a specific Native American nation. Important attributes in identifying the decedent's cultural affiliation included the century in which death occurred, the original placement of the body (e.g., fetal or prone position), physical changes based on lifestyle (such as the tooth wear associated with labrets, or lip plugs), and culturally distinct grave goods. Remains that could be attributed to a relatively recent prehistoric culture (such as the most recent Woodland cultures) with known modern descendants (such as the various tribes of Northeast Indians) were eligible for repatriation, as were those from more post-Columbian contexts. However, some legal scholars claimed that NAGPRA left unclear the fate of those remains that were so old as to be of relatively vague cultural origin; tribes generally maintained that these should be deemed distant ancestors and duly repatriated, while repositories and scientists typically maintained that the remains should be treated as objects of study.
This issue reached a crisis point with the 1996 discovery of skeletal remains near the town of Kennewick, Washington. Subsequently known as Kennewick Man (among scientists) or the Ancient One (among repatriation activists), this person most probably lived sometime between about 9,000 and 9,500 years ago, certainly before 5,600–6,000 years ago. A number of tribes and a number of scientists laid competing claims to the remains. Their arguments came to turn upon the meaning of "cultural affiliation": Did the term apply to all pre-Columbian peoples of the territory that had become the United States, or did it apply only to those with specific antecedent-descendant relationships?
The U.S. National Park Service, a division of the Department of the Interior, was responsible for determining the answer to this question. When it issued a finding that the remains were Native American, essentially following the principal that all pre-Columbian peoples (within U.S. territory) were inherently indigenous, a group of scientists brought suit. The lawsuit, Bonnichsen v. United States, was resolved in 2004. The court's finding is summarized in its concluding statement:
Because Kennewick Man's remains are so old and the information about his era is so limited, the record does not permit the Secretary [of the Interior] to conclude reasonably that Kennewick Man shares special and significant genetic or cultural features with presently existing indigenous tribes, people, or cultures. We thus hold that Kennewick Man's remains are not Native American human remains within the meaning of NAGPRA and that NAGPRA does not apply to them.
This finding frustrated and outraged the Native American community. Activists immediately asked legislators to amend NAGPRA so that it would specifically define pre-Columbian individuals as Native Americans. Many scientists countered that such a change would not reverse the need to specifically affiliate remains with an extant nation, and others lobbied for an amendment that would specifically allow the investigation of remains that lacked close affiliation to known peoples.
Economic development: tourism, tribal industries, and gaming
Economic development is the process through which a given economy, whether national, regional, or local, becomes more complex and grows in terms of the income or wealth generated per person. This process is typically accomplished by finding new forms of labour and often results in the creation of new kinds of products. One example of economic development has been the transition from hunting and gathering to a full reliance on agriculture; in this example, the new form of labour comprised the system of sowing and harvesting useful plants, while the new products comprised domesticates such as corn (maize) and cotton. During the 19th century, much of the economic growth of Northern America arose from a shift in which extractive economies, such as farming and mining, were replaced by those that transformed raw materials into consumer goods, as with food processing and manufacturing. In the 20th century a broadly analogous shift from a manufacturing economy to one focused on service industries (e.g., clerical work, entertainment, health care, and information technology) took place.
Economic underdevelopment has been an ongoing problem for many tribes since the beginning of the reservation eras in the United States and Canada. Reservations are typically located in economically marginal rural areas—that is, areas considered to be too dry, too wet, too steep, too remote, or possessing some other hindrance to productivity, even at the time of their creation. Subsequent cessions and the allotment process decreased the reservation land base and increased the economic hurdles faced by indigenous peoples. Studies of reservation income help to place the situation in perspective: in the early 21st century, if rural Native America had constituted a country, it would have been classified on the basis of median annual per capita income as a "developing nation" by the World Bank.
Although underdevelopment is common in rural Northern America, comparisons of the economic status of rural Indians with that of other rural groups indicate that factors in addition to location are involved. For instance, in 2002 a national study by the South Carolina Rural Health Research Center found that about 35 percent of the rural Native American population in the United States lived below the poverty line; although this was about the same proportion as seen among rural African Americans, less than 15 percent of rural Euro-Americans had such low income levels. Perhaps more telling, rural counties with predominantly Native American populations had less than one-fourth of the bank deposits (i.e., savings) of the average rural county—a much greater disparity in wealth than existed for any other rural group. (Predominantly Hispanic counties, the next lowest in the rankings, had more than twice the deposits of predominantly Native American counties.)
Explanations for the causes of such disparity abound, and it is clear that many factors—geography, historical inequities, nation-within-a-nation status, the blurring of boundaries between collectivism and nepotism, poor educational facilities, the prevalence of post-traumatic stress and of substance abuse, and others—may be involved in any given case. With so many factors to consider, it is unlikely that the sources of Indian poverty will ever be modeled to the satisfaction of all. Nonetheless, there is general agreement on the broad changes that mark the end of destitution. These typically involve general improvements to community well-being, especially the reduction of unemployment, the creation of an educated workforce, and the provision of adequate infrastructure, health care, child care, elder care, and other services.
During the late 20th and early 21st centuries, native nations used a suite of approaches to foster economic growth. Some of these had been in use for decades, such as working to gain official recognition as a nation and the filing of lawsuits to reclaim parts of a group's original territory. Extractive operations, whether owned by individuals, families, or tribal collectives, also continued to play important and ongoing roles in economic development; mining, timber, fishing, farming, and ranching operations were long-standing examples of these kinds of enterprises.
Highway improvements in the 1950s and '60s opened opportunities for tourism in what had been remote areas, and a number of indigenous nations resident in scenic locales began to sponsor cultural festivals and other events to attract tourists. Tribal enterprises such as hotels, restaurants, and service stations—and, more recently, golf courses, water parks, outlet malls, and casinos (the last of these is also discussed below)—proved profitable. At the same time, indigenous families and individuals were able to use traditional knowledge in new commercial ventures such as the production and sale of art. The powwow, a festival of native culture that features dancers, singers, artists, and others, is often the locus at which cultural tourism occurs. The provision of guide services to hunters and fishers represents another transformation of traditional knowledge that has proven valuable in the commercial marketplace, and ecotourism ventures were becoming increasingly popular among tribes in the early 21st century. Although the tourism industry is inherently volatile, with visitation rising and falling in response to factors such as the rate of inflation and the cost of travel, tourist enterprises have contributed significantly to some tribal economies.
The same transportation improvements that allowed tourists to reach the reservation also enabled tribes to connect better with urban markets. Some tribes chose to develop new industries, typically in light manufacturing. More recent tribal enterprises have often emphasized services that, with the aid of the Internet, can be provided from any location: information technology (such as server farms), accounting, payroll, order processing, and printing services are examples. More-localized operations, such as tribal telecommunications operations and energy companies, have also benefitted from better transportation.
In a reversal of the extractive industries common to rural Northern America, some indigenous nations have contracted to store materials that are difficult to dispose of, such as medical and nuclear waste. For the most part, these projects were not initiated until late in the 20th or early in the 21st century, and they have generally been controversial. Factions within actual or potential host tribes often disagree about whether the storage or disposal of dangerous materials constitutes a form of self-imposed environmental racism or, alternatively, a form of capitalism that simply takes advantage of the liminal geographic and regulatory space occupied by native nations.
While the kinds of economic development noted above are certainly not exhaustive, they do represent the wide variety of projects that indigenous nations and their members had undertaken by the beginning of the 21st century. At that time, mainstream businesses like these represented the numeric majority of indigenous development projects in Northern America, although they were neither the most profitable nor among nonnatives the best-known forms of indigenous economic development. Instead, the most important development tool for many communities is the casino.
In 1979 the Seminoles of Florida opened the first Native American gaming operation, a bingo parlour with jackpots as high as $10,000 (U.S.) and some 1,700 seats. The Seminole and other tribes surmounted a number of legal challenges over the next decade, principally suits in which plaintiffs argued that state regulations regarding gaming should obtain on tribal land. The issue was decided in California v. Cabazon Band of Mission Indians (1987), in which the U.S. Supreme Court found that California's interest in the regulation of reservation-based gambling was not compelling enough to abrogate tribal sovereignty. Gaming could thus take place on reservations in states that did not expressly forbid gambling or lotteries. The U.S. Congress passed the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act in 1988; the act differentiated between various forms of gambling (i.e., bingo, slot machines, and card games) and the regulations that would obtain for each. It also mandated that tribes enter into compacts with state governments; these agreements guaranteed that a proportion of gaming profits—sometimes as much as 50 percent—would be given to states to support the extra burdens on infrastructure, law enforcement, and social services that are associated with casino traffic.
Although some Native American gaming operations have proven extremely profitable, others have been only minimally successful. To a large extent, success in these ventures depends upon their location; casinos built near urban areas are generally able to attract a much higher volume of visitors than those in rural areas and, as a result, are much more profitable. In order to expand their businesses, some tribes have reinvested their earnings by purchasing and developing property that is proximal to cities; others have filed suits claiming land in such areas. Some groups have petitioned the U.S. government for official recognition as tribes, an action that some antigambling activists have complained is motivated by a desire to gain the right to open casinos. In many such cases the group in question has a variety of reasons to press a claim, as well as ample historical documentation to support the request for recognition; in these cases recognition is eventually granted. In other cases, however, claims to indigenous heritage have proved bogus, and recognition has been denied.
International developments
In the early 21st century, while many of the efforts of Native American communities focused by necessity on local, regional, or national issues, others increasingly emphasized their interaction with the global community of aboriginal peoples. The quest for indigenous self-determination received international recognition in 1982, when the United Nations Economic and Social Council created the Working Group on Indigenous Populations. In 1985 this group began to draft an indigenous rights document, a process that became quite lengthy in order to ensure adequate consultation with indigenous nations and nongovernmental organizations. In 1993 the UN General Assembly declared 1995–2004 to be the International Decade of the World's Indigenous Peoples; the same body later designated 2005–2015 as the Second International Decade of the World's Indigenous Peoples.
In 1995 the UN Commission on Human Rights received the draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The commission assigned a working group to review the declaration, and in 2006 the group submitted a final document to the Human Rights Council. Despite efforts by many members of the UN General Assembly to block a vote on the declaration, it was passed in 2007 by an overwhelming margin: 144 votes in favour, 11 abstentions, and 4 negative votes (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States, all of which would formally endorse the declaration by 2016). Indigenous communities in the Americas and elsewhere applauded this event, which they hoped would prove beneficial to their quests for legal, political, and land rights.
Learn More in these related Britannica articles:
United States: Native AmericansNative Americans form an ethnic group only in a very general sense. In the East, centuries of coexistence with whites has led to some degree of intermarriage and assimilation and to various patterns of stable adjustment. In the West the hasty expansion of…
Canada: Indian affairsIn consultations with the government in 1968–69, Canada's Indians sought special rights and settlement of their outstanding treaty claims. However, the Trudeau government rejected most of the Indian demands and sought instead to abolish the Indian Act and eliminate Indian status. Indian groups…
North America: The North American Indian heritageThe date of the arrival in North America of the initial wave of peoples from whom the American Indians (or Native Americans) emerged is still a matter of considerable uncertainty. According to prevailing thought, it is relatively certain that they were…
jewelry: North AmericanThe diverse forms taken by personal ornamentation are related to the type of life led by the numerous ethnic and tribal groups scattered throughout the vast American territory. Some tribes, whose social organization permitted them to settle in one place for long periods…
Native American art: Regional style: North AmericaThe aesthetic products of North American prehistory are perhaps the least well known to the non-Indian public. This is partly because these early people left few spectacular architectural ruins as compared with their Latin American cousins. This is not to say that architectural…
More About Native American97 references found in Britannica articles
Assorted References
- American Indians
- burial mounds
- In burial mound
- Canadian rights issues
- colonial education in Québec
- contribution to Genographic Project
- eschatology and nativistic movements
- ethnohistory
- hunting and gathering cultures
- land policy in United States


text: Your Wireless Network: Signs That the Tail has Begun to Wag the Dog Posted on August 7, 2014 by Tim Burke In many companies, the wireless capability added on to their enterprise network a few years ago has become some employees' primary network. It's a development that signals just how quickly mobile devices are proliferating the workplace. The so-called "consumerization of business" changes the way we work — and our data networks have to keep up. This transformation has been in the works for a while. In 2011, market analyst firm Gartner predicted 80% of corporate wireless network technologies would be obsolete by 2015. Gartner may well be right, given the findings of more recent research. Continue reading →


text:
by Christabel Stewart .
Julie and Jeffrey
Last time SHOWstudio witnessed Julie Verhoeven and Jeffrey Deitch together the context was somewhat racy, and not a little controversial. Standing abreast of Terry Richardson's ever-attended erection -one of the images from 'Terryworld', Richardson's divisive exhibition at Deitch Projects in New York last Autumn- Julie and Jeffrey look demure and candid. Tune in tomorrow for live picture-message coverage of a rather unique collaboration between the two, where jointly they will be setting the tone and making their own imagery. Unconventional New York art dealer Deitch is to Art Direct Verhoeven, an undertaking which involves not only her illustration and artwork, but her provocative and performative presence in the pictures. The print outcome will be a four-page spread for Self Service magazine, but we anticipate there will be much to analyse in the making, too.


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Approved by Spink
Credit to Fantasia at Shattered Mask Productions
The Ninjago RPG
Excerpts from Jay's Journal
Nearly a year after the defeat of the Overlord:
The strangest thing happened today. I was in Ninjago City buying some final supplies for the academy when the sky grew dark. A whirlpool formed in the clouds, focused around the tallest building in the city. Then, from the center of the whirlpool came a bright purple orb. As I looked at it, it appeared there were five shapes in it. The orb flew off, and the skies brightened.
A few days after the last entry:
Today, The Academy of the Ninja opened, on the same grounds the Monastery once stood. Everyone was there, and many students applied immediately. The five of us ninja will be busy over the next few days.
One month after the opening of The Academy of the Ninja:
So much has happened in the last few days. We know who the five figures I saw in the orb are. They are evil versions of us five ninja: Lloyd, Kai, Cole, Zane and me. The evil Lloyd, (who calls himself Lord Garmadon) stole Darreth's crown and united the Skulkin, Serpentine and Stone Army against us. Luckily for us, we aren't alone.
This is where you come in. You will take on the role of a student at The Academy of the Ninja or a member of the Serpentine Tribes, and your enemies.
(Credit to Peabody Sam for writing these in Dino Attack. Mostly copy & pasted from there.)
Rules are important to the survival of this RPG. Breaking them will result in penalties depending on which rule and how severely it was broken.
1. All BZP rules are in effect here. This means no spamming, no flaming, etc.
2. Do not kill official LEGO Characters. It's alright if you kill your own made-up characters, but if Kai or Sensei Wu dies, I'm going to ask you to change your post.
3. Keep violent descriptions down to minimal. Instead of typing "IC: Swing, swing, swing! He swung his sword at the Serpentine just for fun, and laughed as he saw its guts spill out onto the street!", write "IC: He swung his weapon at the Serpentine, whose life came to an abrupt end."
4. Do not kill other players' characters without their consent.
5. Trainee Ninja are limited to the Ninja Glider. Trainee Serpentine to the Snake Cart, and Standard Ninja and Serpentine are limited to the vehicles outlined in the class section. Any rank can use the vehicles of a rank below them. Elements can never use vehicles of other elements or the vehicles of other factions. Unless my consent is given, they may not use any other vehicle. The same goes for powers. Trainee are limited to Spinjitzu or Fang-Kwon-Do
6. No God Modding. If your character leaps across a fifty-mile canyon, or defeats two hundred Stone Swordsmen single-handedly without breaking a sweat, that's G-Modding. Don't do it. It makes the RPG less challenging.
6a. There appears to be a bit of confusion over the term 'G-Modding'. In this context, 'G-Modding' refers to giving your character ridiculous abilities. Apparently, another definition of 'G-Modding' is controlling other people's characters. The former is what's not allowed, but the latter is allowed in this RPG.
(Credit to Dino Attack.)
Guidelines are like the rules. However, breaking of the guidelines only results in a warning.
1. Instead of adding more PMs to our inbox, if you've got something you want to tell me about this RPG, do so in your post. That's why the "OOC" part of the post exists.
2. Use "IC" when In Character (describing what your character is doing in-universe) and "OOC" when Out Of Character (to talk and discuss with other BZP members). This way, it is less confusing for other members to read your posts. For example:"OOC: I bought a 9450 Epic Dragon Battle on eBay yesterday!IC: Kai spun around in his Blade Cycle. He dodged the Serpentine Mech, and began to plan a solution to defeat the robot."
3. Please know that at times I can be extremely busy and cannot always attend this RPG. This means that we may not add your character's profile to the character list as soon as you post it. If we have not added your character's profile, do not, repeat, DO NOT hassle us or PM us to get it added. Patience is a virtue, you know, and although I admit that I lack patience, I hope you have some instead. Be considerate.
4. Do not PM your profile to me. Post it here instead.
5. If possible, make your posts medium-length. Epics are not required for each post, but posts with one or two in-character sentences don't add much to the RPG. This RPG tries to see how well you and other members can interact and take control of the story; while this can be achieved through short posts, it take far less time with medium-length posts.
6. If you are planning to leave this RPG, please let us know in advance so we may take your profile down from the character list. If you're only going on break, tell us so that I do not take down your profile.
7. Keep interaction with other LEGO themes down to minimal. It's alright if your character has backgrounds in another theme, that's okay, but keep it as simple as that.
8. For most vehicles are they are the size of the set. The only exceptions are the Destiny's Bounty and the Serpentine Bus, these are the size in the show. Try to keep your vehicle real. Don't just suddenly be in it or have it appear out of nowhere.
Light: The green energy Lloyd uses. Can fire lasers, and orbs of energy. Elite masters can make a green fire. Color is green.
Fire: The art of the flame. Can shoot fire balls, make fire whips or breath fire. Members usually have a temper. Color is red.
Earth: The mastery of stone. Members have exceptional strength and masters can fully control earth. Color is black.
Lightning: The control of electricity. With this one can shoot bolts of lightning and masters can create shields. Members are usually quick-witted and agile. Color is blue.
Ice: Users of the cold. One could fire freeze bolts and masters can lower the temperature in an area. Users are normally extremely serious. Color is white.
Hypnobrai: Masters of hypnotism. They can turn their enemies under their control. Color is dark blue.
Fangpyre: Carries of Snake-transforming virus. They can turn people and vehicles into snakes. Colors are red and white.
Venomari: Venomous snakes. Their venom can cause hallucinations and odd vision. Color is Green.
Constrictai: Super-strong tunnelers. They have no sort of venom. Colors are black and orange
There are four ranks: Trainee, Standard, Elite and Master. Ranks are for players, so if you get Elite, both of your PCs are Elite. All players start as a Trainee. Upon ten good-sized IC posts, they will become a Standard Ninja. Elite rank is achieved by having good merit. Master is the moderator rank, there may never be more than one at a time. It is achieved by exceptionally good merit.
Ninja Perks:
Trainee: Powers: Spinjitzu
Vehicles: Ninja Glider (30080)
Weapon: No special perks
Clothing: First suit used.
Standard: Powers: Fire: Fire Balls
Light: Lasers
Earth: Earth punches
Ice: Freeze Bolts
Lightning: Lightning Bolts
Vehicles: Fire: Kai's Blade Cycle (9441) and Kai's Fire Mech (70500)
Light: Lloyd's Mech (70505) and a Green version of (2260)
Earth: Coles Tread Assault (9444) and Cole's Earth Driller (70502)
Ice: Zane's Snowmobile (9445) and Ice Spider (70504)
Lightning: Jay's Storm Fighter (9442) and Jay's Jetpack (70501)
Weapons: Golden version of chosen weapon
Clothing: ZX Armor
Elite: Powers: Complete Elemental Control and NRG Form
Vehicles: Ultra Sonic Raider (9449) and Ultra Dragon (9450)
Weapon: Energy version of chosen weapon.
Clothing: Kimono
Master: Vehicles: Destiny's Bounty (9446)
Clothing: Kimono with shoulder pads
Can issue missions and use canon characters
Serpentine Perks:
Trainee: Powers: Fang-Kwon-Do
Vehicles: Snake Cart (Snake Version of 30087)
Title: Scout, no tribal tattoos
Weapon: No special perks
Standard: Powers: Constrictai: Enhanced strength level
Venomari: Venoms cause vision distortion
Hypnobrai: Hypnotize non-player characters
Fangpyre: Turn non-player characters into snakes
Vehicles: Bite Cycle (9447) and Rattle Copter (9443)
Title: Soldier, have some tribal tattoos
Weapon: Gold version of chosen weapon (Can enhance Serpentine powers)
Elite: Powers: Constrictai: Higher level of Strength than Standard + Tunneling
Venomari: Venom causes hallucinations
Hypnobrai: Hypnotize PCs in two IC posts, only one if victim is willing
Fangpyre: Turn PCs into snakes, and vehicles into snake vehicles
Vehicles: Fangpyre Truck (9445) and a Pygmy Devourer (9450)
Title: Warrior, many tribal tattoos
Weapon: Energy version of chosen weapon
Master: Vehicle: Serpentine Train
Title: General, snake tail
Can issue missions and use canon characters
Important Characters:
The Sensei's: Both of the two brothers: Wu and Garmadon. Both have equal control of all four elements and know Spinjitzu. They are the headmasters of The Academy of the Ninja. The duo are very old men, but they have incredible power.
Lord Garmadon: An evil version of Lloyd Garmadon from an alternate dimension. It is currently unknown how he became evil, why he came to our dimension, or how he came here. Physically he looks like Lloyd, but with black hair, pale skin and red eyes. He controls Shadow instead of Light, and dresses in purple instead of green. Shadow can do all of the things that Light can, but is purple. Lord Garmadon posses all four dark elements, and knows the Dark Dragon Fighting style.
The Dark Ninja: Evil versions of the four original ninja. Each has a dark version of their original element, which can corrupt one, or due the normal things for that element. Look like the original evil ninja from our universe, but we know they are the actual ninja from their dimension. Each has the ability to make a dark dragon, like Lloyd's Golden Dragon ability, but they become the dragon. Each wields the Golden Weapon of their element.
The Serpentine Kings: Originally the Serpentine Generals, they have received a new title from the new Lord Garmadon. Their Snake powers are the greatest of any Serpentine. The informal leader of the group is Skales, and the lesser members are Acidicus, Fangtom and Skalidor. Each carries a Snake Staff that shows their leadership over their tribe.
The Five Ninja: The original ninja, Lloyd, Zane, Cole, Jay, and Kai. Each controls one element. They all teach their respective element at The Academy of the Ninja. Lloyd wears his Green Ninja outfit for casual wear, and his golden suit for battle. For more, go to the Ninjago Wiki.
Nya: Samurai X. She now a weapon teacher at The Academy. If need be, she will enter the Samurai X mech again. She knows spinjitzu, but she keeps this a secret. No body knows this, not even the ninja. She also acts as the tour guide for tours around The Academy.
Important Locations:
The Academy of the Ninja: A school founded dedicated to the art of the ninja. It was built on the remains of the Monastery. It serves as the main base for the ninja and teaches students on stealth, mastery of their element and the art of weaponry.
Forest of Tranquility: An average forest that contains a rare element: Relaxum. This element calms one down incredibly, and is being mined by the united armies. It is unknown why Lord Garmadon's forces want it. To prevent the mining, the Fire Temple has been turned into a citadel controlled by ninja.
Ninjago City: The largest city in all of Ninjago. The ninja bought the entire building that their fancy apartment had been located in, and have turned it into a branch of the Academy, where important ceremonies occur and Elite ninja live.
Ouroboros: The city of Ouroboros has been completely renovated by Lord Garmadon. It has modern buildings, many walls and defenses. This is the opposite of the Academy: It is the base of the united armies. At the center, where there was once a Slither Pit, stands Lord Garmadon's palace.
The Five Tombs: The five Serpentine tombs have been converted into bases for the united armies. They have electricity and modern comforts. All are heavily guarded and nearly impossible to break into. Hypobrai entrance is located in the Nothern Provinces, and is the laboratory for the united armies. All of the tombs have been linked together, making one giant base.
The Caves of Despair: The forces of the evil Lloyd Garmadon are mining a special, practically indestructible metal called Inumium here. To stop the mining, a section of the cave was converted into a fortress. It is very easy to get lost here, and many poisonous creatures lurk in darkness, so you must always have light and a map here.
The Nothern Provinces: A barren, frozen wasteland, this is the location of a major battle site. The ninja control the Ice Fortress, where the Shruikens of Ice were found, and the Serpentine have a tomb here. The ninja are trying here to prevent the expirements that the united armies are performing in the Hypnobrai tomb. The Nothern Provinces are off limits to Trainee Ninja and Serpentine Scouts.
The Dark Island: The Dark Island is infested with Skulkin, Serpentine and Stone Soldiers. Many cities populate the island, all controlled by the united armies. The forces of evil are mining Dark Matter here, and are refining it. Refined Dark Matter gives one red eyes and pale skin. The only base the ninja have is the Mountain of Light. The mountain that contains the Temple of Light has been turned into a huge fortress. The battles that rage here are very dangerous, so the Dark Island, like the Northern Provinces is off limits to Trainee Ninja or Serpentine Scouts.
The Sea of Sand: The second largest location out of all of them, only rivaled by the Dark Island. The Sea of Sand is the blandest of all the areas, merely a desert. What it contains is of note, however. The city of Ouroboros, Ed n' Edna's Scrapyard, the Mountain of a Thousand Steps and the Anacondrai Tomb can all be accessed here. Also, dotted across the sand are many ruins.
The United Armies: After arriving in our universe, Lord Garmadon stole the Helm of Darkness and took control of the Stone Army. He united the Skulkin and Serpentine together with the Stone Army to take over the world. Vehicles of separate factions are generally used only by their respective faction. The Skulkin are living skeletons that come from the Underworld. They have the ability to use elemental powers of the original four elements equivalent to Standard Ninja power. The Serpentine have four different powers: The Fangpyre, turn objects into snakes with a bite; Hypnobrai, mind control enemies; Constrictai, burrow through the ground and Venomari, make enemies hallucinate. The Stone Army are nearly indestructible warriors made out of rock that can only be defeated with elemental powers.
The Ninja: The original four ninja has built an Academy to train future ninja. They are the main opposition against the United Armies, as the country of Ninjago abolished it's army many years ago, as there were no opposing sides in any war. At the Academy, there are five different choices of elements: Fire, Earth, Lightning, Ice and Light.
Sign Up:
If you want to study at the Academy and defend Ninjago, fill out this form. You may have three (3) PCs, and as many NPCs as you want. I recommend you have at least one ninja and one Serpentine. Your PCs have to be ninja or Serpentine, but your NPCs can be samurai, average citizens, Skulkin or Stone Warriors. If one of your characters dies, then you can create a new one.
Name: Pretty obvious. Can be ninja/oriental themed, but doesn't have to be. Snake name should be just a first name, and should not be human.
Gender: Self-explanatory.Element/Tribe: Element is for Ninja, Tribe for Serpentine. Light cannot use other four elements.
Weapon: Choose a melee weapon. This will be your primary weapon. Gets upgraded with each rank (See Rank Perks). If it is simple or on this list, you can use it. (Just a note, you can only choose ONE.)
Personality: Describe what your character is like.
Background: Where did your character come from? Describe it here.
You have the story, you have the enemy, and you have the setting. Go out, and defend Ninjago.
Edited by Canis Lycaon, Dec 01 2013 - 11:03 AM.


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Polar vortex? Nope, just cooler temps
CHICAGO — Unseasonably cool temperatures will arrive next week in the Midwest and as far south as Arkansas and Oklahoma.
It is not, however, the second coming of a polar vortex, a phrase the National Weather Service's Chicago office tweeted earlier this week to describe the upcoming sweater weather. They quickly learned that wasn't such a good idea, said Amy Seeley, a weather service meteorologist who spent a good chunk of Friday morning fielding a flood of telephone calls from the media.
"I think people are pretty sensitive to those words," she said.
Though Typhoon Neoguri has weakened since hitting Japan, it altered the path of the North Pacific jet stream, allowing polar air behind a trough of low pressure to spill out of Canada and into the Midwest, says Weather Underground meteorology director Jeff Masters.
It's similar to the polar vortex pattern from the winter that turned much of the country into a freezer for weeks at a time, breaking cold weather temperature records in numerous states. But there are key differences, Masters says. This air mass is coming from western Canada and not directly from the arctic, plus the polar vortex is not nearly as strong in the summer — and sometimes breaks down completely.
Between Monday and Wednesday, temperatures in the Midwest will be as much as 15 degrees cooler than normal, with the biggest drops seen close to the Great Lakes, though people in Oklahoma and Arkansas will need to break out pants, too.
Meanwhile, the usually temperate Pacific Northwest should get ready to sweat. Places like Seattle could reach 90 or higher next week, Masters said.
Chicago would normally see highs in the 80s and lows in the mid-60s, but the weather service says highs early next week will climb no higher than the mid-60s — maybe 70 degrees— and lows could dip into the upper 40s.
The cool spell is coming at the wrong time for some athletes who are preparing for a triathlon in Wisconsin next weekend. If Lake Michigan is too cold, the swimming portion won't happen.
"It's disappointing because you've done all the preparations for it," said Elizabeth Waterstraat, who has been coaching several people from suburban Chicago.
That sound you hear coming up from Oklahoma might be thousands or people turning off their money-gobbling air conditioners. It could also be the cheers of those who make their living working outside, like the employees at a Tulsa nursery, whose job entails hauling trees and shrubs around town.
"We love it," Paul James, marketing manager for Southwood Landscape & Garden Center, said of the forecast for temperatures running about 15 degrees lower than the typical 93- or 94-degree July days. "Any day you don't get above 100 degrees."
Further north, the forecast is more bad news at the Maple Lane Resort in the western Michigan community of Empire, along Glen Lake, near Lake Michigan. This summer's cooler temperatures already have affected business.
"We are fully booked for weekends here this summer but we are seeing less families spend a week up here," office manager Amanda Rennie said. "Last year, the stays were longer (and) I think this may have something to do with the weather."


text:
There are so many ways that you can help us here at Little Shelter.
One of the best ways to help, is to make a tax deductible donation to our no-kill shelter.
To Donate By Mail:
Please Make Checks Payable to Little Shelter Animal Rescue.
Little Shelter Animal Rescue & Adoption Center 33 Warner Road, Huntington, NY 11743
To Donate By Phone or Visit Us:
If you would like to talk to us about your donation, or if you would like to schedule a visit, please call Arleen at 631-368-8770 Ext. 26.
Donations are tax-deductible and we gratefully accept all donations, big or small. Just send us the amount that you want to give.
Sponsor a Pet!
If you fall in love but can't adopt can sponsor the pet, allowing you to make a donation to Little Shelter in the animals name to help provide for its care until finding a forever home to call their own. When you sponsor a pet, your name will appear on that pet's page for as long as it is available for adoption with us at Little Shelter.
To Sponsor A Pet Please Call Us At 631.368.8770 x26
Donor Privacy Policy
Little Shelter is committed to respecting the privacy of our donors. We have developed this privacy policy to ensure our donors that donor information will not be shared with any third party.
Awareness. Little Shelter provides this Donor Privacy Policy to make you aware of our privacy policy, and to inform you of the way your information is used. We also provide you with the opportunity to remove your name from our mailing list, if you desire to do so.
Information Collected. Here are the types of donor information that we collect and maintain:
contact information: name, complete address, phone number, email address;
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text:
The mission of IFH is to facilitate the accessibility of practical inventions and other products which could benefit large numbers of individuals and communities.
This site will officially close as of March 31, 2018 and future work will focus on the development of
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The IFH Mission
To facilitate the accessibility of practical inventions and other products which could benefit large numbers of individuals and communities.
Our First Step
To populate IFH's easily searchable database with practical and market-ready inventions and other practical products.
Frequently Asked Questions
Is IFH a non-profit or for-profit organization?
IFH is currently
a for-profit organization or a 501(c)3 non-profit entity. We use revenue, donations and contributions to support our mission and to grow the organization, not to profit or to pay dividends or distributions
Where does the revenue, and contributions and donations received go?
Revenue, and contributions and donations received, are used to pay for operational costs such as web hosting, office services, supplies, etc. Any excess after paying expenses is considered 'surplus' which is reallocated to support our mission. For more details please click
Who are your main constituents?
IFH has multiple constituents:
1. Those individuals and organizations who may want to learn of, learn about, and purchase inventions and other products which may benefit them or the communities they serve 2. Social Entrepreneurs, NGOs, and other nonprofit Intermediaries, who may then purchase inventions and other products for the benefit of individuals and communities they serve
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Currently, to any location which is serviced locally by Amazon
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Individuals and communities who are served by receipt of the inventions and other products.
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Since most current links to products are affiliated with Amazon, your purchases will currently be through Amazon. A small portion of each purchase will be remitted to IFH.org via Amazon to help subsidize IFH's operational costs.
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Individuals, social entrepreneurs, NGOS and other nonprofit intermediaries that purchase the goods are responsible for the delivery of the goods.
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We will rely on the expertise and network of the social entrepreneurs, NGOS and other nonprofit intermediaries to deliver and distribute the inventions or other products
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text:
Halo Pilot Project
by Barker, K. and Chaudhri V. and Clark, P. and Israel, D. and Porter, B. and Romero, P.
Technical Report
Institution: SRI International
May 2003.
The Halo Pilot Project is the first phase of a projected multi-phase effort by Vulcan Inc. whose ultimate goal is the creation of a digital Aristotle, an expert tutor in a wide variety of subjects. The Halo Pilot was a six-month effort intended to assess the state-of-the-art in question answering, with an emphasis on deep reasoning. The program was structured around the challenge of responding to variants of AP Chemistry questions that focused on a portion of the AP Chemistry syllabus. Over a four-month period, we developed a question-answering system for Halo based upon SHAKEN, a Knowledge Representation and Reasoning system that the SRI team has developed in a series of extremely productive collaborations on DARPA-funded projects. This involved encoding the corpus in the formalism of SHAKEN (KM), developing problem solving and reasoning methods to answer the questions and creating a new answer explanation facility for producing concise and understandable explanations of the use of those methods to answer the questions. The system we developed was sequestered while we spent an additional two weeks encoding 150 mostly novel, that is, previously unseen chemistry questions. These questions were then processed on the sequestered system. . Vulcans methodology emphasized the following elements of such a challenge: (i) coverage, the systems ability to answer novel questions from the specified syllabus; (ii) question encoding, the ability to robustly create high-fidelity translations of the questions into SHAKEN, and (iii) explanation generation, the ability to provide concise and coherent explanations for the answers produced. In addition, in order to help direct future research in this area, the Halo participants developed brittleness" taxonomy of failure modes of KRR systems and each systems failures were classified into cells of that taxonomy. Two features, in particular, of the Halo Pilot were especially challenging: competence in chemistry, as in many of the physical sciences, depends crucially on the ability to reason with a large number of laws, at somewhat different levels of generality, combined in the right way and in the right order. Domains treated in previous projects have not had this character. Second, the ability of a system to produce coherent and concise explanations of its reasoning was central to the Halo Pilot, as it would be to the trustworthiness and hence utility of any complex software system.
A System for Representing Textbook Knowledge
The goal of the project is to demonstrate the current state-of-the-art in knowledge representation by attempting to answer the questions in an advance placement test in chemistry.
|Barker, Ken
|Research Associate, Univ. of Texas-Austin
|Chaudhri, Vinay K
|Program Director
|Clark, Peter E.
|Allen Institute of Artificial Intelligence
|Israel, David J
|Principal Scientist
|Porter, Bruce
|Professor, University of Texas at Austin
|Romero, Pedro R


text:
Free Legal Aid Clinic celebrates move to new office
Photo by John Meiu courtesy of Detroit Legal News
The Detroit Free Legal Aid Clinic hosted a ribbon-cutting ceremony and open house reception to celebrate moving into its new office at 5425 Woodward Avenue on Aug. 3. Taking part are Gabrielle Saitz (left), Steve Watmore, Jordan Jones, Priya Bali, Elina Fonarev, Julie Bland and Rebecca McNulty.
Wayne Law student attorneys working at the Detroit Free Legal Aid Clinic were thrilled recently to cut the ribbon and officially move into their brand new digs — right next to the organization's former office on Woodward Avenue.
Last winter, the clinic, which operates in conjunction with Lakeshore Legal Aid and with the Elder Law and Advocacy Center, was in trouble. The roof of FLAC's former home office was caving in.
The students came up with a possible solution for a new and better office to help them serve FLAC's low-income clients, and the clinic's Executive Board — all students —presented their "case" to Law School Dean Robert Ackerman.
He was impressed with their initiative, and that they hadn't asked the university, which helps sponsor the clinic, to solve the problem for them. Ackerman helped the students put their plan into action.
A couple of moves were involved. First, the clinic — run by law students under the supervision of licensed attorneys — had to move lock, stock and law books into temporary office space on the Law School's third floor.
The students found more permanent new office space for FLAC in a building right next door to their old one, but it needed extensive renovations, and the students needed a place to work for their clients while the repairs took place. The students also proposed to the dean a way to fund the renovations for the new office.
"We said we could pay a third (through fundraisers), the law school could pay a third and the alumni could pay a third," said FLAC Chairwoman Gabrielle Saitz, a third-year law student. "We wanted to be close to the law school."
Ackerman made it happen, and found funds in the law school's budget to provide FLAC with a little extra besides. He is proud of the students, proud of the conscientious manner in which they run FLAC, and proud of the service FLAC has provided to Wayne County's low-income residents since the clinic was founded in 1965 by Wayne Law alumni, students and private donors.
And now the student attorneys with FLAC have moved into their new space, which is bigger than their original office space and in a location familiar to their clients.
Wherever they work, the students with FLAC share a passion for advocacy and service, and enthusiasm for the clinic's work, whether they're doing it as interns for credit, work-study students for a stipend or as volunteers.
"We're helping people who've been in really bad situations," said FLAC Secretary Julie Bland, a third-year law student. "It feels really good to be someone's advocate and help them get out of a bad situation. Ideally, I would like to work in legal aid (after graduation)."
Patrick Klida, a second-year law student who works with FLAC, said he, too, would like to work as an attorney after graduation for "the people who need it most and for causes I believe in."
"FLAC has a legacy in the community, and that's something I want to contribute to and be a part of," he said. "My heart's really in the mission."
The "mission" now has office space at 5425 Woodward Avenue. Donations are welcome. Visit http://www.detroitflac.com to learn more.


text:
One girl's twistedly fantastic interpretation of what the hell is really going on in those tribes.
Saturday, February 11, 2012
Christina: Cha Cha
29 year old Christina Cha is a Salsa Dance Instructor from Hollywood, California. Cha cha cha! Not really. She's a Career Consultant, but with a last name like Cha I'm thinking she missed out on a huge opportunity to turn the Christina Cha Cha Cha Dance Academy into a national franchise. Nevertheless, Cha Cha is thrilled to be on Survivor and is very proud of her building, constructing, fire making, delegating, negotiating, organizing, leading, spearfishing, spearheading, speargunning, spearnetting, spearmint gum making skills. The CBS.com bio reads like the diary of a high school overachiever. There's a tinge of the Cindy Chiang is Ms. Cha and you know what happened to Cindy Chiang, don't you? She won a million dollars and married a lady boy. Perhaps the same will hold true for Cha Cha. Cha Cha DiGregorio from St. Bernadette's. Let's see if she's as annoying as I'm imagining her to be...
The strings! The gingerly tied strings inching their way down her hip. The wind blowing the strings. They wave hello, they wave goodbye, they're gonna wave their way right down that thigh!
Other than thinking to myself, "Stay tied! Stay tied! Stay tied!", my gut instinct was right - annoying. I lost count at 18 when she was rattling off the jobs she's invented for herself. After "Dairy Farmer" my interest waned. Either she'll take the role of leader and hang onto it or she'll be hurled out by her ill-fitting bikini bottoms on the first plane home for being a bossy know-it-all. You know, there's a reason Reese Witherspoon had no friends in Election.
And, I have to say, I would never, in a million years, ever go on Survivor wearing an egg shell colored bikini. I'd wear fuschia like the good lord intended.
14 comments:
- Jeff ProbstFebruary 11, 2012 at 12:03 PM
a million years?ReplyDelete
oh, I think we could get you into an eggshell colored bikini before then, my dear. We got Phillip to agree to fuschia panties in 8 minutes...
- SouthernFebruary 11, 2012 at 4:34 PM
I believe her to be everything you said she is, she may turn out to be a evil bitch but if she can keep a lid on her over achievements of herself, she may get past the first 2 or 3 Tribal council's She's one of three girls I am hoping will go deep, and no not solely for the egg shell colored bikini, well maybe.....ReplyDelete
- AnonymousFebruary 12, 2012 at 10:48 PM
Dear Colette, thank you for referencing Election, one of the most awesomely bizarre movies of all time. That bikini is gross - and it's not even dirty yet.ReplyDelete
- AnonymousMarch 15, 2012 at 8:35 AM
Aside from her overachiever speech which really didn't reveal much of her character, here it is halfway through March and Christina is still hanging on. I think she is the most interesting lady in her tribe; and she's not that silly. Her name keeps coming up for voting off, and yet she remains. She has my vote. I hope she wins it all.ReplyDelete
Ole Klepp
- AnonymousMarch 16, 2012 at 9:05 AM
Now the teams are mixed up again and Christina is on the weakest team. The difference is huge. Next we have reward challenge and immunity challenge which both favor strong males. Christina's team loses both, not even close. Her team couldn't possibly win it is so weak. Can't we gear the challenges so both men and women can compete fairly? Must everything favor the alpha-male? Colton takes over the leadership, divides the team and votes off a strong woman, with Christina's name up for next oust. Uffda.ReplyDelete
Ole Klepp
- AnonymousMarch 21, 2012 at 9:04 PM
She is hot Hope she winsReplyDelete
- Andrew RobertsMarch 24, 2012 at 1:57 AM
christina, great job you have played the game it was meant to be played. Your not only beautiful but intelligent. Making you a true player of the game.ReplyDelete
- AnonymousMarch 29, 2012 at 7:32 PM
i'm in love with her.....she's very hot!!!would love to meet herReplyDelete
- AnonymousApril 3, 2012 at 4:50 AM
When are we gonna get to see her naked?ReplyDelete
- AnonymousApril 5, 2012 at 7:02 PM
christina cha is gorgeous what a doll..i hope she wins!!ReplyDelete
- AnonymousMay 31, 2012 at 10:01 PM
christina is totally hot I love her curves.. looks alot like french girl Sharon LeeReplyDelete
- AnonymousJune 25, 2013 at 7:20 PM
looks like an incredible bush hiding under those bottomsReplyDelete


text:
This script builds dovecot with support for SSL. As such, you must have
openssl installed - openssl-solibs is not enough in itself to meet this
requirement. Additionally, dovecot will be compiled with POP3 support.
You should create a dovecot user to run the login processes on your server.
Something like this should work:
[root@host] # groupadd -g 202 dovecot
[root@host] # useradd -d /dev/null -s /bin/false -u 202 -g 202 dovecot
From the dovecot-new release posting comes this word of advice:
Remember to read http://wiki2.dovecot.org/Upgrading/2.0 before
upgrading from v1.x. Although there is automatic config conversion,
it can't handle everything, so reserve some extra time for upgrading.
See the documentation in /usr/doc/dovecot-*/ to get started.
Maintained by: Alan Hicks
Keywords: dovecot imap pop3 mail,mail,pop,pop3,imap,email,e-mail
ChangeLog: dovecot
Download SlackBuild:
dovecot.tar.gz.asc (FAQ)
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Illinois ABE 446 Lecture 3: Quantum Dots and Polymers
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The objective of this exercise is to teach the students the theory behind bound states in a quantum well.
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This video shows an electronic structure calculation of bulk Si using Band Structure Lab. Several powerful features of this tool are demonstrated.
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out of 5 stars
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This learning module introduces nanoHUB users to the Schred simulator. A brief introduction to Schred is presented, followed by voiced presentations featuring the simulator in action. Upon completion of this module, users should be able to use this simulator to gain valuable insight into the...
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31 Mar 2006 | | Contributor(s):: Dragica Vasileska
SCHRED stands for self-consistent solver of the 1D Poisson and 1D effective mass Schrodinger equation as applied to modeling single gate or dual-gate capacitors. The program incorporates many features such as choice of degenerate and non-degenerate statistics for semiclassical charge description,...
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Generate quantum/semi-classical electrostatic simulation results for a simple Trigate structure
Quantum Dot Lab
12 Nov 2005 | | Contributor(s):: Prasad Sarangapani, James Fonseca, Daniel F Mejia, James Charles, Woody Gilbertson, Tarek Ahmed Ameen, Hesameddin Ilatikhameneh, Andrew Roché, Lars Bjaalie, Sebastian Steiger, David Ebert, Matteo Mannino, Hong-Hyun Park, Tillmann Christoph Kubis, Michael Povolotskyi, Michael McLennan, Gerhard Klimeck
Compute the eigenstates of a particle in a box of various shapes including domes, pyramids and multilayer structures.
Quantum Dot Lab Demonstration: Pyramidal Qdots
03 Jun 2009 | | Contributor(s):: Gerhard Klimeck, Benjamin P Haley
This video shows the simulation and analysis of a pyramid-shaped quantum dot using Quantum Dot Lab. Several powerful analytic features of this tool are demonstrated.
Quantum Dot Lab Learning Module: An Introduction
02 Jul 2007 | | Contributor(s):: James K Fodor, Jing Guo
THIS MATERIAL CORRESPONDS TO AN OLDER VERSION OF QUANTUM DOT LAB THAN CURRENTLY AVAILABLE ON nanoHUB.org.
Quantum Size Effects and the Need for Schred
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In this paper, we provide a historical overview of the observation of quantum effects in both experimental and theoretical nanoscale devices. This overview puts into perspective the need for developing and using the Schred tool when modeling nanoscale devices. At the end of the document, we...
Quantum Workshop I: Two Slit Experiment
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QWalk Quantum Monte Carlo Tutorial
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SCHRED simulation software calculates the envelope wavefunctions and the corresponding bound-state energies in a typical MOS, SOS and a typical SOI structure.
Schred Source Code Download
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Schred 2.0 calculates the envelope wavefunctions and the corresponding bound-state energies in a typical MOS (Metal-Oxide-Semiconductor) or SOS (Semiconductor-Oxide- Semiconductor) structure and a typical SOI structure by solving self-consistently the one-dimensional (1D) Poisson equation and the...
Schred Tutorial Version 2.1
This Schred tutorial [or User's Manual] is intended to help users of the Schred tool with the Rappture interface. Readers will find various examples for modeling single-gate and dual-gate capacitors with either metal or polysilicon gates. The models also use either semi-classical or...