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Magic, a concept used to describe a mode of rationality or way of thinking that looks to invisible forces to influence events, effect change in material conditions, or present the illusion of change. Within the Western tradition, this way of thinking is distinct from religious or scientific modes; however, such distinctions and even the definition of magic are subject to wide debate.
Nature and scope
Practices classified as magic include divination, astrology, incantations, alchemy, sorcery, spirit mediation, and necromancy. The term magic is also used colloquially in Western popular culture to refer to acts of conjuring and sleight of hand for entertainment. The purpose of magic is to acquire knowledge, power, love, or wealth; to heal or ward off illness or danger; to guarantee productivity or success in an endeavour; to cause harm to an enemy; to reveal information; to induce spiritual transformation; to trick; or to entertain. The effectiveness of magic is often determined by the condition and performance of the magician, who is thought to have access to unseen forces and special knowledge of the appropriate words and actions to manipulate those forces.
Phenomena associated or confused with magic include forms of mysticism, medicine, paganism, heresy, witchcraft, shamanism, Vodou, and superstition. Magic is sometimes divided into the "high" magic of the intellectual elite, bordering on science, and the "low" magic of common folk practices. A distinction is also made between "black" magic, used for nefarious purposes, and "white" magic, ostensibly used for beneficial purposes. Although these boundaries are often unclear, magical practices have a sense of "otherness" because of the supernatural power that is believed to be channeled through the practitioner, who is a marginalized or stigmatized figure in some societies and a central one in others.
Elements of magic
The performance of magic involves words (e.g, spells, incantations, or charms) and symbolic numbers that are thought to have innate power, natural or man-made material objects, and ritual actions performed by the magician or other participants. A spell or incantation is believed to draw power from spiritual agencies to accomplish magic. Knowledge of spells or symbolic numbers is often secret (occult), and the possessor of such knowledge can be either greatly revered or feared. In some cases, the spell is the most highly regarded component of the magical rite or ceremony. The Trobriand Islanders of Melanesia, for example, regarded using the right words in the right way as essential to the efficacy of the rite being performed. Among the Maori of New Zealand the power of words is thought to be so important that mistakes in public recitations are believed to cause disasters for individuals or the community. Moreover, like the medieval European charms that used archaic languages and parts of the Latin liturgy, spells often employ an esoteric vocabulary that adds to the respect accorded rites. Belief in the transformative power of words is also common in many religions. Shamans, spirit mediums, and mystics, for example, repeat specific sounds or syllables to achieve an ecstatic state of contact with spiritual forces or an enlightened state of consciousness. Even modern magic for entertainment retains a residual of the spell with its use of the term abracadabra.
Much anthropological literature refers to the objects used in magic as "medicines," hence the popular use of the term medicine man for magician. These medicines include herbs, animal parts, gemstones, sacred objects, or props used in performance and are thought to be potent in themselves or empowered by incantations or rituals. In some cases, medicines that are intended to heal are physiologically effective; for example, the poppy is used widely as an anesthetic, willow bark is used by some Chinese as an analgesic, and garlic and onions were used as antibiotics in medieval Europe. Other medicines that are meant to cause harm, such as toad extracts and bufadienolides, are, in fact, known poisons. Other materials have a symbolic relationship to the intended outcome, as with divination from animal parts. In scapulamancy (divination from a sheep shoulder bone), for example, the sheep's bone reflects the macrocosmic forces of the universe. In sorcery a magician may employ something belonging to the intended victim (e.g., hair, nail parings, or a piece of clothing) as part of the ritual. The rite itself may be symbolic, as with the drawing of protective circles in which to call up spirits, the sprinkling of water on the ground to make rain, or the destruction of a wax image to harm a victim. Plants or other objects can also symbolize desired outcomes: in rites to ensure a canoe's speed, the Trobriand use light vegetable leaves to represent the ease with which the craft will glide over the water; the Zande of South Sudan place a stone in a tree fork to postpone the setting of the sun; and many Balkan peoples once swallowed gold to cure jaundice.
Rites and condition of the performer
Because magic is based on performance, ritual and the magician's knowledge and ability play a significant role in its efficacy. The performance of magic also presumes an audience, either the spiritual forces addressed, the patient-client, or the community. Both the magician and the rite itself are concerned with the observance of taboos and the purification of the participants. Magicians, like priests presiding over religious rituals, observe restrictions of diet or sexual activity to demarcate the rite from ordinary and profane activities and to invest it with sanctity. Modern magicians' success with entertaining audiences is dependant primarily on their performance skills in manipulating material objects to create an illusion.
Foremost among the many roles magic plays are its "instrumental" and "expressive" functions. Based in the attempt to influence nature or human behaviour, magic's instrumental function is measured by its efficacy in achieving the desired result. Anthropologists identify three main types of instrumental magic: the productive, the protective, and the destructive. Productive magic is employed to solicit a successful outcome from human labour or nature, such as bountiful hunt or harvest or good weather. Protective magic aims to defend an individual or community from the vagaries of nature and the evil of others. The use of amulets to ward off contagious diseases or the recitation of charms before a journey are examples of this protective function. Lastly, destructive magic, or sorcery, is intended to harm others, often is motivated by envy, and is socially disruptive. Consequently, the use of countermagic against sorcery may relieve some social tension within a community.
Magic's expressive function results from the symbolic and social meanings attached to its practices, though its performers may not necessarily be aware of this function. Magic can provide a sense of group identity through shared rituals that give power or strength to members. At the same time, it can isolate the magician as a special person within or on the margins of society. Magic can also serve as a creative outlet or form of entertainment. It is, therefore, inseparable from the total system of thought, belief, and practice in a given society.
Definitional issues: magic, religion, and science
The term magic cannot be defined in isolation because of its broad parameters, important role in many societies, and interactions with related phenomena. Magic is a generic label used by outsiders (theoretically, objective observers) to describe specific practices in societies in which this word or its conceptual equivalent may not even exist. As a result, diverse phenomena are lumped together on the assumption that they operate in the same way. This artificial construct of magic also exists only in relation to what it is not—primarily, religion and science as alternate modes of rationality. Such definitions of magic privilege cultures with a strong scientific orientation and stigmatize those that practice magic instead of religion. Consequently, defining magic and identifying magicians requires an understanding of the cultural contexts in which these labels are used.
Although magic has an ambiguous relationship with Western religion and science, it is rooted in the main institutional, social, and intellectual traditions in Western history. Moreover, modern attempts to arrive at a universal definition of magic reflect a Western bias. In particular, 18th- and 19th-century views on cultural and historical evolution set magic apart from religion and science. In a model developed by the British anthropologist Sir James Frazer (1854–1941), magic is characterized as an early stage in human development, superseded first by religion and then by science. The debate over the relationship between magic, religion, and science that dominated much of the discussion about magic throughout the 20th century is evident in the fieldwork of anthropologists, the theories of sociologists of religion, and critiques by postmodernists. Consequently, research in comparative religions, history, and anthropology in the second half of the 20th century moved away from the evolutionary model toward more context-sensitive interpretations, while other studies developed new models for cross-cultural comparison. Nonetheless, the magic-religion-science model retains considerable interpretive power, and the dichotomies used to distinguish magic from religion or science are pervasive in popular discourse.
Magic and religion
Magic continues to be widely perceived as an archaic worldview, a form of superstition lacking the intrinsic spiritual value of religion or the rational logic of science. Religion, according to seminal anthropologist Sir Edward Burnett Tylor (1832–1917), involves a direct, personal relationship between humans and spiritual forces; in religion's highest form, that relationship is with a personal, conscious omnipotent spiritual being. Magic, on the other hand, is characterized as external, impersonal, and mechanical, involving technical acts of power. Magic seeks to manipulate spiritual powers, while religious prayer supplicates spiritual forces, a distinction explored by Bronisław Malinowski (1884–1942) in his work on the Trobriand Islanders. Moreover, according to Émile Durkheim (1858–1917), religion is communal because its adherents, bound together by shared belief, form a church. Magic, on the other hand, involves no permanent ties between believers and only temporary ties between individuals and the magicians who perform services for them. The fieldwork of A.R. Radcliffe-Brown (1881–1955) among the Andaman Islanders, however, has made clear that magic, too, may have a communal dimension.
Magic and science
Although magic is similar in some respects to science and technology, it approaches efficacy (the ability to produce a desired material outcome) differently. Magic, like religion, is concerned with invisible, nonempirical forces; yet, like science, it also makes claims to efficacy. Unlike science, which measures outcomes through empirical and experimental means, magic invokes a symbolic cause-effect relationship. Moreover, like religion and unlike science, magic has an expressive function in addition to its instrumental function. Magical rainmaking strategies, for example, may or may not be efficacious, but they serve the expressive purpose of reinforcing the social importance of rain and farming to a community.
Subcategories of magic
The view of magic as pre-religious or nonscientific has contributed both to subtle distinctions between magic and other practices and to the recognition of subcategories of magic. Notably, anthropologists distinguish magic from witchcraft, defining the former as the manipulation of an external power by mechanical or behavioral means to affect others and the latter as an inherent personal quality that allows the witch to achieve the same ends. However, the line between the two is not always clear, and in some parts of the world an individual may operate in both ways. Similarly, the distinction between "black" magic and "white" magic is obscure since both practices often use the same means and are performed by the same person. Scholars also distinguish between magic and divination, whose purpose is not to influence events but to predict or understand them. Nevertheless, the mystical power of diviners may be thought to be the same as that behind magic. Ultimately, despite these distinctions and the variety of unique roles that practitioners play in their own societies, most end up classified under the universal term magician. Often even religious figures such as priests, shamans, and prophets are identified as magicians because many of their activities include acts defined as "magical" by modern scholars.
In the end, distinctions between magic and religion or science are harder to make in practice than in theory; scholars therefore use labels such as magico-religious to describe activities or persons who cross this artificial dividing line. Similarly, the boundary between magic and science is permeable, since the modern scientific method (observation and experimentation) evolved from forms of scientific magic such as alchemy and astrology. Thus, the evolutionary model, which draws sharp distinctions between magic, religion, and science, cannot account for the essential similarity between various phenomena. Moreover, dichotomies that define magic in relation to other phenomena are reductionist, often ignoring the meaningful structures and beliefs that inform these practices in their native context.
Conceptual history
The claim that magic is found in all human societies rests on a definition that is rooted in Western cultural assumptions, and both these assumptions and the use of the term magic have undergone change over time and place. Consequently, to understand beliefs and practices in other societies that appear similar to European magic, it is necessary to apply the context-sensitive and comparative methods that become increasingly important in the study of anthropology, history, and religion.
History of magic in Western worldviews
The Western conception of magic is rooted in the ancient Judeo-Christian and Greco-Roman heritage. The tradition took further shape in northern Europe during the medieval and early modern period before spreading to other parts of the globe through European exploration and colonialism after 1500. The view of Western civilization as a story of progress includes the magic-religion-science paradigm that traces the "rise" and "decline" of magic and then religion, along with the final triumph of science—a model now challenged by scholars. Moreover, the very origins of the word magic raise questions about ways in which one person's religion is another person's magic, and vice versa.
Ancient Mediterranean world
The root word for magic (Greek: mageia; Latin: magia) derives from the Greek term magoi, which refers to a Median tribe in Persia and their religion, Zoroastrianism. The Greco-Roman tradition held that magicians possessed arcane or secret knowledge and the ability to channel power from or through any of the polytheistic deities, spirits, or ancestors of the ancient pantheons. Indeed, many of the traditions associated with magic in the Classical world derive from a fascination with ancient Middle Eastern beliefs and are concerned with a need for countermagic against sorcery. Spells uttered by sorcerers and addressed to gods, to fire, to salt, and to grain are recorded from Mesopotamia and Egypt. These texts also reveal the practice of necromancy, invoking the spirits of the dead, who were regarded as the last defense against evil magic. Greco-Egyptian papyruses from the 1st to the 4th century ce, for example, include magical recipes involving animals and animal substances, along with instructions for the ritual preparations necessary to ensure the efficacy of the spells. Divination took many forms—from the Etruscan art of haruspicina (reading entrails of animal sacrifices) to the Roman practice of augury (interpreting the behaviour of birds)—and was widely practiced as a means of determining propitious times to engage in specific activities; it often played a role in political decision making. Ancient Roman society was particularly concerned with sorcery and countersorcery, contests associated with the development of competitive new urban classes whose members had to rely on their own efforts in both material and magical terms to defeat their rivals and attain success.
Ambivalence toward magic carried into the early Christian era of the Roman Empire and its subsequent heirs in Europe and Byzantium. In the Gospel According to Matthew, the Magi who appeared at the birth of Jesus Christ were both Persian foreigners of Greco-Roman conception and wise astrologers. As practitioners of a foreign religion, they seemed to validate the significance of Jesus' birth. However, magus, the singular form of magi, has a negative connotation in the New Testament in the account of Simon Magus (Acts 8:9–25), the magician who attempted to buy the miraculous power of the disciples of Christ. In medieval European Christian legends, his story developed into a dramatic contest between true religion, with its divine miracles, and false demonic magic, with its illusions. Nonetheless, belief in the reality of occult powers and the need for Christian counterrituals persisted, for example, in the Byzantine belief in the "evil eye" cast by the envious, which was thought to be demonically inspired and from which Christians needed protection through divine remedies.
Medieval Europe
During the period of Europe's conversion to Christianity (c. 300–1050), magic was strongly identified with paganism, the label Christian missionaries used to demonize the religious beliefs of Celtic, Germanic, and Scandinavian peoples. Church leaders simultaneously appropriated and Christianized native practices and beliefs. For example, medicinal remedies found in monastic manuscripts combined Christian formulas and rites with Germanic folk rituals to empower natural ingredients to cure ailments caused by poisons, elf-attack, demonic possession, or other invisible forces. Another Christianized practice, bibliomancy (divination through the random selection of a biblical text), was codified in the 11th-century Divinatory Psalter of the Orthodox Slavs. Although co-opted and condemned by Christian leaders of this period, magic survived in a complex relationship with the dominant religion. Similar acculturation processes occurred in later conversions in Latin America and Africa, where indigenous beliefs in spiritual forces and magical practices coexist, sometimes uneasily, with Christian theology.
In high medieval Europe (c. 1050–1350), the battle between religion and magic occurred as the struggle against heresy, the church's label for perverted Christian belief. Magicians, like heretics, were believed to distort or abuse Christian rites to do the Devil's work. By the 15th century, belief in the reality of human pacts with the Devil and the magical powers acquired through them contributed to the persecution of those accused of actually harming others with their magic. Also in the high Middle Ages the demonization of Muslims and Jews contributed to the suspicion of the "other." Marginal groups were routinely accused of ritual baby-killing. In lurid accounts of the "blood libel," Jews were charged with stealing Christian children for sacrifice. Similar accusations were made against witches by Christians and against Christians by the ancient Romans.
Although magic was widely condemned during the Middle Ages, often for political or social reasons, the proliferation of magic formulas and books from the period indicates its widespread practice in various forms. Richard Kieckhefer has identified two major categories of magic: "low" magic includes charms (prayers, blessings, adjurations), protective amulets and talismans, sorcery (the misuse of medical and protective magic), divination and popular astrology, trickery, and medical magic through herbs and animals; and "high," or intellectual, magic, includes more learned forms of astrology, astral magic, alchemy, books of secrets, and necromancy. There is also evidence of courtly interest in magic, particularly that involving automatons and gemstones. Moreover, magic served as a literary device of the time, notably the presence of Merlin in the Arthurian romances. Although medieval European magic retained its sense of otherness by borrowing from Jewish practices and Arabic scientific sources such as the astral magic manual Picatrix, it also drew from the mainstream Christian tradition. Necromancy, for example, used Latin Christian rites and formulas to compel the spirits of the dead to obey.
Late medieval and early modern Europe
By the late Middle Ages (c. 1350–1450) and into the early modern period (c. 1450–1750), magic was regarded as part of a widespread and dangerously antisocial demonic cult that included the condemned practices of sorcery, necromancy, and witchcraft. Accused heretics, witches, and magicians were subject to inquisitions designed to uncover these cult connections and to destroy the means of transmission (e.g., the burning of condemned books and/or the "guilty" parties). The influential manual Malleus maleficarum ("The Hammer of Witches," 1486) by Jacob Sprenger and Henry Krämer describes witchcraft in great detail (e.g, the witches' sabbath, a midnight assembly in fealty to the Devil); moreover, this oft-reprinted volume is responsible for the misogynist association of witchcraft with women that becomes the dominant characteristic in the early modern period. This conspiracy theory of demonic magic contributed to the early modern "witch craze" that occurred at a time of growing tension between magic, religion, and nascent science.
Nonetheless, despite the persecution of "black" magic and its alleged practitioners, forms of "white" magic persisted in Europe on the boundaries between magic, mysticism, and emerging empiricism. During the Renaissance there was renewed interest in ancient Middle Eastern practices, Neoplatonic mysticism, and Arabic texts on alchemy and astrology. Pico della Mirandola sought hidden knowledge in Jewish Kabbala, a mystical practice for unlocking the divine secrets contained in written and unwritten Hebrew Scriptures. Marsilio Ficino studied astral magic and the power of music to channel cosmic influences, while Giordano Bruno explored the mystical traditions of Hermeticism, based on works of the legendary Alexandrian prophet of the 1st–3rd century Hermes Trismegistus. Although generally tolerated because their practices were perceived to be within the main Judaic and Christian Hermetic tradition, practitioners of alchemy were sometimes considered to be evil magicians who acquired their knowledge through a pact with the Devil (as in the Faust legends). When magical activities of intellectual dilettantes proved, or appeared, to be antisocial, the results were more often put down to simple trickery—as in the case of the 18th-century charlatan Alessandro, conte di Cagliostro (Giuseppe Balsamo).
European traditions and the modern world
The European fascination with the magical traditions of the ancient Middle East was extended to those of East and South Asia when Europeans made contact with these regions in the early modern period. Orientalism, as literary and cultural critic Edward Said labeled this phenomenon, has its roots in the sense of the "other" found in the earliest definitions of magic (notably the Magi as Persian foreigners) and in the Renaissance penchant for Egyptian, Hebrew, and Arabic materials. Intrigued by the exotic otherness of Eastern societies, modern European philosophers experimented with the progressive model of magic-science-religion. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, for example, viewed 19th-century India as an immature civilization, in part because Hindu consciousness lacked the categories of logic Hegel valued.
A popular "scientific" worldview prevails in modern Western societies that suggests the triumph of human reason. Enlightenment rationalism and the scientific revolution—ironically rooted in Renaissance experiments in magic and motivated in part by Reformation pragmatism—led to the modern triumph of scientific reasoning over magic, evident, for example, in 19th-century exposés of magic tricksters as charlatans. Notably, spirit rappers, mediums who "conversed" with spirits who replied by knocking on a table, were easily exposed as the ones doing the knocking. Modern popular magic has appeared in the realm of entertainment, generally as a plot device in stories and movies, as tricks aimed at children, and as mysterious sleight-of-hand illusions in magic shows that delight the audience's sense perceptions and challenge their reasoning ability. The fascination with occult knowledge and mystical powers derived from nonmainstream or foreign sources persists in the West in astrological charts in newspapers, theories of interplanetary aliens and government conspiracies to hide them, occult rituals in some New Age religions, and interest in traditional practices that have an esoteric flavour, such as feng shui (geomancy, the traditional Asian practice of aligning graves, homes, and temples with cosmic forces). This persistence suggests, in part, the impact of globalization on postmodern worldviews challenging the dominance of a strictly scientific mode of rationality.
Globalization of the magic concept
Western conceptions of magic, religion, and science were exported to other parts of the globe in the modern period by traders, conquerors, missionaries, anthropologists, and historians. European travelers in the 16th–19th centuries functioned as primitive ethnographers whose written observations are invaluable historical resources. However, their accounts, often coloured by their Judeo-Christian assumptions about religion versus magic, illuminate how indigenous peoples were treated as "children" to be educated or, in the case of some conquerors, as subhuman races to be enslaved. During the latter part of the 19th century, anthropologists began to analyze magic and its part in the evolution of the world's religions. Their work was characterized by a fundamental distinction rooted in the magic-religion-science evolutionary model: the world is divided between historical, literate urbanized cultures, or "civilizations" (for example, the ancient traditions of East and South Asia) and nonliterate, tribal archaic, or "primitive," societies (such as those found in parts of Africa, the Americas, and Oceania). Historians viewed complex societies characterized by urbanization, centralization, and written traditions as more advanced and measured their progress as civilizations according to the evolutionary model. Nomadic, tribal, agricultural, or nonurbanized societies with strong oral traditions were often perceived by early European observers as developmentally stagnant people without history. While these views are no longer accepted, their residual effect is still felt in the way magic, religion, and science are conceptualized. Anthropologists of religion traditionally distinguished between the "religion" practiced by the world's main faiths, which often marginalize magic as superstition, and the beliefs of small nonliterate societies in which "magic" may in fact be central to religious belief. Here the distinction between religion and magic seems unfounded. Indeed, as some postcolonial societies endeavour to distance themselves from Western logic, ancient religious traditions are pivotal to the reassertion of cultural identity and autonomy. West African Vodun (Vodou), which spread to the Caribbean, the Americas, and elsewhere, is one example of an indigenous religious practice that is tied to cultural identity in art, music, and literature and used subversively as a rallying point for postcolonial resistance to Western modes of rationality.
World cultures
The Western concept of magic as a set of beliefs, values, and practices that are not fully religious or scientific does not find its equivalent in non-Western languages and cultures; conversely, concepts found in other cultures may be untranslatable into English or a Western framework. For example, Hawaiian historian David Malo (c. 1793–1853), discussing Christianity and traditional Hawaiian religion, found hoˋomana (to make, to do, or to imbue with supernatural, divine, or miraculous power) the closest translation for English religion, contrary to its characterization by Westerners as a magical component in Polynesian beliefs. Furthermore, a modern Japanese dictionary uses a transliteration, majikku, for the English word magic. It also uses the English word magic to translate several Japanese words beginning with ma-, the kanji character representing a vengeful spirit of the dead (in East Asian folk belief, an ancestor not cared for properly; in Buddhist cosmology, an evil demonic figure). While superficially similar to the Christian notion of magic as demonic, the cosmologies regarding these demons differ significantly. Moreover, ma- does not have the range of meanings that magic has in Western thought.
On the other hand, specific practices identified as magic—e.g., divination, spells, spirit mediation—are found worldwide, even if the word magic is not. For example, in China various practices such as divination through oracle bones, offerings to dead ancestors, and feng shui can be classified as either magic, religion, or science, but it is questionable whether these categories have any validity in Chinese thought; rather these so-called magical practices are an intrinsic part of the worldviews expressed in China's main religious and philosophical systems (ancestor worship, Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism). In modern China, some communities deal with crisis by combining seemingly contradictory practices—including supplication and coercion of gods, appeals to ancestral spirits, folk cures, and modern inoculations. Such syncretism has been common in East Asia; notably, in 6th-century Japan the native nature worship of Shinto blended with imported forms of Buddhism without the kind of conflict that occurred during the conversion of Europe to Christianity. In modern East Asia, conflict between magic, religion, and science introduced by Western concepts of magic occurs alongside a strong tradition of syncretism that blends empirical science with practices that Westerners often perceive as unscientific magic or religious superstition.
Asian religious traditions such as Hinduism, Buddhism, and Daoism teach that material life is illusory. This mode of rationality focuses on understanding the principles and spiritual forces that lie behind physical experience. Consequently, adepts in these traditions who have achieved a level of understanding of these cosmic forces often appear to have the ability to manipulate physical reality in ways that seem magical. The point of demonstrations by street magicians and snake charmers in India is to show the illusory quality of material reality in order to draw attention to the universal, timeless, and cosmic. Purposeful deception in magic is thus used to illustrate the deceptiveness of human apprehensions of reality. The mystical component of magic is also clear in Tantra and other esoteric and nonconformist sects of Hinduism or Buddhism, which use mystical words, symbols, and diagrams in their rituals. Whether these practices are magic or religion depends upon one's point of view.
Postcolonial points of views
Anthropological and sociological studies of modern nonliterate societies in the Americas, Oceania, and Africa have given rise to new global terminology. Beginning in the second half of the 20th century, some sociologists and anthropologists turned the tables on earlier scholarship by applying the methods used for examining extant nonliterate ("primitive") societies to literate, urban societies of the past, which previously had been evaluated by the criteria reserved for the study of "civilizations." For example, the phenomenon of shamanism and the word shaman, as defined by Mircea Eliade (1907–86) in his exploration of ecstatic states, has been applied not only to "primitive" cultures but to premodern Christian Europe. Likewise the term mana ("power"), appropriated from Melanesian and Polynesian cultures by Émile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss (1872–1950), has been widely applied to magical practices in historical civilizations, including that of Classical Rome.
History of magic theories
Because of the impact of anthropological theory on the study of magic, its development and history bear reviewing. The first important figure in this line of inquiry was Sir Edward Burnett Tylor, whose Primitive Culture (1871) regarded magic as a "pseudo-science" in which the "savage" postulated a direct cause-effect relationship between the magical act and the desired outcome. Tylor regarded magic as "one of the most pernicious delusions that ever vexed mankind," but he did not approach it as superstition or heresy. Instead he studied it as a phenomenon based on the "symbolic principle of magic," a scheme of thought founded on a rational process of analogy. He also realized that magic and religion are parts of a total system of thought. Although he believed that magic and animistic beliefs became less prevalent in the later stages of history, he did not view magic and religion as alternative stages in the evolutionary development of mankind.
That conclusion would be left for Sir James Frazer in The Golden Bough (1890), in which he ordered magic, religion, and science in a grandiose evolutionary scheme. Magic preceded religion because, according to Frazer, the former was logically more simple. This notion, however, was a based on his erroneous assumption that the Australian Aborigines, examples of a "primitive" people, believed in magic but not in religion.
Sociological theories
Another line of theorists, including sociologists Durkheim and Mauss, widened the discussion by defining magic in terms of its social function. In The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (1912), Durkheim argued that magical rites involved the manipulation of sacred objects by the magician on behalf of individual clients; the socially cohesive significance of religious rites proper (by priests) was therefore largely lacking. Durkheim's views were furthered by A.R. Radcliffe-Brown in the The Andaman Islanders (1922) and to a lesser extent by Malinowski in Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) and Magic, Science and Religion (1925). Radcliffe-Brown posited that the function of magic was to express the social importance of the desired event, while Malinowski regarded magic as directly and essentially concerned with the psychological needs of the individual.
Subsequent studies of the working of systems of magic, especially in Africa and Oceania, built upon the work of Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown along with that of Sir Edward Evans-Pritchard in Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic Among the Azande (1937). In his seminal book, Evans-Pritchard demonstrated that magic is an integral part of religion and culture used to explain events that cannot otherwise be understood or controlled. The Zande of South Sudan accept magic, together with witchcraft and oracles, as a normal part of nature and society. These phenomena form a closed logical system, each part of which buttresses the other and provides a rational system of causation.
Psychological theories
These anthropological and sociological approaches focused on magic as a social phenomenon, but the role of individual psychology was implicit in the views of Tylor and Frazer and brought out more in the work of Malinowski, who frequently offered psychological explanations for belief in magic. Sigmund Freud's influential view of magic as the earliest phase in the development of religious thought (Totem and Taboo, 1918) followed Frazer's model and posited an essential similarity between the thought of children, neurotics, and "savages." According to Freud, all three assumed that wish or intention led automatically to the fulfillment of the desired end. This reductionist view, based on outmoded notions about "primitive" cultures, was revised as the result of new field research. Although Claude Lévi-Strauss also initially equated these three groups, he later modified this view in his analysis of the work of Mauss, which focuses on the structural linguistics of terms such as mana that are deployed in the study of magic. His work, therefore, laid the foundation for later deconstructions of the concept of magic.
Comparative religions
The rise of the study of comparative religion led to new theories that accounted for both world religions and localized belief systems. The work of Eliade, including his study of shamanism, is an important and influential example of this approach, as is that of Ninian Smart, who devised a seven-dimensional (experiential, mythic, doctrinal, ethical, ritual, social, and material) worldview analysis for cross-cultural comparison that can be applied to different belief systems, whether called magic or religion. Likewise, Judaic scholar Jacob Neusner suggested the neutral rubric "modes of rationality" to avoid pejorative comparisons between systems of thought otherwise classified as magic, religion, science, or philosophy. The broader base established by the comparative religions approach avoids the difficulties of distinguishing urban literate from nonurban nonliterate societies and the perils of the magic-religion-science progression.
Postmodern dialogue
Postmodern scholarship continues to challenge older anthropological notions. The work of such anthropologists as Victor Turner (1920–83), Clifford Geertz, and Marshall Sahlins has had a wide impact on the social sciences and humanities. Central to the challenge to the traditional magic-religion-science paradigm was Magic, Science, Religion, and the Scope of Rationality (1990), in which Stanley Jeyaraja Tambiah deconstructs the European history of the progress model and the work of anthropologists from Tylor forward. Other anthropologists have questioned the model of the rise and decline of magic in European thought articulated in Keith Thomas's groundbreaking Religion and the Decline of Magic (1971), a study of early modern England, and Valerie Flint's The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (1991). Notably, anthropologist Hildred Geertz challenged Thomas's universalized conceptions of religion and magic, and scholars have questioned the rise and fall model by suggesting that the terminology is culture-specific and the historical circumstances much more complex than the simple pattern presented. These cross-disciplinary debates, along with the rejection of the Western magic-religion-science paradigm, have contributed to more sensitive treatments of magical practices in diverse societies.


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Unless otherwise noted, information contained in each edition of the Kansas School Naturalist reflects the knowledge of the subject as of the original date of publication.
Volume 57 - Spring 2011
Kissing Bugs in the U.S.
Published by EMPORIA STATE UNIVERSITY
Editor: JOHN RICHARD SCHROCK
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The Kansas School Naturalist is sent free of charge and upon request to teachers and anyone interested in natural history and nature education. In-print back issues are sent free as long as supply lasts. Out-of-print back issues are sent for one dollar photocopy and postage/handling charge per issue. The Kansas School Naturalist is sent free upon request by media mail to all U.S. zipcodes, first class to Mexico and Canada, and surface mail overseas. The Kansas School Naturalist is published by Emporia State University, Emporia, Kansas. Postage paid at Emporia, Kansas. Address all correspondence ro: Edimr, Kansas School Naturalist, Department of Biological Sciences, Box 4050, Emporia State University, Emporia, KS 66801-5087. Opinions and perspectives expressed are those of the authors and/or editor and do nor reflect the official position or endorsement of E.S.U. Some issues can be viewed online at: www.emporia.edu/ksn/ The Kansas School Naturalist is listed in Ulrich's International Periodicals Directory, indexed in Wildlife Review/Fisheries Review, and appropriate issues are indexed in the Zoological Record. The KSN is an irregular publication issued from one to four times per year.
Front cover: Triatoma gerstaeckeri, common in southern and central Texas. Photo used with permission of Mike Quinn, TexasEnto.net.
Justin O. Schmidt has a PhD. in Entomology from the University of Georgia. He runs a non-profit organization, Southwestern Biological Institute in Tucson, Arizona.
Lori Stevens is Professor of Biology at The University of Vermont. She received her M.S. and Ph.D. degrees from the University of Illinois, Chicago. Stevens is intrigued with the genetic interactions of hosts and parasites. She enjoys visiting family in Leavenworth , Kansas.
|Patricia Dorn is a Professor of Biological Sciences at Loyola University New Orleans. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Maryland and began her work on Trypanosomiais during her post-doctoral fellowship at Stanford Medical School.
|Mack Mosbacher received his doctorate of veterinary medicine from the University of Missouri. He currently practices emergency veterinary medicine in Phoenix, Arizona.
|John Klotz has a Ph.D. in Entomology from the University of Kansas and is an Urban Entomology Specialist Emeritus at the University of California, Riverside and lives in Sedona, Arizona.
|Stephen A. Klotz graduated from the University of Kansas and is Chief of Infectious Diseases at the University of Arizona.
Kissing bugs are bloodsucking insects in the order Hemiptera in the family Reduviidae. Almost all known species reside in the New World.
They are best known as vectors of Chagas disease, a disease caused by transmission of the blood parasite, Trypanosoma cruzi, through their feces. Vector transmission of Chagas disease occurs with a number of endemic kissing bugs. Chagas is largely confined to Mexico, Central America and South America.
Although only a few cases of insect-transmitted Chagas disease have occurred in the US, these bugs are common in southern, southeastern and southwestern states.
We discuss the biology of the bugs, their evolutionary history, their distribution in the United States, the risk they pose for transmission of T. cruzi to pets and other domestic animals, and the control of kissing bugs around human habitations.
The 140 or so species of triatomines, or "kissing bugs," evolved from a reduviid predator or "assassin bug," so called because it kills its arthropod prey by injecting potent toxins and proteases that liquefy the insides of the prey so they can be sucked out. How many times reduviids have forsaken their assassin habits to become blood sucking "kissers" has been a matter of some controversy. The fact that triatomines are found in as diverse habitats as bird and opossum nests (arboreal), and armadillo burrows and rat's nests, as well as human habitations (terrestrial) suggests that they evolved from multiple different predatory ancestors (i.e. are polyphyletic) that were already associated with arboreal or terrestrial hosts.
The two most important tribes for human infection, the Triatomini and Rhodniini, are quite divergent, suggesting distinct predatory ancestors. However, a recent, large study of the evolution of the Reduviidae using multiple genes and many morphological characters indicates that these two tribes arose from the same predatory ancestor (1) . The remaining three tribes still need to be examined but so far it appears blood sucking evolved just once, i.e. the Triatominae are monophyletic.
|Classification Hierarchy
Triarominae, Rhodniini
|Figure 1. Triatoma sanguisuga, the most common triatomine in Kansas and throughout central and southeastern US. Photo by Harold Baquet.
One species, Triatoma rubrofosciata is found around the world, and may have spread in association with ships' rats. A few other species are found in Southeast and East Asia; however, most species (~125) are found only in the Americas. The Triatomini tribe contains two genera important for human transmission of Chagas, Triatoma and Panstrongylus, the former has the most (80) species and includes the two most important vectors for human transmission: T. infestans in South America, and T. dimidiata in Mesoamerica (Mexico, Central America, and northern South America). The Rhodniini tribe includes the genera Rhodnius and Psammolestes, with Rhodnius
prolixus being an important human vector in northern South America.
|Figure 2. Triatoma rubida, common in foothill regions of Phoenix and Tucson (female, note pointed projection from end of the abdomen).
Ten species of Triatominae (Table 1) are native to the United States (2, 3) where their northern limit is determined by intolerance of cold temperatures. Natural infections of T. cruzi have been found in seven of these species (4). The Triatominae in the United States belong to two genera (Paratriatoma and Triatoma) and include four species complexes within the Triatoma (lecticularia, phyllosoma, protracta, rubida). The two species reported in Kansas, T. sanguisuga and T. lecticularia, are in an uncertain status and lecticularia complex, respectively (Dorn, unpublished data). They have the widest geographical distribution of the ten species found in the United States.
|Table 1. Checklist and geographic distribution of Triatominae of the United States. (Not including the cosmopolitan T. rubrofasciata.)
Species Complex
|In Kansas
reported from
|T. sanguisuga
|Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, New Jersey, New Mexico, N.Carolina,Ohio, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, S. Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia
|T. lecticularia
|Arizona, California, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Kansas, Louisiana, Maryland, Missouri, New Mexico, N. Carolina, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, S.Carolina, Tennessee, Texas
|T. indictiva
|Arizona, New Mexico, Texas
|T. incrassata
|T. recurva
|Arizona, California, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, Texas
|T. gerstaeckeri
|New Mexico, Texas
|T. protracta
|Arizona, California, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, Texas, Utah
|T. neotomae
|T. rubida
|Arizona, California, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, Texas
|P. hirsuta
|Arizona, California, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico
The most widespread species, T. sanguisuga (Figure 1) and T. lectularia, are mostly sylvatic, however, in Manhattan, Kansas, T. sanguisuga was reported from poultry houses, barns and houses. Although there are reports of serious allergic reactions to their bite, no T. cruzi transmission to humans has been reported in Kansas. Triatoma sanguisuga is commonly associated with raccoons and opossums and has been found in large numbers around human dwellings from Florida to Texas (4).
The other kissing bug reported from Kansas, T. lecticularia, feeds on opossums, as well as wood rats (Neotoma spp.) and the rock squirrel (Spermophilus variegatus). T. indictiva is reported to feed on domestic and peridomestic animals. (See Figures 2-5 for other common triatomines in the U.S.)
All ten species in the United States are considered sylvatic and have different ecological niches. Species in the leticularia complex prefer open shrubland, woodland and wooded grassland (2). Wooded grassland is the preferred habitat for members of the protracta, rubida and phyllosoma complexes. The one species in the United States not in the Triatoma genus, Paratriatoma hirsuta, has a broad potential niche, much broader than its current geographical distribution.
Kissing bugs have a gradual development with five immature instars appearing similar to adults, but without wings. They are large bugs with adults ranging in length from about 12 to 36 mm. Both sexes and all five instars feed on blood of vertebrates, starring with the first instars which take a blood meal as soon as 2-3 days after hatching from the egg. They can develop from egg (Figure 5) to adult in several months in warm tropical areas when food is readily available. In temperate regions having extended cooler periods of the year, the bugs are typically univoltine with only one generation per year. In these regions bugs seek refuge in rodent burrows, cavities, caves, and other locations with moderate temperatures and pass the unfavorable times as immatures in various stages (Figure 4) . Adults live several months, occasionally a year or more (5), and feed throughout their lives. In captivity adults of Triatoma rubida, T. protracta, or T. recurva live 4-5 months on average. Mating lasts only about 10 minutes, a relatively short time compared to other hemipterans. As with other hemipterans, females readily mate with multiple males; females can store sperm for use months later and over their life span can lay up to several hundred eggs depending upon conditions (5). Active dispersal is achieved by flight in adults and by crawling in immatures (6). Passive dispersal occurs in some species by transport of attached eggs to new locations by birds or other animals, or by human transport of materials harboring eggs or free-living stages. Active dispersal of immatures can occur when a shortage of food sources stimulates bugs to crawl toward locations potentially having new hosts. Adults typically disperse by flight around dusk. Nutritional state and hunger are powerful drivers of dispersal (7). Another is the classical reproductive strategy in which gravid females retain eggs for deposition after flight (8,9). Dispersal is not a primary form of mate seeking as in many moths and other insects. Evidence against mate seeking is indicated by equal numbers of females and males captured at lights and the rapidity with which captured females oviposit fertile eggs (8).
Figure 3. Triatoma protracta, frequent home invader in California, especially the foothills around San Diego.
Figure 4. A fifth instar (nymphal stage) of T. recurva. Note the absence of wings in the nymphs.
Figure 5. Empty egg shells from T. recurva eggs.
Figure 6. A teneral of T. rubida, i.e.,newly emerged adult.
Triatomine species inhabit a variety of ecological environments from generalized to highly specialized, including human domestic environments. Within these environments, they can range from opportunists feeding on a variety of host species to specialists feeding on a limited number of host types. Specialists include Cavernicola pilosa which feeds on bats, Rhodnius spp. living in palm trees where they feed on inhabiting birds and mammals, and Psammolestes spp. which live in bird nests constructed of twigs. Bird blood meals are sufficient for the bugs to survive and reproduce, but birds are not hosts of T. cruzi and thus alter the parasite transmission cycle. Somewhat more general feeders are T. rubrofosciata and members of the T. protracta complex that prefer feeding on rodents. Triatoma infestans, T. dimidiata, and R. prolixus are inhabitants of human domestic environments where they feed on people and their animals (6). Most species, irrespective of their preferred habitat, can become opportunistic feeders when other species are available. Species that are generally opportunists can also be facultative specialists preferring to feed mainly on one group of hosts if given the opportunity (10). The Triatoma living in Arizona are all non-domestic species that often feed on packrats (Neotoma spp.), yet they readily feed on a variety of vertebrate hosts they encounter, including humans. The Arizona-Sonora Desert Museum in Tucson, Arizona, is a regional educational living zoo that inadvertently supports large populations of T. rubida and T. protracta. These bugs plague many museum animals and sometimes feed so extensively that they have caused the death by chronic blood loss of animals, including a rare protected mountain rattlesnake (James L. Jarchow, DVM, pers. commun.). In Kansas, Triatoma sanguisuga like the Arizona species, feeds predominantly on Neotoma, raccoons and opossums, bur will readily feed on a variety of other hosts including humans.
When and how some species of triatomines became specialists on humans is a mystery. The subfamily is believed to have originated about 5 million years ago in the New World (11). Dares for the arrival of human beings in the New World are debated, bur their estimated arrival sometime between 14,000 to 20,000 years ago is relatively recent. Thus, shifts in some species of kissing bugs to specializing on our species are recent evolutionary events, and might well explain some of our vulnerability to the T. cruzi parasite the bugs transmit to us.
Kissing bugs rely on multiple sensory systems to locate hosts. These include gradients of carbon dioxide in the air, odors, moisture, hear, and air flow (12). They are exquisitely sensitive to carbon dioxide exhaled by mammals when breathing, being able to detect 75 parts per million above the background air levels of 350 pans per million when a trace of exhaled lactic acid, another attractant, is present. Cold blooded hosts including reptiles generate very low levels of carbon dioxide; nevertheless, kissing bugs use many other host-generated chemical cues including short chained aliphatic amines and acids, 7-to 9-carbon aldehydes and alcohols, and lactic acid to locate hosts. The bugs can also detect infrared radiation enabling them to orient toward warm blooded hosts from several meters. Finally, they anemotactically follow the movement of air currents impregnated with host odors to locate the host (12). Feeding by bugs in human domiciles usually takes place at night, with bugs hiding during the day in cracks and crevices away from the feeding areas. Much less is known about feeding times for sylvatic (non-domestic) species. Likely they adjust their activity periods to match the inactive periods of their host, thereby minimizing danger from host defenses. Triatoma rubida and T. protracta do not hesitate to approach and feed on rodents during bright midday times (13), a behavior that might well be adaptive for bugs that often feed on rodents in their burrows while the rodents are sleeping or quiescent during the day.
Once a host is located, a hungry bug extends its proboscis and inserts it into the skin of the host. Sometimes the host detects the minor sensation caused by a bug's probing and moves or shifts position. In response the bug usually retracts somewhat before continuing probing and feeding. Considering that a bug often imbibes more blood than its own weight (3), feeding is relatively rapid, lasting on average 22 minutes for T. protracta, 28 for T. rubida and between 11-28 minutes for T. infestans, T. dimidiata, and R. prolixus (13, 14). Blood is mostly water and the bulkiness of a large blood meal limits a bug's movement. To eliminate excess water, bugs often defecate during feeding, at completion of feeding, or shortly after leaving the feeding site (Figure 8). Some species, including those domestic species that frequently transmit Chagas disease, defecate rapidly and frequently, often on or near the host (14), while others defecate less rapidly and less frequently, often at a distance from the host (3). Frequency and proximity of defecation to the host are considered to be critical factors in transmitting T. cruzi and Chagas disease to humans (Figure 9).
Kissing bug bites are the most common cause of insect bites that result in anaphylaxis in the United States. This medical emergency (also caused more commonly by bee stings) results from the release of chemical signals in response to proteins in the bug's saliva. Anaphylaxis usually causes the individual to rush to the emergency room where epinephrine and other interventions reverse the low blood pressure, swollen airways and rashes that often accompany anaphylaxis. Victims usually are awakened at night by shortness of breath, difficulty breathing or generalized itching. Other less ominous allergies include hives, swelling of the eyes, swelling at the site of the bite and persistent itching. Patients may experience anaphylaxis when re-bitten and one adult woman has died from the condition. The bite itself is painless, however swelling and inflammation at the site of the bite may last for weeks.
WILD AND DOMESTICATED ANIMALS INFECTED WITH Trypanosoma cruzi IN THE UNITED STATES
Kissing bugs rarely transmit Chagas to humans in the United States; only six such cases have been documented. Infection with Trypanasoma cruzi is common in several wildlife species, but rare in domestic pets. Reported cases in domestic species are limited to dogs in the warmer southern states. There are no reports of livestock, horses, or pigs being infected. Only one case report exists of infection in a domestic cat in the U.S.
The primary wildlife species in the United States that serve as host reservoirs for T. cruzi are rodents, particularly packrats in the genus Neotoma, raccoons and opossums, and to a lesser degree armadillos and skunks. T. cruzi has been reported in more than 20 different wildlife species in the United States in at least 13 states (15). Wood rats and other rodent species serve as reservoirs of infection, as rodent dens and nests may harbor the insect vectors. Infection dynamics of T. cruzi isolates appear to vary between species, with raccoons being infected with a more virulent genetic strain in which blood parasites levels peak sooner and antibodies are more quickly detected than occurs in opossums, another primary wildlife reservoir species. Additionally, mice injected with opossum derived T. cruzi isolates appear to subsequently clear the infection and survive, whereas injecting mice with the raccoon derived strains resulted in a 75% mortality rate in one study. Despite differences in virulence between the host species strains, pathologic cardiac changes induced by T. cruzi have been observed at necropsy in both raccoons and opossums.
|Figure 7. Blood smear showing Trypanosoma cruzi parasites among red blood cells. Photo by Rose Nasrazadani.
Prevalence of T. cruzi in wildlife species varies, but infection rates as high as 62% occurred in raccoons tested in various states (16). Infection rates appear to be generally highest in coastal locations, with the elevated rates assumed to be due to the increased distribution of insect vectors secondary to the high humidity and lack of a winter freeze along the southern and eastern coasts. In contrast to the Latin American isolates that are transmitted to humans indirectly at the insect bite location by fecal contamination, T. cruzi in wildlife species in the U.S. is transmitted by oral ingestion of infected insects and to a lesser degree by placental transmission in utero.
In domestic pets, T. cruzi causing clinical health issues has been reported primarily in working dogs from southeastern Texas and foci in Louisiana, although antibody testing has confirmed T. cruzi exposure in many southern states and as far north as Minnesota. In domestic dogs as in wildlife species, infection is thought to be primarily by eating infected kissing bug vectors in response to skin irritation from the insect bite and from in utero transmission from dam to pup.
Clinical signs of infection in dogs are primarily cardiac, recognized as exercise intolerance or generalized weakness. Diagnostic testing may reveal severe heart arrythmias. And ultimately, a dilated form of heart failure develops. Treatment rarely results in a cure, and survival time in clinically affected dogs ranges from 0 to 60 months.
Prevention of Chagas disease in dogs depends on insect vector control and limiting contact with host reservoir species. In endemic kissing bug areas, animal housing and bedding should be treated with insecticide monthly, and kennels improved as needed to remove insect nesting sites.
|Figure 8 (above). Fecal smears and drops from a female T. rubida.
|Figure 9 (right). Fecal smears on household wall from T. infestans in Bolivia. These deposits act as aggregation pheromones.
Insecticide spraying is the cornerstone of vector control programs for triatomines in South America where domestic and peridomestic species are prevalent and can attain high population densities in and around homes. The sylvatic species found in the U.S. are only occasional invaders and thus present a different set of problems that rely on non-chemical measures for control such as habitat modification and exclusion techniques (see table below).
First and foremost is a thorough inspection of the home both inside and outside.
During the active season (around mid-spring to mid-fall) inspections should be carried out on a regular basis to find and destroy any stray bugs. During the day they typically hide in dark places in cracks and crevices or under objects. For example, in the bedroom they may hide in bed sheets or blankets or under the mattress so it is recommended that all of these potential hiding places be inspected especially before retiring. Outside during the day they hide in dark sheltered places such as beneath flowerpots or furniture emerging at night to be seen crawling or resting on surfaces. Pay special attention to areas inside and out where pets congregate or sleep.
In addition to efforts aimed at kissing bugs, control measures may be needed to remove their wild vertebrate hosts, such as packrats, which are common around homes in the Southwest. Packrats can have several dozen or more bugs inhabiting their nests. Trapping the packrats and their nests close to the house can reduce home invasions. However, it is advisable that only the nearest packrat nest and packrats be removed in the hope that the kissing bugs will move to more peripheral nests farther from the house. After the packrats have been removed, a pyrethroid dust or spray should be applied to the old nesting sites to eliminate any remaining kissing bugs. This is critical because in the absence of their natural host the bugs will seek out another source of blood, which might end up the homeowner (17).
In the case of sensitized homeowners who have become allergic to kissing bugs, a directed spray application of pyrethroid insecticides in and around the home may provide some added protection. Most effective indoors is a crack and crevice application to potential harborage sites in bedrooms and bathrooms, and outdoors a perimeter treatment along the foundation and eaves paying close attention to thoroughly treat entryways such as windows and doors to prevent their access into the home.
Sensitized individuals may also elect to sleep under a bed net (mosquito netting) that is tucked in all around the mattress for added protection and using double-sided tape placed on the legs of the bed. Beds should be kept at least one foot away from walls. Sticky trap monitors placed under and around beds may also catch bugs. wandering
homeowners might wish vacuum the bedroom and their bedroom during
the season weather-stripping
doors dosed.
and their pets
in response to climates and as more homes encroach into their habitats. Learning ro ',","VF.HU." these and to keep them out of human habitations is an important
of homeownership.
Table 2. Non-chemical measures to reduce risk of household infestation by triatomines.
Sanitation measures:
|Install weather stripping and tight fitting insect screens on windows and doors, insect proof dog and cat entrances, and keep fireplace flues shut.
Manage indoor and outdoor lighting at night to make homes less attractive to kissing bugs:
|Seal potential entryways into homes (e.g. foundation cracks and utility line points of entry) with caulk, silicone seal, or other appropriate materials.
|The Kansas School Naturalist
|Department of Biology
|College of Liberal Arts & Sciences
|Send questions / comments to
Kansas School Naturalist.
|Emporia State University

subset: commoncrawl


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The Diplomat's Editor Harry Kazianis recently spoke with noted author and president of Eurasia Group, Ian Bremmer, about President Obama's recent trip to Southeast Asia, how tensions in the Middle East could affect America's renewed focus on Asia and China's future.
1. This week President Obama and senior members of his foreign policy team visited a series of nations in Southeast Asia including Burma. Many have argued that with ethnic tensions still unresolved, the Obama administration has moved too fast to restore relations and trade. Some have also argued the administrations moves have had more to do with China than Burma itself. What is your take?
During his trip to Myanmar earlier this week, Obama made the trek to the home of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, where she had spent more than two decades under house arrest. While the White House was still planning the trip, she cautioned the administration against visiting Myanmar at all, urging Obama not to be lured by the "mirage of success." So why would Obama make it a priority to visit a country whose national hero warned him not to do it—a trip that could come back to bite him if the reform process goes south?Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month.
It's because Obama's trip through Southeast Asia is all about China. The Obama "doctrine," to the extent that there is one, is the pivot to Asia…and the use of economic statecraft, as originally coined by Hillary Clinton. Both center on the rise of China and the potential challenges that come with it, especially if China doesn't align its behavior with international norms. There's a security and an economic component. Aiming to add Thailand to the Trans-Pacific Partnership—a potential free trade agreement of like minded countries that could serve as a counterweight to China's regional economic dominance— and removing sanctions on Burma are actions that the United States is taking through this China lens.
2. Tensions have been rising in the Middle East with fears that hostilities between Hamas and Israel could escalate further, even as the standoff between the U.S. and Iran continues. Do these problems in the Middle East doom the administration's so-called 'pivot' to Asia? In an era of constrained resources, can America focus on problems in the Middle East while also demonstrating a stronger commitment in the Asia-Pacific?
Conflict in the Middle East certainly has the potential to distract the administration, and not only the United States, of course, but a range of other countries as well. But regardless of the state of play on the ground in the Middle East, the United States is going to play a comparatively diminished role in the region—especially in the context of what we've seen over the past ten years, with occupations in Iraq and Afghanistan. Going forward, expect a "lighter footprint," which is part of the reason we're going to see more conflict. The U.S. is out of Iraq and not going back in; it will not commit forces to Syria. Washington is doing everything possible to avoid military strikes in Iran. The fact that Obama did not cancel the aforementioned Southeast Asia trip in light of events in Israel/Gaza shows how serious this Asia pivot has become. That's the direction we're heading.
And don't expect any other foreign power to fill the leadership void. The rest of the West is maximally distracted with internal issues. The Chinese, whose stake in the region is growing as a result of their energy needs, are not at the stage of development where they would be willing to pick up the baton.


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Snowballs in Summer
You're walking down the street, minding your own business, when you see a snowball. No big deal, right? Except the snowball is as tall as you are. And weighs about a ton. Did we mention that it's June?
That's the experience thousands of stunned Londoners had when they crossed paths with "Snowballs in Summer," the brainchild of artist Andy Goldsworthy. Goldsworthy makes sculpture from all sorts of things he finds outside—leaves, earth, and rocks, as well as ice and snow. He wanted to find out how busy city people would react to an unexpected snowball melting in their midst.
During the winter of 1999, he rolled 13 giant snowballs near his home in Scotland. He filled each one with a surprise in the center—such as pebbles, berries, feathers, or sheep's wool—which would emerge as the snow melted. The finished snowballs were stored in a deep freeze until summer, then transported to London in refrigerated trucks. At midnight on June 21, 2000, while the city slept, Goldsworthy and his co-conspirators rolled their snowballs into place.
People walking to work or school must have thought the sky was falling when they stumbled across snowballs the size of baby elephants. Some of them had never even seen snow in real life, and they couldn't resist poking the snowballs or even breaking off a chunk. As the snow started to melt, things got even more interesting. The perfectly round snowballs took on different shapes as the stuff inside began to poke through.
Two days later, most of Goldsworthy's snowballs were gone, and their fillings scattered. But Londoners were left with a really good story about that odd summer day when the snowballs came.
- Imagine that one of these giant snowballs was on a sidewalk in your town. What does it look like? How does it feel? What does it smell like? Is it melting or is it frozen? What do you think of when you see the snowball? Write a paragraph describing the snowball. Include sense details.
Answer: Answers will vary but should include sensory details.


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The planned merger of Omnicom Group Inc. in New York and Publicis Groupe in Paris into the world's biggest advertising firm gives the combined company lots of clout.
The deal was designed to give the new company more leverage when negotiating advertising rates and placements with television networks and with Internet Goliaths such as Google Inc. and Yahoo Inc.
The merger could also help smaller advertising rivals who might scoop up clients.
Shares of advertising companies rose Monday, the first day of trading after the two giants announced their intent to merge.
French competitor Havas SA rose 4.7%, while Interpublic Group of Companies Inc. in New York rose 4.7%. Barclays analyst Anthony DiClemente said the deal between Omnicom and Publicis to become a new entity called Publicis Omnicom Group could benefit rivals by allowing them to poach clients as advertisers to review their agencies in order to get better deals.
"The combined company is likely to lose some clients as a result of the merger," said DiClemente in a note to clients. "We wouldn't expect the new Publicis Omnicom Group to win all the reviews. This should benefit Havas, Interpublic and WPP unless they decide to engage in a merger of their own."
The new company, with combined 2012 revenue of $22.7 billion, would make it the world's largest agency with a market value exceeding $35 billion, unseating WPP Plc, which is currently the biggest agency. The two companies announced the all-stock transaction Sunday. Shareholders of each company would hold about 50% of the new entity.
Shares of WWP, Publicis Groupe and Omnicom were little changed Monday.
More consolidation may be on the way.
The merger opens up the possibility of other deals between advertising companies, said Brian Wieser, an analyst at Pivotal Research, who argued Interpublic Group should now be considered an acquisition target, with WPP the most likely buyer.
"Interpublic will immediately be considered to be in play by investors," Wieser said in a research note.
Havas and Japan's Dentsu may also look to do deals, he said, adding that Havas would likely buy a company rather than be acquired.
Omnicom is the parent company of TBWA\Chiat\Day of Los Angeles, which creates advertising for such high-profile accounts as Pepsico Inc. and Nissan; BBDO Worldwide agency; and OMD, which handles ad buying duties for film studio Warner Bros., among others.
Publicis Groupe owns such ad firms as Saatchi & Saatchi, which handles advertising for Toyota, and Leo Burnett in Chicago. Publicis also boasts the Chicago advertising buying powerhouse Starcom MediaVest.
The merged group will have more than 130,000 employees and be jointly managed by Publicis Groupe Chief Executive Maurice Levy and Omnicom Chief Executive John Wren.
The boards of both firms have approved the merger, which will be subject to numerous regulatory reviews as well as the approvals of shareholders of both companies. The deal is expected to close in 2014.
Los Angeles Times reporter Meg James contributed to this report.
Follow on Twitter: @rfaughnder


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The display and use of drug information on this site is subject to express terms of use. By continuing to view the drug information, you agree to abide by such terms of use.
GENERIC NAME: ORLISTAT - ORAL (OR-li-stat)
BRAND NAME(S): Alli, Xenical
Medication Uses | How To Use | Side Effects | Precautions | Drug Interactions | Overdose | Notes | Missed Dose | Storage
USES: This medication is used along with a doctor-approved reduced-calorie diet, exercise, and behavior modification program to help significantly overweight (obese) persons lose weight. Taking orlistat can also help prevent you from regaining the weight you have lost. Losing weight and keeping it off can reduce the many health risks that obesity causes, including heart disease, diabetes, high blood pressure, some forms of cancer, certain breathing problems, and a shorter life span.Dietary fats need to be broken down into smaller pieces before the body can absorb them. Orlistat works by blocking the enzyme that breaks down fats in your diet. This undigested fat then passes out of your body in your bowel movement. Orlistat does not block the absorption of calories from sugar and other non-fat foods, so you still need to restrict your total intake of calories.
HOW TO USE: If you are taking the over-the-counter product to self-treat, read all directions on the product package before taking this medication.If your doctor has prescribed this medication, read the Patient Information Leaflet if available from your pharmacist before you start taking orlistat and each time you get a refill. Take this medication as directed by your doctor, by mouth with liquid sometime during each meal that contains fat or within 1 hour after the meal, usually 3 times daily. If you miss a meal or your meal contains no fat, skip that dose of the medication. To decrease the chance of unpleasant side effects, it is very important that no more than 30% of the calories in your diet come from fat. Your daily intake of fat, protein, and carbohydrates should be evenly spread over 3 main meals.Do not increase your dose or use this drug more often or for longer than prescribed. Your condition will not improve any faster, and your risk of side effects will increase.Because this drug can interfere with the absorption of certain vitamins (fat-soluble vitamins including A, D, E, K), a daily multivitamin supplement containing these nutrients is recommended. Take the multivitamin at least 2 hours before or 2 hours after taking orlistat (such as at bedtime).If you take cyclosporine, take it at least 3 hours before or after orlistat to make sure the full dose of cyclosporine is absorbed into your bloodstream. If you take levothyroxine, take it at least 4 hours before or after orlistat.You should see some weight loss within 2 weeks after you start orlistat. Tell your doctor if your condition does not improve or if it worsens.
SIDE EFFECTS: Changes in your bowel function often occur because of the unabsorbed fat. Fatty/oily stool, oily spotting, intestinal gas with discharge, a feeling of needing to have a bowel movement right away, increased number of bowel movements, or poor bowel control may occur. These side effects may get worse if you eat more fat than you should. If these effects persist or worsen, notify your doctor promptly.If your doctor has directed you to use this medication, remember that he or she has judged that the benefit to you is greater than the risk of side effects. Many people using this medication do not have serious side effects.Stop taking this medication and tell your doctor immediately if any of these rare but serious side effects occur: symptoms of liver disease (such as persistent nausea/vomiting, severe stomach/abdominal pain, dark urine, yellowing eyes/skin), symptoms of kidney stones (such as back pain, pain when urinating, pink/bloody urine).A very serious allergic reaction to this drug is rare. However, get medical help right away if you notice any symptoms of a serious allergic reaction, including: rash, itching/swelling (especially of the face/tongue/throat), severe dizziness, trouble breathing.This is not a complete list of possible side effects. If you notice other effects not listed above, contact your doctor or pharmacist.In the US -Call your doctor for medical advice about side effects. You may report side effects to FDA at 1-800-FDA-1088.In Canada - Call your doctor for medical advice about side effects. You may report side effects to Health Canada at 1-866-234-2345.
PRECAUTIONS: Before taking orlistat, tell your doctor or pharmacist if you are allergic to it; or if you have any other allergies. This product may contain inactive ingredients, which can cause allergic reactions or other problems. Talk to your pharmacist for more details.Before using this medication, tell your doctor or pharmacist your medical history, especially of: a certain digestive problem (chronic malabsorption syndrome), a certain gall bladder problem (cholestasis), underactive thyroid (hypothyroidism), kidney stones/problems (such as calcium oxalate kidney stones, hyperoxaluria), certain eating disorders (anorexia nervosa/bulimia), seizures.Before having surgery, tell your doctor or dentist about all the products you use (including prescription drugs, nonprescription drugs, and herbal products).If you are diabetic, weight loss may improve your blood sugar control. Be sure to check your blood sugar regularly and tell your doctor the results. Your doctor may need to adjust your diabetes medication, exercise program, or diet.This medication must not be used during pregnancy. Weight loss offers no potential benefit to a pregnant woman and may harm an unborn baby. If you become pregnant or think you may be pregnant, tell your doctor immediately.It is unknown if this drug passes into breast milk. Consult your doctor before breast-feeding.
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DRUG INTERACTIONS: See also How to Use section.Drug interactions may change how your medications work or increase your risk for serious side effects. This document does not contain all possible drug interactions. Keep a list of all the products you use (including prescription/nonprescription drugs and herbal products) and share it with your doctor and pharmacist. Do not start, stop, or change the dosage of any medicines without your doctor's approval.Some products that may interact with this drug include: "blood thinners" (such as warfarin).
OVERDOSE: If overdose is suspected, contact a poison control center or emergency room immediately. US residents can call their local poison control center at 1-800-222-1222. Canada residents can call a provincial poison control center.
NOTES: If this medication has been prescribed for you, do not share this medication with others.For best results, this medication should be used along with a doctor-approved exercise program and diet plan. Consult your doctor or dietician for help designing an appropriate exercise and food plan for you.
MISSED DOSE: If you miss a dose, take it as soon as you remember unless it has been more than 1-2 hours since your meal. In that case, skip the missed dose since most of the fat from your meal will already have been absorbed and the medication will not work. Do not double the dose to catch up.
STORAGE: Store at room temperature away from light and moisture. Do not store in the bathroom. Keep all medications away from children and pets.Do not flush medications down the toilet or pour them into a drain unless instructed to do so. Properly discard this product when it is expired or no longer needed. Consult your pharmacist or local waste disposal company for more details.
Information last revised December 2013. Copyright(c) 2013 First Databank, Inc.
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You are encouraged to report negative side effects of prescription drugs to the FDA. Visit the FDA MedWatch website or call 1-800-FDA-1088.
Selected from data included with permission and copyrighted by First Databank, Inc. This copyrighted material has been downloaded from a licensed data provider and is not for distribution, except as may be authorized by the applicable terms of use.
CONDITIONS OF USE: The information in this database is intended to supplement, not substitute for, the expertise and judgment of healthcare professionals. The information is not intended to cover all possible uses, directions, precautions, drug interactions or adverse effects, nor should it be construed to indicate that use of particular drug is safe, appropriate or effective for you or anyone else. A healthcare professional should be consulted before taking any drug, changing any diet or commencing or discontinuing any course of treatment.


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Get super-focus for ten pin bowling
Ten pin bowling needs a blend of skill, focus, cool and absolute passion and conviction.
With ten pin bowling, as with all highly skilled sports, the more you play the better you get, but…attitude and focus are what separate the merely good from the master bowlers.
The ability to block out distractions and exist only in the now is crucial to any sports performance especially when accuracy and keeping nerve are vital.
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You may find sometimes you lose your cool when bowling or get caught up in the outcome rather than process.
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- Residential Professional Cleaning Services service
- Latest Industry Standards
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Avoiding unforeseen surprises
On the subject of Professional Cleaning Services in Janesville, CA, you have to be knowledgeable to make the very best decisions. We make sure that you know exactly what should be expected. You won't need to confront any sort of unexpected situations when you deal with Cleaning Service Guys. Start by talking about your job with our customer service staff once you call 888-666-1846. With this phone call, you're going to get all your questions responded to, and we will schedule a time to start services. We consistently show up at the appointed hour, ready to work closely with you.
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Butterfly Conservation relies on the support of thousands of volunteers. Without them, we could not do our work. There is a wide range of opportunities for people who would like to get involved, whatever your age or experience!
Butterfly Conservation's Head Office in East Lulworth is looking for volunteers to help with various administration duties, such as preparing mailings, filing, scanning, library upkeep and database entry, as well as maintaining the garden in our car park. Any time you are able to give up would be wonderful, but we would appreciate the regular help. Join us in a busy but friendly environment, with tea & biscuits provided!
If you are able to help, please telephone the Admin Team on 01929 400 209, or email firstname.lastname@example.com with the title 'volunteering', with a little bit about yourself, what you would like to help with, contact details and how much time you might be able to offer.
Own transport is essential (no public transport to BH20 5QP). We look forward to hearing from you.
Branch activities
There are 32 branches of Butterfly Conservation across the UK, each one managed by a committee of volunteers. As well as leading butterfly walks, moth events and countless conservation days, members get involved with publicity, membership recruitment and fundraising. Please contact your local branch to discuss how your skills can help save butterflies and moths in your area.
Work parties
Most work parties involve physical activity, whether it's bashing scrub, planting trees or re-build stones walls. They often take place on our nature reserves and are essential tasks to restore or maintain butterfly and moth habitats. Everyone works at their own speed and baked potatoes cook perfectly on a bonfire of unwanted brash and bracken! To find out about work parties in your area visit your local branch's page.
Recording and monitoring
Thousands of volunteers help us keep track of butterfly and moth populations in the UK. You can help with our survey work by simply letting us know if you spot a Humming-bird Hawk-moth or you may be able to commit to walking a short fixed route once a week. Training is available to help you uncover and report on the amazing creatures living near your home.
Office-based support
We have four regional offices from where we coordinate our out-posted staff and volunteers. Scientists and ecologists work alongside the finance, fundraising, membership and publicity teams. Our office-based volunteers help support with tasks such as database input, making up reports, cataloguing of materials, preparing mailings, and photocopying. Email your nearest office to find out more.


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Macro traders are a miserable lot these days. Extremely low volatility means financial markets are in snooze mode, leaving hedge funds and other macro-oriented players with fewer opportunities to employ trend-following trading strategies and upending some traditional fundamental market patterns.
With traders putting much of the blame on the lack of movement in official interest rates, it feels almost like uncharted territory. Well, maybe not.
John Hopkinson, an FX strategist at Bank of America Merrill Lynch, offers the chart above in a bid to show that recent price action and volatility across U.S. equities, interest rates, commodities and the dollar has evolved in a way "remarkably similar" to what happened in 2005 - 2006. The most obvious similarity is apparent in forex volatility, which has already slumped near the low from 2006, Hopkinson said in a note.
Not everything is the same, however, and Hopkinson says an understanding of the differences and similarities between now and 2006 offers a useful framework for understanding markets in 2014. For one, a flattening yield curve indicates markets are pricing in the end of the Fed's tightening cycle, even though rate hikes are far from imminent. If so, that means market participants should be paying more attention to what happened in 2006. He elaborates:
The flattening of the US rates curve since December is consistent with the premise that tapering marked the beginning of a tightening cycle. Our hypothesis that the market is pricing a lower terminal rate essentially means that the market is currently pricing the end of the hiking cycle. This means markets are at a similar point in the cycle to 2006. The idea that the tightening cycle is nearing completion seems absurd, but in an era of extreme transparency from the Fed, it is not unreasonable that the market can try to price Fed policy years in advance. Ultimately it is what the market is pricing that matters, in our view.
There has been some debate as to whether 2014 will be more like 1994, with higher rates volatility and inflation, or 2004 with subdued inflation and lower volatility. If the answer is actually 2006, then evidently the rates curve should continue to flatten, and indeed considerable flattening is now priced. The short term outlook for the dollar is less clear, with the path of inflation being a crucial factor.
As for the differences, Hopkinson says that while the level of forex volatility in 2014 is similar to 2006, the drivers are quite different:
Convergent economic fundamentals and monetary policy (both actual and forecast) are key factors at present. In 2006, longer dated volatilities were suppressed by retail structured product flow, creating deep liquidity. Liquidity was reflected in an increase in leverage utilization in 2006. Post-crisis consolidation together with more stringent capital regulations on banks means that this deep liquidity may remain elusive. This justifies a term premium that can keep FX volatility curves very steep without creating expectations of significantly higher volatility.
Hopkinson says that's good news in that it should soothe fears that "if we are currently in 2006, what comes next might be like 2007-2008."
A short hiking cycle accompanied by low volatility and leverage suggests markets might evolve more like 1996-1997, he says.
--William Watts
Follow William on Twitter @wlwatts
Follow The Tell @thetellblog
More from MarketWatch:
How to lose your shirt in emerging markets
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The 25th Joseph T. Taylor Symposium, hosted by the IU School of Liberal Arts at Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis, will focus on how 25 years of demographic and social change has shaped Indianapolis while exploring the topic, "Politics. Race. Place."
The symposium will take place from 8 a.m. to 2 p.m. Tuesday, Feb. 25, at the IUPUI Campus Center, 420 University Blvd.
Registration deadline is Feb. 18, but guests are encouraged to register early to reserve a seat.
A schedule and registration are available on the School of Liberal Arts website. To register by phone or for more information, call 812-855-4224 or 800-933-9330, 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. Monday through Friday, or email firstname.lastname@example.com. Symposium attendance is free and open to the general public, but conference registration is required. Lunch is available for a fee: Single luncheon tickets are $40 each or $35 if purchased by Feb. 3. Single sponsor tickets are $75, and patron tables of 10 are $550.
Leading local practitioners, politicians, policy-makers and researchers will come together with symposium attendees to examine how shifting demographics and an increasingly diverse population have contributed to the direction of the city and its future path.
The event begins with a conversation between William Blomquist, professor of political science and dean of the IU School of Liberal Arts at IUPUI, and Rozelle Boyd, retired president of the Indianapolis City County Council, discussing "Understanding the Evolving Indianapolis Electorate."
"The Taylor Symposium has been a signature event drawing campus and community together for a remarkable 25 years now," said William Blomquist, dean of the IU School of Liberal Arts at IUPUI. "I'm looking forward to this year's symposium in particular, talking about political change in our city over the past quarter-century with Rozelle Boyd, and listening to the other participants—it's a terrific line-up."
Panel discussions follow on the topics of "White Flight and the Politics of Place" and " Building a Multicultural Community."
Panelists and moderators include:
- Amos Brown, director of strategic research, 100.9 Radio Now.
- Patricia Castaneda, cultural consultant, SosaGroup.
- Olgen Williams, deputy mayor of Indianapolis.
- David Coats, associate director, The Polis Center.
- Terri Morris Downs, executive director, Immigrant Welcome Center.
- Johnny Goldfinger, associate professor of political science, director of prelaw studies, Marian University.
- Lun Kham Pieper, attorney at law.
- John Ketzenberger, president, Indiana Fiscal Policy Institute.
Byron D'Andra Orey, professor and chair of political science at Jackson State University, will deliver the keynote address, "Contemporary Topics in the Study of Race and Politics," during the symposium luncheon. Luncheon activities also include IUPUI Chancellor Charles R. Bantz's presentation of the Joseph T. Taylor Excellence in Diversity Award and a performance by the Indianapolis improv group ComedySportz.
In the days leading up the event members of the campus community and visitors will also be able to share their views on race and politics in Indianapolis on the IUPUI Democracy Plaza walls.
LEU continuing credits are available to Indiana's library professionals for select workshops and, pending approval, CLE credits to attorneys for this event.
For questions about the educational credits or event program, contact Lauralee Wikkerink, email@example.com or 317-278-1839.
For the past quarter century, the Joseph T. Taylor Symposium has tackled issues of concern to Indianapolis residents. The symposium is named for the late Joseph T. Taylor, the first dean of the School of Liberal Arts. Taylor is remembered for his commitment to dialogue and diversity. The 2014 symposium is presented by the IU School of Liberal Arts at IUPUI in partnership with the Department of Political Science and the Polis Center, with support from the Spirit & Place Festival, IUPUI Democracy Plaza, and the IUPUI Common Theme Project.


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ATEX Directive 2014/34/EU Replaces 94/9/EC for Explosive Atmosphere Equipment in EU
Due to Europe's New Legislative Framework, the ATEX Directive 94/9/EC will be replaced by ATEX Directive 2014/34/EU in 2016, for the testing and certification of certain equipment intended for potentially explosive atmospheres in the EU. From the manufacturer perspective, the changes are not significant, as there are no changes to the Essential Health and Safety... Read More
Hardware Returns to Silicon Valley
In recent years, software has been king in Silicon Valley. Now the pendulum is swinging back, and hardware is taking center stage again, says Bloomberg Businessweek. The strongest evidence is the tablet war, which has been dominated by Apple's iPad. Now, however, all the big players are piling in. Within two weeks of each other,... Read More


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University hosting PERS seminar in late September
Human Resouces Management at Mississippi State is hosting a PERS pre-retirement, full-day seminar on Sept. 25 from 8 a.m. to 4 p.m. at Bost Extension Center.
The seminar offers general information on a range of topics, including estate planning, the Mississippi Deferred Compensation Plan and Trust, Social Security benefits, and PERS benefits and options.
The seminar is available to any covered PERS member at no cost, but pre-registration is required. To register online for a full-day seminar, please click here or call the PERS Customer Service Center at 601-359-3589 or 800-444-7377.