text: Jim, You are right, Xenix was available for the 286 in 85 (I bought my 286 in late 83 I think) but was available for the 8088 (the CPU on the IBM PC, everyone says 8086 because of the sequence 80286, 80386...; I think the 80186 was a special purpose processor that turned out to be more apt for pursuing a CPU line than the 8088 was) in 83. At the time it seemed the conventional wisdom was (to develop on unix) to invest in the bigger word and I was oblivious to people running Xenix on a base PC, but apparently they did, at least it was available. I remember, I think rather later, I looked up the command "uucp" in the Xenix programming manual (idle curiousity how they would define the acronym) and it said "Xenix to Xenix Copy", suggesting this would only communicate with another Xenix machine (they had expunged the word "unix" from their docs). I don't think I ever would have considered paying money for that. Ken is one of the nicest guys I've met and that's just insulting. Peter On 4/9/07, Jim Lux <James.P.Lux at jpl.nasa.gov> wrote: > > At 11:39 AM 4/9/2007, Peter St. John wrote: > >Well, I could run unix with all 1536K, but not MS/PCDOS 3.2. So call > >it a software issue of failing to work around the hardware issue. > >Obviously the hardware was not a show-stopper. > > > >But it was the 286 I did this on, not the earlier 8088, which I > >don't think could reasonably have been expected to run unix; > > > > No problem running unix on a 8086.. (Don't forget Xenix on 8086 or > 80286) Or, for that matter, on a 68000. (maybe the 68010 with the > mmu or the 020 with virtual memory?.. I seem to remember DRAM refresh > by 64 NOPs on the timer tick) > > > -------------- next part -------------- An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: <http://www.beowulf.org/pipermail/beowulf/attachments/20070409/e085b250/attachment.html>


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EricHinton necesitaba un nuevo diseño de logotipo y lanzó un concurso de diseño en 99designs.
Un ganador ha sido elegido entre 85 diseños de 26 diseñadores freelance.
Down To One Technologies
Down To One (D21) is a small software company that provides software/web applications, web design, and custom programming. Our motto is "We help you get your choices down to one" - essentially helping our customers navigate through all the hurdles involved in any given project.
We're laid back but highly dedicated (your typical geeks) - we pride ourselves on delivering high-quality work/solutions... we're not flashy and we like to let our work speak for us. Jeans and t-shirt mentality ... but (and you knew this was coming) we are professional and some of our clients include HP and Microsoft... so we can't adopt a Ben and Jerry's logo... although, we are partial to their ice cream!
So, after all that - what are we looking for? Simple design that conveys the idea of "Down to One" - something that transfers well between print and web. As for color... nothing gaudy - something that says "Tech" but not "Trekkie" (if you catch my meaning).
Once we have a logo - we will also be designing a new web site around it (our current site is simply horrible.... and I mean "Coyote ugly"...) - so, if we like your logo, there's a good chance we might consider you for the web design. We also have some product logos we need done...
I hope that's enough to clue you into who and what we are...
This is a brand-new logo that will be our primary identity. Our audience will range from Fortune 50 to small "Mom and Pop" operations.
Simple, elegant, not flashy, not overly complex (I guess that's another way of saying simple, right?), something that will look good on the web, open to most colors - just nothing flourescent please!
If you opt for something like a 3-d design, please just make sure it can be flattened to 2-d for print (we want to use our logo on invoices and stuff like that).
Descubre cómo funciona un concurso de diseño u obtén más información sobre nuestros servicios de diseño de logo.

subset: commoncrawl


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A simple console menu system using curses
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Webelos & Arrow of Light Adventures Worksheets
From MeritBadgeDotOrg
Welcome to the all-new Webelos Activity Badge Worksheets! Click an ctivity badge name below for the current requirements. Right click on a worksheet name to the right to save or print the optional worksheets. Worksheets can help Scouts organize notes, listen actively, and document their work. Leaders and parents can quickly see if a Scout is understanding.
Check out these samples of some of the extra materials in the worksheets:
- Blank US Map needed for the first requirement in Forester
- Blue graph paper in Engineer
- The BSA Home Safety Checklist and Energy Audit in Family Member
- Every worksheet includes a variety of great internet resources in the Online Resources endnotes
- Free online video lessons are featured in half of the worksheets
Check out the camping, hiking and fire starting video lessons in Outdoorsman and first aid lessons in Readyman. Also look at the beginning lessons for Artist, Craftsman, and Aquanaut. They may be as helpful to a parent or leader as a Scout.
Email the worksheet developer with any comments or ideas:Craig.
Boy Scout have been using Merit Badge Worksheets for years. Now, for the first time, worksheet are available for Webelos. Enjoy!
Δ Version history.
- Right-click on a worksheet name to Save As... or Print it without viewing the worksheet on screen.
- These new worksheets are up to ten times smaller than the old versions and should load quickly.


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Raleigh / Durham Merchandise - Furniture By Dealer
SpreadMyAd.com is a free classifieds site to post ads to buy and sell products and services online. Not only do we post your classified ads for free but we also spread the news and publish them across the web with our syndication partners. Post free classifieds for merchandise, pets, real estate, rental housing, tickets and events, vehicles, jobs and services. Find local classified advertisements for used and new products at best price in the US.
Browse Furniture By Dealer in North Carolina
Asheville | Boone | Charlotte | Eastern Nc | Fayetteville | Greensboro | Hickory / Lenoir | Jacksonville | Outer Banks | Raleigh / Durham | Wilmington | Winston Salem


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One of the money saving techniques that has gained in popularity since the financial crisis and subsequent recession is couponing. Many households are looking to save any amount of money that they can, and clipping coupons is one way to save. Serious couponers claim that they can save up to 50% on shopping costs with coupons. When you consider extreme couponing, the claims skyrocket to as high as 75% or 80% in savings. And, while many people find that that they aren't seeing huge savings, the amount of money saved is worth the time spent clipping coupons.
Photo by jenniferworthen via Flickr
But, once you clip those coupons, how do you organize them? If you are clipping enough coupons to save a significant amount of money each week, you definitely need a way to keep it all straight.
First of all, you need to have a system that reflects the characteristics of your coupons. Some of the things to keep in mind as you organize your coupons include:
However you decide to organize your coupons, though, consistency is key. Figure out what method works best for you, and what resonates most with you in terms of convenience and how you remember what coupons you have.
There are a number of options when it comes to store your coupons. Ideally, you'll keep your coupons in some sort of holder that allows you to make use of an organization technique that works for you.
One of the most popular ways to organize coupons is to make use of a small accordion file. These files allow you to organize your coupons into larger groups and into sub-groups, depending how you want to arrange matters. Additionally, they are often small enough to take with you to the store, making it easy to get what you need.
Another option is to use a binder. There are a number of binders that can be used for storing your coupons, including those made especially for couponing. You are able to see quickly, through a plastic covering, what the coupon is for, and when it expires. You can arrange coupons how you like for quick access and reference.
Others prefer not to take binders and files with them when they shop. Instead, they make shopping lists of what they want, and then gather up only the coupons they need for the shopping trip. This limits the number of coupons that you have to take with you as you shop, and makes it easy for you to review your coupons ahead of time.
Finally, it is possible to organize your coupons on your phone. In many cases, it's possible to get digital versions of coupons that you can keep on your phone. Coupon apps help you search, as well as ensure that you use what's available and unexpired. Your phone acts as the coupon at checkout, with the cashier able to use a barcode scanner to read the code on your phone. This can be an easy way to keep your coupons with you at all times, but without the hassle of rummaging through physical copies.
No matter how you organize your coupons, the important thing is to find a system that works for you.
Binders are a great simple idea. I've used a binder for some time and it's a good way to organise. One of the biggest problems is making sure that coupons don't expire before you've had time to use them.
I have been using the binder for quite some time now, but what I have found out recently is that I just don't use the coupons that I clip.
Instead, what I do now is grab the coupon inserts and just mark the cover with the date. Since most coupon sites tell you where this coupon is located, I can just flip to the coupon, clip it and take it with me shopping.
If I do find something that I truly want in the store, I will do a quick search online with my phone first for a coupon and if none are available, I will just purchase it without a coupon.


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jonnhrr wrote:Dancing girls? Well maybe we could find the pretty young ladies that handed out cigars for the first revenue run of the 01400's in 1963. Of course they would probably be in their seventies now.
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Ms. Wild West Days 2010 competition
When: Thursday, Nov. 4
Time: Contest starts at 7:30 p.m.
Where: Harold's Corral, 6895 E. Cave Creek Rd.
Prizes: Cash and Prizes worth $500
•$50 Entry Fee – Check with local businesses for a sponsor!
Make Checks payable to Wild West Days and Mail to: P.O. Box 4458, Cave Creek, AZ 85327
•Cowboy hat and boots must be worn with outfit
•Winner must be available to represent Wild West Days at Cave Creek/ Carefree events throughout the coming year
Photo Shoot of Each contestant with 3 looks – Best Western, Best Little Black Dress Western Style, and Favorite Western Look (Call to set up your Photo shoot ASAP!)
50 percent how questions are answered . . .
1. What intrigues you about Cave Creek?
2. Why do you think you should be crowned Ms. Wild West Days?
Questions: Kristin 480-406-8455 or Linda 480-495-9339.
Entry form or visit www.wildwestdayscavecreek.com


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Even though I have five functional bars, I feel the same way you do.
Same feelings about cost/benefit ratio with electric pumps.
The guy who taught me to kite was a paraglider pilot as well as a kiter, windsurfer, surfer, so I got a lot of lessons about safe procedure.
Whether or not I left my lines attached, I would "waste" the same time checking my gear before launch.
I can afford the two minutes.


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With it's blend of thoughtful personal stories wrapped up in a fantastical mystery, it's four smart, talented and stunning stars and its spot-on supporting cast, ABC Family's Pretty Little Liars has found a recipe for success that holds appeal far beyond the core teen demographic it depicts, and showrunner and creator Marlene King is a key player in that success.
No stranger to writing about teen girls, King penned 1995's coming-of-age crowd-pleaser Now and Then, produced by Demi Moore and starring Cristina Ricci. While teen material may appear to be King's raison d'être, she also tackled writing about the weighty subject of abortion throughout the decades in HBO's If These Walls Could Talk, which Moore also produced.
Based on Sara Shepard's teen novels of the same name, King wrote the pilot for Pretty Little Liars that brought Aria, Hanna, Spencer and Emily life on the small screen. Since the pilot premiered in 2010 the show has become a juggernaut of a success teeming with pop culture touchstones – including plenty of Hitchcock references – and compassionate personal stories of the four pretty little liars' friendships, loves and losses. Not to mention that King and the gang have managed to turn the mystery of "Who is A?" into watercooler, Twitter and Facebook conversation. It's just the cherry on top that Pretty Little Liars features a compassionately told coming out story for the show's lesbian character Emily that has garnered accolades and awards throughout the LGBT community.
King chatted with SheWired about Emily's status as Rosewood's lady killer, the show's amazing Hitchcock homages, just who'll be returning for the back side of Season 2 and Pretty Little Liars / Revenge viewing parties.
Thanks so much for chatting with me. Can you talk about your professional trajectory? How did you become the queen of teen material?
Marlene King: I got into the business just by writing. I went to college at Pepperdine out here in Malibu, California. I didn't major in film or writing. I was a broadcast major, and I just realized I loved writing. I had a great teacher, a great broadcast/writing teacher and I started writing screenplays and I met Demi Moore. She produced Now and Then and she sort of gave me my first big break. After that, I did several movies for her and really this was my first television project.
How did the Pretty Little Liars material come to you?
I had a general meeting with the folks at ABC Family because they loved Now and Then, and it seemed like we had very similar sensibilities. They developed programs for the target audience that I really seemed to have a lot of fun writing with and for... I left that meeting and the very next day they called and said "Hey, we have a book for you to take a look at." It was Pretty Little Liars.
So, what was your response after reading that book?
I loved it! I read it in one sitting and called and said, "Can I have the next book please? And when can I come in and talk about the television show?"
What were the challenges in trying to take that book from book form to the television show?
The challenge…it was actually really fun for me. It wasn't extremely challenging or taxing. I remember writing the pilot with a smile on my face the whole time. The book was so much fun. The pilot was based on the very first Pretty Little Liars book. It's a very literal adaptation of the book. The Executive Producer of the pilot with me was Bob Levy, and I remember calling him everyday and say "Bob this is so much fun, I cant wait for you to read it." He was like, "Stop calling! You're getting my hopes up to high." It was just a lot of fun.
Judging by the show's almost cult-like status your having paid off for everyone. What do you think of the devotion so many fans have to the show?
It's really exciting for all of us who work on the show because we really do work hard and try to create something that feels special, that people are satisfied while they watch and talk about after they watch… So to get this kind of reaction really makes it all worth it. We work so many hours here so we feel like were a family. We're definitely a Pretty Little Liars family and people are understanding what were doing and liking it and appreciating it and wanting us to do it more.
More on next page...
I'm continually amazed by how the show continually manages to depict very human, authentic stories within a fantastic mystery and that equal weight is given to both.
I personally think that's what makes this show so special. It's not just a hard-driving mystery. It's a hard-driving mystery with characters that we've all fallen in love with. I fell in love with them when I was writing the pilot, and now feel more invested and more in love with them then I every have been.
I love watching their stories unfold. I love watching these girls make some good choices and bad choices and then have to deal with the consequences to everything they do. The characters are very well drawn in the book and I think we succeeded in bringing that to the screen. For all of us here who work on the show, as much as we love those jump-off-the-couch moments, those very fun 'aha' mystery moments, we love watching these characters go through their emotional journeys.
There is that great balance but sometimes I watch and think the girls must be exhausted from dealing with A's machinations. Will they ever get a mini-break where they just focus on their personal lives?
Well, it's definitely payback time. Our mantra for writing this season is "no victims please."
Love it. Emily's coming out story has been especially important and really wonderful since her mom also began to accept Emily's being gay. How has her story impacted you?
It's really the icing on the cake for us. When I very first read the book, and just in theory, you see the poster for pretty girls -- a show about pretty girls who lie. Who would have thought that we could also have this fantastic positive impact on young people, and I will just say, all people who watch this show? We want to make the sexuality somewhat irrelevant in our world. Emily is just another Pretty Little Liar and that's the stance we took from the beginning, and it's the stance we continue to take.
Was there a conscience decision - or was it because Shay is so lovely, sweet, and charming – that Emily became such a lady-killer?
(Laughs) Well, there was a conscience decision to make sure she was a 'Pretty Little Liar' just like the other three.
Shay is stunningly beautiful both inside and out, and there wasn't a type we were looking for physically with Emily. Emily was the last character we cast in the show and we met with so many people, wonderful talented actors… But really, once we got Shay we felt like, "Ok. This is the pretty outside Emily and inside that we had been looking for."
More on next page...
I read that Lindsey Shaw is coming back?
Lindsey is coming back and we love her, she is such a quality human being everybody is excited to have her back on the show.
Will she be picking up the mantle of coming out or can't you tell me?
I think it not giving too much away to say the character of Paige has grown immensely since the last time we saw her and she does attribute a lot of that to her relationship with Emily. So, it's a really a lovely story line.
Regarding Emily and her many loves we know that Maya's back but will we see Samara again?
Samara is not coming back in season two. I'm not sure if that precludes her from future seasons, but we don't see her for he rest of this season. Emily's got enough on her plate. (laughs)
She sure does, she is a busy Little Liar.
She is a busy Little Liar and now she is leading the charge to discover A's identity. So she is in major proactive mode.
Do you know who A is?
Have you always known?
From the pilot on we've known who A was.
The show has such a wide appeal but were you aware that it's also a cult favorite for gay men? I have gay guy friends who have Pretty Little Liars and Revenge viewing parties, so it's very highly esteemed.
We have some gay men who follow us wholeheartedly on twitter so were starting to get a sense of that. But I didn't know there were Pretty Little Liars / Revenge parties. I love that! I want to go to one!
Well, we will invite you!
I really love the pop culture, literary and film references in the show. The whole recent bit with Carson McCullers The Heart is a Lonely Hunter as the text in which Spencer communicates with Emily was brilliant. How did that get into the show?
The writer of that episode, his name is Joe Dougherty - that was Joes's idea and Joe is just a tremendous asset to this show. He comes up with a lot of those brilliant ideas; I've got to give him full credit for that.
More on next page...
You have paid homage to Hitchcock several times. I forget now if it's you or Oliver Goldstick (executive producer) who is the Hitchcock fan.
Well, I think we've all become Hitchcock fans but I came into this show with the thought that we should pay as much homage to Hitchcock as possible. We try to honor Hitchcock's work heavily, at least in every finale.
I'm going to have to pay more attention to that because I have seen Vertigo and Rear Window in the show.
You should see Psycho before you see the Season 2 finale.
I love that you're planning to reference Psycho. Do we think we might get to Rebecca or Notorious at some point?
Oh, wouldn't that be fun? I hope so.
The mentor / friendship that has developed between Emily and Hanna's mom Mrs. Marin is really sweet. How did that storyline come to be?
I think that Laura Leighton brings so much to that character of Ashley Marin, we all love writing for Laura and that character. First of all, Hanna and her mom just have this unique code of sisterhood that I just love. They bend the rules, the break rules but they have each other's back constantly, and who wouldn't want a relationship like that with their mother? She is such a lovely drawn character that it just felt like a lot of fun to put Emily in that house and say, "What would the dynamics of these two be? What would be their dynamic?" They really have some lovely moments and lovely scenes together in the rest of the season so it's a lot of fun to watch.
As someone who had a crush on Annabeth Gish back in her Mystic Pizza days I have to ask if Annabeth Gish's Dr. Sullivan will be returning.
Annabeth will be back, and I'll just say Annabeth's character does know who A is. As a human being she, Annabeth, is so lovely. We are thrilled to have her part of our world.
I thought it was genius casting considering Annabeth had her own life as a teen star.
She's a dear, I just love her. And I love Dr. Sullivan. Dr. Sullivan played such a great influence on the girls' lives in the first half of the season, and now we will get to see her before the end of the season.
Is there anything else you'd like to say about what we can expect from Pretty Little Liars?
It's just a very exciting time for us because we feel this season is the end of a sort of two-year journey for us. We started telling the story (of A) two years ago and it's really exciting for us to finally get to share with the audience the conclusion of that part of Pretty Little Liars.
Well, I really appreciate you taking the time. I love the show. I'm a bit of a geek / nerd about it.
So you're at the Pretty Little Liars/ Revenge parties?
Well good.
I'll let my gay guy friends know that you'd like an invite.
Good. Great. I'll hold you to it.
Image Credit: ABC Family


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Every year as many as 10 million U.S. children risk side effects from antibiotic prescriptions that are unlikely to help their upper respiratory conditions. Many of these infections are caused by viruses, which are not helped by antibiotics.
This overuse of antibiotics, a significant factor fueling antibiotic resistance, is the focus of a new report: Principles of Judicious Antibiotic Prescribing for Bacterial Upper Respiratory Tract Infections in Pediatrics by the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) in collaboration with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).
Released this week during Get Smart About Antibiotics Week, the report amplifies recent AAP guidance and promotes responsible antibiotic prescribing for three common upper respiratory tract infections in children: ear infections, sinus infections, and sore throats.
Antibiotic resistance occurs when bacteria evolve and are able to outsmart antibiotics, making even common infections difficult to treat. According to a landmark CDC report from September 2013, each year more than two million Americans get infections that are resistant to antibiotics and 23,000 die as a result.
Our medicine cabinet is nearly empty of antibiotics to treat some infections, said CDC Director Tom Frieden, M.D., M.P.H. If doctors prescribe antibiotics carefully and patients take them as prescribed we can preserve these lifesaving drugs and avoid entering a post-antibiotic era.
By providing detailed clinical criteria to help physicians distinguish between viral and bacterial upper respiratory tract infections, the recommendations provide guidance for physicians that will improve care for children. At the same time, it will help limit antibiotic prescriptions, giving bacteria fewer chances to become resistant and lowering childrens risk of side effects.
Many people have the misconception that since antibiotics are commonly used that they are harmless, says Dr. Lauri Hicks, a co-author of the report and medical director of CDCs Get Smart: Know When Antibiotics Work program. Taking antibiotics when you have a virus can do more harm than good.
These harms can be in the form of antibiotic side effects or promoting the development of antibiotic-resistant bacteria, which can then spread through a community.
CDC promotes responsible antibiotic use to consumers and health care providers through the combined efforts of the Get Smart: Know When Antibiotics Work and Get Smart for Healthcare programs, as well as during Get Smart About Antibiotics Week (Nov. 1824, 2013) each year. State health departments, non-profit partners, and for-profit partners all contribute to the observance weeks success by spreading the word about when antibiotics work and when they dont.
The 2013 observance of Get Smart About Antibiotics Week is an international collaboration that coincides with European Antibiotic Awareness Day, Australia's Antibiotic Awareness Week, and Canada's Antibiotic Awareness Week.
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
CDC works 24/7 saving lives and protecting people from health threats to have a more secure nation. Whether these threats are chronic or acute, manmade or natural, human error or deliberate attack, global or domestic, CDC is the U.S. health protection agency.
© 2013 PRWEB.COM Newswire


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$ 40.00
9 inches x 7.5 inches
Watercolor on paper
Artist Bio
Sue Adams paints portraits, landscapes and interiors using primarily watercolor. She works alla prima, intuitively and spontaneously.
Return Policy
From the time you receive your original artwork from our couriers, you have fourteen (14) days to decide whether to keep the artwork or return the artwork in its original condition for a refund. If you do not notify us of your intent to return the artwork within 14 days of receipt, you will NOT be eligible for a refund. Some exceptions will apply. Please contact email@example.com for an assessment of your specific situation.
You can send any questions you have to info [at] sktchy [dot] com.


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TCU edges No. 23 West Virginia in 2 OTs on 2-point conversion
MORGANTOWN, W.Va. — Despite a disappointing debut season in the Big 12, TCU is turning out to be pretty tough on the road.
Corey Fuller caught a 25-yard touchdown pass and Trevone Boykin threw to Josh Boyce for the 2-point conversion, lifting TCU to a 39-38 double overtime win over No. 23 West Virginia on Saturday night.
In becoming bowl eligible, TCU (6-3, 3-3 Big 12) snapped a two-game losing streak and improved to 3-1 on the road in the conference despite having a freshman-laden team.
"We have to just keep growing up and getting better," TCU coach Gary Patterson said. "Anytime you go on the road and get a win, it's a positive."
It left fellow Big 12 newcomer West Virginia (5-3, 2-3) with a three-game losing streak for the first time since the end of the 2004 season and two straight losses at home for the first time since 2003.
The mood in the West Virginia locker room afterward was subdued — "a lot of disappointment," said West Virginia linebacker Isaiah Bruce.
TCU overcame a 10-point deficit in the second half and got the victory after West Virginia went ahead on Geno Smith's 25-yard TD pass to Stedman Bailey.
On TCU's possession in the second overtime, Boykin handed off to B.J. Catalon and he pitched to Brandon Carter, who threw to Fuller in the end zone.
Boyce then caught the 2-point conversion, which was upheld after review, setting off a celebration on the TCU sideline.
"I knew I caught it," Boyce said. "We kept fighting. The game is never over until the last whistle."
TCU outgained the Mountaineers 405-338. Smith finished with three touchdown passes, including two in the second quarter. But West Virginia was limited to 126 yards after halftime.
"What we've done the last three games offensively is totally unacceptable," West Virginia coach Dana Holgorsen said.
Tavon Austin helped West Virginia with a 76-yard punt return for a score with 3:19 left for a 31-24 lead.
But West Virginia's beleaguered defense, which had allowed an average of 53 points in its four previous games, got exposed again at the worst possible time.
TCU took over deep in its territory late in the game and Boykin was sacked on first down. After scrambling on the next play, he found Boyce, who was pushed out of bounds by a defender, returned to the field and was wide open when he caught the ball. Boyce went 96 yards untouched into the end zone with 1:28 left to force overtime.
"Their receiver was out of bounds, and he came back in and we lost track of him," Holgorsen said. "Then their quarterback made a play. It was sad to see (TCU) get that long pass after (West Virginia's defense) had played so well."
West Virginia had a chance to win it in regulation, getting a first down at the TCU 38 with under a minute left. But Smith threw three straight incompletions and Tyler Bitancurt's 55-yard field goal try was short with 13 seconds left.
Both teams missed field goals in the first overtime. Jaden Oberkrom's 37-yard try was wide left, while Bitancurt's 36-yard attempt was blocked. It was Bitancurt's fourth miss of the game.
TCU went on defense first in the second overtime and gave up Bailey's 15th touchdown grab of the season, a West Virginia record.
The Horned Frogs then made good only their only play of the second overtime.
Boyce, who had six catches for 180 yards and two scores, wasn't surprised at the decision to go for two points, saying Patterson called the same play — although it didn't work — in a close win last year at Boise State.
"In these environments you have to go for it," Boyce said.
Boykin finished 12 of 29 for 254 yards and two scores.
"He was getting hit all night," Boyce said. "But to step up like that, as a freshman quarterback, he's going to be great. He's going to be a great player. We just need to get a couple more things tweaked and we're going to be good."
Patterson also noted the beating Boykin took, joking that he's going to let some offensive linemen play quarterback next week "and see how they like that."
Smith wasn't at his best but generated more points than the past two games combined, both blowout losses to No. 20 Texas Tech and No. 3 Kansas State.
TCU forced Smith out of the pocket and he took several hard hits on runs, including being shaken up in the third quarter after landing awkwardly on a third-down rush. He went to the sideline and crouched on both knees momentarily before heading to the bench. He didn't miss a play.
Smith finished 32 of 54 for 260 yards.
Austin also scored on a 43-yard reception in the second quarter. He caught 11 passes for 101 yards.
West Virginia forced a turnover on special teams when Karl Joseph hit TCU's Skye Dawson on a punt return, and the Mountaineers' Nana Kyeremeh recovered at the 9. Shawne Alston, back from missing four games because of a right thigh bruise, scored from 1 yard for a 21-14 halftime lead.
Bitancurt connected on a career-best 52-yard field goal early in the second half. But on West Virginia's next drive, Bitancurt couldn't handle a low snap on a punt. TCU's Dominic Merka picked up the loose ball and went 15 yards for a score to pull the Horned Frogs within 24-21.
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Keith Olbermann's team has wasted no time getting their version of his latest network departure into the public realm.
First, Olbermann himself exploded on Twitter less than an hour after getting fired, accusing Current TV bosses Al Gore and Joel Hyatt of being incompetent and dishonest and vowing to sue them.
And now, Olbermann's team have apparently spent considerable time with Howard Kurtz of the Daily Beast, showing Kurtz a trail of emails designed to prove their case.
This aggressive promotion effort has, thus far, been effective: Two days after the show host was canned, it's Al Gore's TV network, Current TV, that is on the defensive.
Olbermann's aggressive outreach has also obscured a key point:
Olbermann's ratings on Current TV were horrible.
And it's hard to see how Olbermann doesn't bear a big portion of the blame for that.
Based on Howard Kurtz's latest report, Olbermann's beef with Current TV started immediately after he was hired:
- He was unhappy with the show's technical production--for example, the lights once cut out during one show
- He was annoyed that he had to promote other Current TV shows during his show
- He was angry that he was occasionally given incorrect information about other Current TV shows to promote during his show
- He was annoyed that he had to participate in Current TV marketing events, even though he was contractually obligated to do so
- He viewed Current TV's production capabilities as those of a "cable access" show rather than a cable news network--and blamed his crappy ratings on that.
- He was annoyed that the network once cut away from him in mid-sentence to promote another show.
- He was annoyed that the drivers for the car companies Current TV hired tried to talk to him. He fired 8 car companies during his short tenure at the network.
Basically, Olbermann accuses Current TV of being cheap and incompetent.
To be fair to Current TV, these sound like quibbles and glitches, not intractable problems.
The bosses at Current TV were shocked at what a prima-donna Olbermann was and what a pain in the ass he was to deal with. He also appeared to be the farthest thing from a team player.
Olbermann refused to work on some nights that the network considered critical to its effort to become known for its politics coverage--such as the night before a key Republican primary.
Olbermann also took tons of vacation. He was contractually entitled to do this, but if Olbermann cared about anything at Current TV other than himself and his show, he certainly didn't give any sign of it.
And the bottom line for both sides, of course, was the horrible ratings.
Olbermann's Countdown averaged 1 million viewers a night at MSNBC.
On Current TV, this dropped to below 200,000.
In the key young male demographic, meanwhile, Olbermann's ratings sagged from 100,000 at launch to about 30,000 per night.
So the show, in other words, was a disaster. And Olbermann was being paid $10 million a year.
Were the crappy ratings Olbermann's fault... or the network's?
The answer to that will likely be fought out in the press over the next several weeks.
But one thing seems clear:
Contrary to the respective beliefs of "talent" like Olbermann and network bosses like Al Gore, networks and shows need each other.
And a network's lineup and prominence and brand and channel-positioning appears to have a significant impact on viewership.
Lots of people have heard of "Current TV," but it's hard to find anyone who knows what channel it's on. And it's harder to find anyone who knows what other shows are on it besides Olbermann's. And even Olbermann's show apparently wasn't enough to prod people into figuring out what channel it was on.
So the network is probably responsible for a big part of the crappy ratings.
(As another example of this, Oprah Winfrey's network has also been a flop.)
But given that Olbermann's key viewership has dropped by 2/3rds since the show started, it would be hard not to assign him a big portion of the blame. Those viewers knew exactly where the show was and when it was on--and they still chose not to watch it.
Either way, Current TV was paying Olbermann far more than he was worth to the network.
Read Howard Kurtz's article here >
SEE ALSO: If Obamacare Is Illegal, Then These Other Federal Programs Should Be, Too


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Restoration Anew
Restoration Hardware, at 69 Main Street in East Hampton, will open its doors on Saturday. The new shop, dubbed the Gallery at East Hampton, will offer "an artful expression of home furnishings in a gallery setting," according to material from the company, which promises "a complete re-conceptualization of the shopping experience."
The store will be open Monday through Saturday from 10 a.m. to 7 p.m. and Sunday from noon to 6 p.m.
Bank Ups and Downs
An almost $13 million loss in the first quarter has caused Suffolk Bancorp, the one-bank holding company responsible for Suffolk County National Bank, to hold off on filing its quarterly report with the Securities and Exchange Commission, at least until further review can be conducted of the bank's loans on file.
In spite of the losses, the bank remains "well-capitalized," according to a news statement.
On Tuesday, the bank announced the appointment of Karen Hamilton as the new executive vice president of the corporation, and both the executive vice president and the chief lending officer of Suffolk County National Bank.
With over 30 years of experience in managing large commercial loan portfolios, "Ms. Hamilton is uniquely well-suited to address the key challenges Suffolk Bancorp faces today," J. Gordon Huszagh, the company's president and chief executive officer, said in a release.
Paraco Gas
To coincide with the opening of a Paraco Gas's new South Fork office on Springs-Fireplace Road in East Hampton, the company has appointed Tom Bock of East Hampton to serve as its East End sales manager for the South Fork region.
Mr. Bock is a former fire chief, lifelong South Fork resident, and 30-year member of the East Hampton Fire Department.
Paraco has recently ramped up its South Fork operations, with daily and weekend gas deliveries and 24-hour emergency response available. The company offers all propane services, from the planning stage to installation and post-installation service and delivery.
Almost all of Paraco's employees at the new South Fork branch are members of local volunteer fire departments, which means safety-conscious first-responders are serving customers, Mr. Bock said in a release.


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Wooden LEGO sets seem to be items of urban legend; but the Interlocking Blocks available at Nova Natural offer similar stacking fun. The pieces combine the natural color and feel of wooden blocks with a pared down version of the dowel and hole locking system that made those plastic Danish toys so famous.
Each and every piece is "handmade by the villagers of Camphill Village." But, before the mention of a "village" takes you down a rural lane in a tropical setting, you should note that Camphill Village was founded by Karl Konig as "an intentional community for adults with developmental disabilities (villagers)," and is located in verdant New York State.
With the intention to keep the toys as organic as possible, parents should not expect to find intricate Bionicles-type pieces, or expansive DUPLOpolises. Though, the Interlocking Blocks work well when paired with other wooden toys made at Camphill Village (such as the Little Tripper Truck or the Heavy Hauler). The sets claim to be nothing more than fun, simple wooden blocks with a twist.
Interlocking Block sets retail for $24.90 – $44.90 at the Nova Naturals website.


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Was Kazmir Andrew Friedman's First Mistake?
After I got home last night after the Tampa Bay Rays victory, I did my usual routine of switching on the television after 1 am and the first thing to pop on the big screen was the celebration video of the Los Angeles Angels players partying like rock stars after they clinched the American League West. And within all that wild chaos on the video I saw a familiar face enjoying the moment. There among the red and white jerseys of his Angel teammates was their newest rotation member hoisting up a champagne bottle like he had done so many times before in the last year.
There jumping up and down and getting pelted time and time again with a jet stream of the bubbly sweet nectar was ex-Ray Scott Kazmir. It was a bitter sweet moment for a Rays fan like me to see him getting that chance to again shine on the playoff front. But the silent events that unfolded behind the scenes to complete this trade to the Angels might actually have been the first honest mistake of Rays Vice President of Baseball Operations Andrew Friedman's Rays career.
There have been murmurs and innuendo coming from both Rays clubhouse and the 3rd floor offices since that trade transaction. That the Rays trade chattr device known to me as the "cloak of darkness" might have alienated not only fans, but some people within the Rays family. There have been more than idle chatter that the Rays Coaching staff was informed of the primary discussions, but as thing got more heated, they were left out of the loop in the process of this trade. Rays Manager Joe Maddon did have a hint of the Angels interest since they were biting at the bit back at the end of July for Kazmir. But during that latest development, it was thought he was on a "need to know" basis.
That most of the trade parameters were defined before Rays Manager Joe Maddon's pre-game Press Conference, and the fact it was pushed back to 5:30 pm only heightened the anticipation of an "official" completion of the trade before that scheduled game against the Tigers. But what really showed the "cloak of darkness" in full effect might have been the disclosure by St. Petersburg Times writer Marc Topkins when he asked Kazmir in the Visitor's locker room about the rumors, to hopefully dispel the rumors floatingf around, or get a great first reaction quote on the whole shebang, but Kazmir had no prior knowledge of anything brewing on anything at that moment.
The media "cloak" has found its way into the Visitor's locker room, and did not even include the main trade piece knowing anything about the proposed trade yet. Since Stuart Sternberg's hand-picked group took over the everyday activities of the Rays, they have always employed a complete media "blackout" from discussions or even knowledge of things in the works concerning personnel decisions. It almost brings you to mind the dealings of traders on Wall Street to do not try and let any information out so that they can skirt problems with the SEC, and retain any questions of wrongdoing from the onset of an announcement.
And on that faithful night in Detroit, the Rays were still rock solid in their "cloak of darkness" motif about any sniffing around of any impending situationbetween the Angels and Rays. But the National media was not going to just sit around waiting for Friedman to finally announce anything, so they went to their Plan "B" and quickly consulted their trusted Southern Cali sources to began to decode the impending trade, and stay off the toes of the Rays management. The hunt for this "exclusive scoop" and "first-hand" information out on the deal was there for the picking, and they ran with it without a confirmation from the Rays.
But even with the numerous reports filtering out of the Los Angeles area of a strong deal in place, the Rays just remained completely silent. And that is when the real fiasco began to finally get legs of its own and was plastered wall-to-wall all over the Internet by sources like ESPN.com, MLB.com and Sports Illustrated all throwing out Tweets and web postings reporting without a doubt that the Kazmir deal was going on and that it was entering its final stretch run. And all during this time Kazmir was frantically on his cellphone trying to get a hold of his agent to get some personal confirmation or denial of the event unfolding like a flag online. Becuase if the rumors were true, then he had to quickly get himself mentally and emotionally ready for any timely decision by the Rays.
And credit has to go to Kazmir for staying under control and doing his usual pre-game routine and not falling into the trap of getting baited to give out false information or any nibblet of quotes about things that were not made public. And that is where I think Friedman made his biggest honest mistake of the night.
Even if the discussion was just in the first chats or coming to the final tweaking phases, it was would have said volumes if Friedman had taken Kazmir aside and told him some of the parameters so he could at least play along with the Rays usual "cloak" during trade conditions until the official announcement later that evening.
But they left the young leftie out to dry, and even as he was out tossing the ball around with fellow leftie David Price before the game, the wheels were turning somewhere above him to finish this trade before the game. The Rays great idea of moving back Maddon's pre-game chat with reporters was causing a flurry of activities to confirm or deny anything before the game. At this time, even a small reminder from Friedman or PR Vice President Rick Vaughn to the media that "Trade discussions and actions are not being played out in the media, and if we have something to say to you……we will call you" might have meant volumes to the anxious media crowd.
And so began a three hour flip flopping of Sports websites along the Internet super highway jockeying for position by both posting and pulling posts concerning the possible trade. The media giants were going forward and backwards at the same time trying to gain a foothold on this story, but without any confirmation, it was pure speculation at the time. I wish I had saved a bevy of the postings to a MS Word note pad about the hundreds of posting and retractions within that small period of time of credited media journalists that were at the mercy of their weak sources in this transaction.
And all the while, Friedman remained silent and out of sight. In reality, he was probably boxed up in a suite upstairs away from media ears and eyes to finalize this with a minmal of trouble. He might have been aware of the media storm brewing below him, but it was minor compared to the deal he was trying to complete at the moment. The episode took on a huge life of its own for a few hours, and even during the pre-game analysis with the FSNFlorida/ Rays television announcers, you could see a sense of nervous energy bouncing off of them as they tried to make sense of all the drama being played out on the electronic media sources.
And in the end, it was not even Friedman that told us of the trade, it was Rays "walk-about" guru Todd Kalas after the team issued a formal Press Release on the transaction during the Rays post-game show. I am sorry, but I wanted to hear it from Friedman's own lips. That Kazmir was no longer a member of the Rays. I wanted to see his reaction to the room when the news broke "officially". At that time, Kazmir was no longer in the Visitor's locker room at Comerica Park. He had left to go back to the Rays team hotel and get things sorted out for his next step in the morning.
Even with all the multiple postings and various retractions of comments by the media giants, the deal went on and was completed before the end of the Rays game against the Tigers. But what a circus it must have been in the Press Box between the first to the last inning. You wonder how many of the assembled media people felt slighted, and how many of them were proud of their skills to at least sense the deal and report on it accordingly to the public. But in the end, the Rays silence might have cost them a bit of trust with the public.
People, do forget the true magnitude of getting that deal completed and not waiting until the next morning. The deal had to be sign, sealed and delivered to the MLB Offices in New York so that the Angels could choose the option of putting Kazmir on the post season roster. On September 1st, he would not have been able to be included on the roster. Could this deal have actually taken almost a month to complete? Could this whole thing have been on the back burner since the July 31st Trade Deadline with an eye on how Kazmir would rebounded on the mound, and both teams letting that deadline pass with no resolution on Kazmir, knowing they still had time to work out a deal?
I can understand, and in a small way admire Friedman for trying to keep the Rays business quiet and uncomplicated until the final results were hashed out completely. But in this odd case of leaked intel, since the proposed deal had flowed through the seams of the Los Angeles Times, I would have thought it merited a little smoldering of the fire before it got out of control. And it quickly festered into a media frenzy that no one could get an honest answer good or bad out of the Rays camp. And in that moment, a simple seed of deception was planted within some people's minds.
With the episode done and gone now for almost a month, I look back and see the perils and the pitfalls that the Rays could have avoided and not made the Rays fans, and some of their own team feel alienated by their front office. Sure there are still unanswered questions that plague the event of that night. You want to know Friedman's true reasoning for not even shooting down the untrue rumors or even acknowledging the truth after it was put out in the open. You want to believe all was done to protect Kazmir and the organization from unfounded speculations and rumors.
But the true fact is now it brings Friedman down to earth in my mind. He is no longer the "boy genius" some people have labeled him. Like so many other MLB GM's before and after him, this is going to be a event that will follow him for a long time. Some things might have been played different, but in the end, some will see this whole episode as a honest mistake in keeping the Rays party line strong and not bending to the media wants and desires.
Opinions will vary on if the trade was done the right way from top to bottom. My personal opinion is that it made him human, it made him someone who might do it a bit different if he does it again, and that is part of the learning process of his chosen position. Even if he stays solid in the belief of the present "cloak", he will know the pros and cons now of such a move, and what backlash or opinion might rise up after such a move. Moving a popular player will not be viewed the same by everyone. Some might feel betrayed, other open minded to a change if it is positive.
Sure, you and I might have taken both Maddon and Kazmir aside before Batting Practice that day and just gave them a small "head's up" on what might go down in the next few hours. What finally told me that the deal was done was the simple fact Kazmir was in the dugout with the team for a few innings, then vanished from sight. If you have watched him at all over the season, he doesn't go into the clubhouse and sit at all during the game unless he needs treatment. He is always out on the dugout rail or on the bench with the other pitchers watching those games. The absence of Kazmir from the dugout spoke volumes to me at that moment.
So in last night's video you see Kazmir enjoying the moment, spraying his new teammates and relishing the fact he is going to make another trip to the playoffs. You know on his way home he probably called a few of his former Rays mates and told them he wished they were there with him, and was both excited and upset that he was not in a Rays uniform and celebrating with his old team that night. But what is done is done, and Kazmir now can go on and help his new team try and take the same American League Pennant his old squad hoisted into the rafters in April.
Kazmir might not be here anymore in body, but the smiling good-natured spirit of Kazmir is alive and well in the hearts and mind of Rays fans, who genuinely are proud he has another shot at the big prize. The Rays may stay within their "cloak of darkness" theory involving discussions and trade in the future, but hopefully this event showed them that when another source is openly discussing your business and boldly showing your hand, you have to man-up and also put your cards on the table. Andrew, the media went around you and called your bluff that day and you held the cards tight, but in the process, you might have lost some firm supporters both in the stands and within the organization. And that my friend, is not a winning hand at any time.
8 Comments
I'm not a student of how these trades work, but aren't they usually cloaked in secrecy before being announced? Was the Kazmir deal really all that different? I've seen cases where team officials deny a trade right down to the last second. I can well understand your frustration about the "blackout." And it would be great if the media and fans were given the straight story right away. I just haven't found that to be the case.
Nice entry as usual. It seems that everyone knows about these trades before it happens but some of them are downright weird. We got Jon Garland fron the D Backs when we were actually playing them. He just crossed over to the other dugout.
It seems dumb like I said that the "Rays traded away their best." Kazmir actually was a mentor to Price and was the soul representer of the Rays. Looks like they gave that up for a cheap price.
And look at the Rays like 7-24 since the trade or something like that? Pathetic job front office… pathetic. New post up.
During the "dark phase" the Rays do not even mention a trade, non-trade, they just shrug the shoulders and walk the other way.
A mention of anything at all would have been better than the silence.
Since all the "experts" had gotten the scoop from the LA area, they wrote their articles and post in good faith the team would annouce some thing.
When they did not…….retraction junction all over the place.
Rays Renegade
That is not as weird as it sounds, and it actually has happened more than people want to admit.
Garland also was a great pick-up right before the end of the Trading Deadline and could be a great piece in a long playoff series.
He could be this season's "Matt Garza", and take over a series if he is matched -up against the right team.
Rays Renegade
Something most people do not realize about the Rays is the fact they will hear anyones trade possibilities.
No matter how wild, they will at least listen to the first phone call, but might not call back.
So when you hear a few off-the-wall trade ideas like Evan Longoria or even B J Upton and Carl crawford, remember, the Rays will listen to anything, but are very selective in their decision…………..ask Kazmir.
Rays Renegade
The Rays use of the cloak of darkness actually makes some sense, but when it begins to hit the fan, the silence from the PR department and Andrew Friedman seems a bit too professional at times.
But in the aspect oif a stock merger or business acquisition, the details are silent until the deal is announced. So it might be more of a "Wall Street" metality than "One Tropicana Drive" move.
Kazmir will throw game 3 of the ALDS in Boston, where he has had some very awesome games.
Should be a pleasure to watch.
Rays Renegade
Well, you told me awhile ago that a change of scenery may help Kaz. Looks like you were bang on.
That whole "cloak" thing won't win people over, that's for sure. Every team has it's own way of doing things, but this seems to be very…cold. It almost seems to lack repect in many ways, even if it's not meant.
I wonder how confident the other players feel about being a Ray next season when the front office just showed they will pull the rug from under you that quickly.


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African dance, performing art deeply woven into the social fabric of Africa and generally involving aspects of music and theatre as well as rhythmic bodily movement. See also African music and mask.
The cultural position of dance
In African societies, dance serves a complex diversity of social purposes. Within an indigenous dance tradition, each performance usually has a principal as well as a number of subsidiary purposes, which may express or reflect the communal values and social relationships of the people. In order to distinguish between the variety of dance styles, therefore, it is necessary to establish the purpose for which each dance is performed.
Often there is no clear distinction between ritual celebration and social recreation in dance performances; one purpose can merge into the other, as in the appearance of the great Efe mask at the height of the Gelede ritual festival in the Ketu-Yoruba villages of Nigeria and Benin. At midnight the mask dramatically appears to the expectant community, its wearer uttering potent incantations to placate witches. The dancer then moves into a powerful stamping dance in honour of the great Earth Mother and the women elders of the community. The dance continues as the performer pauses to sing the praises of people of rank, carefully observing their order of seniority. In this way a ritual act becomes a social statement, which then flows into recreation as the formal dancing by the Gelede team gives way to free participation by spectators until sunrise. The great Efe holds a central position, entertaining his audience with tales that make comic and satiric reference to irregular behaviour within the community over the past year.
The more significant the concept expressed in a dance, the greater the appreciation of the audience and the more insistent their demands for a skillful performance and for movements that fit its purpose. Dance is appreciated as a social occasion but is simultaneously enjoyed as an activity in its own right, entertaining and giving pleasure as an expression of communal life.
The religious context
Thought systems traditional to African cultures are rooted in a world view in which there is continuous interaction between spiritual forces and the community. Spiritual beings may inhabit natural elements or animals and may also take possession of human mediums. This possession of persons is usually temporary and confined to ritual, as when the priest of the Yoruba god Shango dances into a state of deep trance at the annual festival, expressing the wrath of the god of thunder with the lightning speed of his arm gestures and the powerful roll of his shoulders. In Zimbabwe the Mhondora spirit mediums, who relate the Shona people to the guardian spirits of the dead, enter a trance through the music of the mbira lamellaphone, to which they sing while performing simple, repetitive foot patterns. Thus, the dances of priests and mediums confirm their ritual leadership.
Dance is used as therapy by ritual societies in many cultures. Hausa women, for example, find healing through dance and spirit possession in the Bori cult. Among the Jukun of Nigeria, a similar organization is called the Ajun, whose elders deal with hysterical disorders in women by exorcising evil spirits in initiation ceremonies. During a three-month period in a house shrine, the sufferer is taught songs and dances that have a therapeutic function culminating in a ceremony in which the initiate publicly joins the members of the society to perform the Ajun-Kpa dance. The female spirit mediums of the Kalabari in the Niger delta, using dance and song as an essential part of their therapy, are also credited with powers of healing.
Many African religions are based on a bond of continuity between the living and their dead ancestors, who, in some cultures, return as masquerade performers to guide and judge the living. The complex web of human relationships is continuously renewed and restated at ritual festivals through the arts.
Masquerade dancers
Masquerade dancers are a feature of religious societies in many areas. Four main types of masquerader are identified by the roles they play: those who embody deities or nature spirits and to whom sacrifice is made to assure the fertility of land and people, those who embody the ancestral spirits, those who placate the spirits through their dance, and those who perform principally as entertainers.
Animal masks are a common feature of masking societies throughout Africa. In Mali the Tyiwara spirit masqueraders of the Bambara people carry formalized carvings of antelopes and other wild animals, dancing in imitation of their movements to promote the fertility of land and community. The Isinyaso masked dancers of the Yao and Maku peoples of Tanzania carry elaborate bamboo structures covered with cloth and raffia, which sway rhythmically while their Nteepana mask elongates to great heights as the embodiment of a powerful animal spirit.
The type of mask influences the style of the masquerade dance. The Ikpelweme ancestral masqueraders of the Afemai people of Bendel State, Nigeria, wear richly coloured, close-fitting costumes with face masks and elaborate headpieces of embroidered cloth, which allow for a dance that accelerates into a climax of rapid, abrupt movement. The Nago and Akakayi ancestral masqueraders of the Gwari wear close-fitting head and body coverings, which permit rapid, staccato movements while dancing at the "second burial" (i.e., the post-burial celebrations) of a leader of the community. The Egungun ancestral masqueraders of Yorubaland appear in a wide variety of loosely flowing cloth or palm-leaf costumes, often with carved headpieces. The heavier the mask, the less freedom for dance. For example, Epa masqueraders of the Ekiti-Yoruba carry carved helmet masks with elaborate superstructures whose weight allows only the type of movement fitting the stately processional dances that confirm the masqueraders' role of ritual leadership. Masked stilt dancers, such as those of the Makonde of Tanzania, are largely restricted to rhythmic strides and gestures; in contrast, the simple cloth costumes of ancestral Egungun Elewe of the Igbomina-Yoruba allow for a dance of acrobatic skill, and the light raffia Igo masks of the neighbouring Edo people enable them to lift their costumes above their heads in a dance of whirling turns.
Secular masqueraders who perform as entertainers have emerged from the ritual societies. The Egungun entertainers of the Oyo-Yoruba, for example, perform at Egungun ancestral festivals, but they may be invited to perform for a fee as entertainers, often traveling to neighbouring towns to earn money (although they are obliged to offer sacrifices to their ancestors before performing). The company members usually start with popular acrobatic dances and then display their magic powers by changing into a series of animal and masked figures. They use an inventive range of mime and dance to praise gods and heroes, to satirize politicians and wrongdoers, and to ridicule strangers, such as visiting Hausa traders or Europeans, with wit and humour. Accompanied by singers and led by a drum ensemble, they present a form of communal or folk theatre.
Masqueraders may play an individual role, as with the circumciser during the initiation rites of the young Nyanga men in eastern Congo (Kinshasa). Initially he dances as a masquerade to send the boys out of the village to their ritual seclusion, where he taunts the initiates before and after the rites of circumcision. As an authority figure, he inspires awe in women and children. In some cultures masquerade performance is not allowed to be seen by women, and nocturnal performances are often used to control women and even threaten them into accepting their social role. This is aided by the fact that in many forms of masquerade the body of the carrier is entirely covered in order to hide his identity, and his voice may be distorted by a kazoo (or voice disguiser).
The social context
In all African cultures, dance, music, and song help define the role of the individual and the group within the community. In hierarchical societies a ruler is expected to state his authority in formal dances, and failure to meet the required standard may seriously damage his prestige.
At the crowning of an oba (king) in Yorubaland, for example, the ruler leads a procession through the town as he dances with upright carriage and dignified step, his gestures dictated by the nature of his kingly role and the insignia he carries. His wives follow, interpreting the rhythms in a style suitable to their rank, inclining forward from the waist with their attention respectfully directed toward the earth. When the oba is seated in state, his war chiefs greet him, each with his appropriate dance rhythm. The hunters then dance to their rapid and complex beat. Palace chiefs and women market chiefs have their own distinctive music, song, and dance to praise the ruler, and girls, young men, and children honour him with dances appropriate to their status.
Dance is also important as an educational tool. Repetitive dances teach children physical control and stress accepted standards of conduct. Children may form their own dance and masquerade groups, join adults at the end of a dance line, or simply have a space allocated to them in a performing area at the time of a festival. In some places, particularly in West Africa, boys have their own masked dances in training for membership in adult societies. Throughout Africa children enjoy dance games, as when Makindu boys of Kenya sing as they play leapfrog to a dance rhythm.
In societies that stress horizontal stratification into age sets, the qualities proper to a particular age are expressed in dances, as in those that keep young men physically fit and teach them the discipline necessary in warfare. The dances of young Zulu and Ndebele men in Southern Africa recall the victories of past warriors. Among the Owo-Yoruba the stately Totorigi dance is for senior men and women, while adolescent boys perform the lively Ajabure with ceremonial swords. The transition from one age grade to the next may be marked by rites and festivities. In initiation rites for adolescents, dances may stress sexual fertility as well as customary behaviour between the sexes. In the Otufo initiation rites for girls among the Ga of Ghana, dance is part of their preparation for womanhood and enables them to display their talents to suitors. Young Kaka men of Cameroon perform their Midimu dance after the circumcision rites as a formal precondition of admission into the society of adults.
In some areas dances are designed to be performed during funeral rites, after burial ceremonies, and at anniversaries. Dances may be created for a specific purpose, as in the Igogo dance of the Owo-Yoruba, when young men use stamping movements to pack the earth of the grave into place. In Fulani communities in Cameroon, the corpse is placed in a sitting position in a prominent place, and solo and communal dances are performed in the deceased's honour. In some areas a circle dance surrounds the men performing the required ritual autopsy.
Thus, dance plays a cathartic role during the key transition from one social state to another: a child is welcomed into the community at his naming ceremony; an adolescent is initiated into the responsibilities of adult life; a woman moves from her paternal home to join her husband's family; an elder receives recognition for service in the form of a title; a member leaves the community to join the world of the spirits. The individual is not left alone to bear the emotions that accompany critical change, as members of the community carry him and his family through the crisis with appropriate ceremonies containing the emotions of the moment in music, song, and dance.
Division between the sexes
Within traditions of long standing in many cultures, it is unusual for men and women to dance in direct relation to each other, and they seldom perform the same style of dance—though combination of the sexes is more common in areas where the original dance has been disrupted by non-African forms. Idealized male and female qualities are normally expressed in the movement patterns of their separate dances: for example, Tiv men dance with an attack of rapid, forceful movements to express masculinity, whereas the women dance with a sustained grace to reflect their femininity. If men and women join a common dance circle, their dance patterns are usually distinct, as with the Kambari of Nigeria: men and women dance to the same musical rhythm, but they hold different postures, with the women singing and using a simpler foot pattern than the men.
Dance occasions for formalized flirtation between the sexes before marriage are common, as in the Sikya dance of the Akan of Ghana. The Bororo of western Cameroon celebrate the coming of the dry season with a dance for young men and women, and couples pair off at the climax of the performance. Among the Nupe of Nigeria ribald songs and joking insults between the sexes have replaced performances allowing for sexual license at harvest festivals. The dances of Ika men and girls (western Igbo, Nigeria) have become openly erotic since the early 1960s, when a master dancer brought the sexes together in a single dance team to entertain visitors to the palace of the oba of Agbor in Nigeria. Thus, erotic patterns of dance movement are encouraged in some societies, usually with bawdy humour, whereas the limits of flirtation are clearly defined in others for the sake of social decorum.
Work dances
Men who work together often celebrate a successful project with beer drinking and vigorous dances expressing their occupational skills. In Nigeria, Nupe fishermen are renowned for their net throwing, which they formalize into dance patterns, and young Irigwe farmers on the Jos Plateau leap to encourage the growth of crops at festivals related to the agricultural cycle. Occupational guilds and professional organizations of experts, such as blacksmiths, hunters, or wood-carvers, have their own expressive dances.
Hunters may reenact their exploits or mime the movements of animals as a ritual means of controlling wild beasts and allaying their own fears. The Akan of Ghana perform the Abofor dance, a dance-mime staged after the killing of a dangerous animal. This is meant to placate the spirit of the beast and inform the community of the manner in which it was killed. Tutsi hunters in Congo (Kinshasa) commemorate a successful hunt in their lion dance.
Dance as recreation
Dance is the most popular form of recreation in Africa. In towns, men and women of all ages meet informally in dance clubs to dance to the rhythms of popular musicians. In villages there may be opportunities in the evenings for informal dancing, but relations between the sexes there are more tightly controlled.
Highlife was a style of urban recreational dance popular in West Africa in the 1950s. It originated in Ghana, where musicians adopted Western dance-band instruments at open-air nightclubs to celebrate the exuberant spirit of independence. In Nigeria, local instruments were used as the Yoruba created juju rhythms, while the Tiv danced the Swange. Francophone countries elaborated the Latin American rhythms of the cha-cha, while Southern Africans danced to the modern African beats of the kwela. Zairian dance bands excelled in the creation of their own popular dance music. These have given way to styles influenced by Caribbean reggae and Western pop music, but they retain a distinctly African character.
Dance style
Although often similar in social purpose, dances are realized in radically different styles in the multitude of diverse cultures of Africa. Movement patterns vary greatly from one culture to another, depending upon the way in which environmental, historical, and social circumstances have been articulated in working, social, and recreational movements.
People living on dry, spacious farmlands, for example, have different movement habits from those living in swamplands. For farmers of the savanna, the ground is solid and their space open to the far horizon. They place their feet firmly on the sunbaked earth as they follow their team leader on the circular path of their dance, performing simple foot patterns at a steady tempo.
The Ijo people, who live in the mangrove swamps of the Niger delta, traditionally wrest an uneasy living by fishing creeks and rivers. As they dance, they lean forward from the hips, their torsos almost parallel with the earth as they use a precision of light, rapid foot beats, moving their weight from heel to toe to side of foot in a variety of rhythmic patterns, as though balancing on an unsteady canoe or picking their way through the swamp. Many other riverine peoples mime paddling in their dances.
Manipulating their flowing gowns as an extension of gesture in stately, measured dances, the Kanuri of Maiduguri in northeastern Nigeria conserve energy with economy of movement—a common feature in the dance of desert peoples. By contrast, some forest dwellers dance freely. The southern Yoruba continuously alter their foot patterns and sequence of movements at the dictates of the leading drummer. Their movements suggest finding a way through forest undergrowth, which necessitates reactions ever alert to the unexpected.
Working movements feed into styles of dance. The bend of the knees accompanying the swing of a farmer's machete may be elaborated in a dance pattern. Architecture, furniture, and dress are among features that also influence posture and gesture, producing a distinctive use of energy. The Kambari of Nigeria continuously bend forward to enter their low doors, and their dance posture reflects this habit. The Jukun sit on low stools or on the floor with legs crossed or extended; their flexible knees and strong leg tendons allow for the performance of continuous deep knee bends in their dance movements.
These cultural influences in the development of dance style have been offset by such historical events as migrations, wars, and slave trading, which have displaced people as refugees over the centuries, changed their habitation patterns, and brought them in touch with new environments. The development of trade routes introduced influences from Arabic and other cultures. Conversion to Christian and Muslim faiths severely disrupted ritual and ceremonial life and thus often disturbed the traditional patterns sustaining music and dance. Colonialism also resulted in the dissipation of cultural homogeneity and the gathering of disparate dance patterns into new styles.
Dance formations
There are four principal African dance formations: a dance team using a formalized floor pattern; a group using a free-flow floor pattern; a group using a formation from which solo dancers emerge to display their individual skills; and the performance of a solo dancer—usually a ruler, ritual specialist, herbalist, or comic entertainer—who may be supported by a group of musicians.
The most common form of dance within the indigenous traditions of Africa is a team dance performed either in a closed circle, with the dancers facing the centre, or in a line following a circular path that is often centred on the musicians. The dancers usually move along the circle line in a counterclockwise direction. In egalitarian societies the circular team dances are a marked expression of the close-knit fraternity within an age grade, as with Tiv men, while Tiv women express their relationship within the extended family through their own circle dance.
Dance teams using straight linear formations are common in cultures with a strong warrior tradition, where a strict spatial discipline is required, as in the Shangani war dances in Zimbabwe. They also are common with people prone to borrow from other cultures, as with the Igbo boys' dances in eastern Nigeria, in which the formation of a number of lines suggests Western patterns of drill. Some migratory cultures favour the line, as do Fulani girls, who form a tightly knit unit with their arms around one another's waists as they perform simple step rhythms from side to side, and the Maasai, with their high-jumping dance pattern.
A linear or circular floor pattern is used in cultures employing a combination of team and soloist. The Olu Kanaanwa dance for unmarried Igbo girls is done in unison in a circular formation, from which each dancer breaks away to perform individually in the centre. Among Ijo women, the dance starts in a loosely knit semicircular line from which virtuoso performers move out toward the spectators. The Urhobo of Nigeria use a loose, linear formation, the soloists dancing toward and away from the musicians. As the tempo of the drumming mounts, individuals dance into an ecstatic trance in which they are caught and controlled by dance organizers. A more ordered line-and-soloist pattern is used by Asante women in the Kumasi district of Ghana in their Adua dance, which is notable for elaborating expressive hand movements into a language of gestures.
The members of dance teams who perform on occasions of social importance are related within an age grade, an extended family, a working guild, a social club, or a ritual society whose elders provide sponsorship, respond to invitations, settle financial arrangements with external bodies, and discipline spectators and dancers at performances. A woman elder is usually the "mother" of the dance, attending to the comfort of the dancers and encouraging them by ululating during the performance. The elders select the team leader on the basis of skill, organizing ability, and creative flair. The leader selects the dancers, arranges and runs rehearsals, and is responsible to the elders for the appropriate dress of the performers. In some cultures the leader may compose songs requiring an elaboration of gesture or new movement patterns, which he or she will then choreograph. In cultures in which the dancers sing either before or during the dance, the leader initiates the singing.
In performance the leader heads the dance line or performs alone in a clearly defined space. The leader responds to the musicians and takes artistic responsibility for the dance interpretation of the music on behalf of the team, which usually follows the leader's movements in unison. In formal team dancing, creative innovations are planned and practiced in rehearsals.
Dance posture
There are three characteristic dance postures. An upright posture with a straight back is used as an expression of authority in the dance of chiefs and priests. In the second posture the dancer inclines forward from the hips, moving his attention and gestures toward the ground. In the third posture the dancer holds the torso nearly parallel to the ground, taking the body weight onto the balls of the feet. Many riverine people use this posture. The downward stress toward the earth does not necessarily imply that the dancer is heavy-footed. In some cultures the dancers use the full foot in stamping out the rhythms, while in others they may leap or perform light foot movements.
African dances are earth-centred. Dancers repeatedly return to the earth as they give themselves to the rhythmic pulses of their dance, interpreting the percussive patterns of the music through their postures, gestures, and steps. They externalize rhythmic patterns in the surrounding space by moving through, rather than to, fixed positions in the space surrounding the body. Thus, the criteria for assessing skill are based on rhythmic rather than spatial precision. Rhythm is provided for the dancer by musicians playing percussive instruments, by singers, or by a combination of music and song. In some cultures the dancers themselves sing or play musical instruments as they perform. Normally the musicians lead the dancers, although there are cultures in which the dancer takes over the initiative and sets up a dialogue of rhythmic exchange.
A dancer is assessed primarily on his ability to follow the percussive musical rhythm, "to play the drums with his feet" or with whatever part of the body articulates the rhythm. Each dance style is immediately identified by its characteristic rhythmic pattern. In some cultures the rhythmic patterns are expressed in foot patterns, in others in contractions of the torso, strong shoulder beats, rapid vibrations or twists of the buttocks, or acrobatic leaps.
A wide variety of rhythmic patterns form the basis of dance in Africa. The most basic is the continuous repetition of a simple beat at a steady tempo for the duration of a dance. This may continue for days, as in the Akbia women's funeral dance in South Sudan and the dances of the Bambuti of Central Africa.
Teams of savanna farmers on the Jos Plateau play instruments as they dance, using simple, repetitive rhythmic phrases. Angas men of West Africa blow 14 large buffalo horns as they perform the repetitive step pattern of the Rumada dance in a circle, following the line or moving in and out of the centre. Neighbouring Chip men perform a light run, playing flutes of four different pitches that combine to form a rhythmic melody. At the end of each phrase the dancers turn toward the centre of their circle to perform a climax of light hopping movements as they play. In many styles of circle dance the music is divided into a number of separate sections, each with its own distinct rhythm and related dance pattern, as in the Lmele le dag Chun dance of the Birom girls of the Jos Plateau.
The Igbo dance to a complex of sophisticated rhythms. In the Ubi-Ogazu dance, a version of the popular Atilogwu performed by a boys' team, the adult leader dances while playing a small flute to lead the rhythm. He is supported by a single-membrane drum, a pot drum, two simple xylophones, and a bamboo gong. The dance has at least 10 variations, each with a distinct rhythm dictating its own movement pattern. As in most African dances, the rhythm gives the name to the dance steps: in the Ikpo Okme, the performers hop from one foot to the other; for Ebenebe, a stamping pattern leads into a cartwheel; Iza requires an upright carriage with high kicks; Nkpopi is a leaping dance; Etukwa requires the torso to be inclined to the earth as the feet drum a staccato beat; Nzaukwu Nabi is a stamping step with sudden pauses.
In the Ubi-Ogazu ("Guinea Fowl"; named for the bird that inspired a hunter to create the dance), the performers hold bird-topped, carved staves for an initial dance in which they execute birdlike hops in a circle. They then drop the staves in favour of horse-tail switches held in both hands as they form two lines facing each other for the main performance. The performers wear brief skirts with girdles of brass bells and seedpod rattles around their ankles to accentuate their movements. The regular introduction of new themes calls for innovation in the dance rhythms. The girls' and women's teams use a more flowing quality of movement that elaborates the intertwining rhythms played by an ensemble or sung by a choir at varying tempos.
While months of practice are required before an Igbo dance team is permitted by the elders to perform on a public occasion, a Yoruba dancer may develop new patterns within the dance style during performance. The Yoruba Apala dance allows individuals to move on a free-flow floor pattern. Each dancer competes with his fellows in the interpretation of the rhythm and in his swift response to change. The leading drummer leaves the ensemble to join an outstanding dancer in a rhythmic exchange in which he praises and urges him into yet greater feats of invention, the drum's tones speaking recognizable proverbs from the tonal Yoruba language. The dancer performs a variety of subtle foot patterns leading into turns, kicks, or small, neat jumps. He flourishes his horse-tail switch and swirls or holds his flowing robe as he continuously alters his tempo at the dictates of the drum.
The Swange is a form of urban recreational dance among the Tiv in which men and women dance together. This dance uses the circle formation familiar in village dances and adapts traditional musical themes to highlife rhythms played on a combination of Tiv and Hausa instruments. The climax of the evening is provided by a solo dancer who improvises freely, using movements from many styles of Tiv dance in a rhythmic dialogue with the lead drummer.
Change and tradition
Scholars studying the emergence of new styles of dance in Africa have distinguished three related forms: traditional, neo-traditional, and contemporary. The last two categories have become increasingly evident as the result of radical social changes since World War II.
Changes in traditional dance styles within a village usually occur gradually, under the creative leadership of master dancers. But major social changes in the community, such as the introduction of formal primary education, radically alter the pattern of life—including children's attitudes toward their dances, which they no longer have time to learn in the inherited manner. Modern transport and communication bring together people of diverse cultures, resulting in cross-cultural influences on dance performance. The spread of transistor radios and, more recently, of other forms of broadcast and digital media to villages has ultimately prompted young people to turn to new styles of dance, with an accent on entertainment. When a master dancer dies, there is often no one to replace him, but the changing patterns of life stimulate creative individuals to build new expressive patterns.
An example of change can be seen in the masquerade dancers of the Dogon in Mali, who carry a wide range of carved wooden masks, some of which are remarkably tall. The sirige, for instance, is surmounted by a narrow plank, distinctively decorated with an alternating pattern of geometric designs, that may reach a height of nearly 20 feet (6 metres). The masks are so lightly constructed that they do not hamper the vigorous dances of the carriers as they bend to touch the earth, traditionally to honour the dead during funeral rites. According to one theory, the geographic isolation of the Dogon protected the masking societies from changes affecting other Malian cultures, until the introduction of a cash economy forced the young men who carried the masks to migrate to labour markets. They returned with urban tastes and habits, altering the social pattern on which the masking traditions were based. The traditions were further threatened by the spread of Islam.
In the 1930s the establishment of the Malian Tourist Office created a new role for the dancers as entertainers for colonial officers. This later developed into regular paid performances for tourists visiting the villages. Dance leaders tailored performances to run for a limited time, using a performing area unrelated to the funeral rites and therefore necessitating a different pattern of movement and positioning of performers. The dances stressed spectacular movements but lost the social purpose that had infused them with dramatic vitality. The masks are now decorated with commercial paints and the dancers concerned with commercial reward. As members of the Malian National Folk Lore Troupe, they gain prestige as ambassadors for their country at international festivals. Radical changes continue as dancers travel to work in urban centres, where Western forms of entertainment on radio, film, and television have become part of life.
A major catalyst of change is the staging of civic arts festivals organized by government ministries to promote the traditional arts as a means of enhancing national unity. Cultural officers visit villages and hold competitions to select the best dancers to compete against performers of other styles within their own culture. The winners are then taken to urban centres to compete with dancers from other cultures. If successful, they proceed to the capital to compete at the national level for prestigious trophies. When a village dance is taken out of its original context to be performed for an audience whose members regard it purely as entertainment or as a taste of exotic culture, however, the motivation of the dancers changes radically. The dance's original purpose is replaced by the pursuit of financial gain and prestige. Cultural officers rearrange the performances by stipulating their duration and by concentrating spectacular movements from a number of dances into a single performance. Costumes are changed to suit the occasion or express national sentiment. Exits, entrances, and floor patterns are altered to accommodate the design of a modern stage. In this way, the original social purpose of the dance as understood by an acculturated audience is destroyed, and a style of neo-traditional dance emerges.
Ritual dances are usually unsuccessful at national festivals. The performance of a priest, whose dance movements are part of a ritual context, loses the vitality that is dependent on response from members of his own culture. On the other hand, the highly organized dance teams of the Tiv are accustomed to performing on a variety of social occasions within their village tradition. Their well-established discipline of rehearsal makes the transition to a modern stage possible and has had spectacular results.
Thus, some cultures, particularly the more egalitarian, welcome new experiences and can adjust to fresh challenges—though, with continuous repetition for predominantly commercial motives, even spectacular dances like the Igbo Atilogwu or the Zulu war dance can become hackneyed and faded. Other cultures are more conservative toward change, particularly those whose way of life is based on highly structured, hierarchical social and ritual patterns.Peggy Harper
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