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Eastern Africa
Eastern Africa, part of sub-Saharan Africa comprising two traditionally recognized regions: East Africa, made up of Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda; and the Horn of Africa, made up of Somalia, Djibouti, Eritrea, and Ethiopia.
Eastern Africa consists largely of plateaus and has most of the highest elevations in the continent. The two most striking highlands are in Ethiopia and Kenya, respectively, where large areas reach elevations of 6,500 to 10,000 feet (2,000 to 3,000 metres). Twin parallel rift valleys that are part of the East African Rift System run through the region. The Eastern, or Great, Rift Valley extends from the Red Sea's junction with the Gulf of Aden southward across the highlands of Ethiopia and Kenya and continues on into Tanzania. The Western Rift Valley curves along the western borders of Uganda and Tanzania. Between the two rift valleys lies a plateau that comprises most of Uganda and western Tanzania and includes Lake Victoria. The volcanic massif of Kilimanjaro, the highest mountain in Africa, reaches 19,340 feet (5,895 metres) in northeastern Tanzania. The Horn of Africa, a major peninsular extension of the African mainland into the Arabian Sea, contains the vast lowland coastal plains of Somalia.
The climate of eastern Africa is generally tropical, though average temperatures tend to be reduced by the region's high elevations. Precipitation also is affected by varying elevation: Uganda, Tanzania, and western Kenya receive plentiful rainfall, while Somalia, eastern Ethiopia, and northeastern Kenya receive far less. The region's vegetation ranges from woodlands and grasslands in the wetter regions to thornbushes in semiarid areas. The grasslands of Tanzania and Kenya are renowned for their wildlife, in particular large migratory herds of ungulates (e.g., gnus, zebras, and gazelles) and predators (lions, hyenas, and leopards).
Eastern Africa is populated by 160 different ethnic groups or more, depending on the method of counting. Most of the peoples of Eritrea and Ethiopia—and some of those in Tanzania and Kenya—speak languages belonging to the Cushitic branch of the Afro-Asiatic languages. Speakers of Nilo-Saharan languages populate Uganda and the rift valley portions of Kenya and Tanzania, while speakers of Bantu languages constitute much of the remainder of these countries' population.
The largest ethnic groups in eastern Africa are the Oromo, Cushitic speakers who occupy much of southern Ethiopia, and the related Somali, who occupy all of Somalia, southeastern Ethiopia, and much of Djibouti. The Afar are found in both Eritrea and Djibouti. The main ethnic groups of Eritrea, the Tigray and the Tigre, are speakers of Semitic languages. Both the Tigray and the Amhara, another Semitic-speaking group, dominate northwestern Ethiopia. The ethnic fabric in Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda is much more fragmented, with many smaller peoples intermingled or occupying discrete territories. The largest numbers of Nilo-Saharan speakers belong to the Luo, Lango, Kalenjin, Maasai, and Karimojong peoples, while the principal Bantu-speaking ethnic groups are the Kikuyu, Chaga, and Kamba.
This article covers the history of the area from ancient times through the 20th century. Coverage of the region's physical and human geography can be found in the article Africa. For discussion of the physical and human geography of individual countries in the region and of their late colonial and postcolonial history, see Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Tanzania, and Uganda. Area 1,420,236 square miles (3,678,394 square km). Pop. (2009 est.) 293,654,000.
East Africa
The coast until 1856
The earliest written accounts of the East African coast occur in the Periplus Maris Erythraei—apparently written by a Greek merchant living in Egypt in the second half of the 1st century ce—and in Ptolemy's Guide to Geography, the East African section of which, in its extant form, probably represents a compilation of geographic knowledge available at Byzantium about 400. The Periplus describes in some detail the shore of what was to become northern Somalia. Ships sailed from there to western India to bring back cotton cloth, grain, oil, sugar, and ghee, while others moved down the Red Sea to the East African coast bringing cloaks, tunics, copper, and tin. Aromatic gums, tortoiseshell, ivory, and slaves were traded in return.
Because of offshore islands, better landing places, and wetter climate, Arab traders from about 700 seem to have preferred the East African coast to the south of modern Somalia. They sailed there with the northeast monsoon, returning home in the summer with the southwest. They dubbed the part of the coast to which they sailed Azania, or the Land of Zanj—by which they meant the land of the blacks and by which they knew it until the 10th century. South of Sarapion, Nikon, the Pyralaae Islands, and the island of Diorux (about whose precise location only speculation seems possible), the chief town was Rhapta, which may lie buried in the Rufiji delta of present-day Tanzania. Here the situation differed somewhat from that in the north, and, though tortoiseshell and rhinoceros horn were exported from there—as were quantities of ivory and coconut oil—no mention is made of slaves. Rhapta's main imports were metal weapons and iron tools—suggesting that iron smelting was not yet known. Mafia Island, which lies out to sea here, could perhaps be Menouthias, the only island named in both the Periplus and the Guide, although this could also be either Pemba or Zanzibar (perhaps there has been a conflation of all three in the one name).
There is little information concerning the period until the 8th century. Greek and Roman coins have been found, and there are some accounts of overseas migrations to the coast. No settlements from this period have been found.
A new period opened, it seems, in the 9th century. The first identifiable building sites are dated from this time, and, according to Arab geographers, the East African coast was then generally thought of as being divided into four: (1) Berber (Amazigh) lands, which ran down the Somalian coast to the Shabeelle River, (2) Zanj proper, (3) the land of Sofala in present-day Mozambique, whence gold was beginning to be shipped by about the 10th century, and (4) a vaguely described land of Waq waq, beyond. The only island that is mentioned is Qanbalu, which appears to have been what is now Tanzania's Pemba Island. Though there is some suggestion that in the 10th century the Muslims had not yet begun to move farther south than Somalia, on Qanbalu they soon became rulers of a pagan population, whose language they adopted. Moreover, at Zanzibar an extant Kūfic inscription (the only one) recording the construction of a mosque by Sheikh al-Sayyid Abū ʿImrān Mūsā ibn al-Ḥasan ibn Muḥammad in 1107 confirms that by this time substantial Muslim settlements had been established.
The main coastal settlements were situated on islands, largely, no doubt, because of the greater security these provided against attacks from the mainland; and their populations seem mostly to have been made up from migrants from the Persian Gulf—some from the great port of Sīrāf, others from near Bahrain—though conceivably some too came from Daybul, at the mouth of the Indus River, in northwestern India. They exported ivory (some of it went as far as China) and also tortoiseshell, ambergris, and leopard skins. Such trade goods as they obtained from the interior were apparently bought by barter at the coast.
Ruins at Kilwa, on the southern Tanzanian coast, probably date from the 9th or perhaps from the 8th century. They have revealed an extensive pre-Muslim settlement standing on the edge of what was the finest harbour on the coast. Though there is little evidence to suggest that its inhabitants had any buildings to begin with, wattle-and-daub dwellings appeared in due course, and by the 10th century short lengths of coral masonry wall were being built. The inhabitants, whose main local currency was cowrie shells, traded with the peoples of the Persian Gulf and, by the early 11th century, had first come under Muslim influence. By 1300, like the inhabitants of neighbouring Mafia, they were living in Muslim towns, the rulers of which were Shīʿites. Although no houses were being built of coral, stone mosques were being constructed.
External trade was increasing: glass beads were being imported from India, and porcelains, transshipped either in India or in the Persian Gulf, were arriving from China. There appears also to have been a rather extensive trade with the island of Madagascar.
The most important site of this period yet to have been found is at Manda, near Lamu, on the Kenyan coast. Apparently established in the 9th century, it is distinguished for its seawalls of coral blocks, each of which weighs up to a ton. Though the majority of its houses were of wattle and daub, there were also some of stone. Trade, which seems to have been by barter, was considerable, with the main export probably of ivory. Manda had close trading connections with the Persian Gulf—with Sīrāf in particular. It imported large quantities of Islamic pottery and, in the 9th and 10th centuries, Chinese porcelain. There is evidence of a considerable iron-smelting industry at Manda and of a lesser one at Kilwa.
The Shirazi migration
For much of the 13th century the most important coastal town was Mogadishu, a mercantile city on the Somalian coast to which new migrants came from the Persian Gulf and southern Arabia. Of these, the most important were called Shirazi, who, in the second half of the 12th century, had migrated southward to the Lamu islands, to Pemba, to Mafia, to the Comoro Islands, and to Kilwa, where by the end of the 12th century they had established a dynasty. Whether they were actually Persian in origin is somewhat doubtful. Though much troubled by wars, by the latter part of the 13th century they had made Kilwa second in importance only to Mogadishu. When the Kilwa throne was seized by Abū al-Mawāhib, major new developments ensued. Kilwa captured Mogadishu's erstwhile monopoly of the gold trade with Sofala and exchanged cloth—much of it made at Kilwa—and glass beads for gold; and with the great wealth that resulted new pottery styles were developed, a marked increase in the import of Chinese porcelain occurred, and stone houses, which had hitherto been rare, became common. The great palace of Husuni Kubwa, with well over 100 rooms, was built at this time and had the distinction of being the largest single building in all sub-Saharan Africa. Husuni Ndogo, with its massive enclosure walls, was probably built at this time, too, as were the extensions to the great mosque at Kilwa. The architectural inspiration of these buildings was Arab, their craftsmanship was of a high standard, and the grammar of their inscriptions was impeccable. Kilwa declined in the late 14th century and revived in the first half of the 15th, but then—partly because of internal dynastic conflict but also partly because of diminishing profits from the gold trade—it declined again thereafter.
Elsewhere, especially on the Kenyan coastline, the first half of the 15th century seems to have been a period of much prosperity. Whether at Gede (south of Malindi) or at Songo Mnara (south of Kilwa), architectural styles were relatively uniform. Single-story stone houses, mostly of coral, were common. Each coastal settlement had a stone mosque, which, typically, centred upon a roofed rectangular hall divided by masonry pillars. Chinese imports arrived in ever larger quantities, and there are signs that eating bowls were beginning to come into more common use. Mombasa became a very substantial town, as did Pate, in the Lamu islands. The ruling classes of these towns were Muslims of mixed Arab and African descent who were mostly involved in trade; beneath them were African labourers who were often slaves and a transient Arab population. The impetus in this society was Islamic rather than African. It was bound by sea to the distant Islamic world, whence immigrants still arrived to settle on the East African coast, to intermarry with local people, and to adopt the Swahili language. The impact of these settlements was limited, while their influence upon the East African interior was nonexistent.
During the 15th century, Shirazi families continued to rule in Malindi, Mombasa, and Kilwa and at many lesser places along the coast. They also dominated Zanzibar and Pemba. The Nabahani, who were of Omani origin, ruled at Pate and were well-represented in Pemba as well. Coastal society derived a certain unity by its participation in a single trading network, by a common adherence to Islam, and by the ties of blood and marriage among its leading families. Politically, however, its city-states were largely independent, acknowledging no foreign control, and their limited resources confined their political activities to East Africa and to a variety of local rivalries—Zanzibar and Pemba, for example, appear frequently to have been divided between several local rulers. Mombasa occupied the premier position on this part of the coast, although its control over the area immediately to the north was disputed by its main rival, Malindi. Close connections seem to have existed between Mombasa and a number of places to the south. Its Shirazi rulers were able to mobilize military support from some of the inland peoples, and as a result of the place it had won in the trade of the northwestern Indian Ocean they had turned Mombasa into a prosperous town. Its population of about 10,000 compared with only 4,000 at Kilwa.
The Portuguese invasion
This was the situation on the East African coast when Portuguese ships under Vasco da Gama arrived in 1498. The manifestly superior military and naval technology of the Portuguese and the greater unity of their command enabled them, in the years that lay ahead, to mount assaults upon the ill-defended city-states. As early as 1502 the sheikh at Kilwa was obliged to agree to a tribute to the Portuguese, as the ruler of Zanzibar was later. Shortly afterward the Portuguese sacked both Kilwa and Mombasa and forced Lamu and Pate to submit. Within eight years of their arrival they had managed to dominate the coast and the trade routes that led from there to India.
The Portuguese became skilled at playing one small state against another, but their global enterprise was such that they did not immediately impose direct rule. This changed toward the end of the 16th century, however, when Turkish expeditions descending the northern coast with promises of assistance against the Portuguese encouraged the coast north of Pemba to revolt. This prompted the dispatch of Portuguese fleets from Goa, one of which, in 1589, sacked Mombasa and placed that city much more firmly under Portuguese control. This was helped by the death of Mombasa's last Shirazi ruler, Shah ibn Mishhan, who, in leaving no clear successor, gave the Portuguese the opportunity to install Sheikh Aḥmad of Malindi in his place. In 1593, with an architect from Italy in charge and with masons from India to assist them, the Portuguese set about building their great Fort Jesus at Mombasa. In the following year it was occupied by a garrison of 100 men.
With Mombasa's downfall, the major hindrance to Portuguese power on the East African coast was overthrown. They installed garrisons elsewhere than at Mombasa and brought about the downfall of a number of Shirazi dynasties, and, although they did not exercise day-to-day control over local rulers, they did make them dependent on them for their position. (Local rulers were in particular required to pay regular tribute to the Portuguese king on pain of dethronement and even of death.)
Portugal's chief interests were not imperial but economic. With Mombasa in their grip, they controlled the commercial system of the western Indian Ocean. Customs houses were opened at Mombasa and Pate, and ironware, weapons, beads, jewelry, cotton, and silks were imported. The main exports were ivory, gold, ambergris, and coral. There was a flourishing local trade in timber, pitch, rice, and cereals but few signs of any considerable traffic in slaves. Individual Portuguese traders often developed excellent relations with Swahilis in the coastal cities.
Though the Portuguese managed to ride out local rebellions into the 17th century, their authority over a much wider area was undermined by the rise of new powers on the Persian Gulf. Portugal lost Hormuz to the Persians in 1622 and Muscat to the imam of Oman in 1650. Two years later the Omanis launched their first major intervention into East Africa's affairs when in response to a Mombasan appeal the imam sent ships to Pate and Zanzibar and killed their Portuguese inhabitants. As a consequence, Pate became the centre of East Africa's resistance to Portuguese rule. The Portuguese responded in an equally bloody manner, but eventually, in 1696, in alliance with Pate, the imam of Oman sailed to East Africa with a fleet of more than 3,000 men to lay siege to Mombasa. Although Fort Jesus was reinforced, the great Portuguese stronghold finally fell to Sayf ibn Sulṭān in December 1698. A few years later Zanzibar, the last of Portugal's allies in Eastern Africa, also fell to the imam.
The Omani ascendancy
There ensued, after the Omani victory, a century during which, despite a succession of Omani incursions, the East African coast remained very largely free from the dominance of any outside power. Oman itself suffered an invasion by the Persians and was long distracted by civil conflict. Its originally successful Yaʿrubid dynasty lost prestige as a consequence, fell from power, and was then superseded by the Āl Bū Saʿīdīs, who very soon found themselves preoccupied by conflicts at home. Moves against them also originated along the East African coast.
In 1727 Pate joined with the Portuguese to expel the Omanis, especially from Mombasa, where in 1728–29 Portuguese authority was momentarily restored. But the Mombasans wanted as little to be controlled by Portugal as by Muscat and soon evicted the Portuguese once again. Thereafter, Kilwa, Zanzibar, Lamu, and Pate largely kept themselves free from both Omani and Portuguese control. Distracted though it was by protracted internecine quarrels, Pate was preeminent in the Lamu archipelago and, like all the other coastal towns, was ambitious to preserve its independence.
Even so, Mombasa, in quite new circumstances, in the 18th century reached the apogee of its power as an independent city-state. The architects of this achievement were the Mazrui, an Omani clan who had provided some of the imam's governors to Mombasa but who, because they were opposed to the Āl Bū Saʿīdīs, did not long persist in their allegiance to Muscat. They owed their authority in Mombasa itself to an ability to hold the balance between the rival factions in the Swahili population and also to their ability peacefully to overcome all but one of their dynastic successions. In 1746 a Mazrui notable, ʿAlī ibn Uthman al-Mazrui, overthrew an Omani force that had murdered his brother. Soon after he seized Pemba and, but for a family quarrel, might have won Zanzibar; his successor, Masʿūd ibn Nāṣir, initiated a pattern of cooperation with Pate, maintained close links with inland Nyika peoples, and established Mazrui dominance from the Pangani River to Malindi.
Both Mombasa and Pate were disastrously defeated by Lamu in the battle of Shela, about 1810. Pate's preeminence in the Lamu islands was destroyed, Mombasa's authority on the coast was diminished, and the way was open to Muscat's great intrusion into East African affairs. Lamu appealed to Oman for a garrison to assist it, to which Sayyid Saʿīd of Muscat very soon responded.
The Āl Bū Saʿīdīs, who had captured Kilwa in 1785, maintained their principal footing upon the coast in Zanzibar, which had long held to its association with them. Thanks to the city's growing success, from the end of the 18th century onward, in turning itself into the main entrepôt for the trade in the area south of Mombasa, Zanzibar soon rivaled Mombasa as the focal point for the whole coastline. As such, it was both developed and used by Sayyid Saʿīd ibn Sulṭān of Oman as the base for his growing ambitions. Having won the succession to Muscat after an internecine struggle following his father's death in 1804, Saʿīd spent much of the next two decades establishing his authority there. (In this he was assisted by the British, who were much concerned to safeguard their route to India, which ran close to Muscat on its way past the Persian Gulf.) Then, in 1822, he wrested Pemba from Mazrui control and by 1824 had installed a Muscat garrison in Pate as well, thus bringing to an end the previous influence that the Mazrui had exercised.
Sensing the increasing threat from Muscat, the Mazrui appealed to the British for assistance. Though their application was formally denied, a British naval officer, Captain W.F. Owen, on his own initiative raised a British flag of protection over Mombasa in 1824. Since the British had no desire formally to extend their authority to East Africa at this time, let alone to break with their ally Saʿīd, it was hauled down in 1826. This gave Saʿīd his opportunity, and in 1828, 1829, and 1833 he mounted assaults upon Mombasa. But it was only when he successfully intervened in a dynastic dispute among the Mazrui, which followed on the death of a liwali in 1835, that he was able in 1837 to fasten his control over Mombasa and to topple the Mazrui from their position. His dominion along the whole coastline thus became assured, and after over a century's interval the East African littoral once more found itself dominated by a single outside power. Though this outcome owed much to the inability of the coastal towns to unite against an invader, it owed much as well to the striking personality of Saʿīd himself, to his investment in a navy, to his force of Baloch soldiers (with which he supplemented his Omani levies), and to the support he received from the British.
It also stemmed from his intimate association with the major economic developments then taking place along the East African coast. These began with a marked growth in the previously marginal slave trade, particularly at first in the Kilwa region, more especially from 1780 to 1810 as a result of French demand for slaves in Mauritius and Bourbon. This was succeeded by the discovery that cloves could be successfully grown on Zanzibar and by the development of flourishing plantations. British pressure on Saʿīd to end the export of slaves to "Christian" markets came to fruition in 1822, when he reluctantly signed what became known as the Moresby Treaty. In the event, however, it made very little difference, either on the coast or in the interior, since slaves were being required in growing numbers for the plantations on both Zanzibar and Pemba and for export to the Persian Gulf and beyond.
Increasing commercial activity brought Sayyid Saʿīd sufficient wealth to buy ships and pay troops. It also attracted to the East African coast migrant Indians, who became heavily involved in the country's economic expansion; and, together with the Arabs who were beginning to make profits from their clove plantations, Indians helped to finance the new upcountry trading caravans.
The increased economic activity that centred upon the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba served to enhance the importance of the smaller towns that stood on the mainland opposite. It also attracted an influx of European traders, of which the most important were the Americans. They were the first Westerners to conclude a trade agreement with Saʿīd (1833) and the first also to establish a consul at Zanzibar (1837). (Their prime achievement was to capture the cloth trade to East Africa—so that cheap cotton cloth thenceforth came to be known there as Americani.) The British followed with a trade agreement in 1839 and a consul in 1841. The French made similar provisions in 1844, and some Germans from the Hanseatic towns moved in at about the same time. British trade, however, never flourished and in fact died away; but by 1856 the United States and France were both making purchases in East Africa of more than $500,000 a year, while exports to India, particularly British India, were higher still. Some of the main items of trade, such as ivory, were traditional, but copal, sesame, cloves, cowries, hides, and coconut oil were also important. Because of this increased activity, Saʿīd's economy in due course became less dependent upon the export of slaves, and he therefore showed himself more ready than he might otherwise have been to accept the so-called Hamerton Treaty of 1845, by which the export of slaves to his Arabian dominions was forbidden.
Since by this time the revenues from Saʿīd's East African territories had overtaken those he received from Oman, it is understandable that in 1840 he should have transferred his own capital from Muscat to Zanzibar. At his death in 1856, Zanzibar was firmly established as the East African coast's main centre, from which major new incursions into the interior had begun to radiate extensively.
The interior before the colonial era
The coast was never more than East Africa's fringe. Beyond the harsh nyika, or wilderness, which lay immediately inland and was nowhere pierced by a long, navigable river, thornbush country extended to the south, sometimes interspersed with pleasanter plains toward the centre, while to the north cooler forested highlands ran into harsher country. Westward lay the Great Rift Valley and, beyond, the regions of the great lakes whence the Nile ran northward through its usually impassable marshes.
Since there are no written records antedating the last century or so for this region, its history has to be deduced from often uncertain linguistic, cultural, and anthropological evidence; from oral traditions—where they are available, which at best is only for recent centuries; and from archaeological findings. Since investigations and analyses are still at a very early stage and since the first hypotheses have proved vulnerable to criticism, the statements that follow must be only tentative. Furthermore, all accounts of tribal migration must allow for innumerable short-run moves and may refer only to small—if important—minorities. They must also take account of probable interactions with other peoples en route and often, indeed, of extensive absorption. Above all, care must be exercised over anachronistic concepts of tribe. Moreover, bolder categories such as Bantu are strictly only linguistic and must be treated with caution.
Two features of the pre-19th-century period may be stressed: first, although it seems to have been in this part of Africa that humans first developed, in the three or four most recent millennia the key innovations in human evolution seem to have occurred elsewhere; second, the extensive agricultural revolution in East Africa, which took place during this time, had the vital consequence that sizable populations grew up in areas of adequate rainfall, which could not be easily brushed aside by subsequent alien invaders.
During the earlier stages of the Stone Age down to about 50,000 bce, hand-ax industries were established in the Rift Valley areas of Kenya and of Tanzania (especially at Olduvai Gorge) and along the Kagera River in Uganda. During the Mesolithic period (thence to c. 10,000 bce), new stone-tool-making techniques evolved, and the use of fire was mastered. Spreading to other parts of East Africa, in the Neolithic period humans clustered into specialized hunting-and-gathering communities from which may have developed some still-existing ways of life. The largest number of relevant sites is close to the homeland of the Hadzapi—the last contemporary hunters and gatherers—and to that of the Sandawe, who are physically and linguistically akin to the San of southern Africa. Remnants of other hunting and gathering communities—such as the Twa and Mbuti of western Uganda—or at least the memory of them, are found in many places. Latterly, they often lived in precisely those highland regions where agriculture and animal domestication in East Africa first occurred.
Food production and the keeping of cattle seem to have begun in the highland and Rift Valley regions of Kenya and of northern Tanzania in the 1st millennium bce and to have derived from peoples who were probably southern Cushites from Ethiopia. Some traces of these interlopers remain among, for example, the Iraqw of Tanzania, and it may be that the age-old systems of irrigation found throughout this region owe their origins to this period as well. Agriculture preceded the smelting of iron in these areas, and hunting and gathering continued to be important for the domestic economy. It looks as if in due course southern Cushites spread deep into what is now southern Tanzania, but, so far as has been ascertained, food production did not develop in the period bce elsewhere in Tanzania, nor in what is now Uganda.
The spread of ironworking and the Bantu migrations
It is still far from clear when and whence iron smelting spread to the East African interior. Certainly there was no swift or complete transfer from stone to iron. At Engaruka, for example, in that same region of the Rift Valley in northern Tanzania, a major Iron Age site, which was both an important and concentrated agricultural settlement using irrigation, seems to have been occupied for over a thousand years. Significantly, its styles of pottery do not seem to have been related to those that became widespread in the 1st millennium ce. It is a reasonable assumption that its inhabitants were Cushitic speakers, but it seems that its major period belongs to the middle of the 2nd millennium ce.
The major occurrences of the 1st millennium ce involved the spread of agriculture—more particularly, the cultivation of the banana—to the remaining areas of East Africa. Simultaneously or perhaps previously went the spread of ironworking, and fairly certainly too the diffusion of Bantu languages—except in the core of the Cushitic wedge and to the north of an east-west line through Lake Kyoga. If, as seems probable, proto-Bantu languages had their origins in the eastern interior of West Africa, it does not seem inconceivable that over a lengthy period of time some of its speakers, probably carrying with them a knowledge of grain agriculture and conceivably a knowledge of ironworking, should have diffused along the tributaries of the Congo River to the savanna country south of the Congo forest into what is now the region of Katanga (Shaba) in Congo (Kinshasa). Nor does it seem inconceivable that the banana, originally an Indonesian plant particularly suitable in tropical conditions, should have spread to that same region up the Zambezi valley (certainly the Malayo-Polynesian influences in Madagascar in the 1st millennium ce are well attested in other respects). At all events, the linguistic and archaeological arguments for a fairly rapid eastward and northward expansion during the 1st millennium ce from the Katanga area now have wide acceptance. Bantu languages came to dominate most of this region (many Cushitic speakers in what is now Tanzania seem to have switched over to them or to have been eliminated). More varieties of banana developed in East Africa than anywhere else in the world. Ironworking was soon prevalent, and, where rainfall, soil nutrients, and the absence of the tsetse fly allowed, population growth increased decisively.
The early interlacustrine kingdoms
Sometime before the middle of the 2nd millennium ce, some of the most interesting developments were occurring in the interlacustrine area—i.e., the region bounded by Lakes Victoria, Kyoga, Albert, Edward, and Tanganyika. Vague accounts of rulerships in various parts of this area date from the first half of the 2nd millennium ce, and it is at least possible that they existed—though they may well have been judicial arbitrators or ritual leaders rather than more strictly political figures. Whether they had their origins in roving Cushitic or Nilotic cattle keepers from the north or northeast—as has been variously suggested—is impossible to say, though some such explanation would not be difficult to believe. What seems certain is that about the middle of the present millennium a sudden cultural political climax was marked by a short-lived, though widely acknowledged, dynasty of Chwezi rulers.
The Chwezi people are frequently associated with the great earthwork sites at Bigo, Mubende, Munsa, Kibengo, and Bugoma, in western Uganda. That at Mubende seems to have been a religious centre. The largest is at Bigo, where a ditch system, more than 6.5 miles (10.5 km) long, some of it cut out of rock, encloses a large grazing area on a riverbank. It looks as if it comprised both a royal capital and a well-defended cattle enclosure. Its construction must certainly have required a considerable mobilization of labour—which, apart from indicating that it must have been the work of a substantial political power, would support the view that the distinction between cultivators and a pastoral aristocracy, which later became typical of this area, is of very long standing. Radioactive carbon dating suggests Bigo was occupied from the mid-14th to the early 16th century. This correlates with the evidence of oral tradition that around the turn of the 15th century the Chwezi were supplanted in the north by Luo rulers of the Bito clan (who provided the dynasties that ruled in Bunyoro, Koki, Buganda, and parts of Busoga) and that they were superseded to the south by various Hima rulers of the Hinda clan (in Ankole, Buhaya, Busubi, and around to the southeast of Lake Victoria). Under these, and the corresponding Nyiginya dynasty in Rwanda, powerful traditional rulerships among the interlacustrine Bantu persisted after the middle of the 20th century.
Their relatively common experience was reinforced in the aftermath of the Chwezi dynasty by the prevalence among them of a variety of (often commemorative) Chwezi religious movements. In some areas these took the form of spirit-possession cults; in others, pantheons of deities were developed. In various guises—sometimes in support of the existing political order, sometimes against it—they spread into Bunyoro, Buganda, Busoga, Ankole, Buha, Rwanda, Burundi, and even to Nyamwezi country, in what is now Tanzania. So extensive a diffusion of a basically common religious tradition in any other part of the East African interior before the much later arrival of Islam and Christianity was rare indeed.
The chieftainships of the southern savanna
In northwestern Tanzania, dynasties of a pre-Chwezi kind apparently spread from the interlacustrine area during the middle centuries of the present millennium. Ntemi (as the office was called) became prevalent among both the Sukuma and the Nyamwezi. They (the ntemi) were probably as much ritual leaders as political rulers; certainly they do not seem to have exercised before the 19th century a "state" authority that was characteristic of the later interlacustrine rulers. By roughly the 16th century there may have been an extension of this style of chieftainship southward into southwestern Tanzania. At all events, the chiefly groups among the Nyamwanga, the Nyika, the Safwa, the Ngonde, the Kinga, the Bena, the Pangwa, the Hehe, and the Sangu have common traditions of origin, and it seems clear that they are to be distinguished from their significantly different, matrilineal neighbours in southern Tanzania, Zambia, and Congo (Kinshasa). There also seem to have been secondary movements of ntemi-like institutions in the 18th century to Ugogo, Safwa, Kaguru, Kilimanjaro, and Usambara. At the same time, the development of chieftainships in these other areas of Tanzania may originally have occurred independently of influences from elsewhere.
Northeastern Bantu
The spread of some Bantu to the northern coast of East Africa during the 1st millennium ce is supported by the memory of a settlement area named Shungwaya situated to the north of the Tana River. Shungwaya appears to have had its heyday as a Bantu settlement area between perhaps the 12th and the 15th centuries, after which it was subjected to a full-scale invasion of Cushitic-speaking Oromo peoples from the Horn of Africa. There is controversy as to whether the ancestors of the present Kamba and Kikuyu of Kenya were from Shungwaya, but it would seem that they probably broke away from there some time before the Oromo onslaught. It has been suggested, indeed, that the Kikuyu spread through their present territories from 1400 to 1800. The old Cushitic wedge checked them from spreading farther westward. This extended, as it would seem to have done for two or more millennia past, over both sides of the Kenyan and northern Tanzanian Rift Valley, but in the middle of the present millennium it was subjected to one of the multiple waves of invading Nilotic peoples—who were partly agriculturists and partly pastoralists—that moved into much of the northern and northwestern parts of East Africa.
The Nilotic migrations
The supersession of the Chwezi by Luo dynasties in the northern interlacustrine region at about the end of the 15th century resulted from the migrations of Nilotic peoples southward—in this instance, it has seemed, from a cradleland in what are now Sudan and South Sudan.
For some 18 generations or so Bito rulers of Luo origin held sway over the kingdom of Bunyoro-Kitara, to the east of Lake Albert. Though at first their dominion seems to have been widely extended, they began to be rivaled in the 16th and 17th centuries by the rise of Buganda, under its ruler, or kabaka. Working on interior lines and based upon a particularly fertile region, Buganda developed a strength and cohesion that from the 18th century onward was to make it—with Rwanda—one of the two most formidable kingdoms of the region.
The Luo rulers and such followers as had accompanied them were soon fully absorbed into the Bantu population of these kingdoms. Immediately to the north (where the Bantu did not extend) there occurred the greatest independent expansion of the Luo peoples, who formed the Acholi; provided ruling groups for peoples to the west who came to be called Alur; and bred the Jopaluo and Jopadhola to the east and also the sizable Luo populations who, between the mid-16th and the mid-18th centuries, came to settle on the northern side of Winam Bay to the northeast of Lake Victoria and spread thereafter to its southern shore as well.
Over to the east, into the former Cushitic domain that centred upon the Rift Valley, there appears to have been, in about the middle of the present millennium, a great expansion of Kalenjin peoples. These Highland Nilotes (as distinguished from, among others, River-Lake Nilotes such as the Luo), seem to have absorbed most of the previous southern Cushites who remained there and also to have successfully held the core of this ancient wedge, if not its earlier dimensions, against further Bantu incursions. By 1700, however, a second expansion into this old protrusion was beginning. During the 18th century the Maasai (Plains Nilotes, as they are sometimes called) spread over most of the area, until they came to be found as far south as Gogo country in central Tanzania. Already divided into pure-pastoralist and mixed-agriculturist subtribes, they were soon to be found to the east near Kilimanjaro. The earlier Kalenjin thus found themselves confined to the hillier country between the Rift Valley and Lake Victoria, where—constituting the Keyu (Elgeyo), the Suk (Pokot), the Nandi, the Kipsikis, and the Tatoga of more recent times—they entered into a variety of interactions with their various Luo and Bantu neighbours. Farther to the north in the areas beyond Mount Elgon a shorter-run series of migrations by other Plains Nilotes was simultaneously taking place. First, in the 17th century, the Lango began moving southwestward (and became much affected by their River-Lake Nilotic neighbours, the Acholi). Then, in the 18th century, the Teso, Karimojong, and others began also to move in various southward directions.
It has been suggested that all these Highland and Plains Nilotic migrations were set off, both before and after the middle of the present millennium, by successive pressures from the Oromo to the north. Like the Oromo, the Nilotic peoples lacked any firmly institutionalized political power, and their leaders were often less important than the elders of their clans. Indeed, Nilotes established "states" only where, as in the interlacustrine area over to the west, they came to rule other peoples who may very well have had traditions of rulership before they arrived. Such distinctions were to be of immense importance for the future.
Pressure on the southern chieftainships
With the breakup of their main body, at the north end of Lake Nyasa, after 1845, some parties of Ngoni moved northward. Some Ngoni groups made their way to Songea; another struck north to Lake Victoria. They carried, to the area west of Lake Tanganyika, a new style of raiding and appear to have precipitated among such peoples as the Holoholo and the Ndendehule, the Sangu, and the Bena—in part, at least, as a safeguard against Ngoni raids—the creation of new political institutions, including more powerful rulerships. The most notable of such developments were, in the first place, among the Hehe, where, under Munyigumba and then on his death, in 1879, under his son Mkwawa, a powerful state was built up; then among the Nyamwezi, where between 1870 and 1884 the warrior chief Mirambo established a powerful personal rulership; and also among the Kimbu, where, between 1870 and 1884, Nyungu and his ruga-rugas (or bands of warriors) created a dominion that survived his death.
Nothing quite so striking occurred to the northeast. Conflict persisted between the smaller Chaga rulers on Kilimanjaro. In the mid-19th century, Kimweri enjoyed a considerable dominion in the region of the Usambara Mountains, but on his death in the 1860s his rulership disintegrated. Further such disintegrations occurred in the 19th century among the rulerships of Buha and Buzinza, at the south end of Lake Victoria, and among the Buhaya kingdoms on its eastern shore. The kingdom of Mpororo, to the west of Buhaya, had already broken up. By the 1890s its neighbour Nkore seems to have been in danger of disintegrating as well. Earlier in the century Toro, to its north, had broken away from Bunyoro, previously the most extensive of the kingdoms in this area, while fragmentation was almost endemic among the Busoga kingdoms to the east.
Rwanda and Buganda
But there were also growing points in the interlacustrine area, where one of the largest kingdoms, Rwanda, consolidated its rear by annexing Lake Kivu, then, in the aftermath of a succession war, swallowed the small kingdom of Gissaka, to its east. It failed to defeat Burundi, to the south, but under its mwami, or ruler, Kigeri IV (who reorganized its military forces) it extended its control by raiding to the north.
Its power was equaled in this region only by the kingdom of Buganda. Having annexed the large area of Buddu, to its southwest, in the late 18th century, Buganda thereafter generally refrained from any further territorial extensions. Its rulers steadily increased their authority at home by enhancing the power of appointed chiefs at the expense of the clan leaders, while abroad they preferred to make satellites rather than subjects of their neighbours. They had a good deal of success eastward in Busoga and southward along the western shore of Lake Victoria and around its southern rim. In the 1870s and '80s Buganda's protégés were on several occasions installed in petty rulerships in Busoga. In 1869 Bunyoro successfully survived Buganda interference in one of its succession conflicts (as Nkore did in 1878) and indeed in the 1870s and '80s was renewing its strength. Bunyoro's improved position turned much on its new military formations, the abarasura, while Buganda's successful predation owed a good deal to its new military efforts under the mujasi, or military commander, as well as to the building of a formidable fleet of canoes.
The Luo and Maasai
To the north and northeast the previous migrations of the Luo from west to east were followed in the 19th century by a new wave of migrations from east to west. The Lango, for example, further expanded in two southward and westward waves toward Lake Kyoga and toward the Victoria Nile, where they ran up against the Acholi. To their south the Teso and the Kumam were also moving west and south. A flourishing trading network developed around Lake Kyoga.
Activity was rife also among the pastoral peoples to the east. In about 1850 the Turkana began to migrate from a base west of Lake Rudolf. Southward stood the Maasai, the warrior people of the plains and open plateaus north and south of the string of Rift Valley lakes west of Mount Kenya. From 1830 onward their various subtribes were engaged, under the auspices of their rival laibons, or ritual leaders—among whom Mbatian, who succeeded his father, Subet, in 1866, was the most famous—in a succession of internecine conflicts largely over cattle and grazing grounds. Their wars denuded the Laikipia and Uasin Gishu plateaus of their former Maasai, the so-called Wakwavi, who, being deprived of their cattle, switched to agriculture. They also helped the Nandi, who, with the Uasin Gishu Maasai now troubling them no more, took to raiding on their own account from a base between the Rift Valley and Lake Victoria. Under the leadership of their laibon-like orkoiyots, the Nandi and their kinfolk, the Kipsikis, were soon the new powers in the land. Some of their neighbours who lived in open country put up defense works against them—the Baluyia, to the west, for example, built mud walls around their villages—while others, such as the Teita, the Kamba, and the Kikuyu, who lived on higher ground and in forest country, were rather better placed and from their carefully guarded fastnesses could defy the Maasai. On the edges of their country they even entered into some permanent trade and marriage relations with the Maasai. Where the soil was fertile, moreover, such people considerably increased their populations. Though they had no chiefs, "prominent men" were accorded a recognized status among them, and by the close of the century some of these were fighting each other for local supremacy.
Trade with the coast
On the coast, following the death, in 1856, of Sayyid Saʿīd, his erstwhile dominions in East Africa were split off from the imamate of Muscat. By 1873 the authority of the Āl Bū Saʿīdī sultans on Zanzibar itself became complete, although there were still revolts against them on the coast—particularly at Pate and Mombasa (where the Mazrui retained their preeminence despite successive defeats)—and at Kilwa, to the south. This arose chiefly from the sultan's acceptance of the further measures against the East African slave trade pressed upon him by the British consul at his court. By the 1860s some 7,000 or so slaves were being sold annually in the Zanzibar slave market, but in 1873 a treaty with the British closed the market at Zanzibar, and Sultan Barghash, by two proclamations in 1876, reduced the export from the mainland to a trickle. As it happened, however, there was then a final period of unprecedented slaving on the mainland, where the trade in slaves had generally been closely connected with the trade in ivory and the demand for porters was still considerable.
Trade in the East African interior began in African hands. In the southern regions Bisa, Yao, Fipa, and Nyamwezi traders were long active over a wide area. By the early 19th century Kamba traders had begun regularly to move northwestward between the Rift Valley and the sea. Indeed, it was Africans who usually arrived first to trade at the coast, rather than the Zanzibaris, who first moved inland. Zanzibari caravans had, however, begun to thrust inland before the end of the 18th century. Their main route thereafter struck immediately to the west and soon made Tabora their chief upcountry base. From there some traders went due west to Ujiji and across Lake Tanganyika to found, in the latter part of the 19th century, slave-based Arab states upon the Luapula and the upper reaches of the Congo. In these areas some of those who crossed the Nyasa-Tanganyika watershed (which was often approached from farther down the East African coast) were involved as well, while others went northwestward and captured the trade on the south and west sides of Lake Victoria. Here they were mostly kept out of Rwanda, but they were welcomed in both Buganda and Bunyoro and largely forestalled other traders who, after 1841, were thrusting up the Nile from Khartoum. They forestalled, too, the coastal traders moving inland from Mombasa, who seemed unable to establish themselves beyond Kilimanjaro on the south side of Lake Victoria. These Mombasa traders only captured the Kamba trade by first moving out beyond it to the west. By the 1880s, however, they were operating both in the Mount Kenya region and around Winam Bay and were even reaching north toward Lake Rudolf.
The colonial era
Suggestions that he might at this time establish his dominion over the East African interior prompted Sultan Barghash to send a Baloch force to Tabora, but the idea was never pursued. A comparable notion, however, led Khedive Ismāʿīl Pasha of Egypt to appoint in 1869 the Englishman Samuel White Baker as governor of the Equatorial Province of the Sudan, so that Baker might carry the Egyptian flag to the East African lakes. Though Baker reached as far south as Bunyoro in 1872, he was soon obliged to leave. His successor, Charles George Gordon, proposed to circumvent both Bunyoro and Buganda by going straight up the Nile's banks. But Mutesa I, kabaka of Buganda, frustrated Gordon's efforts on the Nile, and by the early 1880s, with bankruptcy in Egypt and the Mahdist revolt in the Sudan, only remnants of the Egyptian enterprise remained.
The Egyptian incursion had been the climax to the search by many European explorers for the headwaters of the Nile—a quest that had obsessed the later years of the Scottish missionary David Livingstone and had prompted the discovery in 1858 of Lake Tanganyika by the English expedition of Richard Burton and John Hanning Speke. Speke returned first to discover Lake Victoria in 1858 and then with James Grant in 1862 became the first white man to set eyes on the source of the Nile, which Speke named Ripon Falls. By circumnavigating Lake Victoria 12 years later, Henry Morton Stanley stilled the controversy that had ensued in Europe over Speke's claim.
Missionary activity
The revelations of these explorers, the example of David Livingstone, concern in western Europe over the East African slave trade, and the Roman Catholic and evangelical fervour that existed there inspired the invasion of the East African interior by a motley collection of Christian missionary enterprises. Johann Ludwig Krapf and Johannes Rebmann of the Church Missionary Society, who had worked inland from Mombasa and had, in the 1840s and '50s, journeyed to the foothills of Mount Kenya and Kilimanjaro, were followed by a British Methodist mission. Roman Catholic missionaries reached Zanzibar in 1860 and settled at Bagamoyo in 1868. An Anglo-Catholic mission first tried to establish itself in the Shire highlands, then in 1864 transferred to Zanzibar. Anglican missionaries arriving in Buganda in the mid-1870s at the request of Kabaka Mutesa were soon followed by Catholic White Fathers—there and elsewhere on Zanzibar's Tabora route—while the London Missionary Society sent men both to Unyamwezi and to Lake Tanganyika.
There were, of course, a number of localized religious movements among the peoples of East Africa during the 19th century. These included the Mbari cult among the Nyakyusa, the Nyabingi in Rwanda, and the Yakany movement north of Mount Ruwenzori. None of them, however, spread in quite the way that the Chwezi movement had earlier. Islam, on the other hand—spread widely at the instance of the Zanzibari traders and long established on the coast—had secured a scattering of converts in the interior as in the key kingdom of Buganda.
This was the scene onto which Christian missionaries first entered. Although by 1885 there were nearly 300 of them in East Africa, they did not initially win many converts, and those they at first obtained came only from among freed slaves and refugees from local wars. After 1880, however, they made important conversions in Buganda, and by the end of the century Christianity was spreading in the Lake Victoria area over most of the region in which the Chwezi movement had previously percolated—and before very long over a much larger area as well.
Partition by Germany and Britain
Philanthropic, commercial, and eventually imperialist ventures followed these evangelical endeavours. Nothing of great moment, however, occurred until 1885, when a German, Carl Peters, riding a tide of diplomatic hostility between Germany and Britain in Europe, secured the grant of an imperial charter for his German East Africa Company. With this the European scramble for Africa began. In east-central Africa the key occurrence was the Anglo-German Agreement of 1886, by which the two parties agreed that their spheres of influence in East Africa should be divided by a line running from south of Mombasa, then north of Kilimanjaro to a point on the eastern shore of Lake Victoria. This began the extraordinary process by which the territories and subsequently the nations of East Africa were blocked out first upon the maps far away in Europe and only later upon the ground in East Africa itself. The agreement put the area to the north (most of modern Kenya) under British influence and the area to the south (Tanganyika; modern mainland Tanzania) under German influence. The Anglo-German Agreement of 1890 placed additional territory (most of modern Uganda) under British influence.
Kenya was proclaimed a British protectorate in 1895 and a crown colony in 1920. Most of what is now Uganda was formally proclaimed a British protectorate in 1894, with additional areas being added to the protectorate in the following years. Tanganyika was declared a German protectorate in 1891. During World War I, Britain captured the German holdings, which became a British mandate in 1920. Britain retained control of Tanganyika after World War II when it became a United Nations trust territory. Tanganyika gained independence in 1961 and in 1964 merged with Zanzibar, later taking the name Tanzania. Uganda gained its independence in 1962, and Kenya became fully independent in 1963.D. Anthony Low The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica


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Book Dubrovnik flights
There's so much to see in beautiful Dubrovnik, you better book right now.
There's so much to see in beautiful Dubrovnik, you better book right now.
The silvery Adriatic creases against the coast of Croatia and over 1,000 islands lie in its folds. With many nature reserves and protected seas, these are some of the world's clearest waters. This, then, is a country for island hopping.
Sightsee on foot in Dubrovnik town centre and eat out in the streets with history staring out at you from every bare stone. Further afield, when you're not relaxing in one of the region's great spas, stay outside as much as possible- beyond Dubrovnik's historical centre you'll find gardens and terraces, water sports, and a flat rock to dry out on after a dip in the Adriatic.
You'll find culture is right there on the streets in the Old Town. In high season, the Dubrovnik symphony orchestra, the jazz bands and the summer festival filter music down the thoroughfares. See Europe's oldest working pharmacy, a Titian painting in a 14th century monastery and the cathedral, where it's said that Richard the Lionheart funded its construction.
Dubrovnik holds the fort when it comes to a few choice delicacies: olive oil is fantastic but often exported and the oysters, seaweed strewn and salty, weigh down the bucket list of foods you must try. Sample fresh grilled squid lifted with a squeeze of lemon. The classic restaurant Nautica specialises in fish but for a casual harbour pizza, head to Poliskar.
The Troubadour Jazz Club has live music and the Capitano Bar always catches the crowds. Head to the popular Babik Kuk region and the Cave Bar More, with a unique setting even older than the Old Town, complete with stalactites. A wine bar's a wise choice. Why not try a local Pošip, it's strong, white and full of flavour.
Bask on Banje Beach, which is close to the Old Town, with views of the majestic walls. Splash in the shallow surf at Copacabana Beach, and gaze in awe at the coastal mountains. Or relax in seclusion at Sv. Jakov Beach and enjoy a picnic on the rocky shores opposite Lokrum Island. The locals' favourite is the Danče beach, a boulder-strewn stretch just south of the Lovrijenac fortress.
There are three major islands just offshore from Dubrovnik – Kolocep, Lopud and Sipan. You can easily visit these tranquil islands by ferry and go on walking tours of the islands. On car-free Lopud, you will find the remains of the Rector's Palace and a monastery built in 15th century. Also nearby is the island of Korčula, whose vineyards make some of the best wine in Croatia. Visiting Dubrovnik would not be the complete without visiting at least one island.
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Mounce's Complete Expository Dictionary of Old and New Testament Words
by Mounce, William D.•
Zondervan 2006
For years, Vine's Expository Dictionary has been the standard word study tool for pastors and laypeople, selling millions of copies. But sixty-plus years of scholarship has shed extensive new light on the use of biblical Greek and Hebrew, creating the need for a new, more accurate, more thorough dictionary of Bible words. William Mounce, whose Greek grammar has been used by more than 100,000 college and seminary students, is the editor of this new dictionary, which will become the layperson's gold standard for biblical word studies.
Mounce's Expository Dictionary of Old and New Testament Words is ideal for readers with limited or no knowledge of Greek or Hebrew who want greater insight into the meanings of biblical words to enhance Bible study. It is also the perfect reference guide for busy pastors needing to quickly get at the heart of a word's meaning without wading through more technical studies.
Key Features
- The most accurate, in-depth definitions based on the best of modern evangelical scholarship
- Both Greek and Hebrew words are found under each English entry
- Employs Strong's numbering system
- Endorsed by leading scholars
Praise for the Print Edition
Far more complete, decades more contemporary, vastly superior in content…
—John Kohlenberger III
At last! A word study book which I can unhesitatingly recommend to those who are not proficient in the original languages. I plan to purchase several copies for my colleagues.
—Ajith Fernando
Anagke is the Greek word for 'that which is necessary.' It is comprehensively defined by this entire work, which is an indispensable aid for anyone serious about understanding or teaching the words of the Word.
—John Ortberg
For all of us who believe in the power of 'the text,' this resource will prove to be indispensable. A big thanks to Bill Mounce for helping us dig a little deeper
—Joe Stowell
Product Details
- Title: Mounce's Complete Expository Dictionary of Old and New Testament Words
- Author: William D. Mounce
- Publisher: Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan
- Publication Date: 2006
- Pages: 1,344
About William D. Mounce
William D. Mounce (PhD, Aberdeen University) lives as a writer in Spokane, Washington. He is the president of Biblical Training, a nonprofit organization offering the finest in evangelical teaching to the world for free. Formerly he was the preaching pastor at a church in Spokane, and prior to that a professor of New Testament and director of the Greek program at Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary. He is the author of the bestselling New Testament Greek resource, Basics of Biblical Greek, and served as the New Testament chair of the English Standard Version translation of the Bible.


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The Ravens scratched veteran offensive lineman Bryant McKinnie after replacing him this week with Eugene Monroe at left tackle.
McKinnie complained of a sore left knee, which he said was drained this week. He isn't listed on the official injury report.
McKinnie hasn't ruled out the possibility of being traded. The Ravens have explored the possibility of trading McKinnie and a few teams remain interested, according to league sources.
The Ravens also could keep McKinnie as a backup in case anything happens to starting tackles Monroe and Michael Oher. McKinnie has already been paid a $2 million signing bonus as part of a two-year, $6.3 million contract and his $1 million...


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SANTA BARBARA, Calif. – The UC Santa Barbara women's basketball team extended its winning streak against Cal State Fullerton to 40 games on Saturday afternoon with a 60-50 victory in the Thunderdome.
With the win, UCSB improves to 9-12 overall and 5-4 in Big West Conference play. The Titans fall to 7-14 and 3-6 in league games.
After building their lead to as many as 12 points in the first half, UCSB saw its advantage dwindle away as Fullerton came back to tie the game at 40-40 midway through the second.
With the game deadlocked, UCSB head coach Carlene Mitchell made a complete lineup change, bringing Jackie Luna-Castro, Kendra Morrison, Jasmine Ware, Madeline Campbell and Destini Mason off the bench with 9:56 to go in the game.
Ware immediately made her presence felt as she stole the ball and converted the fastbreak to regain the Gauchos' lead. The Titans were able to tie the game two more times before UCSB broke through with an 8-0 run. The Gaucho reserves did not let Fullerton get any closer than seven points down the stretch, helping secure the 60-50 victory.
"Typically I can say that when we win it is truly a team effort, but today I can say that and it is backed by the numbers," head coach Carlene Mitchell said. "The starters did a great job in the first half, but we started a bit slow and with a lack of intensity in the second half, and I want the young ones to understand that they always have to be ready and have their mind in the game. Today the second unit helped us pull of this win. I am extremely proud of the intensity and the focus that they came in with."
In the first half, the Gauchos fell behind early, 5-3, but the offense heated up and went on a 14-0 run to take the lead halfway through the stanza. The Titans cut their deficit to four points with a 7-2 run, but UCSB built its lead to a game-high 12 points with 1:48 to go in the stanza.
Heading into the locker rooms, the Gauchos were ahead, 28-18. Their first half output marked their second-best this season behind their 36 points against Loyola Marymount (Dec. 5). They also kept an opponent to fewer than 20 points in the first half for the seventh time this year.
Senior Kirsten Tilleman led the Gauchos as she put up a season-high 16 points to go along with eight rebounds, just short of her first double-double of the season. She had eight points and eight rebounds in the first half alone and she also made 8-of-8 from the charity stripe.
Senior Sweets Underwood chipped in 10 points, while juniors Melissa Zornig and Nicole Nesbit each had seven. The latter led the team with four assists.
The Gauchos shot 52.6% (20-for-38) from the field. After making 100% of its first half free-throws (7-of-7), they struggled in the second, sinking just 12-of-22 to finish the game with a 65.5% clip from the charity stripe.
The Gauchos' 60 points mark the most they have scored at home this season. The win improves UCSB to 3-6 on its home court.
Fullerton finished the game shooting just 27.6% (16-of-58) from the field, though it out-rebounded the Gauchos, 40-30, with a 20-4 advantage in offensive boards. Lauren Bushong, who put up 11 points to go with five rebounds, led the Titans. Kathleen Iwuoha had 10 points and eight boards.
UCSB will hit the road again next week when it heads to UC Davis
on Thursday, Feb. 7 and Pacific on Saturday, Feb. 9. Both games
will air on UCSBgauchos.com and can be seen on BigWest.tv.
Saturday's game will air live on KZSB 1290 AM, the Santa
Barbara News-Press radio station.
Tickets for women's basketball are available at the Ticket Office in the Intercollegiate Athletics Building on campus, by calling 805-893-UCSB (8272) or online by clicking here.


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Hannah Storm's Stylish, Sophisticated, and Comfortable Home
Behind the all-American facade of Hannah Storm's home lurks 1920s French sophistication.
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Hannah Storm: SportsCenter anchor, former heavy-metal disc jockey, Art Deco fan. Sometimes the most innocent of questions can lead to the most spectacular answers. In the case of Hannah Storm, what made all the difference in her domestic life was a simple question that she posed to Karen Miller, a Houston decorator she met through a friend: "Can you come look at my bookshelves?"
Since that fateful meeting a couple of years ago, the house that Hannah shares with her husband, NBC sportscaster Dan Hicks, and their three daughters in suburban Connecticut has been utterly but discreetly transformed. Though its exterior has the same humble good looks it has maintained for more than a hundred years—the clapboard former farmhouse was built in 1850 and has had only a few alterations in the intervening century—the interiors are sexy, sophisticated rooms whose Art Deco furnishings and modern paintings and sculpture come as a bit of a surprise when visitors step through the paneled front door.
"We looked at huge modern homes with big rooms and all sorts of conveniences, but they all felt impersonal," says Hannah, who began her career as a heavy-metal disc jockey in Texas and eventually became a major presence at NBC and ESPN as a pioneering woman sports reporter (as well as a host of CBS's Early Show for five years). "But when I walked into this house, it had an emotional pull. It was charming and welcoming."
Her visceral reaction shocked her as much as her husband; she likes sleek modern furniture while Dan, who was raised in Arizona, leans toward the lively rusticity of the American Southwest and Latin America. "We are more funky in our tastes rather than super-traditional," Hannah explains, adding that she and her husband have amassed a wide-ranging array of art that includes a cache of crosses and Madonnas that Hannah, who is Catholic, has picked up on visits to Mexico and Greece, where she covered the Olympics. The couple also came equipped with an eclectic array of furniture, much of it generously overscaled. The Connecticut farmhouse, however, is cozy, with small rooms, eight-foot ceilings, and a long, narrow footprint. And the smallest of the already small bedrooms, which is used as a nursery, is little more than a glorified closet.
"Obviously, nothing we had worked," Hannah explains. When Karen Miller entered the picture, though, a decorative focus was quickly found. Though the rooms of the house provided a challenge of scale, Miller suggested that the simple, straightforward architecture would work beautifully with simple-in-silhouette but rich-in-finishes treasures made in France during the 1920s and 1930s. A surprising choice, it was a style that addressed Hannah's interest in giving the rooms an unfussy formality and an elegant rigor that would hold their own in the company of the couple's growing collection of modern art, such as a pair of paintings in the living room by the American master Robert Motherwell. "This is the kind of stuff that's totally in line with our personalities," Hannah says, "and Art Deco totally flies with an old country house, believe it or not."
Contributing to the sense of grandeur as much as the Art Deco furniture (some of it antique pieces, others custom-made) is the house's surprisingly luxurious color scheme: taupe walls, cream ceilings, woodwork subtly supercharged with dashes of shining black lacquer, and upholstery whose tones range from bronze to mulberry. The floors, once farm-style golden, are now ebony dark, as are the staircase's treads, balusters, and railing. And there are touches of glam glitter, too, like the extravagant 1930s Venetian-style French mirror that hangs in one corner of the living room. The mirror is paired with a custom-made black lacquer cabinet.
Especially eye-catching is the big chunk of pyrite, a mineral more commonly known as fool's gold, which sits in splendor above the new stone fireplace. "It's supposed to be the biggest piece of pyrite to come out of Peru in years," says Miller, noting that similarly sparkling minerals—geodes, rock crystal, quartz—were often incorporated into Art Deco interiors by designers like Jean-Michel Frank and tastemakers like Coco Chanel. More important to Miller was the pyrite's site-perfect scale. "There isn't much clearance between the fireplace and the ceiling," she says, "so a standard painting wouldn't fit."
Small-scale houses often present space challenges, and the Storm-Hicks place is no exception. Upstairs, for instance, the ceiling of the master bedroom has a steep angle that corresponds to the contours of the roof. The result, Miller says, is that the second-floor "windows are squatty, practically dormer size." Her solution to a problem another designer might have solved through demolition? Make the master bedroom window seem larger by mounting the valance onto the ceiling and installing floor-length curtains to give it a bit of fool-the-eye height.
It's a house that's glamorous, yes, but surprisingly unstuffy. "We entertain a lot, and I wanted people not to feel afraid of sitting down to eat with a plate of food in their laps," Hannah says, adding that a usual weekend involves cocktails on the veranda and watching kids go crazy in the yard before sitting down to dinner. "We really use every room in the house."
Photography: Jeff McNamara
Interior designer: Karen Miller, Karen J. Miller Interiors, 14019 Southwest Freeway, Suite 301-345, Sugar Land, TX 77478; 281/494-4901.
Living Room
The home's living room has modern appeal, its graphic sofa soothed by "Wheeling Neutral" wall paint from Benjamin Moore. A pair of paintings by the American master Robert Motherwell hang above the living room sofa.
A modern metal sculpture and Veronese-style glass vases nestle in the crook of the staircase, whose balusters have been stained to match the ebony-colored floors.
Hannah and her husband, NBC sportscaster Dan Hicks.
Living Room Picture Window
Silver-leafed chairs sparkle in front of a picture window.
The clapboard house dates from the 1850s.
Since the new fireplace was too tall to allow a conventional over-mantel painting, interior designer Karen Miller gave a massive chunk of Peruvian pyrite pride of place.
Dining Room
Black-lacquer side chairs and curvaceous upholstered armchairs are gathered around a custom-made dining table.
See details on the following slides.
Dining Room Details
A 1930s Venetian-style French mirror provides baroque counterpoint to a custom-made chest of drawers in the dining room.
Dining Room Details
Graphic artwork delights in the dining room. A modern bar table provides an additional surface for serving.
Dining Room Buffet
Glass, Lucite, and silver details around the dining room lend sparkle and shine to this sophisticated space. A chandelier hanging above adds to the glamorous vibe.
Sunlight floods the white kitchen, creating a cheerful space for cooking and dining. Wicker barstools line the spacious center island; green and yellow tiles on the backsplash compliment the warm woods throughout the rest of the main floor.
Breakfast Area
A corner banquette makes room for a cozy breakfast area. The paneled mirror above the buffet and a row of hanging pendant lights help to brighten the space.
Master Bedroom
A tall hotel-style headboard upholstered with mohair adds the illusion of height to the bedroom.
Dressing Table
Mulberry-colored fabric skirts Hannah's dressing table. A gilt-accented mirror and satin fabrics inject glamour.
Master Bedroom Details
An ingenious angled valance fools the eye into thinking the master bedroom ceiling is higher than it actually is.
Want to see the beautiful home of another TV personality? Click here to explore the luxuriously appointed abode of Inside Edition's Deborah Norville.


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LOCAL SPORTS: Cancellations and postponements sweep across Connecticut
Local high school athletes have been house-bound and forced to train in creative ways in the wake of the blizzard that has cancelled school for days and rearranged the scholastic schedule.
The Berkshire League, after postponing the league wrestling tournament twice has decided to cancel the event this season.
"If we had gone tomorrow, that would have taken another day away from state preparations - seeding meetings on Thursday, " said Patrick Cooke, who is the Athletic Director at Gilbert High School and the Chairman of Wrestling for the Berkshire League. "A lot of coaches were hoping for a good three or four days preparation."
"A lot of kids are going to be competitive in states, but a lot of kids, this is their tournament, so we hoped to give them that opportunity," said Cooke.
The Class L track championship was postponed for the third time Monday. The meet moved from Saturday afternoon, to Tuesday afternoon, and now to Friday at 4 p.m. at the Floyd Little Athletic Center in New Haven.
The North Haven boys' track team hasn't practiced since last Thursday, and school will remain closed through at least today.
North Haven senior John Spencer is seeded second in the 55 meter hurdles and is one of the favorites in that event when the Class L meet finally gets underway. Spencer will also run on the 4x400 relay team.
"With all the snow, I don't think anybody's been able to go outside and run," Spencer said. "I've been running on the treadmill (at home) and doing stretches. There's not much else I can do."
The Class LL meet was originally scheduled for last Friday but was moved to Sunday and then postponed again to Wednesday at 4 p.m.
Amity senior Kate Simon, favored to win the shot put, said the time off has wrecked havoc with workout routines.
"Having four or five days off before a big meet is tough," Simon said. "Not being able to run or work out, we're losing muscle already. I think the (time off) will affect everyone in different aspects.
"I talked to my teammates and we're doing push-ups and sit-ups, and if you have a treadmill in the basement, running on that. But it's been hard for training sessions."
The Class S meet is scheduled for Thursday at 4 p.m.
The Southern Connecticut Conference gymnastics championship, slated for Wednesday at Law, was postponed Monday.
The new date, time and location will be determined in the next 24 hours according to league commissioner Al Carbone.
Milford schools are not expected to resume classes until Thursday, when the boys' hockey team has a scheduled away game at Guilford.
"As far as my team is concerned, with the cancellation of school for Tuesday and Wednesday, we are not allowed to practice or play games per district policy," Milford coach Sal Follo said. "I don't know how much impact this will have when it comes to how we will play going into the postseason. We will just have to wait and see. But I can tell you it is very frustrating."
The weight of the snow caused the collapse of the synthetic bubble over the Cheshire Community Pool.
For now, all events and programs at the pool are cancelled indefinitely.
Cheshire boys' swim coach Fran Connolly said nothing is confirmed, but with the bubble collapse, the Rams' one remaining home meet with Branford on Feb. 20 will likely be held at Branford.
"(Cheshire athletic director) Steve Trifone is working hard to reschedule our one remaining home meet and he's working hard to arrange for practices with the bubble down," Connolly said. "We're hopeful that we can use Cheshire Academy's pool for practices. They've been very good to us in the past. But all that is still up in the air at this point. It's been a little frustrating for all of us. We haven't been in the water since last Thursday."
With regular season games being moved to Thursday, the SCC girls' basketball tournament will not start that day as originally scheduled. The start of that tournament has yet to be determined.


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SAN ANTONIO(AP) The Los Angeles Lakers clinched a playoff spot with a fourth-quarter stand and a Kobe Bryant moment that coach Phil Jackson said didn't feel at all like the postseason.
Sure could have fooled most people watching.
Scoring the last of his 23 points on a 3-pointer with 1:46 left, Bryant and the Lakers became the first team in the West to secure a playoff spot with a 102-95 victory over the San Antonio Spurs on Thursday night.
The Spurs have been the No. 2 team in the West most of the season, and Los Angeles validated that pecking order with a road win that also wrapped up the Pacific Division with a month to play in the regular season.
Not that Bryant cared in the slightest.
"Oh yeah,'' Bryant cracked, "we're really big on Pacific Division titles.''
Tony Parker and Michael Finley had 25 points apiece for the Spurs, who trailed by as much as 18 points before mounting a furious fourth-quarter comeback. Parker hit a 3-pointer with 2:19 left to cut the score to 95-93, but Bryant answered right back with his 3-pointer in the face of rookie George Hill.
As Bryant left the court, a few dozen fans chanted "M-V-P! M-V-P!'' in what is usually hostile territory for the Lakers.
Hill said he was surprised the shot went in.
"I thought it was pretty good defense,'' Hill said. "But it's Kobe, and he makes great plays. I did the best I could to challenge him and try to push him back out. He's deadly.''
Pau Gasol had 23 points and 11 rebounds for the Lakers. Lamar Odom had 12 points and 10 rebounds in his return from a one-game suspension for leaving the bench during an altercation in Monday's loss to Portland.
Tim Duncan had 16 points and 11 rebounds for the Spurs, whose lead over the Rockets in the Southwest Division was cut to two games. San Antonio plays at Houston on Saturday, when the Rockets will becoming off a Friday night game at Charlotte.
Drew Gooden made his Spurs debut after being signed a week ago, but played just 3 1/2 minutes, scoring two points and grabbing four rebounds.
"We couldn't get anything done offensively, and defensively they made every shot,'' Parker said. "After that we were in a big hole, and against the Lakers it's tough to come back.''
Trevor Ariza, who joined the Lakers' starting lineup this week, scored 10 points. Derek Fisher also added 10.
"You're always surprised you jump out early, particularly in this building because they play so well at home,'' Bryant said. "But that's what we needed.''
The close finished belied what looked like a Lakers blowout from the start.
Forcing the usually careful Spurs into 10 first-half turnovers, the Lakers rolled to a 35-17 lead - the most points allowed by the Spurs in the first quarter all season.
"It's difficult to spot the best team in the league 18 points and then go play,'' Spurs coach Gregg Popovich said. "It was a really tough first quarter. They played great and didn't miss many shots. They made shots and we played badly.''
Bryant had 14 at the half against defenders ranging from 37-year-old Bruce Bowen to the rookie Hill. Finley kept the Spurs as close as he could, hitting a trio of 3-pointers and scoring 17 in the first half.
San Antonio trailed 78-70 to start the fourth period, but the Lakers couldn't put the Spurs away. Finley's 3-pointer with 10:30 left cut the lead to 81-78, bringing the sold-out crowd to its feet in a game that increasingly seemed to take on a playoff atmosphere.
From his vantage point, Jackson said he didn't feel like the game had playoff intensity. But he was glad to end a three-game road trip with back-to-back wins that started Wednesday in Houston, where the Lakers broke the Rockets' 12-game winning streak at home.
"It salvaged a road trip,'' Jackson said.
Popovich said before the game he didn't know if Gooden would play, then inserted his new big man for a brief spell in the second half. It was just the third appearance since Jan. 19 for Gooden, who has been hobbled by a groin injury since starting the season in Chicago and then being traded to Sacramento last month.
Notes: The Lakers took the season series from the Spurs 2-1. ... Coach Phil Jackson said if Odom feels any guilt for getting suspended for leaving the bench against Portland, he shouldn't. "Those instincts are just sometimes stronger than rationale,'' Jackson said. "It's just a cockamamie rule. It's a rule has some sense in it, but doesn't stand up all the time. It just doesn't.''


text:
Following Blizzard's Enslavers campaign, this (future) collection of small StarCraft Veterane Campaigns will tell the stories of rather unknown heroes of the three races. While the stories are kept interesting and full of atmosphere, the focus is set on the challenging aspect of these campaigns - they are meant to be a challenge for true veterans on the battlefield. These missions will be very hard to beat.
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Style: Contemporary Hot & Cold Water: Yes
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Surface Treatment: Polished Style: Single Holder Single Hole Weight Per Package: <2kg Faucet Mount: Single Hole
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CAMBRIDGE, Mass. – The New England Women's and Men's Athletic Conference (NEWMAC) has announced the Academic All-Conference teams for the spring season of the 2010-11 academic year. MIT led the way with 66 student-athletes tabbed for Academic-All Conference honors.
Honorees must have met the following criteria: earned a minimum cumulative GPA of 3.5/4.0 scale or 4.35/5.0 scale after the 2010 spring semester, achieved a second year academic status at his or her institution, and been a member of a varsity team for the entire season.
Spring sports sponsored by the NEWMAC are baseball, softball, men's and women's outdoor track and field, men's tennis, women's lacrosse and women's rowing. MIT's outdoor track and field teams had the most honorees, with 20 on the men's side and 15 from the women's squad. The Engineers had eight student-athletes from each of their softball, baseball and men's tennis teams honored, while seven women's lacrosse players were also eligible for Academic All-Conference. MIT does not compete in NEWMAC women's rowing.
The NEWMAC consists of 10 highly selective institutions committed to academic excellence: Babson College, Clark University, U.S. Coast Guard Academy, Mount Holyoke College, Smith College, Springfield College, Wellesley College, Wheaton College, Worcester Polytechnic Institute, and Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
MIT's 66 honorees were far and away the most of any school in the conference. Springfield had 51 students named to NEWMAC's Academic All Conference, followed by WPI with 36 and Smith and Mount Holyoke with 20 apiece. Coast Guard saw 17 students receive the honor, while 15 student-athletes from Wheaton were also recognized. Wellesley and Clark each had 14 student-athletes eligible for Academic All-Conference recognition and Babson had 13 athletes tabbed for inclusion.
The following is a list of MIT's representatives on the NEWMAC Academic All-Conference Team:
Zachary Carr, 2012
Aric Dama, 2013
Brian Doyle, 2011
Daniel Hyatt, 2011
Grant Iwamoto, 2013
Andrew Jeanguenat, 2013
Max Ockner, 2013
Ricardo Perez, 2013
Women's Lacrosse
Evelyn Cordner, 2012
Kelly Duncan, 2011
Allison Hamilos, 2012
Molly McCartin, 2011
Molly McShane, 2013
Lauren Rodda, 2011
Meghan Wright, 2013
Men's Outdoor Track and Field
Matthew Barron, 2013
Logan Daum, 2011
Matthew Falk, 2012
Jared Forman, 2013
Timothy Galvin, 2013
Yida Gao, 2013
Kyle Hannon, 2013
Travis Hery, 2011
Phillip Hunt, 2012
Andrew Musacchio, 2011
Gilbert O'Neil, 2013
Daniel Ronde, 2013
Stephen Serene, 2012
Logan Trimble, 2013
Chinedum Umachi, 2012
Cyrus Vafadari, 2012
David Way, 2013
Matthew Weaver, 2012
Paul Welle, 2011
Dawit Zewdie, 2013
Women's Track and Field
Hazel Briner, 2011
Chandler Burfield, 2013
Taylor Burfield, 2013
Marie Burkland, 2013
Caroline Figgatt, 2011
Karin Fisher, 2011
Alina Gatowski, 2011
Portia Jones, 2012
Lauren Kuntz, 2013
Margaret Lloyd, 2012
Amy Magnuson, 2010
Leslie Meyer, 2013
Tania Morimoto, 2012
Melissa Showers, 2013
Sarah Sprague, 2013
Men's Tennis
Biafra Ahanonu, 2012
Troy Astorino, 2012
Andrew Cooper, 2013
Max Nelson, 2012
Brian Oldfield, 2013
Neel Patel, 2012
Ken Van Tilburg, 2011
Michael Walsh, 2013
Leah Alpert, 2013
Maia Bageant, 2011
Anna Christensen, 2013
Michelle Dion, 2013
Keri Dixon, 2011
Kathleen Harrington, 2012
Jessica Oleinik, 2011
Nydia Ruleman, 2012


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- 1998
Hurricane Mitch slams into Central America
Hurricane Mitch hits Central America on this day in 1998. The storm, the most deadly hurricane to hit the Western Hemisphere in more than 200 years, went on to kill thousands of people.
The storm formed on October 8 off the west coast of Africa. For 10 days it grew larger, slowly making its way across the Atlantic Ocean. On October 18, still only a tropical storm, Mitch entered the Caribbean. At the time, the storm provoked relatively little concern, but by October 24, it reached hurricane status with the help of unseasonably warm waters in the Gulf of Mexico. By the next day, Mitch was a Category 5 storm battering southern Mexico with torrential rains.
Hurricane Mitch then bore down on Central America, forcing the evacuation of 75,000 people from Belize City. As it made landfall, the storm began moving very slowly and unpredictably. In areas where the storm stalled, rainfall in excess of 50 inches was recorded. Flash floods and mudslides were the deadly result of overwhelming rains.
Honduras and Nicaragua were worst hit by Hurricane Mitch. In Honduras, flooded rivers completely isolated the city of San Pedro Sula. The water levels reached 10 feet in large towns such as Tegucigalpa. Not only were thousands killed but nearly three-quarters of the country's crops were destroyed, a huge economic loss. The worst single incident of the disaster took place in Posoltega, Nicaragua, where 2,000 people perished in a huge mudslide. The town of Casitas was also virtually wiped off the map by a mudslide.
Making matters even worse, 10 more people were killed when a plane carrying missionaries to assist in the relief efforts crashed in Guatemala. Additional assistance was sent from around the world. The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers was particularly helpful in restoring access to areas that had been cut off by the hurricane.
In total, somewhere between 11,000 and 18,000 people are believed to have died because of the hurricane, making Hurricane Mitch the most deadly storm since the Great Hurricane of 1780. Nearly 1 million people lost their homes and the region suffered an estimated $4 billion in damages.