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A moratorium on shale drilling wont be in La Plata Countys future, at least in the near term. A divided board of county commissioners decided against moving forward with a moratorium on Tuesday.
Commissioners Bobby Lieb and Julie Westendorff agreed the current development situation fails to warrant such an action.
There may be some incremental revisions (to the county land-use code) that may make sense, but as far as putting all development on hold, I dont see us having met the legal burden. I dont see that our code is inadequate to the point that it justifies moratorium, Westendorff said.
Commissioner Gwen Lachelt, who pushed for the county to consider a moratorium in the first place, continued to support a temporary halt on shale drilling activity to allow the county time to re-evaluate and strengthen its natural-gas and oil regulations.
Counties have an implied authority to enact moratoriums as long as they hold a public hearing beforehand, lay out specific reasons for the moratorium and end the moratorium when those goals are completed.
El Paso County and Boulder County have enacted moratoriums on natural-gas and oil development in recent years because their regulations were either outdated or nonexistent.
La Plata County began moratorium discussions after news that Houston-based Swift Energy Co. planned to drill two exploratory shale-oil wells in the southwest part of the county.
The commissioners varied in their opinions of how well the countys regulations cover shale-oil drilling.
Lieb described the county as a forerunner in working with and regulating the natural-gas and oil industry on a local level.
We have a whole chapter dedicated to just this one use. We were the first county to adopt an MOU process for additional impacts. I would argue we happen to know what were doing. Lieb said. I have to be presented with evidence that there is an imminent problem that we do not have the ability address before I consider a moratorium.
But Lachelt, the former director of Earthworks Oil and Gas Accountability Project, said she sees major deficiencies in the countys code, especially compared to new gas and oil rules Boulder County commissioners adopted in December.
Boulder County officials touted their regulations as the most protective land-use regulations possible for new oil and gas development.
Lachelt said one of her concerns is that the countys current administrative process for approving well permits wont allow for sufficient review of shale-well applications and their increased surface impacts.
The countys natural resources planner and deputy county attorney said they didnt see any gaping holes in the countys regulations, but that could change once Swift commences drilling.
Maybe after these wells go in well find things we do need to include in the code, planner Courtney Roseberry said.
As with other county discussions on shale drilling, the commissioners meeting room was packed with Fort Lewis Mesa property owners, city dwellers, mineral-rights holders, environmentalists and energy-industry representatives.
A handful of property owners, many of whom own mineral rights in the area, urged commissioners to let energy development move forward because the industry is already adequately regulated.
The majority of other Fort Lewis Mesa residents, joined by representatives from local environmental groups, encouraged commissioners to enact a moratorium and take time to further explore shale-drilling impacts.
The county currently knows little about what will happen with the Mancos Shale, including details related to water use, infrastructure needs, job creation and waste disposal for the Swift wells, said Bruce Baizel, energy program director at Earthworks Oil and Gas Accountability Project and vice chairman of the State Review of Oil and Natural Gas Environmental Regulations.
Though opting against pursuing a moratorium, commissioners left open the possibility of making smaller changes to drilling rules.
One revision commissioners briefly discussed would require operators to notify well owners within a certain distance of the well bore before beginning fracking operations.


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My first conservative experience was in second grade, when I learned America the Beautiful. Verses one and two were merely baffling: I could not picture waves of grain, I could not believe that mountains were purple, and I could not form an association between liberty and pilgrim's feet. But the third verse broke me like glass and made me an idolater. O beautiful for patriot's dream, that sees beyond the years, we warbled; thine alabaster cities gleam, undimmed by human tears. Somehow the song called forth in my childish heart an answering music that I had never heard in church. I seemed to hear the whine of gulls and the murmur of the sea before a white throne; I was afflicted with a sense of the Fall and a longing for the City whose light is the Glory of God. But I misidentified the City. The song sent me questing for Columbia, not the New Jerusalem. I was told to seek in the ideal futurity of my nation what cannot be made by hands.
What then is a Christian to make of conservatism? The danger, it would seem, is not in conserving, for anyone may have a vocation to care for precious things, but in conservative ideology, which sets forth a picture of these things at variance with the faith. The same is true of liberalism. From time to time Christians may find themselves in tactical alliance with conservatives, just as with liberals, over particular policies, precepts, and laws. But they cannot be in strategic alliance, because their reasons for these stands are different; they are living in a different vision. For our allies' sake as well as our own, it behooves us to remember the difference. We do not need another Social Gospel-just the Gospel.
In a previous essay, "The Problem With Liberalism" (FT, March), I described liberalism as a bundle of acute moral errors, with political consequences that grow more and more alarming as these errors are taken closer and closer to their logical conclusions. Conservatism may be described as another such bundle. The parallel is not perfect, for American culture is balanced at the top of a liberal ridge and is only now considering the descent. Because conservative moral errors have had less time to work among the powers and principalities, we cannot always discern their political consequences. But we can anticipate their fruits by their roots. The moral errors of conservatism are just as grave as those of its liberal opponents.
A minor difficulty in setting forth these errors is the ambiguity of the term "conservatism." Conservatives come in many different kinds, and their mistakes are equally heterogeneous. I should like to stress, therefore, that not every conservative commits every one of the errors that I describe in the following pages. But there is a common theme. Each kind of conservative opposes the contemporary government-driven variety of social reformism in the name of some cherished thing which he finds that it endangers. One speaks of virtue, another of wealth, another of the peace of his home and the quiet of his street-but although these pearls are of very different luster, none wishes his to be thrown before swine. So it is that conservatives are often able to make common cause, putting all their pearls in a single casket.
The first moral error of political conservatism is civil religionism. According to this notion America is a chosen nation, and its projects are a proper focus of religious aspiration; according to Christianity America is but one nation among many, no less loved by God, but no more.
Our civil religion seems to have developed in four stages. The first stage was the Massachusetts Bay colony. Although the Puritans accepted the orthodox view of the Church as the New Israel, they also viewed it as corrupt. The Church's role of City Upon a Hill had therefore passed to themselves-to the uncorrupted remnant of the faithful, fled to North American shores. Like the Israelites, they viewed themselves as having entered into a special covenant with God to be His people. The same blessings and curses, however, were appended to their covenant as to the one at Sinai; therefore, warned Governor John Winthrop, should the settlers embrace the present world and prosecute their carnal intentions, "the Lord will surely break out in wrath against us [and] be revenged of such a perjured people."
The second stage was the colonies just before the Revolution. Increasing unity among the settlers had given rise to a national sense of covenant with God, but the shared experience of English harassment aroused suspicion that the covenant had been breached. Isaiah's warnings to Israel were invoked by way of explanation: "How is the faithful city become an harlot! It was full of judgment; righteousness lodged in it; but now murderers." Preachers like Samuel Langdon declared that if only the people would turn from their sins, God would remit their punishment, purge the nation of wrongdoers, restore a righteous government-and deal with the English.
The third stage was in the early and middle republic. God was still understood as the underwriter of American aspirations, but as the content of these aspirations became more and more nationalistic it also became less and less Christian. It appeared that God cared at least as much about putting down the South and taking over the West as He did about making His people holy; patriotic songwriters like Samuel Francis Smith used expressions like "freedom's holy light," but they meant democracy, not freedom from sin.
The fourth stage was the late republic. By this time American culture had become not just indifferent to Christianity, but hostile to it. Conservatives still wanted to believe that the nation was specially favored by God, but the idea of seeking His will and suffering His chastening had been completely lost. President Eisenhower remarked that what the country needed was a religious foundation, but that he didn't care what it was. President Reagan applied the image of the City Upon a Hill not to the remnant of the Church in America, but to America as such-its mission not to bear witness to the gospel, but to spread the bits and pieces of its secular ideology.
The mistake in all these stages is confusing America with Zion. She is not the inheritor of the covenant, not the receiver of the promises, not the witness to the nations. It may well be that all nations have callings of sorts-specific purposes which God in His providence assigns them. But no nation can presume to take God under its wing. However we may love her, dote upon her, and regret her, the Lord our God can do without the United States.
The second moral error of political conservatism is instrumentalism. According to this notion faith should be used for the ends of the state; according to Christianity believers should certainly be good citizens, but faith is not a tool. To be sure, the pedigree of instrumentalism is not purely conservative; it has followers on the left as well as the right. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, for instance, wanted the state to invent a civil religion to his order and then make use of it. Its articles would be proposed "not exactly as religious dogmas" but as "sentiments of sociability without which it is impossible to be a good citizen or a faithful subject." Most instrumentalists, however, are not so fastidious. They are willing to make a tool of whatever religion comes to hand, whether civil, traditional, or revealed. Religious conservatives who pine for the days when jurists called America "a Christian country" and recognized Christianity as "the law of the land" are deeply in error if they think such statements expressed belief; what they expressed was instrumentalism. In those days the religion that came to hand was Christianity (or at least its counterfeit in civil religion), and the speakers were interested primarily in how it could be used. The eminent nineteenth-century jurist Thomas Cooley admitted as much. Supreme Court Justice David Brewer, controversial author of America a Christian Country, was only slightly less explicit.
Viewed from this perspective, the contrast between the jurisprudence of yesterday and today is not nearly as sharp as religious conservatives make it out to be. Although language describing Christianity as the law of the land has disappeared from our cases, judges and legislators are just as interested in the social utility of the faith as they were before-and just as indifferent to its truth. Consider for example the 1984 Supreme Court case Lynch v. Donelly, which concerned whether a Christmastime nativity display could be financed by a municipal government. Members of the Court likened erecting a creche to adopting "In God We Trust" as the national motto and opening judicial sessions with the invocation "God save the United States and this honorable Court." By the comparison, they meant three things.
These acts and declarations have nothing to do with religion. They do not "endorse" the faith, but merely "acknowledge" it, said Justice O'Connor. Indeed they have "lost through rote repetition any significant religious content," said Justice Brennan. Otherwise, they said, they would be establishments of religion, which are forbidden.
On the other hand, they are socially indispensable. They are "uniquely" suited to serve "wholly" secular purposes (Brennan) which could not reasonably be served in any other way (O'Connor). These purposes include "solemnizing public occasions" (Brennan and O'Connor), "expressing confidence in the future and encouraging the recognition of what is worthy of appreciation in society" (O'Connor), and "inspiring commitment to meet some national challenge in a manner that simply could not be fully served if government were limited to purely nonreligious phrases" (Brennan). The last of these purposes is especially interesting-in plain language, it means getting people to do something they would refuse to do otherwise.
In fact, they are a noble lie. Obviously, if the mottoes and creches and so forth had really lost all their religious content they would be completely useless for achieving any purposes whatsoever, secular or otherwise. Our rulers feel free to use them because they have lost religious meaning for them; they work, however, because they retain this meaning for the masses.
The third moral error of political conservatism is moralism. According to this notion God's grace needs the help of the state; Christianity merely asks the state to get out of the way. We might say that while instrumentalism wants to make faith a tool of politics, moralism wants to make politics a tool of faith; on this reading, what instrumentalism is to secular conservatives, moralism is to religious conservatives. Surprisingly, though, many religious conservatives seem unable to tell the difference. Whether someone says "We need prayer in schools to make the children holy" or "We need prayer in schools to make the country strong," it sounds to them the same.
Now I am not going to complain that moralism "imposes" a faith on people who do not share it. In the sense at issue, even secularists impose a faith on others-they merely impose a different faith. Every law reflects some moral idea, every moral idea reflects some fundamental commitment, and every fundamental commitment is religious-it proposes a god. Everything in the universe comes to a point. For moralism, therefore, the important distinction is not between religion and secularism, but between faiths that do and faiths that do not demand the civil enforcement of all their moral precepts.
To the question "Should the civil law enforce the precepts of the faith?" the biblical answer is, "Some yes, but some no; which ones do you mean?" The New Testament contains literally hundreds of precepts. However, Christianity is not a legislative religion. While the Bible recognizes the Torah as a divinely revealed code for the ruling of Israel before the coming of Messiah, it does not include a divinely revealed code for the ruling of the gentiles afterward. To be sure, the Bible limits the kinds of laws that Christians can accept from their governments, for "we must obey God rather than men" (Acts 5:29). However, it does not prescribe specific laws that they must demand from them.
It is not even true that all of God's commands limit the kinds of laws that Christians can accept. To see this, contrast two such precepts: (1) I am prohibited from deliberately shedding innocent blood; (2) I am prohibited from divorcing a faithful spouse. Both precepts are absolute in their application to me, but that is not the issue. If we are speaking of governmental enforcement, then we are speaking of their application to others. The former precept should require very little watering down in the public square, for even nonbelievers are expected to understand the wrong of murder. That is why I may be confident in condemning the legalization of abortion. But the latter precept requires a good deal of watering down in the public square, for before the coming of Christ not even believers were expected to understand the true nature of marriage. "Moses permitted you to divorce your wives because your hearts were hard," said Jesus, "but it was not this way from the beginning" (Matthew 19:8). No doubt the Pharisees to whom He was speaking were scandalized by the idea that their civil law did not reflect God's standards fully. They must have been even more offended by the suggestion that it was not intended to. Among religious conservatives this suggestion is still a scandal, but it does not come from liberals; it comes from the Master.
Christians, then, may certainly commend a law as good or condemn it as evil. They may declare it consistent or inconsistent with the faith. But not even a good law may be simply identified with the faith; Christians must not speak of a tax code, marriage ordinance, or welfare policy as Christian no matter how much, or even how rightly, they desire its enactment or preservation. That predicate has been preempted by the law of God. The civil law will be Christian-if it still exists at all- only when Christ himself has returned to rule: not when a coalition of religious conservatives has got itself elected.
The fourth moral error of political conservatism is Caesarism. According to this notion the laws of man are higher than the laws of God; according to Christianity the laws of God are higher than the laws of man. With this error we have come back to secular conservatives. The peculiar thing about American Caesarism is that the state never says that its laws are higher than the laws of God; it simply refuses to acknowledge any laws of God, in the name of equal liberty for all religious sects.
George Reynolds, a Mormon living in Utah Territory, was charged during the 1870s with the crime of bigamy. In his defense he argued that the law was an unconstitutional infringement of his free exercise of religion. Accepting his appeal, the Supreme Court disagreed. Although it said all sorts of interesting things about why free exercise of religion is good (and why polygamy is wrong-for instance because it leads to a patriarchal rather than republican principle of authority in government), the heart of the rebuttal was a simple distinction between opinions and actions. Appealing to Thomas Jefferson's idea of a "wall of separation between church and state," it held that what people believe is the business of the church, but that what they do is the business of the state. Therefore, the First Amendment does not mean that people may act as their religion requires, but only that they may think as their religion requires; free exercise of religion makes no difference whatsoever to the scope of state power over conduct.
Still favored by many conservatives, this doctrine has startling implications. It means, for instance, that in throwing Christians to the lions for refusing to worship Caesar, the Romans did nothing to infringe the free exercise of Christianity; after all, while being devoured, the martyrs were still at liberty to believe that Caesar was only a man.
A century later, in cases involving other religious groups, the Court conceded the point. Announcing its discovery that faith and conduct cannot be isolated in "logic-tight compartments," it now decreed that "only those interests of the highest order and those not otherwise served can overbalance legitimate claims to the free exercise of religion." But this was too much for judicial conservatives, and the experiment was ended in 1992. Writing for the Court in Employment Division v. Smith (II), Justice Scalia appealed to the notion that the issue in free exercise cases is not whether the state's motives are "compelling," but whether they are "neutral." A law that does not expressly single out a particular sect may burden any religious practice to any degree, so long as this burden is "merely the incidental effect" of the law and not its "object." In other words, repression is fine so long as it is absentminded. Pastoral care and counselling could not be forbidden as such but could be forbidden as an incidental effect of regulations for the licensing of mental health practitioners; the sacrament of baptism could not be forbidden as such but could be forbidden as an incidental effect of regulations for bathing in public places. To be sure, since the recent action of the Court, Congress has reinstated the compelling-interest doctrine, lauding its deed as a "Religious Freedom Restoration Act." But surely this is overstatement. After all, even under the compelling-interest doctrine, claims to the free exercise of religion can be swept aside whenever the state thinks its reasons are good enough. So much we would have had without a First Amendment.
As our own times have made clear, even releasing nerve gas in public places can be an exercise of religion. Perhaps the blame for our troubles lies with the Framers, for refusing to distinguish the kinds of religion whose exercise should be free from the kinds of religion whose exercise should not. But, foolishly thinking ignorance a friend of conscience, we have followed their lead. Afraid to judge among religions, we put them all beneath our feet; pursuing the will-o'-the- wisp of equal liberty, we tumble headlong into Caesarism.
The fifth moral error of political conservatism is traditionalism. According to this notion what has been done is what should be done; Christianity, however, though it cherishes the unchanging truths of faith, insists that any merely human custom may have to be repented. "That which hath been is that which shall be; and that which hath been done is that which shall be done: and there is no new thing under the sun," writes Koheleth, "the Preacher" (Ecclesiastes 1:9). "Behold, I will do a new thing; now shall it spring forth; shall ye not know it?" answers God (Isaiah 43:19).
An illustration of the mischiefs of traditionalism may be found in the 1992 Supreme Court case Planned Parenthood v. Casey, which reaffirmed the supposed right to take the lives of one's unborn children. By inventing the right in the first place, the Court had shattered tradition; no such use of lethal violence by private individuals had ever been sanctioned in common law. But Roe v. Wade had stood for twenty years. As far as the Court is concerned, that makes it a new tradition-and as such, unassailable. Amazingly, the Court upheld Roe even while admitting that it might have been decided incorrectly. "We are satisfied," says the majority, "that the immediate question is not the soundness of Roe's resolution of the issue, but the precedential force that must be accorded the ruling."
Just how does an unsound precedent have force? The answer, says the Court, is that "for two decades of economic and social developments, people have organized their intimate relationships and made choices that define their views of themselves and their places in society in reliance on the availability of abortion in the event that contraception should fail. . . . An entire generation has come of age free to assume Roe's concept of liberty." To put the idea more simply, sex has been separated from responsibility for resulting children for so long that to change the rules on people now would be unfair. Therefore, never mind whether what was done was right; what matters is that it was done.
Moral errors gain their plausibility from the truths that they distort. It is certainly true that precedents, traditions, and customs should not be needlessly disturbed; the gain in goodness from a particular change must always be balanced against the harm of change as such. But this truth applies to the choice between a good law and a still better one, not to the choice between a good law and an evil one. The question to ask about moral evil is not whether we have got used to it, but whether it can be stopped.
The sixth moral error of political conservatism is neutralism. This may come as a surprise, because neutralism also comes in a liberal variety. Whereas the liberal sort of neutralist exclaims, "Let a thousand flowers bloom," the conservative sort cries merely, "Leave me alone." In essence, conservative neutralism is the notion that because everyone ought to mind his own business, moral and religious judgments should be avoided. By contrast, while agreeing that one ought to mind his own business-St. Paul warns three times against busybodies- Christianity holds that moral and religious judgments can never be avoided. They must be straight and true before people can even agree as to what their business is.
Not everyone reaches neutralism by the same route, but conservative thinker Michael Oakeshott follows a well-worn path in deriving it from traditionalism. Conservatives, he says, seek activities whose enjoyment springs "not from the success of the enterprise, but from the familiarity of the engagement." What makes this disposition intelligible in politics is "the observation of our current manner of living" together with the belief that laws are "instruments enabling people to pursue activities of their own choice with minimum frustration." But to say this is to reject the view that laws are "plans for imposing substantive activities"; therefore, he holds, conservatism has "nothing to do" with morals or religion.
Of course the conclusion does not follow, and if it were really true then conservatives could make no decisions at all. Rather than being indifferent to questions of good and evil, Oakeshott himself maintains the good of minimizing frustration, and rather than holding no opinion about religion, he holds the opinion that it is better to be ignorant of truth than to be pestered about it. For example he says that people of conservative disposition "might even be prepared to suffer a legally established ecclesiastical order," but "it would not be because they believed it to represent some unassailable religious truth, but merely because it restrained the indecent competition of sects and (as Hume said) moderated 'the plague of a too diligent clergy.'" The difficulty is plain: If not by his own moral and religious standards, then how does Oakeshott know that competition is indecent and diligence a plague? Why not condemn complacency and sloth instead?
Not even rules designed to tell what counts as pestering can work in a neutral way. Always we must add others to make them work-and what we add makes a difference to the outcome. Christianity recognizes this. For example, consider the principles of Subsidiarity and Sphere Sovereignty. Each targets the problem of knowing where the business of one party ends and the business of another begins. Subsidiarity, a precept of Catholic social thought, holds that greater and higher social institutions like the state exist just to help lesser and subordinate ones like the family. Therefore, to destroy the lesser institutions, absorb them, or take away their proper functions is "gravely wrong" and a "disturbance of right order." Sphere subsidiarity is more prominent in Protestant social thought. Ordering social institutions horizontally instead of vertically, it says that each has its own domain, its own authority, and its own ruling norm, for instance love in the case of the family and public justice in the case of the state. Therefore, each should be protected from interference by the others.
Both rules are meant to deal with meddling, but applying either one requires a vast amount of other knowledge, which one must get from somewhere else-just what the neutralist would like to think unnecessary. To test my college students I used to ask, "To which institution would a subsidiarist give the task of instructing children in sexual mores-state or family?" Almost all replied, "The state." Families need help, they argued, because they do a poor job in this area: They rarely teach children about contraception, sexual preferences, or the many other things which young moderns need to know. I was astonished. Couldn't my students tell the difference between helping the family and absorbing its functions? On reflection their answer was not astonishing at all. They shared neither Christian presuppositions about what sex is for nor Christian presuppositions about how a family works; why then should they have reached Christian conclusions in applying Christian social principles?
There is nothing exceptional about the principles of Subsidiarity and Sphere Sovereignty; no definition of meddling or intrusion can work in a neutral way. Particular moral and religious understandings are always presupposed, and changing them changes the way our definitions work. It follows that forbidding moral judgments will not keep busybodies out of other people's hair. Somehow they must learn the meanings of "other," "people's," and "hair."
The seventh moral error of political conservatism is mammonism. According to this notion wealth is the object of commonwealth, and its continual increase even better; according to Christianity wealth is a snare, and its continual increase even worse. Mammonism is what the Big Tent that some political analysts urge for the Republican Party is all about: ditch the social issues, but hold onto the capitals gains tax reduction. To keep your liberty you have to keep your money.
Christians, of course, are not the only ones to have criticized mammonism. Warnings against the love of wealth were a staple even of ancient pagan conservatism. The idea was that virtue makes republics prosper, but prosperity leads to love of wealth, love of wealth leads to loss of virtue, and loss of virtue makes republics fall. Thus if you want your republic to endure, you will do well to seek a site unfavorable to great prosperity-not too warm, not too fertile, not too close to the trading routes. That our secular conservatives disagree with their ancient counterparts will strike no one as a new idea. Odder is the ease with which modern Christians make their peace with mammonism.
An extreme example is found in the late-nineteenth-century Baptist preacher Russell Conwell, who maintained that to make money is the same thing as to preach the Christian gospel. However that may be, to preach his own gospel was certainly the same thing as to make money. So eager were people to hear his oft-repeated Acres of Diamonds speech that he is said to have earned, over a period of years, perhaps six million dollars from speakers' fees alone. Though peanuts by the standards of modern televangelists, at the time that was real money. An inventory of Conwell's more astonishing claims would include at least the following: (1) It is your Christian duty to get rich, and ownership of possessions makes you a better person; (2) The overwhelming majority of rich people are morally upright, and that is exactly why they are rich; (3) It is wrong to be poor, and God does not approve of poor people. That Jesus explicitly contradicts each of these claims (Matthew 6:19-21, Matthew 19:23-24, Luke 6:20) leaves Conwell cold.
A more temperate but still objectionable form of mammonism is found in Toward the Future, a "lay letter" published in 1984 by a committee of prominent Catholic conservatives. Jesus told the story of a master who entrusts his servants with the care of his money while he is traveling to a distant place to receive a kingship. Upon his return, he finds that one servant has buried his share while the other two have made investments. The timid servant he scolds and dismisses, but the bold ones he praises and rewards with yet greater responsibilities. Traditionally the Church has understood this parable to mean that just as a king in this world expects his agents to take risks, not burying his money but investing it to earn a return, so God expects his people to take risks, not burying their gifts but using them to build up the Kingdom of Heaven. By contrast, the lay letter understands it to mean simply that God expects his people to invest their money to earn a return. "Preserving capital is not enough," the authors teach; "it must be made to grow." The use of gifts for the sake of the Kingdom becomes the growth of wealth for the sake of wealth.
To be sure, the lay letter's defense of enterprise is not altogether wrong. Material things are not intrinsically evil, it is not a sin to engage in honest business, and, despite its dubious motivational underpinnings, the capitalist type of economy may well be superior to the alternatives. Indeed the cooperative sort of socialism seems to ignore the circumstance of the Fall, and the compulsory sort cannot even be established without the sin of theft. In a fallen world, much can also be said for the "invisible hand" of the market, by which independent individuals, even though selfish, bring about a social good which was no part of their intention. But even Adam Smith recognizes that the invisible hand does not work unless laborers and businessmen submit themselves to the restraints of justice, and that an interest in wealth alone will not induce them to do so. After all, if winning is all that matters, why keep the competition going at all? Why not use one's wealth to wring special privileges from the government and so become more wealthy still? Capitalism depends on a moral spirit which it cannot supply and may even weaken; it is, in the most exact of senses, a parasite on the faith. But a Christian parasite is not by that fact Christian.
The eighth moral error of political conservatism is meritism. According to this notion I should do unto others as they deserve. With the addition of mammonism, matters become even simpler, for then those who need help are by definition undeserving, while those in a position to help are by definition deserving. That meritism is not a Christian doctrine comes as a surprise to many people. Large numbers think the meritist motto "God helps those who help themselves" is a quotation from the Bible. What the New Testament actually teaches is that in what we need most, we are helpless; the grace of God is an undeserved gift. According to Christianity I should do unto others not as they deserve, but as they need.
Aristotle taught that vices tend to come in pairs, because one can miss a mark either by way of excess or by way of deficiency-by going too far or by failing to go far enough. That is certainly the case here, for the conservative mistake of meritism stands opposite to the liberal mistake of propitiationism-doing unto others as they want. In fact the commonest way to fall into either mistake is by sheer recoil from the other. The reason is easy to see: We tend to think of justice and mercy as antithetical, so that to practice either I must slight the other. By this line of reasoning the conservative emphasis on desert is a preference for justice, while the liberal emphasis on desire is a preference for mercy. By contrast, in the Christian account of things justice and mercy are corollaries that must be united. They are united in the Atonement because God neither waived the just penalty for our sins nor inflicted it on us, but took it upon Himself. This staggering gift also teaches what the unity of justice and mercy requires: sacrifice. If to us justice and mercy seem irreconcilable, the reason is probably that we are loath to pay the price of their reconciliation; we are afraid of sacrifice and shrink from the way of the Cross.
What does the contrast between meritism and charity look like in ordinary human relationships? Consider the governmental policy of paying women cash prizes for bearing children out of wedlock. Liberals want to continue the policy because they cannot tell need from desire. Meritists propose ending it because the subsidies are undeserved. Although a Christian may accept the cutoff, he cannot accept it for the reason given. All of us at all times need and receive many things that we do not deserve. The problem with the subsidies is that they are not what is needed. They so completely split behavior from its natural consequences that they infantilize their supposed beneficiaries; to infantilize them is to debase them, and no one needs to be debased.
Very well, says the meritist to the Christian, but we both support a cutoff. The rationales differ, but so what? That makes no difference in practice, does it? But it does. After achieving the cutoff, the meritist thinks his work is done, but the Christian thinks his work has only begun. He must now find another way to offer help; and he had better be prepared to pay the price. For a portrait of that price, don't think of a bureaucrat, think of Mother Teresa.
We have considered what Christians are to make of political conservatism. It might also be asked what political conservatives are to make of Christians. I am afraid that the more faithful we are to our identity in Christ, the less reliable they will find us even as occasional allies; and we must be honest with them. The Christian thinker Michael Novak wrote in his 1969 book A Theology for Radical Politics that because God is the source of all truth and good, whatever is true and good is Christian. At that time finding truth and goodness on the left, he therefore baptized the left. Like many Christians of the time, what he forgot was that in order to identify the true and the good, one must have a standard. "Every explanation of the meaning of human existence," said Reinhold Niebuhr, "must avail itself of some principle of explanation which cannot be explained. Every estimate of values involves some criterion of value which cannot be arrived at empirically." By the time he wrote Confessions of a Catholic, fourteen years later, Novak had arrived at the same insight. As he explained, his former self had erred in taking his principle of explanation and criterion of value from a worldly faction instead of the community of faith. The "reference group" of Christian activists like himself had somehow become "others on the left"; it should have been others in the Lord.
To repeat the error would be a shame, for the reference group of Christians can no more be others on the right than others on the left. Citizenship is an obligation of the faith, therefore the Christian will not abstain from the politics of the nation-state. But his primary mode of politics must always be witness. It is a good and necessary thing to change the welfare laws, but better yet to go out and feed the poor. It is a good and necessary thing to ban abortion, but better yet to sustain young women and their babies by taking them into the fellowship of faith. This is the way the kingdom of God is built.
It is not by the world that the world is moved-yet how it pulls. Ah, God, help us let go of the heights and the depths, the thrones and dominions, the powers and principalities; to be not conservatives, nor yet liberals, but simply Christians. "Not by might, nor by power, but by my Spirit, says the Lord of Hosts."
J. Budziszewski is Professor in the Departments of Government and Philosophy at the University of Texas at Austin.
Copyright (c) 1996 First Things 62 (April 1996): 38-44.
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Cotton-top Tamarin
Likened to a tiny punk because of their distinctive 'hairstyles', this little creature is in seriously trouble in the wild.
Cotton-top Tamarins are classed as 'critically endangered' by the International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (on the IUCN 'red list'), with numbers in the wild decreasing. There are estimated to be about 6,000 individuals remaining, including only 300 to 1,000 in the wild. More are thought to be in captivity than in the wild. Thousands were trapped and exported to the US in the 1960s and 70s for medical research, which drastically reduced the wild population. In the wild, threats include loss of habitat from logging, natural disasters such as drought, and predators such as snakes and cats. In Colombia, the species is protected and export is banned.
Your visit helps to fight species extinction. Visiting the tamarins at Melbourne Zoo is an opportunity not only to meet these endearing creatures, but also to learn about the threats to many species, what the international community is doing to try to conserve this species, and how Zoos Victoria is contributing to the fight.
Cotton-top Tamarins are found in northwest Colombia. They prefer forest habitats and move through the forest canopy in search of food, although they will sometimes forage on the ground.
They eat insects, sap, fruit and nectar, but are believed to sometimes also eat reptiles.
Cotton-top Tamarins are small, and have black faces with a 'bridal veil' of long white hair. The fur on their backs is brown and underneath it is white.
Cotton-top Tamarins grow to about 30cm and weigh up to half a kilo. They live for about 13 years.
They sleep in a group of up to 13 individuals, but sometimes as few as two. These are generally friendly groups who love to groom each other, although there can be disputes over territory. They will band together to deter or frighten potential predators away.
Females bear one or two young. Adult individuals work together to help to rear tamarin young, sharing the feeding and carrying of the young.
- Werribee Open Range Zoo
- Melbourne Zoo
- Healesville Sanctuary


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Forschungsprojekt von Jonas Rutgeerts
Rhythm as an artistic and theoretical tool in contemporary choreography
In the last decades choreographers have issued a growing interest in the development of choreography as an autonomous practice. Choreography is no longer understood as a means to an end, a mechanism to create a performance, but as durational practice that surpasses the scope of the (next) performance. This shift redefines the relation between choreography and performance. The traditional choreography/performance dichotomy, where the choreography is pre-determined by the performance, is replaced by a holistic approach, in which performance is embedded in a choreographic practice that encompasses it. This repositioning of choreography has led to a discrepancy between theory and practice. Since the main research currents in the field of dance take the choreography/performance dichotomy as a starting point, they cannot think this holistic approach.
In this research I will explore the concept of rhythm as a way to both analyse the 'choreographic practice' and bridge the gap between theory and this practice. The idea behind this is that rhythm plays a defining role in the organisation of every choreographic working/thinking process. More specifically, I will adopt a dual approach. On the one hand I will examine the functioning of rhythm in specific choreographic working processes. On the other hand, I will enrich my analysis of these practices by referring to different theoretical discussions on rhythm.
Forschungsprojekt von Carlos Oliveira
The research I'm busy with inquires the conditions of possibility of choreography, to further develop an empiricist theory of choreographic techniques and a series of experiments which might realise them. Choreographic techniques are here hypothesised as non-representational practices that modulate relations of difference toward the concrescence of a movement-event and its associated milieu. Such process corresponds to what, in a Simondonian vein, can be called a transindividuation: the co-composition of forces and forms in an evolving ecology of multiple dimensions. In it, the variation of movement making itself felt (the event) is a phase-shift corresponding to an incorporeal change. The conditions for the choreographic induction of a such change are coded and codified milieus, in which the capacity for the event's transmission introduces a charge of indeterminacy that acts as a forcefield for creative advances. Along these lines, this research further explores the modes by which the transitivity of the movement-event, by means of technical distribution, complexifies the emergence of a new phase in the process. In other words, how does the implicit and explicit indetermination in the circulation of transitive events relates to choreographic induction, collective individuation and the event of movement moving? Biographie
Forschungsschwerpunkte von Marlon Barrios Solano


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"American Portraits," the latest in a series of shows from the Parrish Art Museum's permanent collection, will open to the public on Sunday.
The exhibit will spotlight tradition and innovation in about 75 portraits, dating from as early as 1833, with a William Sidney Mount painting of Mrs. Manice, an American dignitary. Mount was based in Setauket and was part of the Hudson River School.
There are more examples from the Parrish's stable of artists, including William Merritt Chase, Fairfield Porter, Larry Rivers, and Chuck Close. But there are others who are not household names or typically associated with the museum, such as Joe Fig, James McNeill Whistler, Tina Barney, and Mary Ellen Mark.
Alicia Longwell, the museum's chief curator of art and education, organized the exhibit. According to the museum, the assembled works will "show how a diverse array of artists have addressed the themes and concepts of portraiture in a variety of media, including painting, drawing, and photography." The exhibit will also examine the idea that every portrait reveals as much about the artist as the sitter.
The exhibit will remain on view through Nov. 27. The day before it opens, a program for which reservations will be required, will include a screening of "Inside the Museum: American Portraits," a video tour of the museum's storage facilities led by Ms. Longwell. In addition, she will discuss the work in the exhibit with some of the artists. A reception will follow.
Also on Sunday, the museum will present "Esmeralda," a performance by the Bolshoi Ballet based on Victor Hugo's "The Hunchback of Notre Dame," at 2 p.m. This is the full production, which is typically seen only in excerpts.
This is an encore presentation of a performance telecast live from Moscow on Sunday. The running time is approximately 200 minutes, including two intermissions.
Tickets are $15, or $12 for Parrish members, and can be purchased online at parrishart.org or at the door.


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Treating Aged or Sun-Damaged Skin
Treating Aged or Sun-Damaged Skin
What is photoaging?
Too much sun exposure early in life can make you look older. This premature wrinkling and skin damage from sun exposure is called photoaging. Photoaging is not like natural aging. It causes:
Coarse, dry skin
Freckling and skin discoloration
Leathery skin
Deep wrinkles
Treatment for sun-damaged skin
No one can avoid the natural process of aging, as the skin thins and lines and wrinkles appear. Moles, scars, and birthmarks also tend to change as we age. In addition, sun damage over the course of a lifetime worsens the aging skin. There are many anti-aging creams on the market. But sometimes advanced signs of aging and sun damage require more invasive dermatology procedures, such as:
Botulinum toxin type A. Injecting botulinum toxin into certain muscles blocks signals from the nerves to the muscles. The muscles that are injected no longer contract. This prevents the muscles from forming wrinkles and furrows. Using botulinum will also soften existing wrinkles. But it won't prevent the signs of aging. It is most often used for forehead lines and the lines between and around the eyes.
Chemical peels. Chemical peels are often used to minimize sun-damaged skin, irregular skin color (pigment), and superficial scars. The top layer of skin is removed with a chemical applied to the skin. By removing the top layer, the skin regenerates. This often improves its appearance.
Soft tissue augmentation or filler injections. A soft tissue filler is injected beneath the skin to replace the body's natural collagen that has been lost. There are many different kinds of fillers available. Fillers are generally used to treat wrinkles, scars, and facial lines. They also treats wrinkles caused by volume loss and repetitive muscle contraction. Fillers are also used to plump up lips and enhance shallow contours.
Dermabrasion. This may be used to minimize small scars, minor skin surface irregularities, surgical scars, and acne scars. It involves removing the top layers of skin with an electrical machine that abrades the skin. As the skin heals from the procedure, the surface appears smoother and fresher. It can be used for the whole face or for certain areas or scars. Microdermabrasion is a gentler version of dermabrasion. It uses small particles passed through a vacuum tube to remove aging skin and stimulate new skin growth. This procedure works best on mild to moderate skin damage. It may require several treatments.
Laser skin resurfacing. Laser skin resurfacing uses high-energy light to burn away damaged skin. Laser resurfacing may be used to minimize wrinkles and fine scars. It is also used to reduce enlarged oil glands, lighten up sun spots, and remove wart-like growths. A newer treatment option is called nonablative resurfacing. This type of resurfacing also uses a laser as well as electrical energy. But it does not damage the top layers of skin.
Intense pulsed light (IPL) therapy. IPL therapy is different from laser therapy because it delivers multiple wavelengths of light with each pulse (lasers deliver only 1 wavelength). IPL is a type of nonablative therapy. This means it does not damage the top layers of skin.
Tretinoin treatment. This prescription skin cream can reduce wrinkles, rough skin, and discolored skin.
March 21, 2017
Photoaging. UpToDate., Tretinoin (Topical). Stat!Ref.
Reviewed By:
Berman, Kevin, MD, PhD,Sather, Rita, RN


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KATHMANDU (Reuters) - A line of diners, holding on to the shoulders of the person in front of them, enters the pitch dark hall at Nepal's first blind restaurant, which treats guests to food they can smell, touch and taste but not see.
The 16-seat dining room has been heavily curtained from ceiling to floor in black, and the guests grope their way to the table, guided deftly by the waiters — all of whom are visually impaired.
But while similar blind dining venues have already opened in Europe and the United States, the one here comes with the key difference that it provides a rare chance for the Nepali handicapped to gain a measure of independence.
"We should see this from two angles - giving opportunities to the blind and a new experience to the public," said Shyam Kakshhapati, president of the Hotel Association of Nepal (HAN).
"It is important to give opportunities to disabled people because there are not many job openings for them in our country."
The blind restaurant, a separate wing of an ordinary eatery, comes on the heels of a separate restaurant chain that employs deaf waiters and has become popular with patrons.
Trainees are nominated by the Nepal Association of the Blind, a charity working for the visually impaired, of whom there are estimated to be 200,000 in Nepal. Some are already working as telephone operators, teachers and musicians.
Waiters get a daily wage of $6, a substantial income in a country where nearly one quarter of its 26.6 million people live on an income of less than $1.25 a day.
"With this I can continue my studies and the money is a financial relief to my family," said 23-year-old Utsav Nepal, a waiter and a bachelor's level student in a Kathmandu college.
In impoverished Nepal disabled persons are considered economic burdens on many families. Some take disability as a curse for things they have done wrong in their previous lives.
But notions are changing fast as Nepal undergoes rapid political changes after the Maoist rebels, who waged a decade-long civil war, joined the mainstream and the 239-year-old feudal monarchy was abolished in 2008.
Still, change comes slowly, and the restaurant may play an important role.
"It gives customers a small taste of what it is like to be blind...If they understand the problems of the visually impaired people they can help them better," said Adam Levene, a senior official of the Embassy of Israel, which helped set up the facility and train waiters.
At the restaurant, lined by a small bamboo grove, waiters put their white walking sticks into their bags and flit between tables to help diners find a fork or advise them on orders.
"If you want spicy food then take fusilli with cheese, mushroom, chilli and olives," Nepal, the waiter, is heard suggesting to the guests.
A Spanish couple, who wanted to do "something special and different" on their first wedding anniversary, came to eat.
"At the beginning I was scared completely...how to find food, how big is the dish," said Milca Hanukoglu, after the anniversary dinner with her husband, a native of Malaga.
"It was romantic. Instead of candle light, it was darkness."
Reporting by Gopal Sharma, editing by Elaine Lies and Paul Casciato


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Farancia abacura
25-80 inches. Shiny black above with a red underside crossed with black bands, the red irregularly extending onto the lower sides; tail tip with hardened point; scales smooth and in 19 rows.
Mud snakes favor low, swampy ground and ditches, but may wander abroad during wet weather. They suffer from the mistaken belief that they can sting with their tail and roll into a hoop. Although they may coil in concentric loops while at rest, mud snakes as well as all snakes are incapable of rolling wheel-like down slopes. The spine on the end of the tail is not sharp enough to pierce a person?s skin, nor do these snakes possess any poison glands or stinging apparatus. The spine seems to be used to aid in pinning the eel-like salamanders on which mud snakes feed. Despite their formidable appearance, mud snakes rarely bite, but may thrash about or roll over to expose the bright red belly when molested. They lay from 6-50 eggs, and the female often remains coiled about her clutch.
Found in low, swampy regions throughout the state.


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Today, as the Institute prepares for the opening celebrations of EMPAC in October, the president's vision of this bold experiment, and the reality of this signature building and program are rising on the west side of the Troy campus, where the green glass structure overlooks the Hudson River and the region.
While a wholly new facility and program, EMPAC builds on the traditional strengths of Rensselaer, says President Jackson. "We have taken the distinctive heritage of the Institute as a scientific, engineering, and technological university, and have created a place where scientists come together with artists for research and education at the nexus of the arts, the sciences, and technology in a venue of unparalleled quality."


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VIENNA (AP) — Don't expect a breakthrough — but the chances for progress have seldom been better. This is the message coming from Iran and six world powers ahead of renewed talks this week meant to end a decade of deadlock on Tehran's nuclear program.
The two sides come to the negotiating table in Geneva on Tuesday and Wednesday amid a feel-good atmosphere that began with the June election of centrist Iranian President Hassan Rouhani. Subsequent conciliatory comments by Iranian officials were capped last month by a phone call between Rouhani and President Barack Obama — the first conversation between U.S. and Iranian leaders in more than three decades.
Iran insists it does not want nuclear weapons. But building on the momentum of that telephone call, Iranian officials from Rouhani down say their country is ready to meet some international demands to reduce its nuclear activities.
Deputy Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, a senior member of the Iran negotiating team, said Sunday that Tehran is bringing a new proposal to the talks meant to dispel doubts that his country nuclear program is anything but peaceful. While offering no details, he told Iran's student news agency ISNA that the Islamic Republic should "enter into a trust-building path with the West."
"In their point of view trust-building means taking some steps on the Iranian nuclear issue, and in our view trust is made when the sanctions are lifted," Araghchi said, referring to crippling U.N. and other international economic sanctions imposed over Tehran's refusal to limit its nuclear activities.
If he succeeds in building trust, the talks — including the U.S., Britain, France, Russia, China and Germany — could be the launching pad for a deal that has proven elusive since negotiations on Iran's nuclear program began in 2003. A deal would also reduce the threat of war between Iran and Israel and possibly the United States.
The latter two nations' leaders have repeatedly warned they would never accept a nuclear-armed Iran, a pledge repeated ahead of the talks by U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry. Speaking on Sunday in London he noted that while "the window for diplomacy is cracking open," Obama "means what he says" when he vows not to allow Tehran to progress to such weapons.
As to the talks, "no deal is better than a bad deal," Kerry said, serving notice that Washington would not compromise on demands it sees are necessary to ensure that Iran's atomic activities remain peaceful.
From the six-power perspective, the ideal solution would be for Tehran to scale back aspects of its nuclear program that many nations fear could aid in making a bomb. That would trigger a gradual lifting of the economic sanctions on Iran.
Even if achievable, an end-game is far away.
Gary Samore, part of the U.S. nuclear negotiating team with Iran until earlier this year, says the Geneva talks offer "the best opportunity of a decade." At the same time, he expects "a very slow grind."
Heading Iran's delegation at the talks is Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif, a veteran, U.S.-educated diplomat who honed his skills as part of Tehran's team negotiating a cease-fire with Iraq 25 years ago. He says his country is ready to allow more intrusive international perusal of Tehran's nuclear program.
Other Iranian officials, meanwhile, say there is room to discuss international concerns about Iranian uranium enrichment to 20 percent — a level that is higher than most reactors use for power and only a technical step away from weapons-grade uranium suitable for warheads.
Iran now has nearly 200 kilograms (440 pounds) of 20 percent-enriched uranium in a form that can be quickly upgraded for weapons use, says the U.N's atomic agency, which keeps tabs on Iran's nuclear activities. That is close to — but still below — what is needed for one nuclear weapon. But even if Iran agrees to stop 20-percent production, ship out its 20-percent stockpile and allow more oversight by U.N. nuclear inspectors, the six powers want more.
A former senior U.N. official who has acted as an intermediary between U.S. and Iranian officials says the six seek far tighter restrictions on Iran's uranium enrichment program. He demanded anonymity because he was not authorized to publicly discuss his exploratory talks with both sides.
Specifically, the official said the six powers want significant cuts in the more than 10,000 centrifuges now enriching uranium. They also demand that Iran ship out not only the small amount of 20 percent uranium it now has but also most of the tons of low-enriched uranium it has produced. And they want caps on the amount of enriched uranium that Iran would be allowed to keep at any time.
Iran says it needs this material to power a future reactor network, and Iranian state television Sunday quoted Araghchi as saying Tehran was ready to discuss its enrichment program but would never ship enriched materials abroad. He described that stance as "our red line."
For the U.S. and its allies, low-enriched uranium is also problematic because it can also be used to arm nuclear weapons, albeit the process is longer and more complicated than for 20 percent uranium.
While seeking only to reduce enrichment at a sprawling underground facility at Natanz, the six powers also want complete closure of another enrichment plant. This unit, at Fordo south of Tehran, is heavily fortified, making it more difficult to destroy than Natanz, which lies southeast of the Iranian capital, in case it is turned toward making weapons.
Demands to reduce enrichment instead of stopping it implicitly recognize Iran's right to enrich for peaceful purposes. That already is a victory for Tehran, considering talks began 10 years ago with the international community calling on the Islamic Republic to mothball its enrichment program.
"It's pretty clear that Iran will have to be allowed some degree of enrichment," said former U.S. State Department official Mark Fitzpatrick, who now is a director at the International Institute for Strategic Studies. "But the enrichment has to be limited."
The former U.N. official said that his talks with senior Iranian officials indicate there will be tough bargaining on centrifuge numbers. Even if Tehran agrees to downsize enrichment, the Iranians will probably offer stiff resistance to closing Fordo, he added summarizing his talks with senior Iranian officials directly involved in the upcoming negotiations.
Still, Rouhani and Zarif appear to have the backing of Iranian supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei to at least explore options that would ease the sanctions crippling Iran's oil exports and financial transactions. Khamenei says he backs "heroic flexibility" in negotiations, while cautioning against too much trust in his country's enemies.
But that support may fade unless Zarif can show quick progress to skeptics at home. If he can't pull it off, the momentum may fizzle and stalemate could be renewed, leading to increased pressure from Israel on the U.S. to stop Tehran's nuclear progress by armed force.
Former Iranian nuclear negotiator Ali Larijani, who now heads Iran's parliament, spoke of "suspicious" Iranian hardliners with influence in a recent Associated Press interview. Samore, the former U.S. negotiator who now is with Harvard University's Belfer Center, also says Zarif may be hobbled by "internal resistance to making any significant concessions."
Associated Press Vienna bureau chief George Jahn has covered Iran's nuclear program since 2003.


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MKC donates to garden fund
Staff writer
After finding out Friday that the gardening bug, not termites, had bitten Superintendent John Fast recently, Goessel Elementary students learned at a school assembly that Mid-Kansas Cooperative selected their school garden program for a $500 grant award.
"A large portion of the donations we make go toward agriculture education, fighting hunger, and youth leadership programs," Kerry Watson, MKC communications specialist said prior to the Goessel award assembly. "This gardening project hits two of those sections: teaching kids where food comes from and fighting hunger. We have heard they donate some of their excess garden produce each year to local food banks as well."
Fast said the Goessel gardening project had been successful in past years.
"Students enjoy getting a chance to go out and work in the garden, and they also really like to eat what they produce," he said. "Last year we had cantaloupe, cucumbers, tomatoes, beans, and sweet potatoes. The cooks just kept extending our white potatoes by adding the yellow. It was very satisfying for the children to know they were eating what they produced."
Sweet potatoes just might be a different color at the elementary school in 2013. The money donated by MKC will pay for the employment of the Goessel garden project's new coordinator Pam Abrahams.
Abrahams, a Goessel native and mother of two young children, said she particularly likes trying new and different vegetables and plants in her garden at home.
Abrahams said it was important to her that children got the opportunity to grow their own food.
"My son, Sam, is 5, and already he knows he wants to be a farmer when he grows up," she said. "He likes nothing more than to get out in the garden and dig in the dirt. I think all children should experience the joy and wonder of digging in dirt and watching seeds they have planted grow."
Watson said Mid-Kansas Cooperative is a farmer and member-owned organization. The money used for donations comes from a budget fund put back for operating expenses each year.
Last modified Feb. 10, 2013


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Boulevardier necesitaba un nuevo diseño de logotipo y lanzó un concurso de diseño en 99designs.
Un ganador ha sido elegido entre 54 diseños de 20 diseñadores freelance.
Clean, professional, creative logo required for productivity improvement consulting firm
Kingstead Consulting
Kingstead Consulting is a start up consulting firm based in London supporting large corporate clients in improving the productivity of their processes and reducing costs. Techniques employed will include lean six sigma. Clients are not sector-specific and could be anything from financial services to manufacturing. We are looking for a colour logo that is professional, creative and versatile and brings out the ethos of driving productivity improvement and efficiency gains. Will be used on business cards, letterhead, MS Offcie headers and website
- company name "Kingstead Consulting" included in the logo
- professional looking
- versatile
- enduring
- creative
- innovative
- Portraying ethos of efficiency and 'lean'
- Should look good on white background
- anything anime or cartoon based
- fashionable which dates quickly
Descubre cómo funciona un concurso de diseño u obtén más información sobre nuestros servicios de diseño de logo.


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text:
Through the Year
A photo book that I'm currently working on, showing scenes from the Kansai region in Japan through the year. The photos were taken over a period of about three years. There are 4 photos for each month, making a total of 48 photos. Will keep you posted on the progress of the book. Note the watermark will not appear in the book or on prints, gifts or digital stock purchased.Read More


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In a new recurring feature, we share information from graduates in different careers. This month we profile an alumna who started off on one career path and transitioned to another. Benefit from her experience by reading on!
1. What is your name? Nina McCormick
2. What was your major and minor at UW-Green Bay, and in what year did you graduate? Do you have a graduate degree (MS/PhD), and, if so, in what field? Major in Psychology, Minor in Human Development, and class of 2009. I attended graduate school at UW-Stout for a MS in Mental Health Counseling but I did not complete my degree. I'm debating going back to finish when my kids are older.
3. What is your current job and how would you briefly describe what you do? I am a Special Education Aide at Genesee Lake School, which is part of the Oconomowoc Developmental Training Center. I work one-on-one with children/adolescents in their ICARE classrooms, which stands for Innovative Care for Autism and Related Disorders. The students in my particular classroom would be considered "lower functioning", and it is my job to help individuals not only with academics, but also with social skills, personal care, etc. For example, I might take a student to a doctor appointment, then come back to school and work on how to fold towels or how to communicate what day of the week it is using an iPad. I spend my entire day with the student, helping them eat lunch, taking them for walks outside when they need a break, and trying to focus on building a relationship with them. I also work on the units occasionally as a Residential Counselor, which I really enjoy, but the hours aren't compatible with having young kids that you need to find child care for.
4. How do you use your human development and/or psychology education in your current job? If you do not, please explain. I use both my psychology and human development education in my job to some degree. At Genesee Lake School all our students have either a developmental disability or a mental illness that is too severe to allow them to do well in a regular public school environment. I would say the majority of our students have also witnessed significant trauma and abuse before they came to us. Having a background in Psychology and Human Development has definitely given me an advantage at my job.
5. Was this your first job upon graduation? If not, what was your first job? No, my first job was with Wisconsin Early Autism Project. I also worked in child care for several years.
6. What kinds of things did you do as a student (e.g., specific classes taken, independent studies, working with your advisor or career services, volunteer work, part-time jobs) that you believe made you successful in your job search and/or competitive as a job candidate? Is there anything you didn't do that you wish you had done? I personally chose to do an internship at the Golden House working specifically with children there. I have always wanted to work with kids, and that's a passion of mine that has never changed. This was not only good experience, but it definitely looks good on a resume.
I had two part-time jobs while I was in college, one of which was in child care, and the other was teaching yoga classes.
The only thing I wish I would have done more of is volunteer my time in the mental health field.
7. What advice would you give to current UW-Green Bay human development and/or psychology students with regard to making the most of their education and making themselves maximally competitive for employment post-graduation? Don't get discouraged if you are not planning to go on to graduate school. The reality is that it can be difficult to find a job in social services/mental health without at least a master's degree, but as wonderful as those programs are, they are not for everyone. All my life I wanted to be a therapist and once I was in graduate school and actually started doing supervised counseling, I decided it wasn't for me at this time in my life. I love what I do now, but I had to work my way up to it. The great thing about my job is there is so much room to grow. Get as involved as you can, volunteer, study hard, and enjoy what you do. This may not be the highest paying field out there, but I think it can be one of the most rewarding.


text:
- 1 General Questions
- 2 Supported Platforms
- 3 Bug Reporting & Contributing
- 4 Build, Dependencies & Source Code
- 5 Internationalization (i18n)
- 6 Trouble Shooting
- 7 Other
- 8 References
General Questions
What is the Eclipse Process Manager / the Eclipse project Startdust?
Where did Stardust come from?
Who is building commercial products based on Stardust?
How is Stardust licensed?
How can I get help?
Can I get commercial support?
Supported Platforms
On which Java versions can I use Stardust?
Does Stardust work on IBM's JDK?
Which Application Server does Stardust support?
Which Databases does Startdust support?
Which environments can Stardust run in?
Can I use Stardust from a .NET environement?
Bug Reporting & Contributing
How do I report a bug in Stardust?
How can I search the existing list of bugs in Stardust?
How can I contribute to Startdust?
Build, Dependencies & Source Code
How can I get the source code?
As a regular part of the project incubation phase the source code is currently under review by the Eclipse legal team. It will be published when the legal review is completed. Check for the latest news on the Stardust main page.
What are the dependencies?
The Stardust dependencies are managed via Apache Maven. Maven POM files describing the dependencies for your target environment and configuration are can be found in our Maven repository.
How do I get acces to the Maven repository?
For the time being, please procure an account as described here.
What jars do I need for a Java Client?
Please check the product documentaton chapter suitabel for your environment (Spring, EJB). Maven POM files to generate a client project will soon be added to the maven repository.
Internationalization (i18n)
What languages are supported?
The supported languages are English, German, Simplified Chinese and Japanese.
Can I get Stardust in another language?
A: Stardust's portal, error messages and Eclipse plugins are fully i18ned and can be translated by anyone into additional languages. One only has to create and translate the corresponding resource bundles. We found a convenient way to do this using excelbundle and create a script to make the rountrip (translation-update-review-adjustment) easier. This way also non technical people can work on the translation in an Excel sheet.
Trouble Shooting
How can I prevent OutOfMemoryErrors on Tomcat?
The default Tomcat settings (in a RAD scenario) do not allocate much memory. Hence the application may run often out of memory quite frequently. The console log will often throw a java.lang.OutOfMemoryError exception. To avoid this, just add a different memory settings in the Tomcat launch configuration:
Servers > Open Launch Configuration > Arguments > VM arguments > at the very bottom add >
-Xms128m -Xmx512m -XX:MaxPermSize=128m
On a standalone server (outside eclipse RAD environment) start tomcat using:
set JAVA_OPTS=-Xms128m -Xmx512m -XX:MaxPermSize=128m
catalina.bat run
How to change the default port on Oracle XE?
c:\> sqlplus '/ as sysdba'
SQL> EXEC DBMS_XDB.SETHTTPPOR SQL> SELECT dbms_xdb.gethttpport, dbms_xdb.getftpport FROM dual;T(8081);[1]
How can I browse the Jackrabbit repository contents?
The easiest way to browse the Jackrabbit repository is to use WebDAV and configure the repository as a network drive under Windows. You will need to ensure that the WebDAV servlets (Simple WebDAV and JCR over WebDAV) are configured properly in the web.xml of your web application. You can then use a command like the following to map the repository as a network drive:
net use t: "http://<hostname>:<port>/<context-root>/jackrabbit/repository/default/ipp-repository" /User:<jcr-user> <jcr-password>
The <jcr-user> and <jcr-password> can be obtained by looking up the values specified in the jackrabbit-jcr-context.xml file.
To browse the Jackrabbit tree and look up the node property values you can use a tool like JCR Browser (http://sourceforge.net/projects/jcrbrowser). This tool provides options to connect to the repository over RMI/WebDAV etc.
How do I configure the DMS / Content repository / Jackrabbit to ...?
For Jackrabbit configuration, tuning options and more please see the Jackrabbit wiki.


text:
When Are the 2014 Grammys?
With Blake Shelton, Merle Haggard and Willie Nelson all set to play the Grammys, country fans are anxiously awaiting music's biggest night. But ... when are the 2014 Grammy Awards?
The 2014 Grammys will air live via CBS on Jan. 26 at 8PM ET, and the stars' performance will be what they're calling an ultimate 'Grammy Moment.' Two-time Grammy winner Haggard, seven-time Grammy winner Nelson, three-time Grammy winner and 2014 Recording Academy Lifetime Achievement Award recipient Kris Kristofferson and current nominee Shelton will collaborate to create the unforgettable performance.
This is Haggard's very first time performing on the Grammy stage.
Pop sensations Lorde, Katy Perry and Daft Punk are confirmed to perform during the 56th annual awards show, as are country's own Kacey Musgraves, Keith Urban and Taylor Swift.
The 2014 Grammy Awards will once again be hosted by LL Cool J, and many country stars are nominated for awards. Swift, Miranda Lambert and Musgraves are among some of the women nominated, while Tim McGraw, Lee Brice and Hunter Hayes could also leave with trophies.
The night following the Grammys will also be a special night as a salute to the Beatles is presented on CBS. John Mayer andUrban are teaming up to pay tribute to the group. More details on the show are here.


text:
McCrory requests federal disaster declaration
RALEIGH, NC (AP) — Gov. Pat McCrory is requesting a federal disaster declaration to help nine central North Carolina counties recover some of the costs stemming from this month's winter storm.
A half-inch of ice, sleet and freezing rain fell on top of several inches of snow throughout the Triad and along the Virginia border counties earlier this month. Heavy winds compounded the storm's effects, toppling trees and knocking out power in much of central North Carolina for several days.
Local, state and federal emergency management staff spent last week surveying storm damage to determine if there was enough destruction to warrant possible federal aid. Damage assessment teams found enough to request assistance for Alamance, Caswell, Davidson, Davie, Granville, Guilford, Orange, Person and Randolph counties.
(Copyright 2014 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.)
More: continued here


text:
New psychiatric beds approved for Sentara Obici Hospital
Ten new psychiatric beds will soon be available to patients at Sentara Obici Hospital in Suffolk following approval of a Certificate of Public Need (COPN) by the Virginia Department of Health. The hospital sought the new beds to meet growing demand for care in its Western Tidewater service area.
"People are speaking out about depression and psychiatric illness," said Phyllis Stoneburner, RN, vice president of patient care services at Sentara Obici Hospital. "We're more cognizant of the importance of being treated and supported in this illness."
Psychiatric services were the number 1 priority identified in a community needs assessment the hospital performed three years ago. The 10 existing beds at the hospital are often full.
"There is broad support for the proposed project from area community services boards and law enforcement," wrote Virginia Health Commissioner Marissa Levine, M.D., in a letter of approval. "The department of COPN has not received any letters of opposition and no organization or individual spoke in opposition at the public hearing," Levine added. "The applicant has substantiated a need to meet existing and projected demand … The project appears economically viable in the immediate and long term."
The $61,000 project will convert 10 private patient rooms to semi-private rooms over a period of months. Stoneburner predicts the new arrangements will be well-received by patients, but the go-slow approach allows the clinical team time to work out any 'wrinkles' as bed capacity expands.
Sentara Healthcare operates three inpatient psychiatric facilities in Hampton Roads, including Sentara Norfolk General and Sentara Virginia Beach General hospitals. A task force has been working to improve and coordinate psychiatric services across all 12 Sentara hospitals in Virginia and North Carolina.


text: WGN-Ch. 9 is a television affiliate owned by Tribune Co. The station began in 1948, taking its call letters from the Chicago Tribune's slogan at the time, "World's Greatest Newspaper." Originally affiliated with DuMont and CBS, WGN became independent in the 1950s and began distribution nationwide through cable television in 1978 with the creation of the superstation now called WGN America, which reaches 75 million subscribers. Other significant milestones for the station include the Midwest's first hourlong news broadcast in prime time and playing host to tapings of the popular talk show "Donahue" in the 1970s. The station now serves as a CW affiliate in Chicago. WGN also is known for airing Chicago sports.


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