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MINNEAPOLIS—Minnesota's run to a runner-up finish in the National Invitation Tournament was more than a consolation gift at the end of another up-and-down season under coach Tubby Smith.
The Gophers, save for their lopsided loss to Stanford for the NIT title, finally built some momentum and confidence after a bunch of late-game collapses.
The bonus tournament time mostly brought out the best in the team's standouts, Andre Hollins and Rodney Williams. Joe Coleman began to get back on track following a rough February during which the freshman scored only 21 points over eight games after moving into the starting lineup. Austin Hollins was more consistent. Even backup big man Andre Ingram contributed.
Every player who participated in the NIT this month will be back for 2012-13, plus possibly star Trevor Mbakwe, provided Smith finds a scholarship for him and he stays patient about entering the NBA.
"We've got a great group of kids that do the right things, on and off the court," Smith said Thursday night. "I learned that they are as competitive as any group I've ever coached. And I know about their heart, because they had to overcome a lot of adversity."
Losing Mbakwe to a knee injury in the seventh game of the season was a big blow for the Gophers, who finished 23-15, their most wins since the Final Four team of 15 years ago. This was the greatest number of games ever played by a Minnesota men's basketball team, but also the third-most victories in program history.
All those narrow defeats during Big Ten play might've taken even more of an emotional toll than Mbakwe's absence. They lost in double overtime at Illinois and by five points at Michigan to start conference play, followed by a two-point loss at home to Iowa. The rematch on the road against their rivals brought another blown lead down the stretch and a four-point defeat. They were beaten in overtime by Wisconsin at home and then faltered again in the final seconds, falling to Michigan in overtime in the quarterfinals of the Big Ten tournament.
If just half of those games went their way, the Gophers might've been invited to the NCAA tournament rather than sweating out their NIT spot. But given the extra experience these young players gained, they might've been better off this way. After such a sobering loss to Stanford, 75-51, they were clearly bummed. But they still had a grasp of the bigger picture.
"We would be foolish just to go into next season thinking about this one game," Hollins said. "We have come along as a team."
With Hollins and Hollins, Coleman, Julian Welch, Chip Armelin and incoming freshman Wally Ellenson of Rice Lake, Wis., the Gophers have plenty of backcourt depth.
Another recruit, Charles Buggs of Arlington, Texas, will join Williams, Oto Osieneks and maybe Mbakwe in the frontcourt. Elliott Eliason will take over permanently for departing senior Ralph Sampson III at center, and big man Maurice Walker, who redshirted after his recovery from a right knee injury was slow, could be another intimidating presence in the paint. Ingram is an option, too.
So once again, the challenges for the Gophers will be to stay healthy, keep key players from transferring or becoming academically ineligible and to mesh on the court in a way that matches their talent level.
For Minnesota to get back to being a team that wins NCAA tournament games and is capable of periodic legitimate pursuits at the Big Ten title, goals that most fans believed Smith would've reached by now, the coach must settle on a starting five, a rotation and a strategy that's grasped by the players and maximized by their ability.
The fast-break style that Smith has spoken often about wanting to use didn't consistently work to the Gophers' advantage until the postseason. Some players have switched positions. Several different lineup combinations have been used.
Oh, and Smith's contract must be sorted out, too. He has two years left on his original deal, which is worth $2 million annually.
His agent, Ricky Lefft, said Friday he expects discussions with the university about an extension to resume soon. Both Smith and retiring athletic director Joel Maturi said repeatedly over the past year the new deal was imminent, that it was in the hands of the negotiators. But an agreement was never reached, and new President Eric Kaler tabled talks until Maturi's replacement is picked.
"In terms of what they wanted and we wanted, and the whole economic situation of the state, we agreed to just hold on a discussion and continue them at a later time and not race into anything. We wanted certain commitments from them, and they wanted certain commitments from us and we were trying to make all that work," Lefft said in a phone interview.
Lefft said he has a positive relationship with university's general counsel, Mark Rotenberg, and expressed optimism about getting the deal done.
Follow Dave Campbell on Twitter: http://www.twitter.com/DaveCampbellAP


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Career Advice >> Browse Articles >> Job Profiles
6 Bathroom Etiquette Tips for the Office
Jeff Hindenach | MediaBuzz
July 26, 2010
You spend eight-plus hours at work every day, so you can assume that that nature will call at least once during your day. Besides your desk, the office bathroom is where you might spend the most time during the workday.
Since you spend so much of your day there, the office bathroom should be a comfortable, approachable place. Make sure you are following these basic workplace bathroom etiquette rules to keep the experience pleasant for all your co-workers.
Don't Talk on Your Cell Phone
Nothing is more awkward than when you hear the toilet flush when you are on the phone with someone. Not only is this rude to other people in the bathroom — it's also disrespectful to the person you are talking to. Your bodily functions are private, so please keep them that way.
Wash Your Hands … Every Time!
There should never be any excuse for not washing your hands after using the bathroom. This is a hard and fast rule, especially in the business world, where you could be shaking many hands during the day. In addition, you are spreading germs throughout the office. Since you share this space with your coworkers, do everyone a favor and wash your hands.

subset: commoncrawl


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The good thing is that I have some coming as Friend is getting me some but still not fair that I have to do it in such a roundabout way of getting it plus couldn't get yarn from here all the time because of this.
The same problem happens with Connecting Threads They don't do international shipping either both of these have like pages on Facebook so why have pages that is on a international site & then not ship to them
It the same with some give-aways/competitions that are on FB I seen one this morning concerning a Amish book & yet it says you have to reside in USA, Canada or Australia well what about the rest of us
Moaning done, I am working on a Aran Sweater am hoping that I will finish the back today or tomorrow.
I still have my quilt which is for me to be quilted but DH had painted the hall & you all know what that like can you get me this or can you do that so didn't want to start & then get called away, he then had his last 7 teeth pulled so he struggling to eat while it healing
I have joined Pinterest which gives photos of such lovely projects not just quilting but all sorts of things below is some photos from there these are some of which is on My Board


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Mon - Sat 08:00 - 21:00
Sunday CLOSED
IVF in Vadodara, IVF Centre in Vadodara, IVF Centers in Vadodara, IVF Cost in Vadodara, IVF Specialist Doctor in Vadodara, IUI, ICSI Treatment in Vadodara. Indira IVF Hospital Private Limited is One of the Leading IVF Centre in Vadodara who is helping the families to have their own baby. It is not about delivering a baby but delivering a part of you for your happiness. & the moment when you see that little one, you forget all your worries in your life, with welcoming the baby in your life, you welcome happiness as well. & this is the motive behind the establishment of Indira IVF Centre in Vadodara is to create such more & more happiness around the global. The year was 1988 & the location was Udaipur, Rajasthan India when we turned this dream into reality in a two-room clinic.
Indira Started by Dr. Ajay Murdia, Indira IVF Center today this hospital is one of the leading fertility chains in India. Dr. Ajay, with his experience of more than three-decade in the medical world, has established various IVF centers in India.
We, at the Indira IVF as a group of fertility clinics in all over India, are very well aware of your desires of being called as parents & we respect parenthood. But, this simple desire can become quite impossible for some couples who have been hit hard by infertility. That is the reason we have come up with this clinic in Vadodara so that we can bring some ray of the hope in your otherwise dark life.
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Artificial Intrauterine Insemination (IUI) is a treatment that is involved in the fertilization systems. With the help of IUI treatment, male' sperms are placed inside the uterus of the woman for fertilization. The main purpose of IUI treatment is to increase the number of sperms
Artificial Intracytoplasmic Sperm Injection (ICSI) treatment is one magical thing for all those couples are facing infertility problems with the pregnancy. Nobody has a doubt on the skills, treatment, & the technique of the medical world, so this treatment is also one of the many
Undergoing infertility treatments we need you to first prepare yourself mentally, emotionally & physically. Once you have prepared yourself to go for infertility treatments (in Vadodara), make sure that no second thought is placed in your mind & Visit with a self belief.
Female Infertility Treatments (in Vadodara) is a situation in which a woman find so much difficulty to conceive. No matter how much you try for conceiving, if you are having an infertility problem, then you won't be able to conceive until you take the help from the medical world.
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Cradle of Mankind is the newest series by Canadian-born photographer, Joey L. Shot in Ethiopia's Omo Valley, and featuring portraits of the various tribes that inhabit the area. The photographs are a deeply moving, visual homage to the tribal peoples of Ethiopia, the birthplace of Homo sapiens.
The photographs from Cradle of Mankind, along with Joey L.'s documentary film, Faces of a Vanishing World (watch the trailer after the jump)– which first aired on Ovation TV in September 2010, chronicle the artist's deep interest in Ethiopia, and the rapid transition of it's oldest cultures. During his time in the country, Joey L. lived with various tribes in the region, learning the different customs of each while capturing individual portraits. Though these tribes may seem untouched by time, they are in fact in constant danger of disappearing forever. The artist states in a 2010 NPR interview that he is interested in anthropology and likes photographing different cultures, "but the ones I've been paying attention to lately are the, I suppose what you'd call vanishing ones, … the cultures that are on the verge of extinction, tribes that are threatened by progress and losing their language and losing their ways of life that they've sustained for thousands of years."
See a selection of Cradle Of Mankind from June 21st-August 4th 2012 at Stephen Cohen Gallery in Los Angeles


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Mass Effect 2 (Xbox 360) review
"Defending Mass Effect has never been easy, since the games unpolished mechanics, cumbersome driving segments and barren, repetitive environments form a strong case against it. The case against it is so strong, in fact, that I often have questioned my own enthusiastic evaluation of the game. So thank you, BioWare. Thank you for taking all of the criticism to heart, for fixing nearly everything that was wrong with the first game and for giving me a sequel for which I no longer need to make excuses. Mass Effect 2 is as extraordinary as its predecessor was, but it no longer needs justification. It really is that good."
Freelance review by Mike Suskie (January 28, 2010)
Mike Suskie is a freelance writer who has contributed to GamesRadar and has a blog. He can usually be found on Twitter at @MikeSuskie.
More Reviews by Mike Suskie [+]
If you enjoyed this Mass Effect 2 review, you're encouraged to discuss it with the author and with other members of the site's community. If you don't already have an HonestGamers account, you can sign up for one in a snap. Thank you for reading!
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Quick Change End Effector
Associate Professor Mark Yim, of the University of Pennsylvania, visits Willow Garage a couple of times each year to collaborate with Willow researchers and engineers. This year, Mark experimented with a quick-change end-effector to the PR2.
Mark has designed, built, and controlled a wide array of modular robotic systems. His research group, the ModLab, works on all aspects of modular and self-reconfiguring robots, from mechanical and electrical design to high-level programming. Their CKBot robot modules can be rearranged into a variety of physical forms, from snake-like crawlers to legged walkers.
Together with Penn students Jimmy Sastra, Matt Piccoli, and Mohit Bhoite, Mark applied his modular approach to the design of an experimental quick-change end-effector that allows PR2 to swap out its standard gripper for custom tools, like screwdrivers. Using this system, PR2 can single-handedly exchange one end-effector for another, storing the spares in a custom holster on its base. The attachment of an end effector is made with a "stub" that provides both a mechanical and an electrical connection, allowing the power and data flow required to control the new tool.
PR2 is a research platform that was designed to support users who want to modify hardware and the software to meet their needs. From the start, PR2 was designed with modularity in mind, and Mark's work is testing that design, demonstrating what can and cannot be easily changed. It's exciting to see the first of what will hopefully be a long line of innovative customizations to PR2.
You can follow the progress of the ModLab on their blog.
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Hugely versatile, Zesty Lime Alphabet Heart decoration, spontaneously designed digitally using Rachael's original hand drawn details. Professsionally manufactured to a high standard in the UK.
A uniquely shaped heart design, these decorations will make any party, wedding or home special!
Make your own words, letters or names to create a contemporary & fun personalised decoration.
There are so many ways to decorate with these versatile decorations including; as bunting & hanging decorations with twine, tape or ribbon, as photobooth props, as chair decorations, as framed art - the possibilities are endless!
Hole punch options available:
Vertical hanging design: We advise for you to select 'hole punch top & bottom' for every heart purchased other than the last, which we recommend just getting the top hole punched.
Horizontal design: We advise for to select 'hole punch left & right' on all hearts purchased. We punch these holes within the top third of the heart where it is widest for steadier hanging.


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Eras Journal – Schilling, R.: 'Homagium' or Hospitality?
'Homagium' or Hospitality?: The Struggle for Political Representation in Bremen around 1600
Ruth Schilling
(Humboldt University, Berlin)
When Bishop Henry of Saxony-Lauenburg entered Bremen on the morning of September 25, 1580 he was dressed in splendid armour and accompanied by a huge and impressive entourage of the elite of the north western German nobility. The bishop's chronicle counted 600 horses at this event.[1] The city centre itself must have been rather crowded: the bishop and his entourage had to make their way through long lines of burghers who had been called into arms to stand along the bishop's route.
This event and its preparations – which lasted for thirteen years – reveal important notions of a specific political culture of city republicanism. In describing and commenting upon this event the people of Bremen expressed their wish to achieve their aim of preserving the city's existence against mounting territorial pressures. They did so by not making explicit political statements but by remodelling mechanisms of community building in a way they found useful in order to preserve their independent existence under rather oppressive circumstances. These methods of dealing with this single but important event in Bremensian history can be focused around different notions of political representation, both in the literal and wider sense of the word. Therefore, a short clarification of the different uses of this term will be given before proceeding to a detailed analysis of the different descriptions of the bishop's entrée in Bremen in 1580.
Political Representation in Early Modern Republics
The analysis of political representation focuses mainly upon monarchies and the replacement of God given rule by notions of natural law.[2] Historical research on city republics is usually neglected where questions of state formation or political representation are concerned as they are not valued as relevant factors to the building of states in Europe.[3]
In a strictly literal sense political representation intends to facilitate the recollection of a person or an event through the use of symbols and rituals. This notion implies that there are mechanisms involved that make it possible for persons to be present at different times and locations by perceiving the political connotations of the symbolism. [4]
This meaning of the term is connected with the more common usage of the word 'representation'. In everyday language it is very often applied in order to enhance a person's status. Representation, in this sense, is a way of political communication. It delivers ideas and messages about the 're-presented' person and their status to the audience. The exact procedure of this communication reveals a whole pattern of culture, a 'thick story' in the sense of Clifford Geertz's cultural anthropological view, and has been and still is a very fundamental pattern involved in the process and maintenance of political order. [5]
Around 1600 several different types of political representation were apparent: old medieval ones in the sense of the personal-bound conception of the body politic and modern ones of sovereignty and territorial bound rule. Notions of Roman law were sometimes intertwined with more personalised concepts. The multiplicity of the political, religious, social, economic and cultural 'crises' at this time was reflected in a very lively, aggressive and creative climate of political speech and political culture. [6] It is a period when religious and political front lines were leading to the escalation of the Thirty Years War. Communities at this time – even when they were unwilling to do so – were compelled to position themselves on one side or the other of the emerging politico-religious communal division lines.[7]
The development of this period created a considerable amount of political pressures on city republics. Their survival depended on stable and conflict free situation with the surrounding greater powers. Consequently this period sees a growth of radicalisation in the city republics. They were openly expressing their views on themselves, a previously unknown process, especially in the port cities whose political culture was formed by an elite of long distance traders who were not inclined towards political philosophy. But the last half of the sixteenth century saw the emergence of figures like the Mayor of Bremen and Syndic of the Hanseatic League, Henry Kreffting, who tried to assert Bremen's sovereignty in his "Discursus de Republica Bremensi".[8] Other evidence from Hanseatic cities show a similar development.[9]
For a history of early modern republicanism and a characterisation of European political culture at this time it is important to look at the methods and concepts of political representation used in city republics at this period. 'Political representation' in the following analysis is a focal point for the two streams of argumentation linked to this term: firstly, it covers the whole aspect of political communication and expression of status via symbolism and ritual enhancement; and secondly, it also means the aspect of actually defining who stands for whom. Both aspects can be traced in the sources. The different notions of political representation were very important to the people who negotiated them with their ducal counterparts.
The Hanseatic City of Bremen between 'Imperial Liberty' and the Bishop's Sovereignty around 1600
In 1580, thirteen years after his election as archbishop of Bremen in 1567, Henry, son of Franz I, Duke of Saxony-Lauenburg, entered the city, which was the core of his bishopric, to be finally recognised as its sovereign. [10]
Bremen had been founded as an archbishopric in the course of the struggle of Charlemagne to conquer the region of what is today called Lower Saxony.[11] Willehad, first bishop of Bremen, and Charlemagne were subsequently regarded as the founding fathers of the city.[12] Both became an integral part of the city's historical memory. They were depicted looming prominently over the city's magistrates in the main assembly hall of the Bremen Town Hall on a painting by Bartholomäus Bryun the Older (1532). [13]
In the early and high medieval period the bishop, as the emperor's steward, enjoyed several rights.[14]These rights officially continued to exist until the nineteenth century. The genesis of national churches and dioceses in the Scandinavian countries and an inferior position to rival territorial neighbouring powers like the duchy of Oldenburg weakened the bishop's position and his rights, which though still officially existing, did not match his political standing. Due to its geographical situation Bremen became a very important centre for long distance trading. Economic growth was matched by a growth of political power. At the beginning of the fourteenth century the building of the four main parish churches in Bremen were not overseen by the bishop's men, but by lay Bremensian magistrates.
In late medieval chronicles and in works of art expressing the city's self-representation the bishop was not regarded as a negative factor. He was not portrayed as an overlord. Instead the Bremensians saw the bishop as a symbol for the city's origins as a 'free and imperial city' as Emperor Charlemagne had been the actual founder of the city.[15]The title 'free and imperial city' referred to the fact that cities that claimed this status were responsible directly to the Emperor. They were independent of any other demands than those of the Emperor himself and the Imperial Diet, at which they were represented and had voting rights. It was only in 1646 that Bremen finally obtained a written proof of her claim to be an Imperial city. This was the 'Linzer Diplom' by which the Emperor stated that Bremen enjoyed the same rights and position as the other cities with the same status.[16]
In the second half of the sixteenth century this seemed to be still very far away. The people of Bremen had to deal with a bishop who tried to gain new territorial power over Bremen itself and the surrounding regions. Henry was a member of the dynasty ruling the Duchy of Saxony-Lauenburg. The area over which this house ruled could not consolidate its territorial integrity due to severe conflicts with the landed estates. Only at the end of the seventeenth century was it able to effectively oppose the resistance of its own estates and of the Imperial City, in addition to the rich and powerful Lubeck. The financial debts of the Dukes of Saxony-Lauenburg were notorious, allowing them no effective means to proceed against Lubeck, who, in 1395 had seized the town of Moelln as a security for the duke's debts and diplomatically, and effectively, refused to hand the city back to its original possessors.[17] It is probable, therefore, that Henry saw his election as a bishop of Bremen as a chance to gain and consolidate a dominion. He tried to use Bremen as his power base for state building in Northern Germany. Before Henry was elected archbishop of Bremen in 1567, he had been installed into several other church positions. In 1574 he had become bishop of Osnabrueck, three years later that of Paderborn. His titles and powers are illustrated by the titles and heraldry surrounding his figure in a contemporary engraving.[18] This picture also clearly depicts the bishop's self-representation at this time. His whole attire, his prominent personality and the sword inserted into the bishop's hat, give the impression of this young man's determination to strengthen his political position despite the problems he faced. Being the first Lutheran on the throne of the bishop, the disputes between bishop, canons and city community ceased over the confessional issue, though only in the first period of Henry's reign.[19]
Henry's election was only accepted by the cathedral's canons because his father promised that as a reward he would renounce some of his rights in the city of Bremen. The men objected to the candidate not because of his Lutheran confession, which made it impossible for him to be recognized by the pope, but because of his youth. Originally his father and the cathedral's chapter had agreed that the chapter would actually reign for the bishop, who in 1566 was only sixteen years old. But they did not take into account this young man's will to use the possibilities his new position gave him.[20] Only two years after his election he had gained moral and political authority by helping to reach a compromise (the so-called "Verden Treaty" of 1568) between the differing religious and political attitudes of the council and burgher community in Bremen, which since the beginning of the 1560s was split over the city's future confession, Calvinist or Lutheran.[21] But by being a Lutheran himself he subsequently and probably unconsciously helped to pave the way for Bremen's conversion to the Calvinist confession, because it was felt necessary to face the threat the bishop posed to its independence as a uniform confessional community. Therefore, the conflict with the bishop saw the fusion of political and religious attitudes typical for this period.
The Struggle for the 'Homagium'
If the archbishop actually had managed to gain political or moral domination over the city, Bremen would have succumbed to the strong current of the time to strengthen the powers of monarchically ruled territories. For this purpose though, a financially and politically stronger position than the one Henry of Saxony-Lauenburg actually inherited, was required. Both sides possessed neither impressive military nor financial means, which meant they resorted to propaganda as an effective weapon. Each personal encounter of the bishop with the burghers of Bremen gave rise to explosive situations. Each loss or lack of consideration over status in the ritual engagement of both sides could have been used in future political and juridical disputes. Therefore, it took a rather long period of time before Henry was actually allowed to receive the traditional 'homagium' owed to him as the overlord of Bremen. The magistracy of Bremen tried to postpone the event as long as possible, because the political ritual of a 'homagium' would have threatened their independence in the political sense that they would have been forced to acknowledge the bishop's rule. Also, in a very concrete military and legal sense, the great entourage of the bishop inside the city walls could have regarded as a threat for the free position of the city council and perhaps even mean the beginning of a military subjection of the city. The 'homagium' also could lead to a representational defeat of the city's magistracy by the juxtaposition of the bishop's magnificent appearance and the rather sombre appearance of a typical Bremensian magistrate.[22] The legates of Bremen who had been given the task of negotiating with the bishop's councillors about each step of the bishop's entrance were well aware of the potential minefield of the situation. The negotiations were stretched over a long period of years, well documented by Bremen's Syndic Widekindt in a report, which he wrote for the magistrates, in order to give them a legitimate base for their version of the so-called 'homagium' in later disputes.[23]
Negotiating the Ritual
Both sides were well equipped in the 'diplomatic war' preceding the actual event of 1580. The bishop's side tried – step by step – to persuade the Bremensian magistrates to accept the bishop's rules of the procedure while assuring them that the bishop did not foster any hostile intentions towards Bremen. Laying down the rules, the bishop's councillors tried to convince the Bremensian legates that these were the ones "which were in use since ancient times."[24] But they met diplomatic skills matching their own on the other side. The Bremensians would not accept the fact that the bishop's rules of procedure would actually derive from ancient times. This they would only believe if written proof was given to them "[a]s such a demand is new and never heard before – there is no proof of it to be found in the council's memorial book and there is no written source for this anywhere else, and as this was not used when the Bishop Christoffer rode into the city, as we have told the duke's councillors, and we have bidden them to spare the city's council and the city such innovations."[25] Why did the Bremen legates insist on being given proof that the bishop's demands derived from former performances of the 'homagium'? The bishop's councillors had used 'old use' in response to the demands of Bremen's magistracy that the 'homagium' should be enacted according to tradition. The Bremensian city council tried to shift the 'homagium' into a reciprocal treaty implying this version to be the 'old use' of the ritual, using an interpretation of the bishop's entrée. The bishop's councillors instead wanted to demonstrate that the bishop's quest for sovereignty was based on old and therefore, legitimate, claims.
The Bremensian magistrates utilised another weapon, irony, in order to undermine the bishop's attempts to organize a demonstration of force and subjugation. They answered the bishop's demand that each person of his entourage should have the right to enter the city with an unsheathed sword, not directly denying him this wish but reminding the bishop about the dangers of overtly forceful behaviour. Implicitly, they threatened that open conflict between him and the burghers of Bremen would break out during his entrée: "This [behaviour] could actually rise thoughts in uninformed and inexperienced people, demonstrating by such imperiousness that one wanted to govern and hold thesubditos (the subjects) more with virga ferrea (an iron rod) than with clementia et humanitate (clemency and humanity). From this there could easily rise manifold and unwelcome turbulences becoming uncomfortable for the duke himself."[26] They reminded the bishop of the need to treat his subjects well and thus suggested implicitly that they knew more about the correct art of governing people than he did. The next argument nearly openly insulted the bishop's honour: "No potentates and no heads of Christianity as emperors and kings have used such ceremonials and such unheard of splendour while celebrating their entrance as has been witnessed by many good people, just recently even the Archbishop of Magdeburg, the Primus Germaniae, did not do that."[27] They accused the bishop of behaving in accordance neither to political nor ecclesiastical norms. Thus they depicted him as someone who wanted to break the overall lawful harmony, which was perceived as important in the political culture of this period.
The Bishop's Entrée in September 1580: Burghers in Arms
After years of negotiation (from 1567 till 1580), both sides finally agreed that the bishop's entrance should take place on September 25, 1580. Several commentators in Bremen described the ritual itself, from which a range of political concepts can be discerned.
The Syndic Widekindt's narration expresses the legalistic point of view of Bremen's magistracy. He enumerates all the facts relating to potential legal arguments. In his description of the first greetings exchanged between some members of the council and the bishop and his entourage on the outskirts of Bremen he emphasized the fact that there were witnesses of the meeting who heard the words exchanged between the two parties. His narration illustrates the significance that spoken words, gestures and rituals had in portraying shifting political and legal concepts in this period:"When the most important people saw that the legates of the council spoke to the duke in the field, they, the foreign and the domestic ones, moved closer together and formed a wide circle around the duke; so that each could easily watch and hear what was going to be spoken and negotiated."[28]It was very important for the Bremensian legates at this first encounter that they were the ones who talked first. They did not receive the bishop as their overlord but as a foreign guest.
In reality it was doubtful who could claim the right to act first: the bishop had not only asserted his right to receive the 'homagium' but also to receive it while being accompanied by a noble entourage and 600 horses. The Bremensians had assiduously tried to avoid this show of force and the form of the entrée on September 25, 1580 demonstrates their complete defeat.[29]
The most detailed description of the bishop's entrée, which enhances his appearance, are in the bishop's annals of the period.[30] It reveals the mechanisms of a political representation relying on the use of splendour, magnificence and colour by which the bishop hoped he would impress the sombre city of Bremen: "The archbishop himself rode on a horse of a light brown colour, as all the duke's horses were of the same colour, there were forty of them and decorated magnificently, he himself had been clothed in a black, velvet suit, with golden trimmings, his hat was of black velvet too, embellished by a golden wreath and red and white feathers. Behind the duke were riding six noble boys on horses of a light brown colour, adorned very beautifully with velvet suits, embroidered helmets, golden chains und silver daggers."[31] This narration pays careful attention in evoking the magnificent appearance of the duke-bishop and the 600 horses in his entourage by describing the synthesis of colours in clothing and horses. Even if this spectacle impressed the onlookers in Bremen there are no testimonials recording reactions of the citizens in the way the bishop had hoped to raise by the organization of such an impressive demonstration of power. The member of the city council Henrich Salomon gave a rather short but wholesome description of it in his chronologically ordered notes of the events in the city. He depicts the bishop's entrée as follows:"1580. On Sunday 25 of September Our Honorary Duke and Seigneur entered Bremen with 600 horses, accompanied by the Count of Lippe, a Young Gentleman, and a Count or Baron von Kreken from over the Rhine."[32] Salomon reveals the status bound perceptions of his time by noting the exact numbers and names of the noble persons accompanying the bishop. He does not revel in either their own, or the bishop's presence, but simply presents the facts concisely. Salomon's reaction is rather typical of the whole pattern of the city member's position towards the young bishop's magnificent spectacle: not openly opposing the whole situation but reducing it to the sheer facts. He expressed no admiration, and thus marginalized the threat the bishop's claim to power imposed on the city council's own authority over political representation in the city centre of Bremen.
The City's Syndic Johannes Renner in his chronicle, probably written in the 1570s and the first half of the 1580s relates placement along the bishop's route, parish churches and names of the burghers in arms.[33] The syndic, in contrast to the Council Member Salomon, gave the burghers excluded from the city council a very important role in the city's political representation in the bishop's welcome.[34] Renner concentrates on modelling the city as a community built from three parts: the burghers in arms, being classified by their belonging to different parishes; the merchants; and the council members; all of which were integrated to the city's exterior topographical and architectural appearance.
Gesture and Silence
The only part of the 'homagium' that Salomon relates in more detail in his diary is the moment of the ritual act of the 'homagium' itself. This narration gives some clues to the reasons as to why he actually reported this event and his opinion of those involved in the political ritual – the council and himself: "And the knights swore an oath to him, in the choir in front of the high altar; after that he rode from the cathedral to the council house, and the canonicals and the knights followed him on foot, and he went up to the council hall and was welcomed by the wise men,[35] and so were all who came with him, they all were received magnificently. And our syndic made a speech and welcomed him. After that he was seated under a canopy of black silk and the Chancellor Gedeon made a speech, and then our syndic responded, and I and Dirik van Reden, as old and new treasurers, gave homagium to our honoured duke on behalf of the whole group of wise men and the whole community by holding up our hands, but we did not utter a word, but gave our hands with reverence as it is becoming."[36] What is the meaning of this rather puzzling passage? Salomon apparently wanted to underline the fact that the council was receiving the archbishop from the exterior (perhaps even as a supplicant) and not the other way round. They were granting the bishop a friendly welcome and it was in their power to give it or to deny it. The subsequent alternation of speech and counter-speech in Salomon's narration underlines the council's active role. As overlord and sovereign the bishop and his counsellors would naturally have been the first to speak as perhaps Henry did, but the city's historical and political imagination did not really care about realities if they endangered its independence.
In the last part of the alternation of speech and counter-speech Salomon addresses his own role in the event. He wanted to enhance his personal reputation in the memory of the family and the city by ensuring that it was remembered that he, Salomon, was one of the main actors in this ritual. For him there could be no doubt that he and the other treasurer represented the whole body politic of Bremen. Thus Salomon is very clearly using the notion of political representation. His ability to represent the whole community of Bremen was disputed half a century later by the Mayor Heinrich Meier, who doubted that two treasurers could represent entire community. He used this argument in a pamphlet directed against the bishop's sovereignty in the course of the struggle for realizing the promises of independence given in the 'Linzer Diplom' (1646): "The other argument therefore states/ that the mayor and council of Bremen/ have paid homagium to the seigneur Archbishop: But this is not true/ that such homagium has been paid either by the community of burghers (as happens in other imperial cities) and not by all and each person of the council, each man doing it, but only two of them were actually involved, council members who were temporarily treasurers."[37] Salomon underlined his personal status in the political and personal patterns of communication. This is probably the reason why he wrote his diary. Therefore he concentrated on his important role in representing the whole community in a ritual which he clearly and openly classified as 'homagium'. The fact that he stressed that no words were exchanged shows that he was also very aware of the fragility of Bremen's position relative to the bishop's demands. He gave the whole procedure the character of a reciprocal greeting, fitting the notion of the 'homagium' as a ritual marking a treaty of equal partners not signifying submission.
Meier instead wanted under all circumstances to lead his audience to the assumption that a 'homagium', in the sense of an oath sworn by subjects to their sovereign did not take place at all. Therefore he compared the procedure in Bremen with that in other imperial cities. He emphasized the fact that the two treasurers did not politically represent the whole city community. In insisting that for an 'homagium' to be legitimate the whole community, city council and burghers, should have sworn an oath to the bishop, he compared the 'homagium' to the oath of citizenship each burgher had to pay to the city and its council. A personal bound concept of rule is being contrasted with a modern view of political representation. Both concepts though are not indicators of a struggle between traditional communal ideas and modern notions influenced by Roman law, but they are used simultaneously in different contexts, as an attempt to underline the dignified and independent behaviour of Bremen and its city magistrates. The fact that Salomon mentioned that no word was uttered while their hands were being held, also subverted the bishop's will of receiving the submission of the Bremensian council. The words spoken before and after the 'handupholdinge' could thus be diverted from the oath, which was then completely stripped of the meaning the bishop wanted it to have. The City's Mayor Heinrich Meier could thus justly claim that no oath at all was sworn on this day in September in 1580.[38] The bishop's side was clearly on the defensive here and referred in their response to the fact that the words uttered were not important, but what took place in the hearts of the people who held their hands up.[39]
'Homagium' and Hospitality: The Bishop's Sojourn at Bremen
Salomon's further narration continues by portraying the bishop and his behaviour during his sojourn in Bremen. Through his eyes we perceive a young dynamic man -as the bishop actually was compared to some of the council members- on a visit, not a dignified sovereign: "After that (the homagium) he rose and he was given all sorts of confectionery, such as sugars, green ginger, dates and some drinks, which he enjoyed and they were being drunk in the circle. After that he went outside and mounted his horse, he rode to Eler Breden's stables, there he saw his uncle Count Anthon of Oldenburg, a young master, and his sister the Lady of Brockhusen, in the company of her youngest sister Clara, being at the window, he sprang from his horse, and went inside on foot, and took them with him to the house of the Dean Otto of Duren, where he lived, and the Honourable Council and the Aldermen were invited by him and he gave us plenty."[40] Salomon does not mention the rather tense atmosphere Renner describes.[41] He tried by all means to evoke the impression that the bishop's sojourn is following the pattern of a usual visit a foreign duke would pay to Bremen. This impression is further deepened by Salomon's narration of the bishop greeting his relatives in Bremen and experiencing a session of the city council. This 'sightseeing' followed the common pattern of a visit by foreign nobles to Bremen. It did not bear any juridical or political implications of the person's status lowering the city's own position.[42] The bishop was the guest, not the host.
The Confessional Side of the Conflict
Conflict loomed over the bishop's exodus, too. Henry pressed the city council to take serious measures against a preacher who openly and polemically criticised the bishop.[43] The consequent procedure again demonstrates the diplomatic skills of the Bremensian council members. The preacher was sentenced to resign from preaching for five weeks. This measure did not mean to have fulfilled of the bishop's request, but it was a superficial act done for the sake of appearance. There remains the possibility that the city council had used these preaching activities as an indirect way of formulating opposition to the bishop. At least they had obviously not prevented the theologian from preaching openly against the bishop and did not prevent him in the future by giving him a rather light sentence. It has to be taken into account that, unlike on other occasions, no records of the priest's sermons can be traced in the sources. Most of the orders deal with the safety of the burghers while using the artillery in greeting the bishop, but do not give any prescriptions for their behaviour towards the bishop and his entourage.[44]
The development of Bremen into a Calvinist city was further accelerated by the bishop's futile efforts to impose his will on the city, whose magistrates saw in the Calvinist confession the only way of guaranteeing independence from the Lutheran archbishop who claimed to be their overlord and sovereign. In 1600 the 'Heidelberger Catechism' was introduced. Bremen became a Calvinist community.
The Republican Answer: Marginalizing the Sovereign
Archbishop Henry had gained a single victory by imposing the realization of his formal 'homagium' on the citizenship of Bremen. But he had not succeeded in receiving any permanent advantage in his pursuit of sovereignty over the city, which he would visit only once again on a hurried visit overnight before he died in 1585.[45] The Bishops of Bremen tried to impose their sovereignty up until the time the Swedes took over that role in the last years of the Thirty Years' War. They met a pattern of resistance that was motivated by a determined will to gain and secure Bremen's independence. The Bremensian magistracy knew that it would have been in a weaker position had the conflict escalated. Defeated at first they gained a more stable victory by modelling the political representation of the event and of the relationship between themselves and the bishop according to their own aims. As a result they were able to separate Bremen as a city community legally and confessionally from the bishop's sphere of influence. When they were forced to pay formal tribute to the bishop, they marginalized his presence in the city's political and historical self-representation, turning a 'homagium' into a display of Bremensian hospitality. In each application of the notions of political representation in the narrower sense of the word there are differences revealed in the use of Roman law and ancient conceptions of a city community. These uses though do not tell us something about the modernity or backwardness of the different speakers, but about their use of these different notions in order to strengthen the city's role and representation against the bishop's person. Their behaviour can be classified as an example of early modern republicanism, which was not only, and not very often, expressed in treatises of classical political philosophy but in the more subtle ways of formalized behaviour.
Figure 1: Painting showing the Emperor Charlemagne and the first bishop of Bremen Willehad by Bartholomäus de Bruyn the Elder in 1532. (Rolf Gramatzki, Das Rathaus in Bremen. Versuch zu seiner Ikonologie , H.M. Hauschild GmbH: Bremen 1994), p. 67.
Figure 2: engraving showing Archbishop Henry from the house of Saxony-Lauenberg (Hermannus Hamelmannus,Oldenburgische Chronicon. Das ist/ Neschreibung der Löblichen Uhralten Grafen zu Oldenburg und Delmenhorst…, newly printed version of the first edition of 1599), Heinz Holzberg: Oldenburg 1983, p. 434.
Figure 3: detail of a painting by an unknown master of the middle of the seventeenth century showing a wedding procession at the Bremensian market place: the black sombre appearance of the male city council members is contrasted by the red of the woman's dresses and of the Roland's coat.(Focke-Museum. Museum for Bremensian Art and Cultural History, the photographer is Jürgen Nogai).
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[1] For the exact citation of the sources see notes 28 to 34 relating to "The bishop's entrée in September 1580" below. Back
[2] For a study concentrating on the juridical implications of the word see Hasso Hofmann, Repräsentation. Studien zur Wort- und Begriffsgeschichte von der Antike bis ins 19. Jahrhundert, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1998, see especially pp. 15-37; for a concise summary of the state of research in the historical field and further differentiation of the concept of representation see Frank Hatje,Repräsentationen der Staatsgewalt. Herrschaftsstrukturen und Selbstdarstellung in Hamburg 1700-1900, Helbig & Lichtenhahn, Basel and Frankfurt am Main, 1997, pp. 11-74. Back
[3] For example, Wolfgang Reinhard,Geschichte der Staatsgewalt. Eine vergleichende Verfassungsgeschichte Europas von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart, C.H. Beck, Munich 2000, p. 31.Back
[4] This notion derives from antique origin: compare Carl Andresen, "Erlösung", in Ernst Dassmann, Theodor Klauser, Franz Joseph Hölger (eds), Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum: Sachwörterbuch zur Auseinandersetzung des Christentums mit der antiken Welt, vol. 6: Erfüllung-Exitus illustrium virorum, Hiersemann, Stuttgart 1966, pp. 54-219, for political representation in late antiquity see pp. 160-184.Back
[5] See Clifford Geertz, "Kings, Centers and Charisma: Reflections on the Symbolics of Power", in Joseph Ben-David (ed.), Culture and its Creators. Essays in Honor of Edward Shils, University of Chicago Press, Chicago/London, 1977, pp. 150-171. Back
[6] For the use of the concept of 'crisis' in interpreting the period around 1600 see Heinz Schilling, "The European Crisis of the 1590s: the Situation in German Towns", in Peter Clark (ed.), The Crisis of the 1590s, Allen & Unwin, London, 1985, pp. 135-156. Back
[7] See Heinz Schilling, "Confessional and Political Identity in Europe at the Beginning of Modern Times (Fifteenth to Eighteenth Centuries)", Concilium, vol. 6, 1995, pp. 1-13. Back
[8] (Henrich Krefting), Discursus Clarissimi Consultissimi Viri Dn. Henrici Kreftingii I.U.D. et Reipublicae Bremensis Syndici ac Senatoris primarii de Republica Bremensi, Ms., 2-P.1.-8, State Archive of Bremen. Back
[9] Compare Heinz Schilling, "Die politische Elite nordwestdeutscher Städte in den religiösen Auseinandersetzungen des 16. Jahrhunderts", in Wolfgang J. Mommsen (ed.),Stadtbürgertum und Adel in der Reformation. Studien zur Sozialgeschichte der Reformation in England und Deutschland. The Urban Classes, the Nobility and the Reformation. Studies on the Social History of the Reformation in England and Germany, Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 1979, pp. 235-308.Back
[10] He lived from 1550-1585, in 1566 he was elected bishop of Bremen and in 1575 he married Anna von Broich; for the biographical dates see Karl Ernst Hermann Krause, "Heinrich II, Erzbischof", in Historische Commission bei der Königl. Akademie der Wissenschaften (ed.),Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. Elfter Band Hassenpflug-Hensel, newly printed version of the first version of 1880, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1969, pp. 506-507. Back
[11] A comprehensive summary of Bremen's church history can be found in: Ortwin Rudloff, "Bremen", in Gerhard Krause and Gerhard Müller (ed.), Theologische Realenzyklopädie, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin/New York 1981, pp. 153-167. Back
[12] He lived from 745 till 789. From about 765 he was doing missionary work trying to convert the Frisian people living at the North Sea. He became bishop of Bremen in 787. Back
[13] See Appendix, Figure 1. Back
[14] For a discussion of this and the details in this paragraph see Ortwin Rudloff, "Bremen", p. 156. Back
[15] Compare Dieter Hägemann, "Karl der Große und die Karlstradition in Bremen", in Werner Goez (ed.),Stadt-Kirche-Reich. Neue Forschungen zur Geschichte des Mittelalters anläßlich der 1200. Wiederkehr der ersten urkundlichen Erwähnung Bremens, Hauschild, Bremen, 1983, pp. 49-80. Back
[16] Dieter Hägemann gives an outline of this process of Bremen in his, "Bremens Weg zur Freien Reichsstadt", inBremisches Jahrbuch, vol. 76, 1997, pp. 17-35. Back
[17] Erhard Schulze, "Das Herzogtum Sachsen-Lauenburg und die lübische Territorialpolitik", unpublished PhD thesis, University of Hamburg, 1953, pp. 198-203. Back
[18] See Appendix, Figure 2. Back
[19] The reformation did not bring an end to the existence of bishoprics in the protestant North of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, they only became even less linked to the ecclesiastical qualities of the bearer of the title and therefore meant additional means for the leading noble families to acquire more positions and titles. The 'reservatum ecclesiasticum' of the Augsburg Confession in 1555 prescribed that bishops had to resign after their conversion to the Lutheran religion. This was very often neglected, as in the case of Henry, the first Lutheran on the bishop's throne in Bremen demonstrated. Back
[20] See Wilhelm von Bippen,Geschichte der Stadt Bremen. vol. 2, C.E. Müllers Verlagsbuchhandlung, Bremen 1898, pp. 171-173. Back
[21] Herbert Schwarzwälder,Geschichte der Freien Hansestadt Bremen. vol 1: Von den Anfängen bis zur Franzosenzeit (1810), Temmen, Bremen 1985, pp. 250-251. Back
[22] See Appendix, Figure 3. Back
[23] The source for this is the relation the Syndic Widekindt gave Bremen's city council. See the printed version in Heinrich Smidt (ed.), "Des Syndic Widekindt Bericht über die im Jahre 1580 dem Erzbischof Heinrich III. geleistete Huldigung zu Bremen",Bremisches Jahrbuch vol. 6, 1872, pp. 155-222. Back
[24] "nach altem s.f.g. vorfaren loblichen gebrauche", in Heinrich Smidt (ed.), "Des Syndic Widekindt Bericht", p. 183.Back
[25] "Dieweil aber eine solche aufforderung ein neues und unerhortes, als davon in des Radts denkelbuche und sonsten die geringste nachrichtung nicht fürhanden, zuforderst auch das näher mal bei Erzbischoven Christoffers hochloblicher gedechtnusse zeiten und einritte nicht geschehen, als ist solchs den fürstlichen räthen zu gemüthe gefüret und dafür gepeten worden, den Radt und gemeine stadt mit solcher neuerung zuverschonen", in Heinrich Smidt (ed.), "Des Syndic Widekindt Bericht", p. 183. Back
[26] "Syntemal es insunderheit bei unberichten und unerfahrenen leuten die gedanken erwecken und machen konte, als wolte man sich bei solchem imperio einer sonderlichen severitet gebrauchen, und die subditos mer cum virga ferrea, dan clementia et humanitate regiren und unterhalten. Daraus allerhand ungelegen und ungewonheit leichtlich entstehen und folgen konte, so auch s.f.g. selbst beschwerlich fürfallen mochte.", in Heinrich Smidt (ed.), "Des Syndic Widekindt Bericht", p. 196. Back
[27] "Ohne dass sich die grössesten potentaten und heubter der christenheit, als kayser und konige, bei iren stattlichen einzügen (wie das von vielen guten leuten gesehen worden), auch zujüngst noch der Erzbischof zu Magdeburgk, so doch Primus Germaniae ist, einer solchen ceremonien und unerhorten geprenges nicht gebraucht haben.", in Heinrich Smidt (ed.), "Des Syndic Widekindt Bericht", p. 196. Back
[28] "Als nun die haveleute gesehen, dass die gesandten des Radts s.f.g. also im felde angeredt, seint sie alle samptlich, so wol die frembden als die einheimischen, zu samende gerücket und umb s.f.g. einen weiten krais oder rink gemacht; also dass jederman leichtlich konnen sehen und hören, was dasselbst geredt und gehandelt worden." in Heinrich Smidt (ed.), "Des Syndic Widekindt Bericht", p. 197. Back
[29] For the Bremensians' futile attempts to reduce the number of horses see Heinrich Smidt (ed.), "Des Syndic Widekindt Bericht", pp. 184-187. The Bremensians admitted more and more horses: first they would like to see only 300, then they were ready to accept 400, then 550. Back
[30] Parts of it are published in Heinrich Smidt (ed.), "Des Syndic Widekindt Bericht über die im Jahre 1580 dem Erzbischof Heinrich III. geleistete Huldigung zu Bremen", pp. 204-206. Back
[31] "Der Erzbischoff selbst hat einen lichtbraunen gaul geritten, wie dan S.f.g. eigene gäule derselben farben alle, deren in die 40 und uffs herrlichste geputzet gewesen, auch einen schwarzen, sammiten leibrock, mit gulden posement besetzet, geführet, item einen schwartzen sammiten hudt, mit einem guldenen krantze, rothen und weissen federn geschmückt. Hinter S.f.g. seindt hergeritten sechs Edelknaben uff lichtbraunen gäulen, uffs schönste mit sammiten röcken, bestickten sturmhauben, guldenen ketten und silbern dolcken gezieret.", in Heinrich Smidt (ed.), "Des Syndic Widekindt Bericht", p. 205. Back
[32] "1580. Sondags, d.25. Sept., quam U.G.F. und her tho Bremen in mit 600 perden, worunter de grave v.d. Lippe, ein junck here, und ein grave oder fryher v. Kreken aver Rhin.", in Heinrich Smidt (ed.), "Des Syndic Widekindt Bericht", p. 212. Back
[33] See Lieselotte Klink,"Einleitung", in Johann Renner, Chronica der Stadt Bremen Teil 1, University of Bremen, Bremen 1995, pp. IX-XVII. Back
[34] For a comprehensive summary of the development of the city council in Bremen and the access to the magistracy see: Herbert Schwarzwälder, Geschichte der Freien Hansestadt Bremen. vol.1: Von den Anfängen bis zur Franzosenzeit (1810), pp. 91-94. Back
[35] This is 'wittheit' in German, a special expression in low German, whose usage is changing, it can be used for the whole city council or just for the group of the mayors. The only definition can be found in the Zedler dictionary of 1748. See Johann Heinrich Zedler,"Witheit", in Johann Heinrich Zedler, Grosses vollständiges Universal-Lexikon Band 57 Will-Wn, newly printed version of the edition of 1748, Akademische Druck-und Verlagsanstalt, Graz 1962, cn. 1552. Back
[36] "Un de Manschup swor ohme wedder up dem Core vor dem hogen altare; darna reth he van dem Dome vor dat Rathues, und de heren des Capittels und de Manschup volgedem ohme tho vote na, und gink up dat Radthus und wart van der Wittheit sammt allen, de dar mede quemen, erliken entfangen. Und unser Syndic heeld dat word und hete ohne willkamen. Darna sat he under een hemelte van swarten syden und de Cantzler Gedeon dede dat wort, darna antwortede unse Syndikus, und ik und Dirik van Reden als olde und nye kemmerers huldeten unsen G.F. wegen der gantzen Wittheit und gemeende mit handupholdinge, averst wy redeten nicht ein wort, sunder geven unse hände mit Reverentz, wie sich das gehört.", in Heinrich Smidt (ed.), "Des Syndic Widekindt Bericht", p. 212. Back
[37] "Das ander argument wil dahero/ daß Burgermeister und Raht zu Bremen/ den Herrn ErtzBischoffen die Huldigung leisten/ genommen werden: Es hat aber damit diese warhafftige Beschaffenheit/ daß solche Huldigung nicht von der Burgerschafft/ noch (wie in andern Reichs Städten wol geschiehet) von allen und jedwedern Persohnen des Rahts/ Man bey Mann/ sondern nur von zweyen Herrn des Rahts pro tempore Camerarii seynd.", in Heinrich Meier, Assertio Liberatis Reip. Bremensis. Das ist der Kayserl. und deß Heil. Röm. Reichs Freyen Stadt Bremen Ehren-Freyheit und Standts Rettung/ Wieder Eine im Jahre 1642. unterm Titul Fürstl. Erzbischofl. Bremischen Nachtrabs/ angemaßte Confutation deß im Jahr 1641 anseiten ermeldter Stadt in Truck gegebenen Prodromi oder Vortrabs Gründlichen wahrhafften Berichts und Gegen-Remonstration von der Stadt Bremen Berueffung/ Session und Voto zum Reichstag in Regensburg zu bleibender Nachricht ausgefertigt Anno 1646, Arend Wessels, Bremen, (1651), p. 575. Back
[38] Meier, Assertio libertatis, p. 583. Back
[39] Meier, Assertio libertatis, p. 583. Back
[40] "Darna (nach der Huldigung) stund he up und öhme wort gegeven allerhande Confect, van sucker, gronen Enckver, dadelen&v. samt lutterdranck, Malvasie und Clareten, welches gesmecket und umme gedruncken. Darna ging he henaf und sat up syn perd, ret bet jegens Eler Breden stalle, dar sah he synen Ohm Graf Anthon von Oldenbourg ein jung heer und syne suster de Frau v. Brockhusen samt öhre jüngste schwester Claren im fenster liggen, spranck van dem hingste, und ging to vote tho öhnen henin, und nam se mit sick by der hand förende beth in des Domdeckens have Otte v. Duren, dar sine herberge was, und E.E. Radt samt der Wittheit und de Olderlüde wären by ohme tho gaste und tracterde uns wol", in Heinrich Smidt (ed.), "Des Syndic Widekindt Bericht", p. 212. Back
[41] Johannes Renner, Renner's Chronika der Stadt Bremen IIter Theil, p. 386. Back
[42] Heinrich Smidt (ed.), "Des Syndic Widekindt Bericht", p. 213. Back
[43] Heinrich Smidt (ed.), "Des Syndic Widekindt Bericht", p. 213. For more detail see Wilhelm von Bippen,Geschichte der Stadt Bremen vol. 2, pp. 201-202. Back
[44] Compare Proclamatum wegen des bevorstehenden Einzugs des Erzbischofs Friedrich Febr. 1637, 2-P.5.c.2.a.1.b.Vl.1, State Archive of Bremen. Back
[45] Wilhelm von Bippen, Geschichte der Stadt Bremen, vol. 2, p. 201. Back


text:
SPM necesitaba un nuevo diseño de logotipo y lanzó un concurso de diseño en 99designs.
Un ganador ha sido elegido entre 36 diseños de 19 diseñadores freelance.
Scientific Productivity Methods is a company that uses scientific methods to increase the productivity of individuals (not companies). A key target market are people who procrastinate and struggle against themselves to get things done.
Scientific Productivity Methods
We want a heraldic crest logo with a modern feel that conveys authority and trust. No text or lettering is required on the logo and scientific references or symbols are not necessary.
Symbols used should represent characteristics such as industry, productivity, overcoming adversity, courage, strength of mind, intelligence. E.g. naked arm, bee, bull, chess rook, duck, lion, lozenge, unicorn
For ideas on symbols and meanings check out fleurdelis
A modern example that I like is here only I'd like the logo to look more solid and less flat (perhaps with a more ornate border, but not necessarily 3D).
- IBM blue and white, or IBM blue and gold color scheme
- Solid and robust design
- Convey authority and trust
- Use appropriate heraldic symbols
- Modern design with classic styling
- The art in a vector format like that produced by Adobe Photoshop or Adobe Illustrator
- test tubes, atomic symbols and other corny associations with science
- highly ornate crest
- gothic or medieval design style
- religious symbols
Descubre cómo funciona un concurso de diseño u obtén más información sobre nuestros servicios de diseño de logo.


text:
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The Xen Project has created a number of open source technologies for specific purposes:
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text:
What's the deal with Bigfoot sightings anyway? And UFO sightings. I'm a firm believer in both mind you (the idea of a 12-foot-tall gorilla as my butler makes me all warm and fuzzy inside), but how come no one can take a video where it isn't either blurry, the camera isn't shaking, or the person spends half of the tape filming their own feet?
I mean I can understand the shaky camera part. A giant hairy dude in the middle of a forest watching you might make you tremble in your boots a little. Of course that person would also tremble watching a Robin Williams flick. If you ever need proof of a Sasquatch with a growth disorder, you need look no further. The guy looks like he stapled shag carpeting to his body.
Conditional Statements
Sometimes in a program you want to have a piece of code execute when a condition is met. To do this, you use conditional statements. There are three types of these in PHP. These are the If statement, the Else statement, and the Elseif statement.
{mospagebreak title=If}
People are always asking what if. What if I weren't the world's fattest man? What if I poured vodka into that Kool-Aid guy's body — would he get drunk? I mean technically the dude is already wired. Why else would he just crash through people's wall and yell his name?
As I said before, we already previewed the IF statement in our previous article. However, I will show it to you one more time here, just as a refresher. The basic idea of an If statement is: If this, do that.
$your_name = "Angelina Jolie";
if ( $your_name == "Angelina Jolie") {
echo 'Will you marry me?';
In the above code, we store the name "Angelina Jolie" in a variable. We then say that if the value in $your_name is in fact "Angelina Jolie" print the line:
Will you Marry me?
If the value of $your_name had been any other value, nothing would have happened.
But what good is that program if we don't get an answer? For that, let's use the If…Else statement.
{mospagebreak title=Else}
$your_answer = "Yes";
if ( $your_name == "Yes")
echo Now I am the both the Happiest and Fattest man alive!';
echo 'Jennifer Aniston is prettier than you!';
echo 'I'm Brad Pitt's cousin, Fat Pitt.';
Several things to note about the above code: 1) Jennifer Aniston is not hotter than Angelina Jolie, unless Jennifer Aniston or her lawyer are reading this, in which case she is very hot and a great actress to boot 2) If the value in $your_answer is equal to Yes, then the following will print:
Now I am both the Happiest and Fattest man alive!
I'm Brad Pitt's cousin, Fat Pitt.
If the value in $your_answer had not been Yes, this would have printed:
Jennifer Aniston is prettier than you!
I'm Brad Pitt's cousin, Fat Pitt.
Note that either way the line: I'm Brad Pitt's cousin, Fat Pitt prints out. This is because that echo is placed outside of the IF…Else statement and prints regardless of whether the criteria is met.
{mospagebreak title=Elseif}
That sounds like the name of a cow doesn't it? Good ole' Elseif just ain't makin' as much milk as she used to. But in fact, the Elseif statement does more than give milk. Elseif statements allow you to expand upon the Else statement. Just look at this table and it will be crystal clear:
$marry_who = "James";
if ( $marry_who == "James")
echo 'Now I am the both the Happiest and Fattest man alive!';
else if ($marry_who == "Brad")
echo 'Jennifer Aniston is prettier than you!';
echo 'Who the hell is he?!?';
echo 'I'm Brad Pitt's cousin, Fat Pitt.';
There, that's more like it. Now we are forcing the buxom Tomb Raider to choose between me and her lackluster actor boyfriend (I refuse to accept the fact that they are married). Even though in my mind I know who she would pick (and you better too you monkeys), let's look at the results of this program:
First we started off giving the variable $marry_who the value of "James." Then the program asks who she chose. Clearly, she chose me. And since the value of $marry_who is "James" the following prints out:
Now I am both the Happiest and Fattest man alive!
I'm Brad Pitt's cousin, Fat Pitt.
Tada. Now if by some crazy luck, the star's were aligned in Brad Pitt's favor, it would have printed this:
Jennifer Aniston is prettier than you!
I'm Brad Pitt's cousin, Fat Pitt.
And lastly, if Angelina has decided handsome, smart, funny, creatively brilliant men (me) and goofy, can't-act-his-way-out-of-a-paper-bag actors with a yawnable six-pack of abs (Brad Pitt) aren't her type, and she chooses some other fool, this would be there result:
Who the hell is he?!?
I'm Brad Pitt's cousin, Fatt Pitt.
Again, since the line about me being Brad Pitt's cousin is outside of the statement, it will print regardless of the IF…Else…Elseif result.
{mospagebreak title=Here We Go Loop de Loop}
You ever have one of those jobs where you do the same thing over and over all day, every day? Sure you have. Take the job of hamburger flipper. Before becoming the web's writer extraordinaire, I once worked at a burger restaurant. They sat me through orientation and gave me a giant book to study (which I never did; it was burger flipping, not rocket science). Then they told me my title and I was baffled: Top Bun Operator. Again: Top Bun Operator. No kidding. One guy "operated" the top bun and was responsible for its toppings, while a second guy was the Bottom Bun Operator. Apparently doing the whole bun was much too complicated.
One day, though , I became the Neo of the hamburger world. I was operating not only the top bun and the bottom bun, but the hot dog bun as well. All around me employees were betting their $5.25 an hour salaries and yelling "He's a madman!"
After that I quit, because let's face it: I had taken the job as far as it could go.
Can you imagine the poor dunce that gets reprimanded for not knowing how many pickle slices go on the top bun?
Anyway. Loops in PHP (and other programming languages) make the computer do repetitive tasks for you. I mean, that is what computing is all about. The are several types of loops, starting with the For Loop.
{mospagebreak title=For Loop}
Say you want to count to one million, but since you're too lazy, you decided to watch your computer do it instead. The For loop was designed specifically for slackers like you.
$count_for_me = 0;
for ($i = 0; $i < 1,000,000; $i++)
$count_for_me += $count_for_me;
I recommend changing the $count_for_me part to like 100 before running this program, otherwise you will be sitting there for a while.
Breaking down the Code
The For loop has three parts. The first part is the initializer, which initializes a counter variable. We set it to zero to execute the loop 1,000,000 times. If we set it to 1, it would only go through 999,000 times.
The second part is the conditional part. This is the part where you give the program the criteria of how many times to run. It will keep running until this criteria is met. In this instance while $i is less than a million.
The third and final part of the loop is the loop expression, which tells the program what action to take on the $i counter variable. In this case, we are incrementing it by one.
Well folks, that's it for this tutorial. We will cover the rest of the loops in the next edition. Till then…


text:
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text:
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVHBudding Enthusiast
Content Count19
Last visited
About ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH
Profile Information
Ford Model
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH started following the car.jpg
Rs Turbo Conversion
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH posted a topic in Ford Escort ClubHI I HAVE A MK5 ESCORT AND IM CONVERTING IT TO AN ESCORT RS TURBO ENGINE . I WAS JUST WONDERING IF ANYONE KNOWS A LITTLE BIT ABOUT THE WIRING ON THESE . RIGHT, ON THE IGNITION RELAY THERE IS A THICK RED WIRE , I TAKE IT THAT IS TO GO BACK TO THE IGNITION SWITCH? AND DO THE ECU'S GET THERE POWER FROM THE RELAY ? AS I CANT SEE HOW ELSE THEY WOULD GET ANY POWER . THE MECHANICAL SIDE OF THINGS I CAN DEAL WITH ITS JUST THE WIRING THAT I LIKE TO HAVE A SECOND OPINION :) ANYWAY HOPE SOMEONE CAN HELP MANY THANKS CHRIS
escort mk5 bucket seats
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH posted a topic in Ford Escort Clubhi i bought some bucket seats for my escort mk5 the utha day thinkin it would be a piece of !Removed! to fit them but turns out its solid. i was just wondering if anyone has any tips about fitting them. anuther thing is that i didnt realy want to weld anythin to the floor as i am not tracking the car , and i did get some universal sliders with the seats. hope sumone can help. cheers chris
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH posted a topic in Ford Escort Clubhi ihave an escort mk5 b which is basicaly a mk5 front and a mk6 back . i have found a gti back bumper for a mk6 escort but im not 100% sure that it will fit my car. tha back of my car and the back of the gti look identical but i need someoned opinion on it hope someone can help many thanks chris ps: i will add a picture so u can see wat the back of my car looks like .
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH replied to ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH's topic in Ford Escort Clubyeh im gunna take the cat of tommorow hopefuly if the rain holds off and clear it out and refit it i will let you no what happens cheers for the help chris
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH posted a topic in Ford Escort Clubhi my car has got a bad problem . wenever the car is reved over 2000 rpm it makes a rumbling noise from the engine almost like it cannot get rid of the exhaust gasses the cat is also making some strange NOCKING AND RATTLING noises. almost like i have and exhaust bracket gone . (which i dont ) haha i didnt no if the cat was blocked and was not letting the gasses escape fast enough. anyway i really hope someone can help as i am stuck without a car . many thanks chris
engine problems help needed
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH posted a topic in Ford Escort Clubhi i am not sure which engine to go for the ERST or FRST i was wondering if both are eaqauly hard to fit into a mk5 escort as if they are both fairly tricky to fit i will gop for the ERST as it is cheaper and then sometime in the future convert to efi. anouther thing is that i hav read somewhere that the ERST has 2 fuel pipes coming from the tank and as my caris a 1.4 cvh (spi ,cfi) at the moment i was wondering if i would hav to change any of the fueling systemto fit the ERST engine . i think the fiesta engine is alot more simple to fit as it is all electric and i was wondering if with the fiesta engine i would be able touse my fuel line anyway thats the story if anyone can just answer any of thos questions i can pretty much get started buyin parts etc on a tight budget lol many many thanks chris
ESCORT RST v FIESTA RST
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH replied to ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH's topic in Ford Escort Clubso would it just not be better to put a fiesta rs turbo engine init then and save money and if it is not better to do it this way y? thanks chris
new camshaft
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH posted a topic in Ford Escort Clubhi i am looking for a bit more power from my 1.4 cvh 1993 escort (cfi, spi). obviously im not going to be getting stupid power from it , im just looking for a bit more mphhhhhhhhh if u get me lol. anyway i hav been looking into getting a new camshaft for the time being as i am looking to put an rs turbo engine in it in the near future. i hav seen that kent cams make 2 sorts for my car one being a FAST ROAD CAM (valve lift -11.4 / 11.0) the other being a ROAD RALLY (valve lift 12.1/11.9) i am a bit stuck on which one to get as i am looking for the one with the best power gain. another thing is that i am only looking to get the cam as i hav heard that a vernier pulley is a good investment when buying a uprated cam. i was only realy hoping to buy the cam a money is tight DOES ANYONE NO IF THE KENT CAM WOULD RUN JUST AS GOOD ON THE STANDARD PULLEY ? anyway if anyone has any answers it would be much appreciated many thanks chris
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH posted a topic in Ford Escort Clubhi car passed mot on thursday which is good so i went out driving on friday and the battery light came on when i was driving at about 50mph . the lights went dim and then a short while after the airbag light came on. not long after that the car died and i had to coast home. i wasnt sure wether any1 has had this problem or if anyone noes watit could be i tink it could be the alternator anyway thanks chtis
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH replied to ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH's topic in Ford Escort ClubNO WORRIES ANYMORE THA CAR PASSED MOT TODAY WELL CHUFFED THANKS FOR THE HELP CHRIS :D
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH posted a topic in Ford Escort Clubhi my car went in for mot on tuesday and failed on the brakes. well not all the brakes just the nearside rear .(DRUM) ALL OTHER BRAKES ARE FINE JUST THIS ONE . with the pedal right down it grips a bit but i can still turn the wheel its almost like it isnt holding the presure as i can hold the piston with some grips i have changed the shoes and the piston and still nothing the handbrake works good but the foot brake doesnt so im puzzled anyway i have to get the problems sorted pretty smartish as i hav till friday to get the retest thanks chris
ESCORT RST v FIESTA RST
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH posted a topic in Ford Escort Clubhi i am looking to fit and rs turbo engine to my mk5 escort , i am wondering which engine to go for its a choice between the fiesta rs turbo engine or the escort rs turbo engine i am looking to get around 200bhp from either engine i was just wondering which engine is the best to go for thanks chris
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH added images to a gallery album in Members Albums
rst enqiries
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH posted a topic in Ford Escort Clubhi this is probably gunna sound like a dumb question but never mind . ive been looking too put an rs turbo engine from an s2 escort in my mk5 the car already has a cvh engine all iwas wondering is wat is the box that sits over the gearbox looks like its something to do with the injection unit . i am looking to do the conversion myself i put a new engine in my car the utha day but fancy an rs turbo engine now lol. i no a bit bout fords but was just wondering what parts i would need ie ecu ,loom, injection unit etc. i dnt think puttin the engine in will be a problem its just the wiring and the injection and all the small things etc hope someone can help cheers chris
escort 1.4 cvh turbo
ESCORT_CHRIS_CVH posted a topic in Ford Escort Clubhi i dont no wether this is possible and i no that it is not probably worth it but i was wonderin if it was possible to fit a turbo to a 1.4 cvh cfi engine and what parts i would need and wat would i hav to change (loom , ecu , etc) i hope some1 can help me and also what inlet would i use the fiesta inlet or the escort inlet hope sum1 has sum idea of wat 2 do cheers chris


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COLUMBIA, Mo. (AP) Alex Oriakhi had 17 points and 10 rebounds, Earnest Ross scored 16 points and No. 14 Missouri beat Nicholls State 74-54 on Friday night.
The Tigers (3-0) put to rest their tendency to start slowly - at least for one game - after senior forward Laurence Bowers promised to fix the team's energy problems after Missouri shot 23 percent in the first half Tuesday night against Alcorn State. Missouri used a 7-0 run within the first four minutes and wouldn't relinquish the lead after that.
Missouri shot 22 of 51, including 39.3 percent in the first half, bettering its 31 percent from its first two games. The Tigers also hit 7 of 12 from 3-point range and outrebounded Nicholls State 41-25.
Fred Hunter scored 22 points and T.J. Carpenter added 14 for Nicholls State (0-2), which has dropped both its games this season to Southeastern Conference teams. The Colonels lost to Vanderbilt on Saturday in their opener, 80-65. Nicholls State led by four points with less than nine minutes remaining in that game.
Missouri jumped out to its largest lead of the game - 54-32 - on Phil Pressey's 3-pointer with 13:46 remaining. The Tigers used an 11-1 run over a 3 1/2-minute stretch near the end of the first half that made the score 25-14, but a 9-2 Colonels run followed to narrow the gap, and Missouri led 32-25 at the break.
Nicholls State took advantage of eight Missouri turnovers in the first half, scoring nine points off the miscues. But the Colonels turned it over 10 times in the second, and Missouri converted them into 17 points.
Oriakhi shot only 4 of 10, continuing his struggles from the field, but still raised his season field goal percentage to 37.5 percent. He did most of his damage at the free throw line, where he went 9 of 10. He also became the first Missouri player to pull down 10 or more rebounds in his first three games since Malcolm Thomas did so in 1983-84.
Michael Dixon again participated in the pregame shootaround but remained on the bench for the game, suspended for an undisclosed violation of team rules. Missouri coach Frank Haith has said he would let reporters know what the infraction was only when the suspension is lifted.
Nicholls State fell to 3-18 on the road against non-Southland Conference opponents since the 2009-10 season, and 0-2 in the last two seasons against ranked teams. The Colonels take on independent New Orleans on Nov. 26 before heading to No. 21 Michigan State on Dec. 1 for their only current ranked opponent remaining on the schedule.
Missouri won its 68th consecutive game at home against non-conference opponents, dating to the 2005-06 opener against Sam Houston State. The Tigers won their only previous matchup with Nicholls State, 66-57 on Dec. 1, 1998, in Columbia.


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Both traceability and labelling are directly covered by EU Regulations 1829/2003 and 1830/2003, respectively.
Official enforcement control is carried out at every stage of production and trade in order to check requirements for biotech products. Producers and traders are required to document products containing GMOs and forward this information to all buyers in the distribution chain.
At this time Austria's enforcement approach focuses mainly on documentation and does not yet conduct analytical testing on final products. Not complying with documentation requirements can result in a fine of up to 30,000 euros.
Authorities conducted testing on foods in Austria for the presence of GM ingredients from 2001 to 2005. In 2001, 153 samples were evaluated, while 250 samples were taken each of the following years. Five of the 242 samples tested in 2005 had traces of GM ingredients, but none of the samples exceeded the 0.9 percent threshold for labelling.


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24 Kan. App. 2d 806
No. 76,701
GORDON E. GROSS, Appellant, v. STATE OF KANSAS, Appellee.
1. In determining modification of a preguidelines sentence under the Kansas Sentencing Guidelines Act, the court may consider any uncontested information to determine the actual conduct of the offender.
2. Aggravated battery is no longer a specific intent crime.
3. Under circumstances where the offender acknowledges his conduct was purposeful and resulted in great bodily harm, the offender's specific intent is not relevant in determining sentence modification for an aggravated battery conviction.
Appeal from Montgomery District Court; RUSSELL D. CANADAY, judge. Opinion filed February 6, 1998. Affirmed.
Reid T. Nelson, assistant appellate defender, and Jessica R. Kunen, chief appellate defender, for appellant.
Ann L. Smith, county attorney, and Carla J. Stovall, attorney general, for appellee.
Before KNUDSON, P.J., PIERRON and MARQUARDT, JJ.
KNUDSON, J.: Gordon E. Gross appeals from the district court's denial of his motion requesting sentence modification under K.S.A. 21-4724 of the Kansas Sentencing Guidelines Act (KSGA). Gross argued unsuccessfully before the district court that his aggravated battery conviction should be classified as a severity level 7 offense rather than a severity level 4 offense, thus making him eligible for modification of sentence.
We affirm.
In 1990, Gross was charged with attempted first-degree murder and felony theft after he stabbed a man in the chest numerous times and took the victim's car. A preliminary hearing was held, and Gross was bound over for trial on both charges. Pursuant to a plea agreement, an amended Information was filed charging Gross with aggravated battery and felony theft; the attempted first-degree murder charge was dropped. In the amended Information, the aggravated battery charge read: "GORDON E. GROSS, did then and there willfully, wrongfully, unlawfully and feloniously touch or apply force to the person of Kenny George, Rural Route 2, Cherryvale, Montgomery County, Kansas, with intent to injure said person or another, which was done with a deadly weapon to-wit: a filet knife."
Gross pled no contest to both charges, and consecutive terms of imprisonment were imposed by the district court.
The Department of Corrections, in its guidelines report, concluded Gross' aggravated battery conviction was comparable to a severity level 4 aggravated battery conviction and, therefore, he was not eligible for modification of sentence under K.S.A. 21-4724. Gross challenged the report by filing this motion pursuant to K.S.A. 60-1507. After appointment of counsel and hearing, the district court concluded the aggravated battery conviction was correctly categorized as a severity level 4 offense and that Gross was not eligible for sentence modification.
Gross maintains, on appeal, that the district court erred; the aggravated battery conviction should be classified as a severity level 7 offense, not a severity level 4 offense.
In determining whether to modify a sentence under the KSGA for a crime committed prior to July 1, 1993, the court is to look at the actual conduct committed and to apply that conduct to an analogous crime under the KSGA. See State v. Fierro, 257 Kan. 639, 651, 895 P.2d 186 (1995). The court may consider any uncontested information to determine the actual conduct of the offender. See State v. Whitaker, 260 Kan. 85, 92-93, 917 P.2d 859 (1996).
The district court in its ruling concluded that the comparable crime under the KSGA was a violation of K.S.A. 21-3414(a)(1)(A), which states aggravated battery is "[i]ntentionally causing great bodily harm to another person or disfigurement of another person," a severity level 4 offense.
Gross argues that the uncontested facts of his case establish only that he intended to injure another person and that intent to cause great bodily harm was disputed. He contends that the appropriate statutory provision is K.S.A. 21-3414(a)(1)(B), which prohibits "intentionally causing bodily harm to another person with a deadly weapon, or in any manner whereby great bodily harm, disfigurement or death can be inflicted," a severity level 7 offense.
Gross stabbed the victim six to nine times with a knife. At the plea hearing, in an effort to satisfy the district court as to Gross' criminal intent, defense counsel asked that the district court consider as part of the factual basis to support his plea, Gross' statements made during interrogation that he thought he had killed the victim and hoped that the victim would die. Subsequently, at the K.S.A. 60-1507 hearing, Gross stipulated that his acts had caused great bodily harm to the victim.
We conclude the uncontested facts and the admissions by Gross are sufficient to establish his specific intent to cause great bodily harm. However, we also have concluded Gross' specific intent is not a determinative factor as to whether there should be modification of his sentence.
Prior to its amendment in 1992, the crime of aggravated battery under K.S.A. 21-3414 was a specific intent crime. See State v. Diaz & Altemay, 232 Kan. 307, 311, 654 P.2d 425 (1982). This statute required not only purposeful conduct but that the act be done with the specific "intent to injure." However, K.S.A. 21-3414 now requires only that the underlying act be intentional rather than accidental; there is no longer a statutory requirement of a specific intent to injure. Under these circumstances, the State is not required to prove that Gross intended the precise harm or the result that occurred. See State v. Mountjoy, 257 Kan. 163, Syl. ¶ 7, 891 P.2d 376 (1995).
In reaching this conclusion, we are aware of the dicta in State v. Whitaker, 260 Kan. at 90-94, that implies aggravated battery is still a specific intent crime. However, in Whitaker, involving aggravated battery against a law enforcement officer, the Supreme Court held that the record did support the district court's finding that great bodily harm had occurred and, therefore, the crime was appropriately classified as a severity level 3 offense. 260 Kan. at 94. We are persuaded that if the issue was squarely presented to the Supreme Court, it would conclude aggravated battery is no longer a specific intent crime.
Gross admits he intentionally caused great bodily harm to the victim by repeatedly stabbing him with a knife. Because his purposeful conduct would constitute a violation of K.S.A. 21-3414(a)(1)(A), the district court did not err in its determination that Gross is not eligible for modification of sentence.


text:
In some ways, Jonny, I feel a bit like I'm cheating here, as I'm going back to the Citro n t FAF page, and I already noted part of this in your Tjorvenamino post's comments, but not only was there a FAF-Pere 2CVamino, an open-cockpit FAFamino, and an A FAF air-droppable military vehicle with Camino-esque tendencies, there was also a hardtop FAFamino. Plus, the FAF's guillotine could dispense with your beloved rubber bands in a heartbeat. Read 'em and weep: the Dead Man's hand again.
FAF Facile Fabriquer, Facile Financer [Citro n t]
More DAF vs. FAF [Internal]


text:
This blog title is misleading. I make no claim to understand why a book becomes a bestseller on Kindle. I have a few hypotheses, but no real way to test them.
So I'm going to ask you what you think.
Currently, I have four self-published ebook novels on Kindle, each priced at $1.99. As of right now (Feb. 17 at 7:20am) one of these novels has sold 1327 copies so far this month. Another has sold 519 copies. The third has sold 212. And the fourth novel has sold 166.
There's a big gap between 1327 and 166. And I've been scratching my head for months, wondering why that gap has stayed so wide.
Is it cover art? Is it genre? Is it the writing sample people can download for free before they buy? Is it the product description? Is it bestseller ranking (meaning a bestseller continues to be a bestseller because people see it on the bestseller list)? Is it word of mouth?
The natural assumption would be that this book sells the best because it is my best. But I don't feel it's better than the others, and neither do readers if we go by reviews and the email I get.
This gets even stranger, because if I look at the downloads on my website (three of these books are available for free on my site) the bestseller on the Kindle store isn't the bestselling download on my webpage, even though the ebooks all have the same cover art and description as their Kindle counterparts.
Color me confused.
These books have been on Kindle since April. One might think that the numbers would have reached some kind of equilibrium by now. That the biggest seller would slow down, and those who read it and liked it would be buying the other three books. Or that the top bestseller slot would change.
But it hasn't. These four books have been in the same bestselling order since April. Here are their total sales so far:
First bestseller: 9691
Second bestseller: 5014
Third bestseller: 2239
Fourth bestseller: 1716
My question to you is: why?
I'm going to post the covers and the product descriptions for all four. I'm also going to post links, if you're so inclined to download the free sample.
After you look at the covers and descriptions for each, tell me which you think is best, and why.
A medical investigator tormented by secret guilt.
A beautiful doctor with an illicit desire.
A millionaire businessman indulging a passion for murder.
And a human guinea pig who has been awake for seven straight weeks.
DISTURB by JA Konrath
You'll never sleep well again...
JA Konrath is the author of six mysteries in the Lt. Jacqueline "Jack" Daniels series, including Whiskey Sour, Bloody Mary, Rusty Nail, Dirty Martini, Fuzzy Navel, and Cherry Bomb. Disturb is Konrath's first medical thriller.
Disclaimer: This novel is filled with extortion, conspiracy, taboo sex, hidden secrets, shocking violence, and murderous betrayal. Not recommended for the faint of heart.
This ebook version also includes the bonus horror short story, "Dear Diary," about a very special pom pon girl.
A billionaire Senator with money to burn...
A thirty year old science experiment, about to be revealed...
Seven people, marked for death, not for what they know, but for what they are...
THE LIST by JA Konrath
History is about to repeat itself
JA Konrath is the author of six novels in the Lt. Jacqueline "Jack" Daniels thriller series. The latest is CHERRY BOMB.
THE LIST is a bit of a departure for Konrath. It's a technothriller about a group of ten people who each have tattoos of numbers on the bottoms their feet, and don't know why.
One of them, a Chicago Homicide cop named Tom Mankowski, has had one of these strange tattoos since birth. When he investigates a violent murder and discovers the victim also has a tattooed number, it sets the ball rolling for an adventure of historic proportions.
To say more would give away too much.
Like the Jack Daniels series, The List combines laugh out loud humor with serious suspense and thrills.
Thriller writer J.A. Konrath, author of the Lt. Jack Daniels series, digs into the vaults and unearths a technohorror tale from the depths of hell...
1906 - Something is discovered by workers digging the Panama Canal. Something dormant. Sinister. Very much alive.
2009 - Project Samhain. A secret underground government installation begun 103 years ago in New Mexico. The best minds in the world have been recruited to study the most amazing discovery in the history of mankind. But the century of peaceful research is about to end.
ORIGIN by J.A. Konrath
All hell is about the break loose. For real.
Several million bucks, stolen from the mob...
All caught on video, with no chance of redemption...
Now one man must face the entire Chicago Outfit, a group of hardened Mafia enforcers, a psychotic bookie, the most dangerous hitman on earth, and Detective Jacqueline Daniels...
His name is Tequila. And he likes those odds.
SHOT OF TEQUILA by JA Konrath
So tell me, based on the above, which is the most appealing? What's the best cover? What's the best description? Why is the bestselling ebook selling almost seven times the number of the least selling ebook, when they're all thrillers written by the same author and with similar styles?
I'm eager to hear your responses, because I flat out have no idea why one book sells more than the other three combined.
If you follow this blog regularly, or click on the links to read the free samples (you can download a Kindle reader to your computer for free), you already know which one is my bestseller. But please refrain from trying to explain why it's the bestseller, because that's attributing significance to an occurrence after it happens.
Instead, tell me what does or doesn't appeal, and if you had to buy one of these books, which one it would be and why...
Which JA Konrath Kindle Ebook Would You Buy First?
Wednesday, February 17, 2010
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