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The 2-1 win home win over Manchester United in October 2017 has been the highlight of Huddersfield's two-season stint in the Premier League. They are a different team now but will try to attack United in an attempt to get a victory in their last match at the John Smith's Stadium before their return to the Championship. But for that, they would probably need an unwitting contribution from Ole Gunnar Solskjær's team, who should be at their best as they pursue a top-four finish. .
English Premier League – LIVE
Sunday, 5 May 2019
Huddersfield vs Manchester United (14:00)
Chelsea vs Watford (14:00)
Arsenal vs Brighton (16:30)
Monday, 6 May 2019
Manchester City vs Leicester City (20:00)
Champions League semi-final dates
Second legs – Tues 7 May / Weds 8 May
Liverpool vs Barcelona (20:00) (Anfield)
Ajax vs Tottenham (20:00) (Johan Cruyff Arena)
Final details
Follow us on Twitter: @iPaperSport
The final will be played on the 1 June 2019, at the Wanda Metropolitano Stadium in Madrid.
The 2018–19 UEFA Champions League is the 64th season of Europe's premier club football tournament organised by UEFA, and the 27th season since it was renamed from the European Champion Clubs' Cup to the UEFA Champions League.
The final will be played at the Wanda Metropolitano in Madrid, Spain. The winners of the 2018–19 UEFA Champions League will earn the right to play against the winners of the 2018–19 UEFA Europa League in the 2019 UEFA Super Cup. They will also automatically qualify for the 2019–20 UEFA Champions League group stage, and if they have already qualified through their league performance, the berth reserved will be given to the champions of the 2018–19 Austrian Bundesliga, the 11th-ranked association according to next season's access list.
Real Madrid are the defending champions, having won the title for three successive seasons in 2015–16, 2016–17 and 2017–18.
UEFA Champions League 2018-19 Schedule
UEFA Champions League 2018-19 season start with the preliminary round on 12 June 2018 which will be followed by first and second qualifying rounds on 19th June 2018. The playoffs takes place on 06 August 2018 and the tournament proper beings on 18-19 September 2018 with the match day one of group stages. The group stage draw will be made on Friday, Thursday 30 August 2018. Below is the entire UEFA Champions League calendar with match day dates and the draw dates.
|1st & 2nd Qualifying (Draw)
|19 June 2018
|1st Qualifying Round Matches
|10-11 July 2018 & 17-18 July 2017
|2nd Qualifying Round Matches
|24-25 July 2018 & 31 July – 01 August 2018
|3rd Qualifying (Draw)
|23 July 2018
|3rd Qualifying Round Matches
|07-08 August 2018 & 14 August 2018
|Play-off Draw
|6 August 2018
|Play-off round Matches
|21-22 August 2018 & 28-29 August 2018
|Friday, 30 August 2018
|Matchday 1 (Group Stage)
|18-19 September 2018
|Matchday 2 (Group Stage)
|03-04 October 2018
|Matchday 3 (Group Stage)
|23-24 October 2018
|Matchday 4 (Group Stage)
|06-07 November 2018
|Matchday 5 (Group Stage)
|27-28 November 2018
|Matchday 6 (Group Stage)
|11-12 December 2018
|First Knockout Stage Draw
|17 December 2018
|1st Legs (Round of 16)
|12–13 & 19–20 February 2019
|2nd Legs (Round of 16)
|5–6 & 12–13 March 2019
|Quarter-Finals Draw
|Friday, 15 March 2019
|1st Legs (Quarter-Finals)
|9–10 April 2019
|2nd Legs (Quarter-Finals)
|16–17 April 2019
|Semi-Finals Draw
|Friday, 19 April 2019
|1st Legs (Semi-Finals)
|30 April – 1 May 2019
|2nd Legs (Semi-Finals)
|7–8 May 2019
|Champions League 2018-19 Final
|Saturday, 1 June 2019
Champions League 2018-19 Teams: Once the 2017-18 league season are over around Europe we will have our confirmed 22 teams who will go straight into the group stages while 10 more teams will join them after the three qualifying rounds and the playoff has been played in mid august. The seedings will be announced before the 2018-19 group stage draw takes place on Friday, 30th August 2018.
Champions League 2018-19 – Tickets: General public sale for tickets of Champions League 2018-19 final at Wandametropolitan in Madrid will start from 03 March to 23 March 2019. While the earlier games including group stages and other knockout ties tickets can bought from the respected club's official websites or ticket exchange sites like Viagogo.co.uk and ticketmaster.com.
UEFA only control tickets for the final match which is ofcourse played at neutral stadiums and to get Champions League final tickets you have to act during the general public sale which goes live after the round of 16 matches. We will have more updates about ticketing process right here.
Champions League 2018-19 Wandametropolitan Final Ticket Prices:
This is how each category is priced for the final match and buying tickets through UEFA's official ticket portal is the best way to get your hands on face valued tickets.
- Category 1: €410
- Category 2: €300
- Category 3: €175
- Category 4: €80


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Toys & Masturbation Stories Hub
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Rather, as Payne says: Payne says you should discuss what i caught her masterbating saw with your husband. She suggests saying cqught like: You could ask your husband if he is happy not having much sex any more and tell him how you feel about it it is a two-way thing.
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By Thomas Wallgren
* Presentation given at International Conference of governments and social movements "Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises" (21 and 22 July 2009, stuff Asunción del Paraguay)
Because of systemic constraints in the so called leading nations we cannot wait for the Obamas and even Lulas of the world to show the way for the deep changes we need. Political, cultural and moral initiative that will inspire hope on all continents can and needs to come from many places.
In the golden age of the Nordic model, the small North European area that I come from, had disproportionate global significance in pro-people politics. Many of us in these countries still work to preserve and take further the Nordic tradition. We must, however, humbly admit that the Nordic identity has weakened in the last 15 years as we have been been overwhelmed by globalisation and EU-integration.
In this spirit I want to join the large number of people on all continents who enthusiastically welcome the recent wave of positive developments in Latin America, including also many smaller countries, such as Bolivia, Ecuador and Paraguay. I recognise the enormous difficulties you are facing, including the current crisis in Honduras. Nevertheless I want to welcome the quality and direction of development in many South and Latin American countries in the last few years and the efforts and the decisive contribution of ordinary people from the struggling classes to them.
Regional integration in the context of collapsing neo-liberalism, authoritarian capitalism and the search for cultural alternatives
1. "Neoliberalism died in 2008-2009. " Is this statement true or false?
It is true in a limited sense. The state is back in the economy. Simultaneously deregulation, privatisation and trade liberalisation are all on a hold or they are rolled back. George W. Bush goes down in the books as the greatest socialiser of banks and enterprises in world history. Market fundamentalism will not come back easily as an economic orthodoxy. So far so good.
Nevertheless, as we have seen during the past months the demise of neo-liberalism does not mean the end of capitalism nor does it automatically change the balance of power or fundamental policies. Banks are bailed out and the costs of enterprise failures are carried by tax-payers. In the EU the centralising and liberalising Lissabon treaty is back on track. In India the elections were won by a centre right still pursuing growth through exports, international competitiveness, intensified exploitation of domestic natural resources and deepened integration into global markets. Obama brings the US back on a more Keynesian track and into multilateral cooperation, but his victory was more due to the catastrophic results of Bush's politics than of a desire for fundamental redirection of US power. Financial regulation remains weak, tax havens still work as usual and even the Tobin tax awaits its implementation. In the global arenas, at WTO, the World Bank or even in the climate negotiations positive news are yet to come. All in all, it is clear by now that radical shifts in power structures, economic distribution or national or international policies are not easily within reach.
The main lesson of the past winter is that neo-liberalism was always only a radical fashion, a tip of the iceberg. When it goes away we can see again clearly that the modern state in most countries remains committed to a development model in which a mix of capitalist, growth dependent exploitative economy and consumerist, individualistic, civilisational values remains central. The global trend in the last years and months is not that neo-liberal capitalism is replaced by socialism, a new green politics or even social liberalism but, unfortunately, by authoritarian capitalism. In fact, what we witness on all continents is a colossal lack of political and cultural creativity in the state and corporate sector. Hence, and this is my first point today, people seeking social and ecological justice need to recognise that the shift to politics for sustainable futures that the world so badly needs will not come about just because neo-liberalism goes away.
The good news is that with neo-liberalism gone, with George Bush down and out and with the states and business sector at a loss both intellectually and morally we can begin to understand our responsibility and define our tasks and challenges more clearly than has been possible during the past ten years.
Everywhere people recognise that the ruling elites are failing and at a loss. We need a new internationalism that is not founded on state to state cooperation or market integration. The regional cooperation we are looking for must protect and build upon people-to-people solidarity and conviviality. It must draw its strength from the confidence and creativity of ordinary people who are engaged in a multitude of local struggles and in a plurality of efforts towards decolonisation and civilisational renewal.
2. Too often only the global and national level are recognized as relevant political arenas. They are important, but should not make us overlook the relevance of the local and regional levels. From the perspective of radical and comprehensive democracy building from below and strengthening the disempowered is essential in all responses to the crisis. Democratising the politics and economy of globalisation is important but difficult. In global efforts large corporations and states still have a relative advantage over other actors. Hence, as long as power structure are not altered, we should not expect too much good to come out from institutions working on global regulation of e.g. finance and climate.
The experience of the past years has shown clearly the inadequacy of the current structure, instruments and policies of global financial regulation and economic development. The Bretton Woods institutions and the WTO-framwork have been insufficient or even dysfunctional for development, ecological responsibility and economic stability, especially for the global South. This much should now be uncontroversial. It remains open, however, what the implications are for the politics of global governance and the role of regional and national politics.
My second point today is that regional politics needs to be recognised more than before as a relevant arena of political initiative in its own right. The regional arena is too often considered to be only complementary to nation states and global institutional arrangements and global governance. Regional cooperation in the South can provide protection from dysfunctional and failing global institutions. It can also strengthen the bargaining power of the South, especially the smaller countries of the South, in global politics. Thirdly regional political instruments may play a huge role in achieving at the regional level governance services and functions that are not available at the global level. These can include for instance protection and support of micro and small enterprise as well as of local knowledge systems and forms or democracy, the launch of local and regional currencies with high social and ecological value, and so forth.
3. State borders are becoming more porous than before, people are meeting and mixing more than before. The future belongs, as Indian social philosoper Lohia said fifty years ago, increasingly to "the bastards." We see every day along the Southern borders of the US and the EU that efforts to keep borders closed and nations clean lead to disaster. Regional cooperation presents major opportunities if the physical and cultural mobility of peoples in the region and between them is enhanced. The opposite politics of regional integration which allows mobility only internally and is closed to the outer world, with exceptions allowed only for selfish reasons or on market premises is a false and dangerous model.
In societies atomised socially and empoverished culturally by late capitalism and consumerism nation state are often seen as competitors. The sense of competition fosters widely felt anxiety. As we have seen in South Asia, Europe, North America and elsewhere the consequence is often un upsurge of xenophobic identity-politics, increasing militarisation and securitisation and even terror by states and non-state agencies.
Regional protection and strategic cooperation should be built with a clear commitment to global solidarity.
In building regionalism for a new internationalism it is essential that we go beyond the current logic of competetive identity politics. In this a people-to-people cooperation and diplomacy, as pursued for instance in the World Social Forum and by a multitude of innovative smaller groups and movementsduring the past years, can play an important role. The legitimacy and need for non-state political cooperation is obvious and in regional cooperation as well tax-payers money and other public resources should not be exclusively spent on state and market driven integration.
Having said this let me stress that our efforts must complement and give life to, but not undermine the UN centred multilateral system. The G-192 that met in June 2009 for a UN General Assembly on the financial crisis and its impact on development also needs strengthening.
4. Regional cooperation in the South should not only protect the weak. It should also lead the world out of its multiple crises on the long-term. Globally the political debates seem to be moving from a discussion of separate crises to a discussion of inter-connected crises: of the finance sector, the world economy, political governance, food, water, development and climate. I welcome the synthetic framework of this conference. I only want to add that not only are the different areas of crisis interconnected and systemic. They should all be seen as symptoms of an underlying cultural crisis; a crisis of development models and the fundamental aspirations and ideals of modernization.
My fourth suggestion is that all political reforms and initiatives now of the short and medium term should be shaped so as not to hamper but rather support a civilisational shift in which the ultimate goals and ideals of development are reconsidered. It is clear that people, states and corporations in Europe and America must be pressed to responsibility and that we must pay for the mess we have caused during five hundred years through exploitation of other continents and mother earth. Nevertheless, for historical, cultural and social reasons the global North cannot be trusted too much in the search for new civilisational visions and new socially and ecologically enriching models for progress and development. The global South must take the lead. Regional cooperation in the global South and between increasingly self-reliant but co-operating Southern regional blocs can be essential for gaining economic, political and cultural autonomy from Europe and the US, serving global solidarity and environmental responsibility.
Latin America, with its strong tradition of mass participation in politics, progressive left movements, liberation theology and its great cultural variety should be a strong region in this search. In recent years the increasingly lively alliances throughout the region of indigenous and other emancipatory movements, that has given one country a president coming from the indigenous movements and another country a constitution that recognises Mother Earth is of particular interest for people on all continents who are searching for new political tools, ideas and visions. In decolonising development, art iculating new visions of good life (buen vivir) and building radical democracy the movements South America are today a great source of energy and hope for people on all continents. It is important for us all that this political and cultural resurgence is placed at the centre of regional integration here.
6. Nuclear proliferation, the totalisation of war through the war on terror and anti-hegemonic insurgency with little or no dependence on states, and the largely uncalculable threats of new military technologies combining e.g. new IT, nano-technology and genetic engineering make 21st century questions of war and peace more intractable than before. For this reason pro-people regional cooperation should systematically promote cultures and economies of sustainability and peace.
Peace-politics cannot imply thoughtless pacifism. We can still draw insight and inspiration from the Gandhian notion of and experiments with truth-force ("satyagraha"). This year 100 years have passed since Gandhi wrote his definitive statement, the pivotal pamphlet Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule on board a ship between Britain and South Africa. The new politics of global security that we need, must, as Gandhi and others have clearly seen long back, be linked to the construction of pro-people and environmentally sound development models. These can emerge on the basis of the variety of sustainable life-styles, democracies and civilisational values existing today especially in the global South.
The industrial growth centred development model that first emerged in Europe and North America in the 18th to 20th century needs to be seriously reconsidered. The global record seems to be that industrial growth economies are not capable of overcoming poverty and deprivation everywhere. Without a commitment to peaceful cooperation and civilisational alternatives zero-sum competition for growth and unsustainable life-styles among nations and regions is likely to dominate global politics in the 21st century. Regions are then more than likely to develop into competing, protectionist blocs forming strategic alliances. Even under the condition of functional interdependence globally of the competing blocs, climate change, development failures and resource depletion combined with nuclear proliferation and the evolution of new military technologies may easily lead to completely new types of wars with planetary consequences. Hence, regional cooperation in Latin America, in other Southern regions and between them needs to be globally oriented towards cooperation and solidarity, not competition. It may be helpful in this regard to think of the global North in a new way: not as the developed regions that have made it, but as regions suffering from serious development failures. Even quite conservative new models for measuring overall success in development, such as the so called Happy Planet Index, indicate that life-conditions in the US, Sweden, Germany and other similar countries reached an all-time high in th 1970s and haved steadily deteriorated since then.
Since the early 1950s the emergence of, first the European Economic Community, EEC, and later, its sequel, the European Union, has been the dynamic centre of European integration. The EU is now the most advanced model of regional integration globally. It has the largest internal market, the most ambitious common political instruments and the tightest juridical integration.
European integration has gained popular support and political legitimacy from two great promises. It has been seen, first, as a peace project and, secondly, increasingly in later years, as a project for benign, political governance of corporate driven globalisation. Without these impressive ideas European integration could not have been brought to its present level. Both ideas are now in a crisis.
I wish to bring out some lessons for regional integration from the fifty years of building the European Union:
(1) Peace ambitions may undermine democracy:
Since its inception in the 1950s the EU has been seen as a device to overcome the belligerent tendencies of nation-states. Drawing on analysis and inspiration coming from the 18th century German enlightenment philosopher Immanuel Kant and others, the idea has been to promote peace through functional integration of the national economies in the region.
The dark side of this idea was that EU integration has worked top-down. The people have been seen as prone to aggressive sentiment. Integration has proceeded on the initiative and under the leadership of bureaucratic elites. Economic integration has intentionally been built as a device that will promote political and other integration later, behind the backs of the reluctant citizens. For this reason the EU carries a vast democratic deficit. In recent years the democratic deficit in Europe has become obvious to all. The repeated side-stepping of the outcome of national referenda on EU-issues, such as the French and Dutch rejection of the EU constitution and the Irish rejection of the Lisbon Treaty is rapidly leading Europe to a very serious and deep crisis in democratic legitimacy and participation.
The deficit is structural: decision-making in the EU is so undemocratic that, ironically, the EU, if it would be a nation, would not qualify for membership in the EU. Because of the post-war technocratic logic of EU-integration the democratic crisis in Europe is also very deep-seated. It will take time to overcome it. At the moment, the effort by EU-leaders to enforce the Lisbin treaty show that so far the EU is on the wrong track in this regard.
The lesson to be learnt is that regional cooperation must, much more than has been the case in Europe, be built democratically, with explicit consent and support by the citizens.
(2) Peace ambitions regionally may be counterproductive for peace globally:
In the aftermath of the second world war the sound ambition of the architects of European integration was to prevent the outbreak of war between European nations. Less attention has, for understandable reasons, been paid to the contribution of Europe to global security. The consequence is that wars between the leading countries of Europe has become highly unlikely but that their integration between them may become, or has perhaps already become, counter-productive for global security. In the great wars of the Bush regime – on Iraq and Afghanistan – a new obscene division of labour is emerging between the trans-Atlantic forces. The USA carries the main burden of classical warfare, the EU steps in economically and logistically in the aftermath of the war, takinmg care of crisis management. This, it may be argued, is the new logic of Western, imperial military hegemony.
If other regions follow the EU model and see regional integration of foreign policy, security policy and trade policy as an instrument for selfish and hegemonic ambitions the ensuing world order may easily end up repeating the calamities of what we in Europe call the westphalian order of competing, sovereign nation states, at a new, higher level.
(3) Regional cooperation for global governance needs to be built democratically from below. Special care must be taken at every step to keep economic policies within democratic control and to avoid spill-over from economic policies on social protection, environmental protection and other vital policy areas:
Since the 1980s the main left and centre argument in favour of deepening European integration has no longer been the argument from peace. The new argument has been the argument from globalization. The main ideas are familiar to all by now. Technological changes have made possible deep changes in the economy. Deepening economic interdependence between nations and regions, the increasing importance of a globalised capital market and the increasing size and power of transnational corporations have overburdened the steering and regulating capacity of nation states. For these reasons new instruments for political regulations are called for. The European Union has been seen by many as a much needed instrument for improved global governance of the economy at first, and now increasingly also of climate change, migration etc.
For this and other reasons the primacy of economic policy instruments is a deep-seated feature of European integration. The creation of a common internal market and of common external economic policies, especially as regards trade, has been a priority in European integration.
In this tradition markets and trade have often been given politically very expansive interpretations: in the EU (as in the WTO) the free movement of trade in goods has not been enough. Free movement of capital, labour and services have been seen as equally natural parts of economic integration on liberal premises. In consequence, the more the economic instruments have developed the more they have dominated over other policy areas in which decision-making has been more confined to the national level. Social policy, workers rights, health and education, environment have all suffered from a subordination to common economic policies. The strong efforts by trade unions, left governments, environmentalists, women's movements and others to change the balance of forces in Europe have so far met with, at best, half-success. Recent key developments, such as the text and ratification process of the Lisbon Treaty, the formation of Europe's new global economic policy, and the struggles over the working time, services and chemical legislation at the European level, show that corporate interests and narrowly defined economic goals still tend to dominate EU-policies.
The lesson for other regions is again negative. It is extremely dangerous for democracy, ecology and social justice to make economic cooperation the heart of regional integration.
(4) Regional integration is possible but needs to be democratic:
Let me close on a more positive note with some recommendations drawn from the European experience:
* Regional integration needs to be built democratically. Economic integration should be subservient to social justice and radical democracy.
To this end, there are four fundamental conditions:
One: the fundamental principle of democracy, that all state power and all power of regional authorities belongs to the people, must always be recognized formally. (In the EU this is still not the case!)
Two: It is imperative that the juridical hierarchy, including the effective control of constitutional rights and freedoms of people and nature, is never subordinated to economic policies or juridical agreements regulating the economy. In the European Union the primacy of economic rights and freedoms at the level of the common regional market and in trade agreements infringes more and more on the human rights achievements. This is not only a concern at the international level where bilateral and multilateral free trade agreements are known to undermine human rights. Also internally in Europe social rights achievements have some times been undermined by the economic logic of integration.
Three: the peoples must always have effective control, before the fact and after the fact, of the balance of powers between regional and national authorities. In practice, referenda about that powers to hold at the national level and what powers to confer to regional authorities are essential. But these must be complemented by stronger powers to question and interfere in the formation of this balance by national parliaments.
Four: the political logic of democratic regionalism by the people and for the people should be pluralistic and decentred. When the peoples are in effective control of the balance of powers different countries will participate in different ways in regional cooperation, taking exceptions as they see fit and forming sub-units of tighter cooperation as they see fit. This should not be seen as a problem. The example of the European Union shows that even when integration is rigidly designed to create a Union of just one kind of members the end-result will be something else. In actual fact different European countries have different between them quite different kinds of membership in the EU both politically and juridically.
* Economic policies of regions should learn from the failures of the neo-liberal experiments in the EU and elsewhere:
+ A Latin American Central Bank issuing a common currencie that may in the long run function as a (regional?) reserve currency must work under democratic political guidance and pursue socially and ecologically responsible monetary policies;
+ The political weight and influence of large corporations tends to be relatively greater on regional than on national and local levels of political decision-making. In order to curb excess corporate influence strong measures must be taken at all times. They need to include very tight transparency regulation and, as I believe, innovative, radical anti-trust regulation. I suggest that a maximum size of corporations is considered as well as sealings on individual ownership and control of corporate activity.
* Regional cooperation may have democratizing effects on the relations between big and small countries. For this, effective, almost excessive formal veto powers by smaller members states in the regional organisations are needed to counter the effective and lasting, greater political weight of larger members.
* Regional, elected parliaments can play an important role in a new regionalism. The elected parliament should not be subordinate to regional non-elected bodies, but the extent of its powers needs to be controlled from lower levels.
* The world has seen the emergence of many special economic zones lately. In a new kind of regionalism special zones for people's power from below can be created, where people and nature are protected against corporations and states. In Bolivia there seems to be encouraging experiments along this line that could serve as a model for further work.
* The European experience shows that regional cooperation can be effective in enhancing the power and economic and social status of oppressed minorities and underprivileged regions. The mechanisms to achieve this need careful attention.
* If we manage to correct the imbalances mentioned the European Union shows that cultural and social solidarity between peoples with a long negative record of wars is possible and can be promoted through regional cooperation.
* Lastly, as compared with Europe, Latin America (as well as e.g. South Asia) has four distinct advantages as compared with Europe in its effort to build pro-people, ecologically sustainable regional cooperation to the benefit of the global community.
+ The first is a commonality of cultural values and identity. I do not want to under underestimate the cultural diversity of the Americas. But it seems to me as an outside observer that the experience of more than 500 years of colonialism and imperialism serves as a source of solidarity between the peoples in Latin America.
+ The second is common languages: Spanish and Portuguese are closely related. Again I hope that I do not offend the many people with other languages as their first language if I say that the conditions for a common public space, and hence for radical regional democracy is more happy in Latin America than in some other regions. In view of recent experiences elsewhere this is likely to be more important for post-national democracy than computer-intensity.
+ The third is common interest. Again, I do not want to overstate the case, but it appears to me that all countries in Latin Ameica could gain in economic and cultural terns from deepened cooperation between them and also with other Southern regions, even if it has to happen at the cost of laxer links to Europe and North America.
+ The fourth is the mere fact that Latin Ametican efforts towards regional integration can learn from the European experience, positively and negatively. For instance, it appears to me that it can be advantageous to build relatively more on existing sub-regional organizations than has been done in the European context where Benelux, Nordic and other sub-regional cooperation structures have been eroded by European institutions when a better policy could have been to sustain and strengthen them as parts of a multilayered regional cooperation structure.
Latin American regional cooperation may also benefit from solidarity and cooperation with regional cooperation in other regions of the South. Together the cooperating regions may make historic contributions to a post-colonial and post-imperial, pluricentric and peaceful world order
With these remarks I wish Paraguay and all countries in Mercosur and South and Latin America at large determination and democratic energy for regional cooperation that will enhance a new internationalism and civilisational renewal world-wide.
Thank you for your attention.
Thomas Wallgren
E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.com
[1] The author is the secretary of Coalition for comprehensive democracy, Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam in Finland. He is affiliated with the Brussels based organisation Corporate Europe Observatory, chair of the Finnish Refugee Council and co-chair of Alternative to the EU – Finland. He serves as an elected member of the city council of Helsinki and is co-chair of the social-democratic group. Wallgren is the head of the Department of Philosophy at the University of Helsinki, Finland. – All references are given for purposes of identification and transparency only. The author claims no ownership of his ideas nor originality for his views. He carries sole responsibility for the views expressed and all shortcomings of his remarks.
Por Roberto Colmán, generic Coordinadora Nacional por la Integración y la Soberanía Energética, help Paraguay
* Presentacion en la "Conferencia Internacional de gobiernos y movimientos sociales "Integración regional: una oportunidad frente a las crisis" (Paraguay, 21 y 22 Julio 2009)
1. Situación de la integración eléctrica en América del Sur.
2. Pérdidas por la no integración eléctrica.
3. La mejor interconexión eléctrica.
4. Beneficios si hay integración eléctrica solidaria.
5. La soberanía hidroeléctrica paraguaya y los tratados de Itaipú, Yacyretá y MERCOSUR.
6. Soberanía hidroeléctrica y la propuesta de Chile.
7. Los puntos que el Paraguay plantea.
8. Acta de Foz de Yguazu.
9. Distribución de la energía en Itaipú.
10. Amortización de la deuda de Itaipú.
11. Tarifa por debajo del costo (deuda)
12. Cogestión paritaria.
13. Control y trasparencia.
14. Los ejemplos de Panamá y Bolivia.
By Walden Bello*
(Speech at the Conference on "Regional Integration: an Opportunity Presented by the Crisis", look Universidad de Deportes, Asuncion, Paraguay, July 21-22, 2009.)
Globalization has ended in massive failure.
One response to this crisis has been to dump export-oriented industrialization and reemphasize the primacy of the national market in sustaining economic growth.
Another response, complementary to this, has been to build regional associations or regional blocs.
Regional economic blocs are not new. However, some of the more prominent ones have either not moved beyond a primitive stage, as in the case of SAARC in South Asia, or have been based on neoliberal principles, like ASEAN in Southeast Asia. ASEAN's idea of integration is to see it as a step towards full-scale globalization, a process that is termed "open regionalism."
The most interesting efforts at integration, in the view of many, are those taking place in Latin America, among them Trade Treaty of the Peoples and ALBA or the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas to which eight countries now belong. These experiences are at an early stage and yet they already contain lessons for other parts of the world. It is for this reason that the organizers of this conference decided to hold it in Asuncion, bringing in activists and government officials from Asia and Africa to interact with people in this region to discuss the lessons that developments here have for the rest of the world.
For many of us from outside Latin America, the dynamics of ALBA hold particular interest. One item that fascinates us is the use of barter as a key method of trade, for instance, the exchange of Venezuelan oil for Bolivian soybeans or of Venezuelan oil for medical services rendered by Cuban volunteers. Another is the subsidization of the oil needs of 14 Caribbean countries by Venezuela, which sells fuel to them at 40 per cent off the world price. We are intrigued by the comment of President Hugo Chavez during the World Social Forum in Caracas in 2006 that these practices "go beyond the logic of capitalism."
Yet we cannot romanticize these efforts. For instance, the plan to build oil and gas pipelines from Venezuela to the furthermost areas of South America is probably dangerous and damaging not only to the environment but also to the indigenous peoples. Some elements of the ALBA perspective, as expressed by some people, reflect the perspective of 1950's-style national capitalist industrialization, which is probably not suitable for the current period.
The challenges confronting us today cannot be met by either neoliberalism or the old developmentalist model. Let me mention some of these challenges to contemporary regionalism in Latin America and other parts of the South.
1. The first is how to build regional blocs that go beyond trade to include industrial policy, a shared agricultural policy, macroeconomic coordination, and technology sharing.
2. The second is how to ensure that building complementarity among economies does not reproduce the old, unequal division of labor between stronger and weaker economies.
3. The third is how to promote a development process that does not reproduce social inequalities at the regional and national levels in the name of capital accumulation.
4. The fourth is how to promote a development process that is sustainable, that is, one that is built on ecologically benign technologies and is not based on ever-rising material consumption per capita, though of course the spreading of material wealth via income redistribution is necessary to bring people out of poverty.
5. The fifth is how to avoid a technocrat-led process and promote instead the democratization of decision-making in all areas of the economy.
6. The sixth, related to the previous point, is how to move away from a statist process and institutionalize civil society participation in all key areas of economic decisionmaking. Civil society must not only provide a check to both the state and the market, but it must be the leading force in the new economics.
7. Finally, the last I would mention is how to undertake a process of regional integration that transcends the logic of capitalism, to borrow the words of Hugo Chavez.
I propose these as some of the key questions to guide our discussion of regional integration over the next two days.
Thank you.
*Walden Bello is a member of the House of Representatives of the Republic of the Philippines, president of the Freedom from Debt Coalition, and senior analyst at the Bangkok-based institute Focus on the Global South. He is the author of 15 books, the latest of which is The Food Wars (New York: Verso, 2009).


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Only the LORD can Help
1"How terrible it will be for those who go down toa Egypt for help,
who rely on horses,
who trust in the chariot,
because there are so many,
and in charioteers,b
because they are so strong—
but do not look toc the Holy One of Israel
or seek the LORD!
2Yet he is also wise and can bring disaster;
he does not take back his words,
but will rise up against the house of those who practice evil
and against anyone who assists people who work iniquity.
3The Egyptians are men, not God,
and their horses are physical,d not spirit.
When the LORD stretches out his hand,
anyone who assists will stumble,
and the one who is helped will fall;
and they will all perish together."
The LORD will Defend Jerusalem
4For this is what the LORD told me:
"Just as a lion or a young lion growls over his objects of prey,e —
even when a whole band of shepherds is called out against it,
it is not alarmed at their shouting
or disturbed by their clamor—
so the LORD of the Heavenly Armies will come down
to do battle on Mount Zion and on its hill.
5Like birds hovering overhead,
so the LORD of the Heavenly Armies will protect Jerusalem;
he will shield and deliver it;
andf he will pass overg and bring it to safety.h
6Turn back to him, yes to him whomi your peoplej have so greatly betrayed, you people of Israel. 7For at that time,k everyone will throw away theirl idols of silver and theirm idols of gold that your hands have sinfully made for yourselves.
8"Then Assyria will fall by a sword
that is not from human beings onlyn —
a sword not wielded by mortal beings will devour them.
They will flee from the sword,
and their young men will be put to forced labor.
9Their stronghold will vanish by reason of terror,
and their commanders will be filled with alarm
because of the battle standard,"
declares the LORD, whose fire is in Zion
and whose furnace is in Jerusalem.
a 31:1 So 1QIsaa LXX; the Heb. lacks to
b 31:1 Or horsemen
c 31:1 So 1QIsaa; MT LXX read upon
d 31:3 Or flesh
e 31:4 So 1QIsaa; MT LXX read his prey (sing.)
f 31:5 So 1QIsaa; cf. LXX; the Heb. lacks and
g 31:5 i.e. as the Angel of Death passed over the Israelis; cf. Exod 12:13, 23, 27
h 31:5 So 1QIsaa; MT reads rescue it
i 31:6 So 1QIsaa; MT reads back to him whom
j 31:6 Lit. whom they
k 31:7 Lit. on that day
l 31:7 Lit. his
m 31:7 Lit. his
n 31:8 Lit. not of man
The Holy Bible: International Standard Version® Release 2.1
Copyright © 1996-2012 The ISV Foundation
Bible Hub


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Resident Evil 6 is only two months away from release and coverage is starting to heat up. Released today is new information regarding Ada Wong's campaign and the newly announced Agent Hunt mode.
The Asian vixen who first appeared in second game will be making her comeback as a playable character who looks to fill in whatever gaps may be left at the end of Resident Evil 6. Her campaign will only be unlocked once the player completes all three storylines, ensuring that no one will be confused of the occurrences at that point in the story. Ada also comes packed with a number of new abilities and weapons that include being able to counter attack when someone takes a swing at her and a deadly crossbow to blow her enemies away.
Also announced within the latest issue of Famitsu is Agent Hunt mode. This is a mode where you take control of a monster and enter an unsuspecting player's game with a task of eliminating them. So it's a mix between Gears of War's beast mode and Dark Souls' continuous online invasion mechanic. It's definitely something interesting, but if you don't want smarter enemies coming into your game, there will be an option to turn it off.
Resident Evil 6 is shaping up to a colossal hit, involving four different storylines to battle-through and up to four-player cooperative play. It helps that there's a strong online component that goes beyond mercenaries mode, but whether or not it turns out to be a hit among fans will be determined when the game ships on the Xbox 360 and Playstation 3 on October 2nd, 2012 (and PC at a later date).
(Be weary of watching the videos below as the first one will contain some spoilers, namely revolving around a meetup with Leon and Helena.)


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Welcome to Super Smash Bros.
If you don't know what Super Smash Bros. is, then you've probably been living under a rock. Super Smash Bros. is a series of crossover fighting video games published by Nintendo and created by Masahiro Sakurai, who has also directed every game in the series.
The concept is quite simple. Originally, it featured only Nintendo characters such as Mario, Donkey Kong, Link, Samus, Yoshi, Kirby, Fox and Pikachu. It has since expanded to the point of even welcoming third-party characters like Solid Snake, Bayonetta and even Mario's greatest rival, Sonic the Hedgehog.
But in this roleplay, you can apply as any character you want, including OCs!
You may create factions, just make sure to apply for them first.
Almost items are disabled, Smash Balls are the only exception but they are incredibly rare. Yep, we're doing
Fox-Only, Final Destination,No Items!I decided to come up with an explanation behind Final Smashes which have been altered for this roleplay, an explanation which also serves as lore.
We've discovered some kind of energy, which we've named "SMASH". SMASH can only be obtained by shattering concentrated spheres of the stuff, which we've named "Smash Balls". When somebody absorbs this SMASH into their body, they are able to boost their abilities for a short period of time, which burns through the SMASH they've accumulated, once there's no more SMASH, the boost ends.
Unfortunately, we haven't been able to study Smash Balls extensively, as they're quite rare.
I aim for this roleplay to be primarily sandbox, with separate stories that eventually combine into a single, grander tale.
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The Rules
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- No, you may not use Master Hand, Crazy Hand or the like.
- Fun is mandatory.
Application Forms
Remove everything in parenthesis, AKA: ()
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[box][align=center][size=150](Insert Name Here)[/size][/align]
[floatright]Insert Image Here. If larger than 400x800, place into a spoiler. If you have more than one image, put them all into a spoiler.[/floatright]
[b]Series of Origin:[/b] (For Series' taking place in a Multiverse, specify which one)
[spoiler=Techniques](Not movesets, literally every technique the character knows.)[/spoiler]
[spoiler=Potential Weaknesses][/spoiler]
[spoiler=Final Smash][/spoiler]
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[box][align=center][size=150](Insert Name Here)[/size][/align]
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|Tuscarora Almanac for January 11 (332473)
|Home > BusChat
[ Read Responses | Post a New Response | Return to the Index ]
Tuscarora Almanac for January 11
Posted by IRTRedbirdR33 on Fri Jan 11 09:50:44 2019
Tuscarora Almanac – January 11, 1986 – The Book of First and Last Runs
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
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Source: "Philadelphia Trolleys in Color, Volume II, (Morning Sun Books /1998) by Mr. William D. Volkmer
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The Supreme Court on Friday sought explanations from Bihar Health Minister and RJD chief Lalu Prasad's son Tej Pratap Yadav and RJD strongman Mohammad Shahabuddin on a petition filed by wife of Hindustan journalist Rajdev Ranjan, who was shot dead in Siwan on May 13. The apex court also directed police to provide protection to petitioner Asha Ranjan and her two children.
Asha Ranjan has sought a court-monitored CBI probe and transfer of the trial outside Bihar, preferably to Delhi.
WATCH VIDEO: 5 Things About Shahabuddin's Criminal Record
Arguing for the petition, advocate Kislay Pandey submitted that sharpshooters Mohammad Kaif and Mohammad Javed, suspects in the Rajdev Ranjan murder case, have been seen with Tej Pratap and Shahabuddin on many occasions. This, he said, indicated that the suspects had the support of the ruling dispensation and that the journalist's family would never get justice in such circumstances. He also apprehended threat to the lives of Asha and her two children.
At this, the bench admitted the petition for hearing and asked advocate Gopal Singh, who is a standing counsel for the Bihar government in the apex court, to appear on the next date to make the state government's stand clear.
As the petitioner's counsel expressed inability to serve dasti (by hand) notices to Tej Pratap and Shahabuddin, the bench directed the Home Secretary to see to it that the duo is served the notices so that they appear in the court through their counsel on the next date of hearing.
The court was also told that although the investigation into the murder case has been handed over to the CBI, the agency was yet to make any progress. The bench then asked the CBI to come back with instructions on October 17 and also sought a status report on the investigation till then.
The court said that the SP of Siwan district and the SHO of the Nagar Thana police station have been asked to provide protection the petitioner's family. "We have directed both the Superintendent of Police and the Station House Officer so that the petitioner, a lady in distress, shall feel protected," said the court.
Asha Ranjan expressed satisfaction at the Supreme Court notice. "With the Supreme Court serving a notice to Mohammed Shahabuddin, I now hope to get justice. The CBI will also have to explain why it took over three months to take over the case," she said.
On the other hand, Tej Pratap Yadav said that he "cannot read the forehead of a person to know if he is good or bad". An undated photograph of the Bihar minister with Kaif recently appeared in newspapers. Kaif, who surrendered before a Siwan court Thursday, was wanted in an extortion case and may be questioned in the Rajdev Ranjan murder case.


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By: Dobke, Dirk und Walter, Bernadette
Price: £38.00
Publisher: Baden, Switzerland, Lars Muller Publishers: 2003
Seller ID: 006007
Condition: Very Good
NB: Text is in German throughout. Pictorial hardcover with title in white on front cover and spine. Condition: Very good, with just a hint of shelfwear to covers. 302pp. Many colour and b/w illustrations. This catalogue was published to accompany the exhibition of work by the Swiss artist Dieter Roth (1930-1998) held at Schaulager Basel from 24 May to 14 September 2003, which then toured to the Museum Ludwig, Cologne, and the Museum of Modern Art Queens and P.S.1 Contemp... View more info


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Bonnie Newhouser Hayosh
Cooley High Class of 1961
Personal Info
- Name:
- Bonnie Hayosh
- Maiden Name:
- Newhouser
- Graduation Year:
- 1961
Register to view Current location, Gender, Birthday, Relationship Status, Children, Employer, Military, College, and Interests
Memories of Bonnie Newhouser Hayosh
What I'm doing now:Register to see what Bonnie Newhouser Hayosh is up to now!
Bonnie Newhouser Hayosh's Latest Activity:
|- Registered as a CHS Class of 1961 alumni. 2012


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Escape from City 17 came out a couple of years ago, and now there's a Part 2. See also: Beyond Black Mesa and Singularity Collapse, more fan-made movies set in the HL2 universe.
What's All This Then?
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