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Here are Tokyo Journal's recommendations on places to stay in Toronto's buzzing entertainment district. They are all within close proximity to the CN Tower, Rogers Centre (SkyDome), Ripley's Aquarium of Canada, the Metro Toronto Convention Centre and the Hockey Hall of Fame, as well as Toronto's impressive theater scene, The Second City improv theater, Roy Thomson Hall, the Distillery District and fantastic restaurants for all cuisines and budgets.
Dr. Rod Ellis is a world-acclaimed British applied linguist and thought leader in the field of second language acquisition. In the late 1990s, Dr. Ellis joined renowned applied linguists Dr. David Nunan and Dr. Ruth Wajrnyb at Anaheim University where they helped pioneer the field of online education. A former professor at Temple University in both Japan and the U.S., Dr. Ellis serves as a distinguished professor in the School of Cultures, Languages and Linguistics at the University of Auckland and as a senior professor in the Graduate School of Education at Anaheim University, where he has held the roles of department chair, dean of the Graduate School of Education and VP of academic affairs. He has taught in numerous positions in England, Japan, the U.S., Zambia and New Zealand. TJ caught up with Dr. Ellis at the American Association for Applied Linguistics 2015 conference in Toronto, Canada.
(Article originally appeared in Tokyo Journal Issue #270 Pg 61)
Japan has produced many outstanding individuals throughout its very long history, which dates back to 660 B.C. Visionaries and innovators have throughout history forwarded the efforts of this tiny island nation and due to these contributions, Japan has played a significant role in the region for many centuries. Pioneers such as Takatoshi Mitsui (1622-1694), advanced the way Japan did business through innovation after innovation in the textile sales industry. In the late 1800s, it was the first President of Mitsui & Co., Takashi Masuda, who sought out a global vision for exporting Japanese rice and other goods to Europe.
Chicchai Ossan is one of Japan's most popular regional mascots along with Kumamon and Funassyi. While there are more than 3,000 mascots in Japan, each representing a specific prefecture or city, Chicchai Ossan is the first speaking character. Chicchai Ossan, whose real name is Shinichi Sakata, is a middle-aged Japanese man from Amagasaki in Hyogo prefecture. Speaking in a Kansai dialect with a sharp tongue and giving warm fatherly advice, Chicchai Ossan has become one of Japan's favorite pop culture characters. He appears on Harajuku kawaii fashion shows, game shows and at other events. Tokyo Journal met with Chicchai Ossan at Anime Expo 2015 in Los Angeles.
Carl St.Clair is one of the longest tenured music directors of a major American orchestra, celebrating 25 years at the helm of the Orange County-based Pacific Symphony this year. It is the largest orchestra formed in the last 50 years in the U.S. A graduate of the University of Texas, he went on to become a tenured professor at the University of Michigan and studied conducting under Leonard Bernstein and Gustav Meier as a Conducting Fellow at Tanglewood. He was the assistant director of the renowned Boston Symphony Orchestra with the legendary conductor Seiji Ozawa before joining Pacific Symphony. He is on the faculty of the University of Southern California's Thornton School of Music and is the principal conductor of the National Symphony Orchestra of Costa Rica. He has led symphonies in the largest cities of North America and he has appeared with orchestras in Japan, Hong Kong, Australia, New Zealand, Israel and South America. Tokyo Journal's Executive Editor Anthony Al-Jamie spoke with Carl St.Clair about his 25th anniversary.
This Archived Article is taken from the Summer 2009 Issue #267
Words by Eija Niskanen
Photos by Daniel Goertz
EMILIO INSOLERA BELONGS to that rare Edemographic which sees himself referred to as a 'TCK'-that is, a 'transcultural kid', to you and I. Osaka is where he has laid his hat and now calls home, and it is from here that he is currently working on his latest independent action film: Sign Gene. Though Insolera's latest project may feature martial arts, yakuza fistfights and even the odd helicopter chase, central to its core will be the emphasis on deaf issues and Sign language. Indeed, the movie's biggest departure is the language in which it is directed: Sign language - or, more accurately, in one of several existing Sign languages.


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Former Executive Yuan secretary-general Lin Yi-shih (林益世) was released on NT$50 million (US$1.7 million) yesterday afternoon.
Lin, who has been detained by prosecutors since July 2, was granted bail early yesterday by the Taipei District Court following his indictment on corruption-related charges on Thursday, but he was not released immediately because he failed to come up with the required amount at the time.
Lin is accused of demanding and accepting bribes, concealing illegal gains and keeping unaccountable assets, according to the Supreme Prosecutors' Office Special Investigation Division (SID).
Lin's release sparked an outcry from Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) lawmakers.
"Taiwan's judiciary is morally bankrupt," DPP Legislator Cheng Li-chiun (鄭麗君) said.
DPP Legislator Chao Tien-lin (趙天麟) described it as "iron-clad evidence of political interference in the judicial process."
Some netizens also reacted to reports that Lin's family was able to come up with NT$50 million for bail within 20 hours.
"For most people, it would take 100 years to round up that amount," one netizen commented.
"Has the government gone crazy?" another wrote. "Corrupt people can post money to be released on bail?"
A netizen using the name "ming_ray" said: "No wonder Mr Ma Ying-jeou promised to make people feel good about the economy within one month. Now we have the state coffers earning NT$50 million. This is quite a good, credible promise!"
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Legislator Lo Shu-lei (羅淑蕾), who has frequently drawn the party's ire with her comments, said: "The KMT government should not dig its own grave just to protect Lin."
"The SID should publicly explain the many questions surrounding the case, or else the public will have no confidence in the judiciary," Lo said.
KMT caucus whip Wu Yu-sheng (吳育昇), on the other hand, said that DPP members involved in corruption cases such as Yunlin County Commissioner Su Chih-fen (蘇治芬) and DPP Legislator Chen Ming-wen (陳明文) had also been released upon posting bail, adding that there was no difference in treatment between pan-blue and pan-green politicians.
Lin's case came to light on June 27 when a local magazine reported that he helped Kaohsiung-based Ti Yung Co (地勇選礦公司地勇選礦公司) to secure a slag treatment contract from a subsidiary of China Steel Corp (CSC, 中鋼) in 2010, when Lin was serving as a KMT legislator.
In return, Ti Yung owner Chen Chi-hsiang (陳啟祥) gave Lin NT$63 million, the indictment read.
The magazine reported that Lin demanded a further NT$83 million from Chen early this year after he was appointed Cabinet secretary-general.
When Chen refused to pay up, Lin allegedly pressured CSC, a listed company in which the government has a controlling stake, to stop supplying slag to Ti Yung.
Lin's mother, Shen Juo-lan (沈若蘭), who allegedly received the bribe along with Lin, was indicted as another principal offender in the case, according to the indictment.
Lin's wife, Peng Ai-chia (彭愛佳), and his two maternal uncles — Shen Huan-yao (沈煥瑤) and Shen Huan-chang (沈煥璋) — were charged with money laundering for concealing the bribe on behalf of Lin, the indictment said.
Chen, who gave testimony against Lin as a witness for the prosecutors in the investigation, was under investigation in a separate case by the Kaohsiung District Prosecutors' Office.

subset: commoncrawl


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The 17W dimmable Pancake and Eclipse LED lamps offer 100° and 90° beam angles for general lighting applications. Pancake features a breakthrough optical design that produces ambient backlight, and is the first reflector-style LED product to evenly illuminate decorative glass in pendants and torchieres, according to the company. Eclipse features an exposed heat sink that allows for 10% cooler running temperatures and offers a center beam angle with 20% more intense projected light, making this lamp suitable for 6-in. recessed can and downlight applications in ceilings. Available in standard E26 Edison screw-in and GU24 pin bases, Eclipse measures 5 in. in diameter and 2.8 in. long (GU24) or 3.8 in. long (E26), while the Pancake is 5 in. in diameter and 2.6 in. long (GU24) or 3.25 in. long (E26).
For more information, visit www.maxlite.com.


text:
Shibboleth - a custom, principle, or belief distinguishing a particular class or group of people, especially a long-standing one regarded as outmoded or no longer important.
The main commodity in the Cosmic Era is data and communication, in the form of social media, entertainment, advertising, and other electronic sources of information. The spread of this data is measured in a unit known as a meme (also spelled meem)
A collection of lores about legendary Chinese spears (as opposed to the weapons themselves) from actual history and folklore (no. 5 in my Chinse lore Codex)
Direct Neural Programming had been the dream of many education "reformists" and technocrats. The perfect way to teach skills, divorced almost completely from the requirement that human teach human. One single avatar of a skill could be used to propagate that skill until it became obsolete. Billions were poured into its development and marketing, thirsted for by corporations, the military, and politicians, each group wanting the surface and the sinister. But it was not to be.
"Two forgotten places there be- Still and Limbo,
Still where Time is forever Still,
Limbo where Naught is ever Remembered."
What is arcanotech? It's breaking the laws of physics for fun and profit.
A mythical tale in wide circulation within the Dragon Empire about the Dragon, one of the First, and its Nine Off-springs
Old cultures since the dawn of written time have seen pictures in the night sky and asked questions of them. Who they were, where did they come from, and why do they return? The earliest efforts to distinguish these nightly visitors and give them names and meanings dates back to before the Contention of Aborior. Those first observations were different than what is seen today but most still hold true to their original origins.
It is taken for granted that medical technologies will advance apace in the future, permitting rapid healing and perhaps even shaping of the human body. This submission is to provide possible flavors for that medicine to come in.
A collection of my substandard subs as they were before being redone…
A Brief History of my custom campaign setting, Erilensi. Details the creation of the world, birth of the Gods, and the birth of the Races. Will be worked on further.
While someday this will be available in the twenty three GIP soft leather bound volume set, this abbreviated version is here for your viewing
Sagas are the "oral tradition" of Kerren. Sure they are written down, but they tell stories of The Days of the Ships, of Onterio, of Earlier Days. In addition to history, they are used to teach moral lessons and Preserver Ideals to the younger generations. Though the Sagas, one learns to of Kerren and how to be Kerrenese.
A composite calendar devised by magi based on the movement of the stars rather than the movement of the moon or the sun.
Scientific disciple of magical art - depends how you look at it really
The battle of Sahhur, more generally known as the infamous Massacre at Blood Lake, was among the most brutal battles to take place during the early years of the Great War.
It is the Year of Furtive Shadows, and everyone can smell the changes in the wind. Everyone, from the lowest scully boy up to the regents, knew, deep down, that something must happen soon.
This is the first overview of two or three campaigns I call, Lords of the Fallen. Within this first installment the players will take part in the forging of the first Kingdoms of Earthen. They will witness the beginnings of slavery; join the ranks of the world's first armies; be jolted by the anger of the Almighty Lord.
This is the time when the first legends are born. A Character could, perhaps, even become one themselves. The classes of magicians and warriors are very basic and limited. Socities, being in their infancy, are being created, and influenced, by them (intentionally, or accidentally). Life is hard, but endurable.
From this I will expand these ideas into quests, and races that dwell within this campaign. I will try to leave these overviews and quests as generic as possible, but with historical suggestions.
A transcription, beyng the seminal introduction by Mr S J Ponsuler to the theory and praxis of Dracapodemy, the studie of Dragons' migration patterns. This tome ys to be founde in the librarie of Anserne University, alonge with many years of copies of the Dracapodemyst's Almanac not to mention verious othere tomes on the subjecte.
(Another submission I'm transferring over to the main site from the fora).
A demagogue imimates the warrior-king or military officer of a long past age-his followers have the uniforms and weapons of that past time and are a dangerous group.


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Starting MSRP from * $21,000
- MyLink functionality varies by model. Full functionality requires compatible Bluetooth and smartphone, and USB connectivity for some devices.
- Requires a compatible mobile device, active OnStar service and data plan. 4G LTE service available in select markets. Visit onstar.com for coverage map, details and system limitations. Data plans provided by AT&T.
- Vehicle user interface is a product of Apple and its terms and privacy statements apply. Requires compatible iPhone and data plan rates apply. Apple CarPlay is a trademark of Apple Inc. iPhone is a trademark of Apple Inc., registered in the U.S. and other countries.
- Vehicle user interface is a product of Google and its terms and privacy statements apply. Requires the Android Auto app on Google Play and an Android compatible smartphone running Android 5.0 Lollipop or higher and data plan rates apply. Android, Android Auto, Google, Google Play and other marks are trademarks of Google Inc.
- Always use safety belts and child restraints. Children are safer when properly secured in a rear seat in the appropriate child restraint. See the Owner's Manual for more information.
- EPA-estimated 25 MPG city/33 highway (FWD models).
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When the voters of California decided to make legal same sex marriage in that state, they put a ballot initiative ("proposition") in action and obtained a majority of voters to make it happen. Immediately, upon its passage into law, gay and lesbian couples flocked to courthouses, obtained marriage licenses, and had their vows solumnised by, e.g. San Francisco Mayor Gavin Newsome. But the joy the couples felt was short-lived. In reaction to the new law, the Mormon Church, representing only 2% of the electorate, sought out "pro-family" political action groups such as the National Organization for Marriage (NOM), to which Mitt Romney contributed ten grand, and which, along with other bigoted organizations, willingly became a front coalition to hide the fact that almost all of the money behind Proposition 8 came from the Church of the Latter-Day Halfwits. The Mormons' sneaky, underhanded participation in this denial of human rights is the subject of a fine documentary, 8: The Mormon Proposition, which you can stream online at the following url: https://123vidz.com/pages/flowplayer?a_aid=4dd3eee6d1d03&a_bid=...
No matter what your sexual orientation or your opinion of marriage equality, you will hopefully enjoy seeing just how sinister and mean-spirited Mormons are. The movie shows how the "Twelve Apostles" (church fathers at the top of the Ponzi Scheme) brow beat their congregants into contributing vast sums of money to obtain a slight majority of voters to push Prop 8 through. In one incredible scene, for example, a Mormon family with five male children withdrew their life savings of $50K and sent it to the coalition. (Although they are not seen in the film, Tony Perkins' Family Research Council almost went bankrupt funding their own drive to deprive sexual minorities of rights enjoyed by heterosexuals.) A particularly dismal sequence depicts the McCarthy-like pogroms against gay students at Brigham Young University, whose administration asked the entire student body to seek "out" classmates (pun intended) and turn them in so that behavior modification techniques -- read: torture -- could be employed to force them into admitting they were gay or face expulsion. The most incredible sequence, however, shows bigoted Utah legislator Chris "Strom" Buttars (guess where he got the nick?), a physically repulsive homophobe of unbelievable nastiness and cruelty confront a gay activist with snarly snarking replies to questions about equality.
The prime minister of England knew exactly what he was talking about when he commented on Romney's Salt Lake Olympics and, comparing them to London's, referred to the former as sporting events "in the middle of nowhere." Religion poisons everything, and this documentary proves it again and again.
Views: 467
Cracking movie. Very revealing how money wields more power than common sense and the untarnished majority vote.
We need a better system - the whole world does.
I haven't seen 8: The Mormon Proposition, but I have seen Hollywood's rebuttal to the mor(m)on's dastardly actions:
and it is nothing short of BRILLIANT.
Thanks for the embed, Loren.
© 2019 Atheist Nexus. All rights reserved. Admin: The Nexus Group. Powered by


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BACKGROUND IMAGE: iSTOCK/GETTY IMAGES
- FeatureEdiscovery gets XML lift
- FeatureHigh-performance systems boost backup
- FeatureSnapshot: Some users skeptical about data dedupe
- Feature8Gb/sec Fibre Channel widens lane for SAN traffic
- FeatureUnlimited storage
- FeatureTaming storage virtualization
- FeatureDell VP on virtualization, EMC and support
- FeatureStorage standards: A progress report
- FeatureVendors set sights on SMBs
- FeatureLog data deluge
- FeatureVideo focuses on storage
- FeatureSurvey says: Bonuses vary widely
- FeatureEditorial: Welcome to archiving hell
- FeatureHot Spots: New Year's resolution: Get my storage organized
- FeatureBest Practices: Unraveling tape encryption
- FeatureStorage Bin 2.0: Ringing in a new storage market
iSTOCK/GETTY IMAGES
Dell VP on virtualization, EMC and support
| DARREN THOMAS, Dell's VP and general manager, enterprise storage, spoke to us about dealing with the complexities of virtualized storage, the future of Fibre Channel and Gigabit Ethernet, his company's relationship with EMC, and why some users say they're disappointed with Dell's storage product support. (Note: This interview took place before Dell announced its acquisition of EqualLogic.)
Thomas: It's hard. Virtualization just means you can create abstraction layers above the hardware and set divisions not limited by sheet metal. But by creating one big storage pool out of a bunch of different vendor products that all have different capabilities--one can replicate, another can't, one has a limited number of snapshots--being able to keep track of all this convolution is hard. Now you get down to having to manage things by their capabilities.
We had the ability to virtualize storage a long, long time ago. We could add and subtract LUNs--something that servers are just learning how to do--but the way we did it was to virtualize islands with different types of storage capabilities. This island had this capability and that island had another capability, and now we're saying we're virtualizing across islands and the complexity has grown immeasurably. It's very hard to manage such a storage environment. There must be boundaries to your virtualization enthusiasm.
No customer I've ever met says they're going to put everything into a big applesauce pool. Instead, customers will take, for example, their CRM system and build a very manageable, scalable virtual storage environment. And no one would mix a Symmetrix and one of my JBOD boxes in the same virtualized storage pool and turn off all of their million-dollar Symm features. Instead, they would create virtualized islands to support applications requiring different performance and protection levels.
Virtualization of the server is a slam dunk. Customers are lowering their power and cooling bills; they're saving on licenses and consolidating storage. VMware is making it possible for small- to medium-sized companies to move to a SAN and consolidate their storage. On the other end of the spectrum, Microsoft has rewritten Exchange so big companies can use dumb storage to run it--mission-critical on a JBOD. If you're as old as I am, you've seen everything three times.
| Q: What's your opinion on the future of Fibre Channel (FC) and Gigabit Ethernet?
Thomas: You've got an arms race. Ethernet offers great performance and there's an awful lot of Ethernet out there, a lot more than Fibre Channel. At some point you've got to believe that customers will want to unify their fabrics and the two [Ethernet and FC] will have to come together. I think it's inevitable.
Thomas: We're constantly fighting the assumption that the Dell PowerVault MD3000 comes from someone else and I just slapped the Dell nameplate on it. My team designed almost all of the MD3000's components; the only thing we bought from someone else is the array controller.
Thomas: It's a bit of a frustration. Our sales force is not a specialized sales force. For example, we have ISRs [internal sales reps], basically phone reps that know very little about the products they are selling. On the other side of the continuum are TSRs [technical sales reps] and consultants that make up our Advanced Sales Group [ASG], and they know our storage very well. I'd put them close to EMC's sales reps.
One reason why I think we get a bad rap is that Dell has a different [sales] model [from other storage vendors] and we've got thousands and thousands of sales persons. The ISRs sell everything from laptops to big-screen TVs; when a customer is buying a bunch of laptops, he may ask the ISR a technical question about one of our storage devices and the phone rep can't answer him.
Even though our ASGs are top notch, I acknowledge that our entire sales force needs more training. It's a corporate balance sheet issue.


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Tuesday November 12, 2019; 05:09 pm EST
Dear Bay Weekly:
I'd like to add my belated praise for Diana Beechener's July 15 story "Hope Is In the Melody," on the group that entertains wounded soldiers. In a time when so much news evokes cynicism, I've rarely found a story so moving. Well done!
–M.B. Lefkowitz, Holland Point


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Ex-NSW MP Ivan Petch has been suspended from his duties as a councillor in Sydney after being found to have acted corruptly.
The Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) on Monday ruled the former mayor of Ryde City council had acted corruptly by releasing information about porn found on a council employee's laptop.
The ICAC recommended Petch be dismissed and charges laid against him after he was found to have corruptly released "confidential information concerning the discovery of adult material" on former council general manager John Neish's laptop.
Mr Petch, who had been serving as a Ryde City councillor until Monday, released the information to various people in an attempt to "encourage its reporting in the media so as to undermine Mr Neish's credibility and reputation", the watchdog said.
Soon after porn was discovered in 2013 on his computer, Mr Neish resigned from the council.
Although the material had been located on Mr Neish's computer, that, in itself, did not establish that he was responsible for the material being there, the watchdog said.
Within hours of the findings, NSW Local Government Minister Paul Toole suspended the former Liberal MP.
"I expect councillors to adhere to the highest of standards, standards that the community would expect of their elected officials," Mr Toole said.
"Mr Petch will now be given 28 days to respond to the suspension."
The former MP held the seat of Gladesville from 1988 to 1995.
Mr Neish said earlier on Monday that he had been vindicated by the findings.
"I thank those honest, ethical, councillors and staff and others who displayed bravery and integrity in standing up to the intimidation which was designed to support corruption in Ryde," he said in a statement.
"I also thank the many people who supported me throughout this ordeal."
The ICAC also found Mr Petch deliberately released confidential advice from the Department of Planning and Infrastructure to his publicist Anthony Stavrinos so that it be given to property developer John Goubran and used by him for his benefit.
Mr Goubran engaged in corrupt conduct by having real estate agent Tony Abboud threaten Mr Neish, implying his position of general manager would not be safe after the 2012 local government elections unless he agreed to establish a community consultative committee to consider the Ryde civic precinct redevelopment.
The move was aimed at delaying the redevelopment until after the elections.
Mr Petch also attempted to improperly influence acting general manager Danielle Dickson to resolve in favour of six defendant councillors – including himself – in an ongoing Supreme Court case.
He implicitly threatened her that if she did not do so, he and his fellow defendant councillors would not support her application to be appointed to the position of general manager, the ICAC said.
In addition to Mr Petch, the commission said consideration should be given to charging Mr Goubran, Mr Stavrinos and two other people for various offences.


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been reading a lot of this stuff recently - must be the slight hint of spring in the air
been reading a lot of this stuff recently - must be the slight hint of spring in the air
i've always liked this one...
Hatteras Calling by Conrad Aiken
Southeast, and storm, and every weathervane
shivers and moans upon its dripping pin,
ragged on chimneys the cloud whips, the rain
howls at the flues and windows to get in,
the golden rooster claps his golden wings
and from the Baptist Chapel shrieks no more,
the golden arrow in the southeast sings
and hears on the roof the Atlantic Ocean roar.
Waves among wires, sea scudding over poles,
down every alley the magnificence of rain,
dead gutters live once more, the deep manholes
hollow in triumph a passage to the main.
Umbrellas, and in the Gardens one old man
hurries away along a dancing path,
listens to music on a watering-can,
observes among the tulips the sudden wrath,
pale willows thrashing to the needled lake,
and dinghies filled with water; while the sky
smashes the lilacs, swoops to shake and break,
till shattered branches shriek and railings cry.
Speak, Hatteras, your language of the sea:
scour with kelp and spindrift the stale street:
that man in terror may learn once more to be
child of that hour when rock and ocean meet.
in fact he's done a lot of good stuff...somewhere between Stevens and Eliot..but apparently more "minor" than either.
that line and a half is pretty fucking perfectOriginally Posted by vernoncrane
scour with kelp and spindrift the stale street
for some reason that line always reminds me of Pound's "Go my songs, to the lonely and unsatisfied"... a great poem in itself errr.....hang on...
GO, my songs, to the lonely and the unsatisfied,
Go also to the nerve-wracked, go to the enslaved-by-convention,
Bear to them my contempt for their oppressors.
Go as a great wave of cool water,
Bear my contempt of oppressors. -
Speak against unconscious oppression,
Speak against the tyranny of the unimaginative,
Speak against bonds.
Go to the bourgeoise who is dying of her ennuis,
Go to the women in suburbs.
Go to the hideously wedded,
Go to them whose failure is concealed,
Go to the unluckily mated,
Go to the bought wife,
Go to the woman entailed. -
Go to those who have delicate lust,
Go to those whose delicate desires are thwarted,
Go like a blight upon the dullness of the world;
Go with your edge against this,
Strengthen the subtle cords,
Bring confidence upon the algae and the tentacles of the soul. -
Go in a friendly manner,
Go with an open speech.
Be eager to find new evils and new good,
Be against all forms of oppression.
Go to those who are thickened with middle age,
To those who have lost their interest. -
Go to the adolescent who are smothered in family-
Oh how hideous it is
To see three generations of one house gathered together!
It is like an old tree with shoots,
And with some branches rotted and falling. -
Go out and defy opinion,
Go against this vegetable bondage of the blood.
Be against all sorts of mortmain. - -
if anyone can explain what mortmain is i'd be grateful, but it's a magnificent avowal of the liberating/transformative power of poetry..shame he was an old fascist, really.
actually, maybe "speak against the tyranny of the unimaginative" might do quite well as the main theme on the Artic Monkey's thread.."go like a blight against the dullness of the world"...manifesto enough for me!
[QUOTE=vernoncrane]Be against all sorts of mortmain. - -
if anyone can explain what mortmain is i'd be grateful, but it's a magnificent avowal of the liberating/transformative power of poetry..shame he was an old fascist, really.
is mortmain the dead hand (from the french i presume) - that which weights us. Something Joyce, Lawrence et al were all banging on about in the twenties ( i remember a DHL story where the grandmother is described as a fat toad, her whole being oppressing the famiily)
To have gathered from the air a live tradition
or from a fine old eye the unconquered flame
This is not Vanity.
Here error is all in the not done
all in the diffidence that faltered.
Canto LXXXI
superb stuff, yeah...and while were on the topic of Pound and Pound- alikes or his possible progenitors there's always Aurthur Hugh Clough who i was getting into recently as part of something that i wrote.... his "Amours des Voyages " which is a series of Cantos done as a kind of poetic travelogue of fin de siecle (i think) Europe,
stuff like....
Rome disappoints me much; I hardly as yet understand it, but
Rubbishy seems the word that most exactly would suit it.
All the foolish destructions, and all the sillier savings,
All the incongruous things of past incompatible ages,
Seem to be treasured up here to make fools of present and future
and this...
THERE are two different kinds, I believe, of human attraction:
One which simply disturbs, unsettles, and makes you uneasy,
And another that poises, retains, and fixes and holds you.
I have no doubt, for myself, in giving my voice for the latter.
I do not wish to be moved, but growing where I was growing,
There more truly to grow, to live where as yet I had languished.
I do not like being moved: for the will is excited; and action
Is a most dangerous thing; I tremble for something factitious,
Some malpractice of heart and illegitimate process;
We are so prone to these things, with our terrible notions of duty
it's all here..
"to live where as yet i had languished"....
thanks for the mortmain help!
I'm new here. Hi and whatever, etc.
'Famous' poets I've been reading: Celan (in translation, unfortunately), Stevens (always), John Ashbery (beautiful), Michael Palmer (though his newer work disappoints).
Two lesser known poets worth checking out:
M Sarki. His book Zimble Zamble Zumble in particular. They are tiny little poems, but sharp. Consider:
Gordon Gordon!
Teacher, teacher,
what are we to do?
It has come to my attention
the body of our work --
the bulk of
our great poetry! --
is untranslatable
into any language.
Even this one.
Descending Argot of a Retired Hog Farmer
This is his chunky
pottage. His resolute
acumen for chowder.
A disembosomed
vulnerability producing
heroic evidence of an
old fallopian stroll.
The muscled being
of an excessive life.
Nice, hey?
A review: http://www.elimae.com/essays/Moran/RevZZZ.html
See also Gillian Conoley.
For example:
Profane Halo
This was the vernal the unworldly human
the most elegant car in the train.
A faithful and anonymous band of huntsmen,
a runner of red carpet
spotted with pheasants
on which an origin, a cold sun shone.
These were the black shoes,
the skirt one smoothed to speak.
The unknown tongue for which I am not the master,
chiefly the messengers
circling back through the vectors as the ashes adjust,
a loner with a hat,
a loner on a cold dark street,
a man gone away for cigarettes
on an otherwise calm evening.
And the signs that said yield, and then Ssssshh, and then
let me sweep the porch for you.
A womans black beads scattering into order.
Girl running along outside of herself toward.
Pale hopalong.
And time scarred up to do a beauty.
Dear Sunset that was sun of now,
Near Greatness, dear tongue my Queen, dear rock solid,
how could we know that we are forerunners?
The first characters in a crowd
and yet we were outwardly quiet.
We assemble here toward the river
or wherever the horse leads us,
dear oarsman the valleys are green,
some bodies piled
some bodies marked and burned away.
New ones just wiped of their meconium.
In the whites of the lovers in the evenings under.
Dear human mood dear mated world.
There, there, now.
Dear ease of vicarious place, oil in sea.
Dear ravishment of fountain
figure in the fold.
These are the beers we drink like oxygen
in hats as large as I.
The loner going door-to-door, the paint excelling
the door in cubes of prescience, durations of grey.
Here we attach the theatre of a girl
the miniature size comprehensible
the door a seed
the tree a dwarf
the hay a stack
the uncreated still.
Cool of the evening,
thine ears consider well
the uncreated still.
Huntsman in the quietened alley
in the dark-arched door.
Train long and harpiethroated.
Haydust thine ears enscripture.
Before gardens and after gardens
for vespers,
earths occasional moonlessness
lays hands
on the data in the street,
under which loose animal
the unbending pale of whose complaint becomes the dusts surround
- six
This is really great. Please can someone recommend me some more poetry to read?
I had come to the house, in a cave of trees,
Facing a sheer sky.
Everything moved,—a bell hung ready to strike,
Sun and reflection wheeled by.
When the bare eyes were before me
And the hissing hair,
Held up at a window, seen through a door.
The stiff bald eyes, the serpents on the forehead
Formed in the air.
This is a dead scene forever now.
Nothing will ever stir.
The end will never brighten it more than this,
Nor the rain blur.
The water will always fall, and will not fall,
And the tipped bell make no sound.
The grass will always be growing for hay
Deep on the ground.
And I shall stand here like a shadow
Under the great balanced day,
My eyes on the yellow dust, that was lifting in the wind,
And does not drift away.
That Medusa one is great.
Here's an obscure one that nobody's ever heard of:
Leda and the Swan
A sudden blow: the great wings beating still
Above the staggering girl, her thighs caressed
By the dark webs, her nape caught in his bill,
He holds her helpless breast upon his breast.
How can those terrified vague fingers push
The feathered glory from her loosening thighs?
And how can body, laid in that white rush,
But feel the strange heart beating where it lies?
A shudder in the loins engenders there
The broken wall, the burning roof and tower
And Agamemnon dead.
Being so caught up,
So mastered by the brute blood of the air,
Did she put on his knowledge with his power
Before the indifferent beak could let her drop?
W. B. Yeats, 1865 - 1939
Αι ψυχαί οσμώνται καθ΄ Άιδην.
That's nice, although it fuels my suspicion that I need a better grasp of Greek mythology to get the most from older poetry (though, upon checking, I see that Yeats wrote that in the 20thC )!
Louise Bogan is a briliant poet; After the Persian is another of hers that's well worth reading.
its not so much greek mythology that offers the key to that poem (leda gets raped by zeus in the form of a swan) its yeats personal system of symbology, to which a vision offers the clearest guide.
I agree with you that I feel like I'd get more out of poetry if I was familiar with classical mythology, but for the purposes of this poem, all you need to know is:
'Leda and the Swan is a story and subject in art from Greek mythology in which the god Zeus, in the form of a swan, seduces or rapes Leda. According to later Greek mythology, Leda bore Helen and Polydeuces, children of Zeus, while at the same time bearing Castor and Clytemnestra, children of her husband Tyndareus, the King of Sparta.'
Helen = abducted, kick starting the Trojan war
Clytemnestr = the wife of Agamemnon, ruler of the Ancient Greek kingdom of Mycenae or Argos. In the Oresteia by Aeschylus, she murdered Agamemnon said by Euripides to be her second husband
I'm sure I've read somewhere that Yeats might have intended a parallel with the Virgin Mary's impregnation by God - and the resulting suffering of Christ (not to mention all the religious wars).
I like what I've read of Yeats but I am intimidated (or put off) by the mythology and mysticism (his PERSONAL mythological system) that seems to be important to understand in order to appreciate the poems. E.G. Need to know about his theory of historical 'gyres' in order to understand 'The Second Coming'.
Αι ψυχαί οσμώνται καθ΄ Άιδην.
I never 'got' poetry until I started reading it aloud and trying to memorise some of it. I like reading it when I'm stoned, cos I can't read anything else when I'm stoned.
Αι ψυχαί οσμώνται καθ΄ Άιδην.


text:
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"Global construction volume is on the up and the future is looking bright. But the industry faces more work with fewer workers. The challenge for the supply chain is how to convert this increased output into profit."
Three new markets entered the analysis for the first time this year: Ho Chi Minh City, Jakarta and Shanghai.
Global construction costs are expected to rise 4.3 percent in 2018 following a 4.0 percent rise in 2017.
21 of the 46 markets measured are expected to warm up in 2018, just two are expected to cool.
New York once again holds the top spot for highest construction costs, ahead of Zurich.
Perth and Muscat were the only two markets to see falls in construction costs.
Five markets were identified as running hot and three, Amsterdam, San Francisco and Seattle, were seen to be overheating.
There are signs that some weaker performing commodity driven markets are set to warm in 2018, notably Perth and São Paulo.
The USA is enjoying rapid economic growth, European markets are catching up, China continues to surprise but there is uncertainty in the UK due to Brexit.
Markets are considered warmer as competition decreases and prices begin to rise, as demand increases in relation to supply.
Use the tool below to access the full data breakdown for the individual market of your choice or compare different markets around the globe.
New York City retained its position as the most expensive place to build in the world even though building spend dipped in 2017. But that was from an all-time high in 2016 and growth in construction spending is set to resume in 2018 stretching resources.
|Top five most expensive places to build
|1. New York
|2. San Francisco
|3. Hong Kong
|4. Zurich
|5. London
Last year's report noted a rise from 20 to 24 markets registering skills shortage. This year the number has risen to 27, albeit from a slightly larger sample.
The average margin globally in 2018 was 6.4 percent, but margins ranged between 15 percent in Kuala Lumpur to 3 percent in Northern Ireland. In broad terms, changes within a given market over a short period are one indicator to take into account when assessing market activity and cost pressures.
Opportunities to improve the efficiency of the construction sector and reduce costs are also opportunities to grow the global economy faster.
View more about comparing construction costs: terms and references


text:
On March 31, 2004, four Americans working as guards for the private security company Blackwater were ambushed and killed by insurgents in the Iraqi city of Falluja, the charred remains of two of them dragged away by a mob and hung from a bridge over the Euphrates River. The incident, which led to a monthlong battle between the Marines and insurgents, marked the start of Iraq's descent into nationwide chaos, and added an iconic image of horror to the gallery that has been created in the decade since September 11, 2001: the collapse of the burning Twin Towers; the shipping containers in Mazar-i-Sharif crammed with hundreds of dead Taliban fighters; the videotaped beheadings of the journalist Daniel Pearl and the contractor Nick Berg; the demented eyes of the "shoe bomber," Richard Reid, after his arrest; the dental exam performed on the mouth of a captured Saddam Hussein; the digitally recorded humiliations of prisoners at Abu Ghraib; and the bloody corpse of Osama bin Laden, a photograph of which has not been released, obliging the public to use its battered imagination.
Chris Berman, a former Navy SEAL and an out-of-work commercial diver from Southern California, was hired by Blackwater a month before the ambush. Three days before the attack, he volunteered to take the doomed trip from Kuwait to Baghdad and on to Falluja—it was a food-escort detail—but at the last minute his place was taken by one of his friends, Scott Helvenston. A few hours later, Berman learned that television networks were broadcasting footage of the car Helvenston had ridden in, a Mitsubishi Pajero, riddled with bullets and engulfed in flames. Berman decided to accompany his friend's body back to the house of Helvenston's mother, in Florida, and for two days he waited for the coffin to arrive at the military airport in Kuwait; during that time, he began drawing designs on napkins—ideas for armoring the Pajero, so that his colleagues might have survived the attack. That June, Berman quit Blackwater, and within a few months he had opened a factory in Kuwait that produced a sinister-looking black armored vehicle, called the Rock, for security companies working in Iraq. His timing was perfect—the most violent phase of the war was just beginning. The Rock was so successful that Berman decided to move into the much larger, more competitive, and more lucrative field of armoring military vehicles.
In 2005, four years after the overthrow of the Taliban, in Afghanistan, and more than two years into the Iraq War, U.S. troops were still scavenging "hillbilly armor"—scrap metal and bulletproof glass—to reinforce the lightly armored Humvees provided by the Pentagon. More and more American soldiers were being killed by powerful roadside bombs that had been planted by sophisticated fighters; the Pentagon, however, was mesmerized by its doctrine of high-technology warfare and initially refused to call the campaign an insurgency. No sooner was the word allowed than Vice-President Dick Cheney announced that the insurgency had entered its "last throes." The scandal of using shoddy equipment infuriated Berman, and he saw a business opportunity to do what the government was failing to do: protect troops. Military contracting, because of its classified nature, is one of the few industries that haven't departed American shores, and in 2006 Berman moved his operation to the United States. He chose to situate his company, Granite Tactical Vehicles, amid the fallow tobacco farms and abandoned textile mills of Surry County, North Carolina.
The company's factory is near the Virginia state line, in Mount Airy, North Carolina—the home town of Andy Griffith and the inspiration for Mayberry, R.F.D. The shopwindows on Main Street are crammed with goofy memorabilia from "The Andy Griffith Show," and there's still an old movie house across the street from Floyd's City Barber Shop. But the picture of small-town nostalgia crumbles in the surrounding streets, where dozens of factories—some the size of a small house, others several blocks long—are boarded up. Surry County, which has a population of seventy-two thousand, has lost ten thousand jobs in the decade since 9/11.
The events of September 11th, as grim as they were, offered the prospect of employment to a generation of working-class Americans who were born too late for good factory jobs. If the Bush Administration's "global war on terror" had gone the way of the Second World War, mass mobilization in the armed forces, combined with mass production in the factories, would have revitalized a stagnant national economy and produced a postwar boom. This didn't happen. Without a draft, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have been fought by less than one per cent of the population. The Pentagon, which wanted to keep those wars limited and short, avoided planning for large-scale manufacturing, even after its necessity became obvious. In 2004, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld was questioned by a scout from the Tennessee National Guard about the lack of quality armor for his unit's trucks. "You go to war with the army you have," Rumsfeld replied. Even after this remark became infamous, the production of armor proceeded slowly, almost grudgingly, and troops and vehicles remained dangerously exposed for years. Most new defense jobs at home turned out to be in data collection and intelligence, which required college degrees and specialized knowledge, or in the low-paying realm of airport and building security.
But the main reason that 9/11 didn't become a source of jobs, or of ideas for revitalizing the economy, was that the country wasn't thinking about its own weaknesses. President George W. Bush defined his era in terms of war, and the public largely saw it the same way. September 11th was a tragedy that, in the years that followed, tragically consumed the nation's attention.
The attacks were supposed to have signalled one of the great transformations in the country's history. Bush talked about ridding the world of evil, columnists wrote of "World War Three," and almost all Americans felt that, in their private lives and in the national life, nothing would ever be the same. But the decade that followed did not live up to expectations. In most of the ways that mattered, 9/11 changed nothing.
The prevailing conditions on that crystalline morning were unfavorable. Politically, the country was entrenched in two bitterly opposed camps. A few moderate Republicans, like Senator Lincoln Chafee, of Rhode Island, and Southern Democrats, like Senator Max Cleland, of Georgia, still survived in Congress, but their extinction was foreseeable. In a two-year period, the House's impeachment of Bill Clinton and the Florida recount that was stopped by a similarly divided Supreme Court, handing the Presidency to Bush, had suddenly made America's great democratic institutions seem flimsy and entirely partisan. During the 2000 election campaign, the news media came up with a new, color-coded way of dividing the country—into red and blue. On the economic front, America was in a recession, the dot-com bubble having already burst. A culture of speculation and debt on Wall Street was beginning to suffer from its own lopsidedness, with unprecedented fortunes in technology and finance accumulating at the top, and incomes in the middle flattening out, as blue-collar jobs moved offshore. The problem of income inequality was worsening, thanks to enormous tax cuts that had been passed into law that spring. The budget surplus of the Clinton years was vanishing. Around Surry County, the smaller textile mills were closing down.
When Chris Berman arrived in Mount Airy five years after 9/11, county officials were so desperate for manufacturing work that they gave him a one-dollar lease on a former textile factory where Kentucky Derby Hosiery had once employed four hundred people—a pair of empty metal buildings, totalling a hundred and eighty thousand square feet, on a quiet street near a housing project. Berman said that he wanted to hire veterans. Surry County is full of them, and Larry Calloway, an ex-serviceman who helps veterans find work through the local unemployment office, filled up boxes with their applications.
For several years, the Pentagon has had plans to rebuild Humvees used in the war, and improve their armor, instead of buying new ones. Berman was determined to win such a contract, and in 2007 he began developing a model design that would remake the entire vehicle except for its chassis, strengthening the Humvee's ability to survive a blast. He would employ at least three hundred workers rebuilding sixty vehicles a month, with Textron, a partner company in Louisiana, producing the rest. Berman is an intense, square-jawed man in his fifties, with a scarred body and a quick temper. "You will not burn in our vehicle," he said one day in late July, as he strode across the factory floor in cargo shorts and running shoes. Desert-tan pieces of Humvee cabs lay scattered about, some of them dented by 20-mm. test bullets. Overhead, a grid of conduit pipes followed the old floor plan, where hundreds of knitting machines had once stood. "With our design, you are totally isolated from the fuel cell," Berman said. "You will not collapse if you turn over. Look at it from a practical point of view—forget the morality. What does it cost to support a guy who loses his limbs for life? What does it cost to care for a guy who's paralyzed for life? What does it take to pay out a death benefit?" The thought that anyone—a competitor corporation, a government bureaucrat—would be indifferent to such issues drove him crazy. "Sometimes I want to take these guys in suits by their lapels and tell them, 'I'm going to take you somewhere you don't want to go and see how this Humvee does.' We put more money on T.S.A. people at the airport who are screaming at you like it's the Third Reich than we do protecting the people who are truly protecting us."
People who knew the business said that Berman's design was among the best. There was one problem: the government kept putting off requests for bids, in part because the main Humvee manufacturer, a large corporation in Indiana called AM General, appeared to have enough clout in Congress to get the process delayed, staving off competition. In March, at a hearing of the House defense-appropriations subcommittee, Secretary of Defense Robert Gates said, "We should not put American lives at risk to protect specific programs or contractors." The public seemed unaware or unconcerned, because most Americans were no longer thinking much about the wars.
With the Humvee contract in limbo, Granite Tactical Vehicles was stuck in the research-and-development phase—at this point, it amounted to tinkering while the company waited on Washington. Berman's operation, which had looked poised to revitalize Mount Airy, had a workforce of barely two dozen people. And there was no guarantee that the contract, when it was finally issued—the rumored date for accepting bids is now this fall—would go to the best design. Berman's company was too small to employ an army of lobbyists working on its behalf in Washington. After five years, officials in Surry County were muttering that they might have to take their lease back.
The pressure was starting to get to Berman. He had shut down his profitable Kuwait business in 2008 in order to focus on the Humvee design—a mistake, he now realized. He had staked his children's education money and his retirement on Granite Tactical Vehicles. He was acutely aware of Mount Airy's outsized expectations. "We've had people come to the door looking for work who were middle- to higher-level management," he said. "They would do anything—janitorial, go from working with a pen to working with their hands—to feed their family. It's terrible."
Mark Driggers was one of the few locals who had got a job there. He was twenty-five, with a light-brown crew cut, a blond beard, and small hoop earrings. He had spent six years in the North Carolina National Guard and done a tour in northern Iraq. He said of the experience, "In a nonjudgmental way, the over-all goal was to preserve freedom in our country so that what happened on September 11th could not and would not happen again." Fighting wars to change Muslim countries was pretty hopeless, he had concluded. "Let them deal with it themselves—maybe keep a finger in it over there—and do what we did for them in this country, for ourselves. Let's build the broken cities, build the broken towns and people, and make them feel our government's working for us, not against us." But, he added good-naturedly, "If you come over to our country and do what the terrorists did, we're going to shove our boot up your butt as far as we can."
In 2007, Driggers came back home from Iraq to find that everyone thanked him for his service and no one would give him a decent job. He bounced from one temporary job to another—at gas stations, auto-body shops, even Walmart—always the first to be laid off. Employers were wary of him because he could be deployed again on twenty-four-hours' notice. He had an auto-body certificate from the local community college, but it was about as useless as the driver's badge of honor that he'd won in Iraq. "There's people that can't go a year in their personal vehicle without having an accident, and I was overseas a year without one," he said. "It really made me think. As proud as I am of my military service, it's only two days a year that people think about the military—Memorial Day and Veterans Day. The rest of the days, people are like, I'm watching out for myself instead of helping the soldiers who go over to Iraq so they can preserve your freedom to choose who to employ. It hit me with a fifty-pound sledgehammer."
Jobs in Surry County were so scarce that a lot of Driggers's friends had to drive an hour to work in Winston-Salem or Greensboro. For women in the area, once mainstays of the sewing factories, the one job that seemed to have potential for growth was as a certified nurse's assistant; a few girls Driggers knew were considering going into adult entertainment in nearby cities. Demand at the National Guard armory, on Andy Griffith Parkway, was so intense that, for months at a time, the unit stopped recruiting. A friend of Driggers's from the Guard, whose girlfriend had just had a baby, went on active duty as the only way to support his new family and was now in Afghanistan—his third deployment.
Mount Airy's quaint façade, its last selling point to the outside world, left Driggers cynical. "You watched 'The Andy Griffith Show'? That's what this town lives off. It's not always going to be there. You only got so many people going to dress up like Floyd the Barber or Gomer Pyle and walk down Main Street. Kids my age are leaving the city because there's nothing here." It wasn't just that Andy Griffith's Mount Airy no longer existed. The America that the show idealized—a society in which every man had a job, inequalities of wealth were muted, and people were bound together in a tight community—no longer existed, either. In the relatively abundant postwar years, Mayberry, R.F.D., had seemed like Anytown, U.S.A. The Mount Airy that Mark Driggers had returned to from Iraq also told a story—one of national decline. Ten years ago, the town might have felt like an irrelevant backwater, with the country's future taking shape in more dynamic and prosperous places like Silicon Valley, Cambridge, or Manhattan. Today, those enclaves seem increasingly like grotesque exceptions, celebrating the opening of Danny Meyer's latest restaurant while fourteen million Americans are more or less permanently unemployed, and millions more are in foreclosure or drowning in debt. Today, Mount Airy is representative, not marginal. It's become Anytown again.
Driggers first applied at Granite Tactical Vehicles three years ago. He loved the idea of making better Humvees—a shoddy one that he'd driven over bad roads in Iraq had left him with neck and back trouble so severe that it was sometimes hard to get out of bed in the morning. Initially, Berman had no work available, but, in June, after Driggers had reapplied several times, he was hired to do odd jobs around the plant. One blistering day this summer, Driggers traded his grease-spattered jeans for his old uniform, flak vest, and helmet, got behind the wheel of one of Berman's Humvees, and test-drove the vehicle on a two-mile course near a gravel quarry and some cornfields. The dirt track's hairpin turns and three-foot holes were meant to simulate the rigors of rural Afghanistan. Inside the vehicle, Driggers felt instantly at ease, as if he were getting on a bicycle again, this time with a much more comfortable ride. It was one of his best days on the job.
Larry Calloway, the ex-serviceman who helps veterans, thought that Driggers was a very lucky man. Calloway occasionally secures a job for someone, but his days are largely spent helping the vets who come into his office obtain unemployment benefits. Most of them show up within two weeks of receiving their discharge papers. Calloway, a man with thinning hair, glasses, and a strong country accent, served during the Vietnam era, then became an energy trader at Duke Power, in North Carolina. After retiring, he went to work at the unemployment office in Mount Airy because it made him feel good. His generation had faced difficulties after Vietnam with the oil embargo, he said, but for these new veterans it was different. "There's not a cutoff point," he said. "It's been going on for ten years." He described the young vets who came back home expecting to find work in law enforcement, only to end up in fast food. Calloway said that the men would ask him, "Can you find me a job? I can't live off of twenty hours a week of minimum wage. My unemployment's out now, I went and got this training, what good's it done? Is there anything out there?"
Calloway wondered why the government didn't give larger tax breaks to companies that hired vets. (In early August, President Barack Obama proposed the Returning Heroes Tax Credit, a belated effort to help the country's one million unemployed veterans find work.) For five years, Calloway's hopes had been rising and falling on the potential contract for Granite Tactical Vehicles. The government had bailed out the big banks, he said, and then those same banks started charging nearly thirty-per-cent interest rates on the credit cards of some Surry County residents—people who had lost their jobs and their homes and still went to church every Sunday and prayed for things to turn around. Surry County had plenty of young men with a work ethic. All it lacked was jobs. "I believe that the people that was the backbone of this country, that worked hard in this country—they got left behind," Calloway said.
As he spoke in his small office, Calloway apologized for getting emotional. "You're in rural America here," he said. "This is the backbone of the U.S. military. And when they come back from the war you want to tell them, 'Marry your sweetheart, have those kids, get that job'—like the World War Two generation. The generation that's coming back now, they need that same thing, they want that same thing." But none of the vets ever told Calloway that America owed them a better deal. They were too proud of serving their country to complain.
Of the three attacks that have provoked the United States into a major war—in 1861, 1941, and 2001—only one came as a complete surprise. Fort Sumter had been under siege for months when, just before daybreak on April 12, 1861, Confederate batteries around Charleston Harbor, after giving an hour's notice, opened fire on the Federal position. The Japanese attack at Pearl Harbor, on December 7, 1941, was a violent shock, but only in the nature and extent of the destruction: by then, most Americans had come to believe that the country would be dragged into the global war with Fascism one way or another, though their eyes were fixed on Europe, not the Pacific.
The attacks of 9/11 were the biggest surprise in American history, and for the past ten years we haven't stopped being surprised. The war on terror has had no discernible trajectory, and, unlike other military conflicts, it's almost impossible to define victory. You can't document the war's progress on a world map or chart it on a historical timetable in a way that makes any sense. A country used to a feeling of command and control has been whipsawed into a state of perpetual reaction, swinging wildly between passive fear and fevered, often thoughtless, activity, at a high cost to its self-confidence. Each new episode has been hard, if not impossible, to predict: from the first instant of the attacks to the collapse of the towers; from the decision to invade Iraq to the failure to find a single weapon of mass destruction; from the insurgency to the surge; from the return of the Taliban to the Arab Spring to the point-blank killing of bin Laden; from the financial crisis to the landslide election of Barack Obama and his nearly immediate repudiation.
Adam Goodheart's new book, "1861: The Civil War Awakening," shows that the start of the conflict was accompanied, in what was left of the Union, by a revolutionary surge of energy among young people, who saw the dramatic events of that year in terms of the ideals of 1776. Almost two years before the Emancipation Proclamation, millions of Americans already understood that this was to be a war for or against slavery. Goodheart writes, "The war represented the overdue effort to sort out the double legacy of America's founders: the uneasy marriage of the Declaration's inspired ideals with the Constitution's ingenious expedients."
Pearl Harbor was similarly clarifying. It put an instant end to the isolationism that had kept American foreign policy in a chokehold for two decades. In the White House on the night of December 7th, Franklin Roosevelt's Navy Secretary, Frank Knox, whispered to Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins, "I think the boss must have a great load off his mind. . . . At least we know what to do now." The Second World War brought a truce in the American class war that had raged throughout the thirties, and it unified a bitterly divided country. By the time of the Japanese surrender, the Great Depression was over and America had been transformed.
This isn't to deny that there were fierce arguments, at the time and ever since, about the causes and goals of both the Civil War and the Second World War. But 1861 and 1941 each created a common national narrative (which happened to be the victors' narrative): both wars were about the country's survival and the expansion of the freedoms on which it was founded. Nothing like this consensus has formed around September 11th. On the interstate south of Mount Airy, there's a recruiting billboard with the famous image of marines raising the flag at Iwo Jima, and the slogan "For Our Nation. For Us All." In recent years, "For Us All" has been a fantasy. Indeed, the decade since the attacks has destroyed the very possibility of a common national narrative in this country.
The attacks, so unforeseen, presented a tremendous challenge, one that a country in better shape would have found a way to address. This challenge began on the level of definition and understanding. The essential problem was one of asymmetry: the enemy was nineteen Arab men in suits, holding commercial-airline tickets. They were under the command not of a government but, rather, of a shadowy organization whose name no one could pronounce, consisting of an obscure Saudi-in-exile and his several thousand followers hiding out in the Afghan desert. The damage caused by the attacks spread outward from Ground Zero through the whole global economy—but, even so, these acts of terrorism were different only in degree from earlier truck, car, and boat bombings. When other terrorists had tried, in 1993, what the hijackers achieved in 2001, their failure to bring down one of the Twin Towers had been categorized as a crime, to be handled by a federal court. September 11th, too, was a crime—one that, by imagination, skill, and luck, produced the effects of a war.
But it was also a crime linked to one of the largest and most destructive political tendencies in the modern world: radical Islamism. Al Qaeda was its self-appointed vanguard, but across the Muslim countries there were other, more local organizations that, for nearly three decades, had been killing thousands of people in the name of this ideology. Several regimes—Iran, Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan—officially subscribed to some variant of radical Islamism, tolerating or even supporting terrorists. Millions of Muslims, while not adherents of Al Qaeda's most nihilistic fantasies, identified with its resentments and welcomed the attacks as overdue justice against American tyranny.
A crime that felt like a war, waged by a group of stateless men occupying the fringe of a widespread ideology, who called themselves holy warriors and wanted to provoke the superpower into responding with more war: this was something entirely new. It raised vexing questions about the nature of the conflict, the enemy, and the best response, questions made all the more difficult by America's habitual isolation, and its profound indifference to world events that had set in after the Cold War.
No one appeared more surprised on September 11th, more caught off guard, than President Bush. The look of startled fear on his face neither reflected nor inspired the quiet strength and resolve that he kept asserting as the country's response. In reaction to his own unreadiness, Bush immediately overreached for an answer. In his memoir, "Decision Points," Bush describes his thinking as he absorbed the news in the Presidential limousine, on Route 41 in Florida: "The first plane could have been an accident. The second was definitely an attack. The third was a declaration of war." In the President's mind, 9/11 was elevated to an act of war by the number of planes. Later that day, at Offutt Air Force Base, in Nebraska, he further refined his interpretation, telling his National Security Council by videoconference, "We are at war against terror."
Those were fateful words. Defining the enemy by its tactic was a strange conceptual diversion that immediately made the focus too narrow (what about the ideology behind the terror?) and too broad (were we at war with all terrorists and their supporters everywhere?). The President could have said, "We are at war against Al Qaeda," but he didn't. Instead, he escalated his rhetoric, in an attempt to overpower any ambiguities. Freedom was at war with fear, he told the country, and he would not rest until the final victory. In short, the new world of 2001 looked very much like the bygone worlds of 1861 and 1941. The President took inspiration from a painting, in the White House Treaty Room, depicting Lincoln on board a steamship with Generals Grant and Sherman: it reminded Bush of Lincoln's "clarity of purpose." The size of the undertaking seemed to give Bush a new comfort. His entire sense of the job came to depend on being a war President.
What were the American people to do in this vast new war? In his address to Congress on September 20, 2001—the speech that gave his most eloquent account of the meaning of September 11th—the President told Americans to live their lives, hug their children, uphold their values, participate in the economy, and pray for the victims. These quiet continuities were supposed to be reassuring, but instead they revealed the unreality that lay beneath his call to arms. Wasn't there anything else? Should Americans enlist in the armed forces, join the foreign service, pay more taxes, do volunteer work, study foreign languages, travel to Muslim countries? No—just go on using their credit cards. Bush's Presidency would emulate Woodrow Wilson's and Warren G. Harding's simultaneously. Never was the mismatch between the idea of the war and the war itself more apparent. Everything had changed, Bush announced, but not to worry—nothing would change.
When Bush met with congressional leaders after the attacks, Senator Tom Daschle, the South Dakota Democrat, cautioned against the implications of the word "war." "I disagreed," Bush later wrote. "If four coordinated attacks by a terrorist network that had pledged to kill as many Americans as possible was not an act of war, then what was it? A breach of diplomatic protocol?" Rather than answering with an argument, Bush took a shot at Daschle's judgment and, by implication, his manhood. Soon after the attacks, William Bennett, the conservative former Education Secretary, published a short book called "Why We Fight: Moral Clarity and the War on Terrorism." The title suggested that anyone experiencing anything short of total clarity was suspect.
From the start, important avenues of inquiry were marked with warning signs by the Administration. Those who ventured down them would pay a price. The conversation that a mature democracy should have held never happened, because this was no longer a mature democracy.
At the time of the attacks, few educated Americans born after 1950 had any direct experience of war or persecution or cataclysmic failure. After 9/11, this gap in the résumés of intellectuals gave them both a sense of inadequacy—an outbreak of envy for the Greatest Generation—and a compensatory tendency to inflate the drama of the war on terror and their own role in it. This took place at a level of abstraction that is made possible when the fighting is eight thousand miles away. As a result, a number of the country's best minds mistook the post-September 11th era for a new American golden age.
One of them was Walter Russell Mead, a prominent member of the foreign-policy establishment—as a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations—and also one of its best writers. In 2004, Mead published a slim book called "Power, Terror, Peace, and War: America's Grand Strategy in a World at Risk," and it is symptomatic of élite thinking during the Bush years. Mead's theme is the "American Revival," a self-confident ideology that amounts to conservatism in its latest, most aggressive model. The old New Deal order has broken down under pressure from free-market forces, nourished by traditional American values, which Mead calls "millennial capitalism." These revolutionary changes at home can be extended abroad, amounting to an "American project for world order." This global campaign to re-create the world in America's new image is embodied in a foreign policy called the Bush Doctrine.
Mead's sympathy is clearly with Bush and the Revivalists, and he enjoys taking jabs at the big-government bureaucrats and sentimental internationalists who can only get out of the way of this juggernaut: "Much of the background noise of the next generation will be the keen and eloquent wailing of the educated classes in the United States." Mead writes that America's future belongs to the "Jacksonians": lower-middle-class white Americans who are patriotic, religious, insular, self-reliant, ready to take the fight ruthlessly to the enemy abroad, and hostile to élites at home, their passions best articulated by George W. Bush in his "dead or alive" mode. In short, people like the residents of Surry County, North Carolina. Mead, who was educated at Groton and Yale, is confident that he knows and understands such people. Their perpetual rage, amplified on Fox News and on talk radio, pleases him, and since their power, right or wrong, is surely rising, he hails it. Mead's Jacksonians are also devotees of "millennial capitalism." "A Jacksonian revolt against élites is running in harmony with the structural needs of the economy," he writes. By this logic, laid-off textile workers will land in good jobs as long as they continue to despise pointy-headed experts who keep trying to mess with the economy. Mead's argument is a study in élitism that no longer believes in its own right to exist.
Soon after the book's publication, the Bush Doctrine lay in ruins, as the Administration's ambition to mold Iraq into a tidy secular democracy came apart. Then, in September, 2008, the bottom fell out of "millennial capitalism." Suddenly, the whole notion of an American Revival looked like an absurd mirage. That a writer of Mead's calibre could fall under its sway underscores the intellectual confusion that followed the tremendous surprise of September 11th. In his eagerness to imagine an "American grand strategy in a world at risk," he didn't bother to notice the problems festering at home.
After the attacks, Americans asked, "Why do they hate us?" This turned out to be the wrong line of inquiry. The most pressing questions were about us, not them: our leaders, our institutions, our ability to act as a cohesive nation and make rational decisions, our power to take action abroad in a way that would not be a self-defeating waste. Starting with the intelligence failures that did not foresee the attacks, every major American institution flunked the test of the September 11th decade. The media got the W.M.D.s wrong. The military failed to plan for chaos in postwar Iraq. Congress neglected its oversight duties. The political system produced no statesmen. C.E.O.s and financiers couldn't see past short-term profits. The Bush Administration had one major success: it succeeded in staving off another terrorist attack in America. It botched almost everything else.
A great many counterfactual histories could be written about those years. If Al Gore had been allowed to take office, if bin Laden had been captured at Tora Bora, if the focus had stayed on Al Qaeda, if real nation-building had been tried in Afghanistan, if America hadn't gone to war in Iraq. All these alternative paths would have been helpful, but none of them would have been decisive, because the deeper problem lay in an ongoing decline that was greater than any single event or policy.
After 9/11, life in America changed in a few palpable ways: you needed I.D. to get into an office building, and boarding an airplane became an ordeal. But all the structural trends stayed on course: the stock market, after a setback, maintained its relentless upward climb; inequality soared, as Wall Street fortunes reached unimaginable new heights, while average wages began to decline; just about every remaining textile job in Surry County disappeared; Americans sank deeper into debt and depended more on their houses for wealth; the iMac progressed to the iPad; CBS News continued its descent into irrelevance and Fox News its corrosive rise, while newspapers kept cutting back or closing shop. The political division of America into red and blue hardened into the mutually hostile and unintelligible universes in which we live today. Bush, already viewed as illegitimate by many Democrats, became one of the most hated Presidents in American history; the writer Nicholson Baker even published a novella about the merits of assassinating him. Meanwhile, the Republican Party fell completely under the control of its most extreme elements, and "traitor" became a routine term for its opponents. For all the talk of national unity and a new sense of purpose, the terror attacks did nothing to bring together the country. America after September 11th was like a couch potato who survives a heart attack, vows to start a strict regimen of diet and exercise, and after a few weeks still finds himself camped out in the living room.
The Bush Administration collapsed in the late summer of 2005—not in Falluja or Kandahar but in the submerged neighborhoods of New Orleans. The response to Hurricane Katrina gave Americans such a devastating picture of official failure that it suggested something fatally wrong with an entire approach to governing. Iraq, of course, had provided evidence of high-level arrogance, incompetence, and neglect for two years, and Afghanistan for even longer than that, but, because these places were far away and American troops were risking their lives to serve the nation, the public wasn't ready to withdraw its support. When the footage came out of the Gulf Coast—when, for the second time in four years, a great American city looked like Kabul or Kinshasa—it was Iraq in fast motion, and right around the corner. Government at all levels, but especially in Washington, had failed to plan for the worst outcome, even when the entire country saw it coming. An Administration staffed by cronies neglected to take care of citizens for whom it had the greatest responsibility. Katrina made brutally clear that the White House had substituted passive, self-congratulatory bravado for serious organized effort. Like Iraq, New Orleans represented a failure of individual leaders, but also of national institutions.
After Katrina, support for the Iraq war evaporated. Having been asked for very little ever since September 11th, other than to take the Administration's way on faith, Americans had little trouble reframing their allegiances. This was the price of a foreign policy based on assertion rather than on persuasion. The war on terror had been a kind of confidence game: it depended on a belief in American virtue and ability that had proved unwarranted. With the exception of his advocacy of the surge, in 2007, Bush became an increasingly irrelevant figure, and his foreign policy crawled away from grand projects for "world order." When Vice-President Cheney called for new wars with Iran and Syria, there were no takers.
In the years after Katrina, Americans began to see that the same unstable combination of hoopla and neglect that had characterized the war on terror also characterized the decade's supposed economic boom. While the media were riveted by the spectacle of celebrity wealth, large areas of the country were—like Surry County—left to rot. The boom had been built on sand: housing speculation, overvalued stocks, reckless deregulation, irresponsible deficits. When the foundation started to crumble with the first wave of mortgage defaults, in 2007, the scale of the destruction became the latest of the decade's surprises. Hardly anyone foresaw how far the economy would fall; hardly anyone imagined how many people it would take on the way down. Even the economic advisers of the next Administration badly misjudged the crisis. The trillions of dollars spent and, often, misspent on wars and domestic bureaucracies were no longer available to fill the hole left by the implosion of the private economy. Reborn champions of austerity pointed to the deficits in order to make the case that the country couldn't afford to spend its way back to health. And, like the attacks that were supposed to change everything, the recession—which was given the epithet "Great" and was constantly compared with the Depression of the nineteen-thirties—inspired very little change in economic policy. Without effective leadership, the country blindly reverted to the status quo ante, with the same few people making a lot of money, if a little less than before, and the same people doing badly, if a little worse.
This malignant persistence since September 11th is the biggest surprise of all. In previous decades, sneak attacks, stock-market crashes, and other great crises became hinges on which American history swung in dramatically new directions. But events on the same scale, or nearly so, no longer seem to have that power; moneyed interests may have become too entrenched, élites too self-seeking, institutions too feeble, and the public too polarized and passive for the country to be shocked into fundamental change.
In Amy Waldman's new novel "The Submission," a jury of New Yorkers unknowingly chooses the design of a Muslim American architect as the winning entry for a memorial to victims of Islamist terrorism. The city is soon consumed with rancor, accusation, counter-accusation, and violence, until even the novel's most thoughtful characters—American and foreign, Muslim and non-Muslim, élite and "Jacksonian"—withdraw into the narrowest perspective of their own experience. Calculating politicians and a vicious media make sure that citizens retreat from empathy, which offers the only path to unity, and arrive at the dead end of argument and grievance. Waldman's vision of a sick political culture is all the more convincing because of her background—she is a journalist who has long experience reporting from Islamic countries and from her own. Another kind of writer might have put a well-meaning thumb on the moral scales and sentimentalized the novel's Muslims, or its "Jacksonians." In Waldman's telling, the failure to create a unifying memorial belongs to everyone.
Life is about to imitate art. On September 11, 2011, the consecration of Ground Zero will finally take place. The ceremony will testify primarily to a decade of squabbling and inertia, and the design is an unhappy compromise that satisfies no one. It's a fitting coda to a year that saw another seriously belated milestone: the delivery of justice to Osama bin Laden.
One of the fault lines that runs through "The Submission" is the gulf between New York and the rest of the country. As the jurors in the memorial competition argue about the implications of their blind selection, one of them says, "Every American has the right to create—it's our birthright. We all understand that. We're New Yorkers! But will the heartland? They're much more narrow-minded. Trust me, I'm from there." Later in the novel, another juror says, "We think so differently, so atypically, here. We're such a minority in our own country. Liberals, I mean."
For most of the decade after September 11th, liberals from New York and elsewhere felt marginalized, misrepresented, ridiculed, scapegoated, and, worst of all, ignored. For this treatment to befall that group of Americans who, by their own lights, got the decade mostly right—to be so reviled and so vindicated—inflicted a kind of painful pleasure. But the enduring problem for liberals, as for everyone else, is not whether history will judge them wise or foolish regarding the war on terrorism; it is, rather, the way that the past decade has splintered them away from other Americans. This fracture comes with a steep price: in today's toxic atmosphere, liberals are no less cynical, shortsighted, and parochial than anyone else, and they understand their fellow-Americans just as badly as they themselves are understood.
When liberals look at red-state voters, they see either a mob of pious know-nothings or the insensible victims of militarism and class warfare. Surry County is as deep red as anywhere in the country: last year, after an acrimonious fight on the Mount Airy town council, a recycling initiative barely survived opposition by Tea Party supporters, some of whom considered it a step toward socialism. And it's true that the country's wars and economic distress have found most of their casualties in places like this. Yet Surry County's veterans and workingmen don't think of themselves as victims. Their pride is too stiff for that. Nor do they sound like "millennial capitalists" looking to fight the next war for American grand strategy. They are too seasoned by trouble for that. They defy fixed categories, which means that they have to be figured out the hard way—on their own terms.
On the day in July when Mark Driggers drove one of Chris Berman's Humvees around the two-mile dirt track, an employee named Roger Holt was also out at the test course. Holt, who is forty-nine, grew up working in the region's textile industry and on its tobacco farms; his mother was a cleaning lady at the old Kentucky Derby Hosiery factory. In 2006, Holt became one of Berman's first hires, at eleven dollars an hour—a little less than he had made at a textile mill in 1985.
As Humvees roared and rolled over the red clay track, past the cornfields, Holt, a soft-spoken man with a sad blue-eyed smile and a gap between his front teeth, talked about America's wars. "When we got in World War Two, we fought as a country, we fought as a united country," he said. He would never forget where he was on September 11th—at a meeting of maintenance men, in Winston-Salem. Some of the men had done jobs in New York, on buildings adjacent to the towers. In Mount Airy, Holt recalled, all the local shops quickly sold out of American flags. But it bothered him that, in the new wars, soldiers had to answer to the media for every wrong move. That had helped tear the country apart. "We're all human," he said. "Put them under a microscope and wait for them to, excuse me, fuck up—if we do that while our boys are protecting us while we sleep, we'll never be united again." Holt believed that the only thing that could bring the country together again would be another world war. "That pulled us out of the Depression," he said. "But I'd hate to see it."
Another employee, who had been listening in, spoke up. He was a welder who gave his name as Rock, which was the name of the armored vehicle on his black T-shirt. "All hell's gonna break loose by the end of the year," he said. "We can't take it anymore. This is the Corporate States of America—I don't give a damn what anybody says. Everybody across this country's lost their homes, took pay cuts. Who's lobbying for us? Nobody. Who's making laws for us? Nobody." Rock started to walk away. "Something's gotta break sometime."
Holt stroked his shaggy mustache. After Pearl Harbor, he remembered, one Japanese soldier said to another, "We've awakened a sleeping giant." Holt smiled at the thought. "They knowed they was in for a fight," he said. "We don't have that respect in the world anymore, because we're not united. We're letting the world pass us by."
When the test drives were finished, Holt and Mark Driggers drove the armored Humvees back to the factory—an apparition of the Iraq War in the streets of Mount Airy. The factory buildings felt almost deserted, but Chris Berman still hopes to fill them with workers. He imagines outfitting the plant with a row of welding stations that have been custom-designed for veterans in wheelchairs. "A lot of veterans left decent jobs to fight for a cause they believe in, and they come back to what? A country full of unemployment," he said. "You were your kids' hero when you went, but three years later, when you might be losing your home or you're impoverished, you might not be your kids' hero anymore." ♦


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Internship Program
Thank you for your interest regarding Emmis Internships. We have internship opportunities in various departments for Spring, Summer, Fall and Winter semesters. These positions usually last for a period of 12 weeks.
The Emmis Communications internship program is open to college students attending an accredited college or university. The internship program allows students majoring in the communications or related fields to gain valuable experience and explore potential career opportunities. Students will be placed at one or more of the following Emmis Stations: WIBC 93.1-FM, B105.7-FM, 97.1 HANK-FM or 107.5 / 1070The Fan.
Students are assigned projects that allow them to become familiar with a variety of departments and its role in the company. The student is responsible for obtaining the necessary paperwork from their college or university to ensure, when applicable, that they receive their credit hours. (This includes evaluation forms and other documents needing to be signed by the Emmis Communications).
COMPLETED EDUCATIONAL ENDORSEMENT from college or University
(Letter should be from a university instructor, department chair, advisor or professor)
(Varies depending on University requirements & station department heads)
Average of 20 hours or less per week unless college credit guidelines (for those unpaid interns receiving college credit) state differently.
~ DIGITAL (Videography, Graphic Design, Web Design, Creative Content)- Potential interns will assist the digital team in creating unique video, audio and written content that relates to the station brands and is made available on our station websites. Interns will explore the nontraditional side of radio that is quickly becoming a huge part of marketing. During this internship, interns will be working with all forms of digital media including but not limited to video, social media and web design.
~ NEWS – Student will work in the fast paced atmosphere of the WIBC Newsroom assisting with the gathering and dissemination of news stories. News reporting interns can choose between a focus in news content or news production. News content interns will work directly with WIBC reporters both on and offsite discovering how they write their stories. News production interns will work directly with the WIBC producers to see how topics go from discussion to on-air.
~ PRODUCTION/CREATIVE SERVICES –Students will learn the processes of commercial creation and management, including conception, writing, voice, production, and distribution. Interns will also learn about all departments connected with creative services and how all collaborate to create successful marketing campaigns for clients. Students may participate in brainstorm meetings, loading commercials for airplay and may participate in creation of commercials.
~PROGRAMMING (Board Operator, Producer, On-Air Talent) - interns have the opportunity to see the everyday decisions that go into keeping a station on air and keeping listeners tuned in every day. Interns will shadow side by side with each station's programming department to see various tasks including music scheduling, station imaging & content brainstorms. Assist on-air talents with board operation, taking phone requests and general administrative support.
~ PROMOTIONS/EVENTS – Student will work in the fast paced atmosphere learning what it takes to execute station and client events. Interns will spend time with members of the Promotions Department taking an in depth look at all of the moving pieces that go into producing and executing events both large and small. Student will have the opportunity to engage with all departments as they gain an understanding of event creation in all phases of the process - from conception to completion.
~ SALES/MARKETING –Sales marketing interns will learn firsthand the sales process from initial client meeting to closing the deal. Throughout the semester interns will have the opportunity to participate in this process by actively assisting Account Representatives and Sales Marketing Directors in the creation and coordination of marketing and promotional activities. Students would learn phone etiquette, presentation skills, writing and production of radio commercials, computer software that applies to media sales. Students will also learn how to and the importance of interaction between advertisers and the radio station. Students must be prepared to accompany Account Executives on sales calls and attend station sales meetings when necessary. Some light filing and typing will also be required. Intern candidates should understand the basics of Power Point, Word, Excel and Outlook as projects will be required including sales proposals for clients.
~ COMMUNITY OUTREACH/INCITE – Interns will work directly with Community Outreach department to research community-based relationships with corporate partners, government entities, non-profit organizations and foundations. Learn and participate in the sales process in conjunction with implementing cause and social marketing campaigns.
If you are interested in applying for an internship at one of our Emmis Indianapolis radio stations, please complete the Application and Educational Endorsement and return it via email to the address listed below along with a copy of your resume and if possible one letter of recommendation.
Should you have any other questions please feel free to contact me via e-mail. Thank you again for your interest in internships with Emmis Communications.
Stephanie Abbott
Internship Coordinator
One Emmis Plaza
40 Monument Circle, Suite 400
Indianapolis, IN 46204


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President of the United States of America
The President of the United States is the head of the U.S. Executive Branch. As the head of state of the United States of America, the president is one of the most powerful people in the world. The writers of the Constitution recognized that they were writing a job description which, in England, was and is filled by the office of the prime minister and position of the monarch. According to the Founding Fathers of the USA, at that time, the monarchy of England did not appear to serve the common man and the Founding Fathers wanted a government that did.
Current president
Donald J. Trump currently is the 45th and current President. He took office on January 20, 2017. His legitimate predecessor was George W. Bush (see note below the Presidents list regarding Barack Hussein Obama).
The president is selected every four years by the American people, although not through a popular vote but rather through the Electoral College. This process makes the presidency one of the few elected officials in the United States of America chosen indirectly. The Founding Fathers implemented this procedure to ensure the relevance of smaller states in the voting process.
Term limits
Prior to Franklin Delano Roosevelt, presidents voluntarily limited themselves to two terms as an homage to George Washington. After Franklin D. Roosevelt served a little over twelve years in office, Congress passed the 22nd Constitutional Amendment restricting future presidents to two terms.
However, if the vice president succeeds to the presidency with no more than two years left in the prior president's term, he is allowed to run for two full terms, raising the potential time in office to ten years.
The first president to whom term limits applied was Dwight D. Eisenhower.
See also
- Vice President of the United States of America
- Unitary Executive Theory
- List of United States Presidential firsts
Presidents list
1 There is doubt as to the legitimacy and legality of Obama's claim to the Presidency due to his refusal to disclose his legitimate birth records (the fraudulent "birth certificate" he released notwithstanding) and his history prior to his announcing his plan to run for President as a Democrat candidate in 2007. He has determined to keep his records sealed because revelation of such would reveal that, under Article II, Section 1 of the United States Constitution, he was not only not eligible to hold the office of President but was ineligible to even run for the Presidency, thereby making both his Presidential run and his subsequent assumption of the office illegal under the Constitution. As such, Obama's ineligibility to run for or hold the office of President would mean that the United States of America did not have a legitimate executive from January 20, 2009 (the day that Obama assumed the office[1]) until January 20, 2017 (the day President Donald Trump was sworn in to possibly become the first legitimate President since George W. Bush).
- ↑ Barack Obama Stole America at Conservative News and Views