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Connection Guesthouse
Connection Guesthouse is situated at the downtown in the middle of the Jew quarter. The famous Jew synagogue the grand boulevards of Budapest are in a few steps, the theatres, Music Academy, Opera House and next to the Liszt Ferenc Square, the so called 'Broadway of Budapest' where you can find a great variety of quality restaurants, bars, pubs and night clubs.
Connection Guesthouse has been opened for 12 years. Offering you one of the best starting points during your stay, and friendly service you probably won't get elsewhere. With our personal care, we'll help guide you in our city just like a friend would for you.
Our helpful and informative English speaking staff will assist you anytime with arranging programs, tours, providing you with detailed, current information about Budapest including: popular sights, nightlife, dining, sports, music, opera, theater and other cultural events.
Availability & RatesTo view availability and prices please select dates and click 'Update Dates'
B&B Facilities & Policies
- 24 Hour Security
- Bicycle parking
- Breakfast Not Included
- Cable TV
- Cafeteria
- Child Friendly
- Credit Cards Accepted
- Telephone/Fax Facilities
- Free City Maps
- Free Internet Access
- Free WiFi
- Hair Dryers
- Internet Access
- Laundry Facilities
- Luggage Storage
- Meals Available
- Mini Bar
- No Curfew
- Non Smoking
- Outdoor Terrace
- Pet Friendly
- Safe Deposit Box
- Taxes not included
- Towels Included
Cancellation PolicyThis property has a 1 day cancellation policy. Failure to cancel within this time will result in a cancellation charge equal to the first night of your stay.
DirectionsShow MapHide Map
5 minutes by walk from Deak square, where the 3 metro lines meet, trolleybus 78 from Keleti railway station, 2 stops by tram No.4, 6 from Nyugati railway station.
Located Near
The Guesthouse is located in the middle of the downtown. 5 minutes from the State Opera, 2 minutes far from the Liszt Ferenc Square where you can find a great variety of quality restaurants, bars, pubs and night clubs.


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Dave Drake's position on the comic book was thus more of adaptor than full-on writer. That said, he claims to have made significant changes to the book, especially as regards descriptions of being in a war zone.Characters: Add/remove characters to this issueGroups: Add/remove groups to this issue
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Are We Ready For The Gamification Of Film-going?/
For better or for worse, we've already witnessed the gamification of story structure in Inception and Scott Pilgrim where narrative becomes defined by the reach into the next level. With the infection of our content, the next phase is no doubt the gamification of attendance. Will winning a virtual badge be enough to expand the audience for non-Hollywood films? The LA Times sees gamification infecting all aspects of life:
New services such as GetGlue, Miso and Philo apply the Foursquare model to watching movies and television. If you're watching "CSI" you can "check in" to "CSI" on Miso to earn "CSI" points or badges, chat with other people who are watching the episode and eventually jump to the top of the "CSI" leader board.
Somrat Niyogi, the chief executive of the San Francisco-based Miso, says that the site builds on the sense of competition that pop culture consumption already fosters. "It's all about the statement, 'I'm a bigger fan than you,'" he says.
It may not be for everyone, but I do think if local theaters employed such tactics, they'd see an uptick in admissions. People do say they would participate in more things, if we added more gaming to it. Similarly, I would like to know more about the folks in my social network who are recommending movies -- and if I knew what they saw, when they saw, it would help me evaluate their opinions, for better or for worse. Granted that's really "social" not "gaming", but it is all "engagement" and the film industry, across all sectors, has been neglecting it for too long. Whether we are artists, exhibitors, or production companies, it is time we gave a lot more attention to it.
Engagement is a long term process. It requires upkeep. It requires personality. It requires transparency. And the gamification of all aspects of the process will help a great deal. I am not convinced that "All the world's a.. game." (sorry Mr. Shakespeare) but this interview with Gabe Zicherman brought me a lot closer to accepting it.


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]]>Main Page]]> | ]]>Risk Factors]]> | ]]>Symptoms]]> | Diagnosis | ]]>Treatment]]> | ]]>Screening]]> | ]]>Reducing Your Risk]]> | ]]>Talking to Your Doctor]]> | ]]>Living With Leukemia]]> | ]]>Resource Guide]]>
The doctor will ask about your symptoms and medical history and perform a physical exam. He or she will check for swelling of the liver, spleen, or lymph nodes in the armpits, groin, and neck.
Tests may include:
Blood Tests —to check for leukemia cells in the blood. Another blood test may be done to assess for the presence of specific genes associated with leukemia.
Bone Marrow Aspiration —removal of a sample of liquid bone marrow to test for cancer cells
]]>Bone Marrow Biopsy]]> —removal of liquid bone marrow and a small piece of bone to test for cancer cells
If the biopsy shows leukemia cells, additional tests may be ordered to determine whether the disease has spread and what systems are affected. Staging of leukemia depends on the type of leukemia. Tests may include:
]]>Lumbar Puncture (Spinal Tap)]]> —removal of a small amount of fluid that surrounds the brain and spinal cord to test for cancer cells
Chest X-rays —films of the chest that may detect signs of cancer in the chest
Acute leukemias are aggressive from the very beginning, but chronic leukemias have a longer and more indolent course. Over time, they may develop more aggressive characteristics as the cells making up the leukemia become more immature. As a consequence, chronic leukemias are classified not only by type but also the phase in which the disease is at the time.
Chronic Myelogenous Leukemia is grouped by three general phases:
In the US, Chronic Lymphocytic Leukemia (CLL) uses a Rai classification to describe the phases of the illness:
American Cancer Society website. Available at: http://www.cancer.org/docroot/home/index.asp .
Cecil Textbook of Medicine . 21st ed. W. B. Saunders Company; 2000.
Conn's Current Therapy 2001 . 53rd ed. W. B. Saunders Company; 2001.
The Leukemia & Lymphoma Society website. Available at: http://www.leukemia-lymphoma.org/hm_lls .
National Cancer Institute website. Available at: http://www.cancer.gov/ .
Textbook of Primary Care Medicine . 3rd ed. Mosby, Inc.; 2001.
Last reviewed June 2008 by ]]>Igor Puzanov, MD]]>
Please be aware that this information is provided to supplement the care provided by your physician. It is neither intended nor implied to be a substitute for professional medical advice. CALL YOUR HEALTHCARE PROVIDER IMMEDIATELY IF YOU THINK YOU MAY HAVE A MEDICAL EMERGENCY. Always seek the advice of your physician or other qualified health provider prior to starting any new treatment or with any questions you may have regarding a medical condition.
Copyright © 2007 EBSCO Publishing All rights reserved.


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Gionta's OT goal helps Canadiens beat Rangers
MONTREAL (AP) — The Canadiens and Rangers ended their regular seasons with an overtime game settled by a penalty shot.
Now it's time to start looking toward the playoffs and the real excitement to start.
Brian Gionta scored on a penalty shot at 2:04 of overtime to give the Montreal a 1-0 victory over New York on Saturday night.
BOX SCORE:Canadiens 1, Rangers 0
Carey Price made 41 saves as Montreal finished with 100 points and moved past Tampa Bay for second place in the Atlantic Division.
"We're definitely proud of our season," said Price. "We put lot of effort in all year long.
"We stayed fairly consistent all year. And now the fun begins."
The Lightning can still claim home ice advantage for their first round playoff meeting versus Montreal with a victory on their final game Sunday against Washington.
Price and his teammates expect to watch the game, but won't be upset if the Lightning win or lose.
"I think we're pretty comfortable no matter where we're playing," Price said. "Obviously, we'd like to play here in front of our home crowd, but we're comfortable playing in any rink."
The Rangers knew before the game they would have home ice for the first round against Philadelphia. They rested some veterans, including Martin St. Louis, but still had the better of the play for two periods as they outshot Montreal 39-25 in regulation time and 41-27 overall.
Gionta was awarded the shot after he poked the puck away from Raphael Diaz and then was tripped by the defenseman on a breakaway. He deked to the backhand to beat Cam Talbot on the shot.
"It's something I go to a lot on penalty shots or shootouts," said Gionta. "He's a good young goalie. He holds his ground well. He played well against us."
Coach Michel Therrien was beaming after the game.
TROUBLE:Ryan Malone faces DUI, possession charges
"It doesn't happen often that your regular season ends on a penalty shot," he said. "Gionta's our captain, our leader, our unsung hero. It couldn't finish on a better note."
Talbot also shut out the Canadiens the first time he faced them in November.
The Rangers owned the opening period, building a 10-2 shot advantage by the 10-minute mark, but couldn't get one past Price.
The Canadiens woke up in the second, but Price needed to be even better to keep the Rangers from scoring. He got help from his posts as Derek Dorsett hit one after Price played the puck up the middle, and Diaz hit both posts with a blast off a rush down the right side.
PHOTOS: NHL three stars of the night


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Game #82: Jays at A's pregame
Toronto (39-42) at Oakland (42-39)
at 10:05 p.m. ET at mcAfee Coliseum
Today's lineups:
Vernon Wells, CF
Alex Rios, RF
Troy Glaus, 3B
Frank Thomas, DH
Aaron Hill, 2B
Curtis Thigpen, 1B
Adam Lind, LF
Jason Phillips, C
Royce Clayton, SS
PITCHING: RHP Josh Towers
Shannon Stewart, LF
Mark Kotsay, CF
Nick Swisher, RF
Jack Cust, DH
Eric Chavez, 3B
Dan Johnson, 1B
Mark Ellis, 2B
Marco Scutaro, SS
Kurt Suzuki, C
PITCHING: LHP Lenny DiNardo
NOTES: RHP A.J. Burnett received a cortisone shot in his right shoulder and is expected to miss 3-4 weeks with a shoulder strain. Toronto is shutting him down for a week before he begins throwing again. … LHP Gustavo Chacin threw off a mound in a bullpen session prior to Monday's game in Oakland. … LF Reed Johnson wasn't in the lineup for Class A Dunedin today, but it's possibly due to him heading to Syracuse to continue his rehab at Triple-A.
8 Comments
Big night last night. Lets hope they can keep it up. I for one don't belive their season is over remember the Jays have gone into Boston and New York before and came away winners. Johnson and Overbay are almost back which can only help. If Wells and Thomas can keep it up away we go. The Jays G.M. seems to have disapeared is he hiding from the press lol. My lineup would be as follows WELLS HILL RIOS GLAUS THOMAS STAIRS ZAUN LIND J.MAC Tough lineup this way.
I too am excited to see what a (near) full line-up/roster looks like. It's a shame about Burnett, but maybe Litsch and Chacin can pick up the slack this time. And who knows – maybe, just maybe, Towers is starting to gain some confidence and pitch well. As you may tell, I'm an optimist; I'm not giving up on the Jays.
Well, don't get too excited about Towers, he gave up 4 runs in 5 innings or an ERA of 7.2. We won't win many games with efforts like that.
Jessie has pitched well since his demotion from the Jays-which was a promotion for him from AA to AAA. At Syracuse he's gone 15 innings with an era of 1.80. I think he'll do better up here this time. It sounds like Chacin is still 1 month away.
We're now 10.5 back of Boston and 8 back in the wild card. For us to have a chance in the 2nd half, we need to shrink these leads between now and the All-Star break.
If we slide a further 1 or 2 games-it's extremly unlikely we can make it up in the 2nd half.
Our bullpen is showing signs of fatigue-they clearly need the All star break.
Nice game by Wells and Thomas last night-hopefully they get on a roll and win all 5 games remaining before the break.
The Jays have won-TOWER POWERS- last three starts who cares about his era.as long as they win that means the team is scoring a pile of runs.Your right about Jessie i think he will do better this time up.If they do well in the last five they may get some help. I read in sportsnet.ca where the CHI.SOX are ready to throw in the towel that would be like going to a smorg for the G.M. As for the bullpen the best group of young pitchers i've seen in a long time bar none
Check out the DUNEDIN BLUE JAYS Josh Kreuzer age 24 plays first base. In 73 games 12 HR.41 RBI. OBP.433 SLG.570 AVG.324–Jacob Butler age 24 72 games OF.14 HR. 46 RBI. OBP.377 SLG.533 AVG.296–I sure would like to see these guys in SEPT.
Aren't the Duneiden Jays a single-A team?
Aren't 24 year olds supposed to be a lot further along than single A.
Sorry i was grasping at straws.There doesn't seem to be anybody at AAA or AA.What in the world is wrong with John Ford G. 18 HR. 40 some RBI.If they are not going to use him why not trade him for a prospect.
The two you mentioned are good prospects, but if you want to see who's likly to be called up in September take a look at the 40 man roster. If they bring up someone not on that roster they need to move someone off and risk losing him.
Towers has given up 12 runs in his last 3 starts totalling 15.1 innings for an ERA of 7.1. They Jays scored 25 times in those 3 games, so he ended up winning 2 of them, BUT the teams he faced weren't Boston and New York. He doesnt have velocity or movement, and if he misses on the plate-its generally gone. He's likley safe until etiher Chacin or Burnett get back-but he isn't a long term starter for us or anyone else.
In the past the Blue Jays drafted college players-pretty much exclusively, so they entered the minors at a later age. Im my view this was down to get some players up here-like they've done. Now they draft more high school kids so a lot of their lower leverl players are much younger and will rise through the ranks at a younger age.


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On December 16, 2007, on the two-hundred-and-thirty-fourth anniversary of the Boston Tea Party, Ron Paul, congressman and Presidential candidate, presided over a nationwide fund-raiser. This was a new tea party, with a new slogan: "Liberty is brewing." In Boston, hundreds of Paul's supporters marched to Faneuil Hall. Paul himself appeared in Freeport, Texas, where organizers had prepared barrels for him to dump into the Brazos River. One barrel read "United Nations"; another read "I.R.S." The campaign raised more than six million dollars in one day, which was a record, and the event prefigured the protests that became common as the Tea Party movement coalesced, in 2009. The movement, with its focus on economic liberty and small government, sometimes seemed like a continuation of Paul's campaign for the Republican nomination, during which he won a great deal of attention and a modest number of votes. It's not much of a stretch to call him the "Godfather of the Tea Party," as his campaign literature does, quoting Fox News. Ron Paul was ahead of his time.
Paul is running for President again this year, in a field that many Republicans find disappointing. And yet, while Paul is doing better, state by state, than he did in 2008, he has conspicuously failed to establish himself as this year's Tea Party candidate. Polls have shown that voters who support the Tea Party are actually less likely to support Paul—some have gone for Newt Gingrich, whose denunciations of Obama are pithier, or for Rick Santorum, who is more forthright in his defense of "traditional American values." In South Carolina, where Paul received thirteen per cent of the vote, behind Gingrich, Mitt Romney, and Santorum, he did his best among voters opposed to the Tea Party. The Ron Paul movement has grown, but the events of recent years—the rise of the Tea Party, the fights over corporate bailouts, the messy passage of Obama's health-care reform bill—have done surprisingly little to raise Paul's standing among Republicans. Last summer, Jon Stewart mocked cable news channels for "pretending Ron Paul doesn't exist," and asked, "How did libertarian Ron Paul become the thirteenth floor in a hotel?" The answer is embedded in the question. People don't think of Paul as a top-tier Republican candidate partly because they think of him as a libertarian: anti-tax and anti-bailout, but also antiwar, anti-empire, and, sometimes, anti-Republican.
"I think parties are pretty irrelevant," Paul says, and he doesn't go out of his way to convince Republicans that he is one of them. He firmly opposed Obama's health-care plan, and he might win a few more votes if he made this opposition the centerpiece of his stump speech. Instead, he tends toward arguments that are almost perversely nonpartisan—elaborating, say, the similarities between Bush's war on terror and Obama's. He asks, "Have you ever noticed that we change parties sometimes, but the policies never change?" Even during that first Tea Party appearance, in Texas in 2007, Paul passed up a chance to reassure Republican voters. Skipping over the "United Nations" and "I.R.S." barrels, he picked up one marked "Iraq War" and heaved it into the river. He was seventy-two at the time, and surely relished the physical act as much as the symbolic one. "Start with that, and then we can solve the rest of the problems," he said.
The same vigor and attitude were on display on a recent Friday morning, when he arrived, amid heavy snow, at the Union Street Brick Church in Bangor, Maine. "We came where the action is," he said, and hundreds of supporters—packed into the pews, squatting in the aisles, wedged along the walls—hollered their approval. That day, most of the action was, in fact, in balmy Florida, where Gingrich and Romney were leading reporters on a mad dash, campaigning for the Florida primary, which was less than a week away. But Florida is a big, expensive state, and Paul is running a tactical, grassroots campaign, and so he had come to Maine instead, in the hope of picking up some of the state's twenty-four delegates.
He is an invigorating speaker, unflappable and good-humored despite the severity of his message, which is that a wide range of institutions and policies must be abolished if liberty is to survive. His toughest verdicts emerge as astonished squeaks, and he keeps cynicism at bay by affecting mild political amnesia: every day, in every speech, he is surprised anew at what is happening around him. In Bangor, Paul called for a moratorium on "illegal" airport searches and for the dissolution of the Department of Education (along with the Department of Energy, the Department of Commerce, the Department of Housing and Urban Development, and the Department of the Interior); he called for the repeal of the Patriot Act and the repatriation of American troops stationed overseas; he called for an immediate end to bailouts and an eventual end to the federal income tax; he called for a trillion-dollar cut to the federal budget. Most pressing of all, he called for the eradication of the Federal Reserve, the rejection of paper money, and a return to the gold standard—in his view, most economic threats can be traced, often directly, to the government's insistence on devaluing the currency by creating more of it. He asked, "What's wrong with the idea of taking away the power, from a secret group of individuals, to print money at will"—and before he could say more he was overtaken by the sound of his supporters, who were not just cheering but also chuckling at the insanity of our monetary system. When he finished speaking, Paul posed for a hundred and ninety-seven photographs with supporters; a volunteer uploaded the images onto the Internet. As he left the stage, a local chapter of Youth for Ron Paul serenaded him with "God Bless America." He listened appreciatively, posed for one last photograph, and then shuffled out, to the sound of a familiar chant: "President! Paul! President! Paul!"
The next day, on the Gorham campus of the University of Southern Maine, outside Portland, Paul wistfully recalled the American Revolution and the days before the Federal Reserve Act of 1913. "We've had this great experiment," he said. "The best results, ever, in the history of the world, and we're losing it, these last hundred years. It's drifting away." During a debate in January, when Wolf Blitzer mentioned that Paul is seventy-six (in the context of a question about his medical records), Paul challenged his rivals to a bicycle race "in the heat of Texas," adding, "There are laws against age discrimination." But sometimes he likes to describe himself as part of "the remnant"—a keeper of the old faith, holding on for a new age. Albert Jay Nock, a libertarian essayist, used the term in "Isaiah's Job," an influential essay from 1936, in which he imagined "the remnant" as a network of enlightened souls capable of saving and transforming civilization. This is what Paul offers his followers: a chance to get past the insipid illusion of everyday life and join the struggle against an enemy most people can't even see.
Last summer, Paul announced that he wouldn't run for reëlection to Congress this fall. In all likelihood, this campaign (his eighteenth) will be his last, although it won't mark the end of the Paul legacy. His son Rand Paul, a newly elected senator from Kentucky—a libertarian, too, but a smoother political operator—is his political heir. Between now and the Republican Convention, in August, Ron Paul is hoping to capture as many delegates as he can—even though there's no telling whether he'll even vote Republican in November.
Paul likes to tell the tale of his political awakening as a conversion narrative, or perhaps a love story. "I thought I was all alone, until I discovered Austrian economics," he says. He grew up in Pittsburgh, in a German-American family, the son of practical-minded parents who ran a dairy, and who sometimes told stories about hyperinflation in the old country. Paul went to Gettysburg College, and to Duke Medical School, and then, after being drafted in 1962, into the Air Force. When he was discharged, he set up a practice in obstetrics and gynecology (his campaign likes to remind voters that Paul "has delivered more than four thousand babies"), and eventually settled in Brazoria County, on Texas's Gulf Coast, with his wife, Carol. His interest in economics led him to Friedrich Hayek, the Austrian economist and philosopher and the author of "The Road to Serfdom," a polemic on the dangers of government-directed economies. Through Hayek, Paul found his way to Hayek's teacher, Ludwig von Mises, and to Mises's American protégé, Murray Rothbard, who grew up in the Bronx and converted to Austrianism at New York University, where Mises led seminars. Rothbard, an original thinker and a tireless polemicist, would also become one of Paul's political mentors: he was an antiwar libertarian who sometimes styled himself an anarchist, and who eventually found common cause with what he called the "populist right."
The Austrians, especially Mises and Rothbard, were—and remain—dissidents among orthodox economists. They viewed markets as highly sensitive data transmitters, and they argued that the government, by manipulating interest rates and the money supply, was corrupting the data, making it harder for financial actors to behave sensibly. Policymakers who tried to muffle booms and busts always ended up amplifying them instead. The Austrians insisted that they were in the business of description, not judgment, but their theory was appealing partly because it resembled a moral fable. Even now, when Paul talks economics, he often sounds as if he were drawing a spiritual distinction between the dubious bureaucratic trickery that might damn us and the hard, productive work—no bailouts, no subsidies, no easy credit—that will redeem us.
In 1971, when President Richard Nixon announced that American dollars would no longer be redeemable for gold, Paul saw disaster, and when he ran out of friends and family members and patients to warn, he became a political candidate, which gave him an excuse to warn strangers. For Austrian economists, the appeal of gold is obvious: it is a precious metal that has been precious for a long time, which makes it relatively immune to government manipulation. And for Paul, talking about gold is a way to talk about inflation, which tends to inspire a visceral reaction in voters. Our hard-earned money decays a little bit every day, just as we do. Most orthodox economists have concluded that eternal inflation isn't necessarily harmful, as long as it can be kept mild. (They disagree, of course, on how, or even if, this can be done.) And while some of them might prefer the gold standard to our current system, few would want to risk the potentially ruinous transition away from fiat currency. Even so, there is something seductive about Paul's vision of a gold-pegged dollar, holding its value across the centuries—glittering instead of moldering.
Paul lost his first congressional race, in 1974. Two years later, he won a special election (the earlier winner had accepted a job in the Ford Administration), only to be voted out a few months later, and then, in 1978, voted in again. He was a supporter of states' rights, drawing on a Southern political legacy that predated the Civil War; his vision of liberty often entailed granting power and discretion to state governments, to help them stand firm against federal tyranny. Paul got used to casting symbolic votes: against spending initiatives with bipartisan support, say, or in favor of his own quixotic resolutions to rein in or defund this or that agency. You get the sense, from Paul's invariably genial analysis, that his political career has been a series of disappointments, most of which seem predictable in retrospect. "I must confess," he once said, "I was a supporter of Ronald Reagan, because I believed, through the seventies and during the election of 1980, that he did have an intent to cut back, and that he was seriously concerned about deficits." Paul left Congress after losing a 1984 Senate race, and he left the Republican Party so he could run for President, in the 1988 election, as the Libertarian Party candidate. But some card-carrying Libertarians viewed him, not implausibly, as a conservative—a pro-life Texan, out of step with the Party's commitment to personal liberation. (The Party platform called for "full rights" for lesbians and gay men, legalization of drugs, and an end to the drinking age.) Paul eventually won the nomination, having fended off a challenge from the American Indian activist Russell Means, but he won fewer than half a million votes that fall, and soon returned, grudgingly, to the Republican Party.
In 1992, as Paul was preparing to launch his second Presidential campaign, he got a call from Pat Buchanan, who had decided to challenge George H. W. Bush. At Buchanan's request, Paul agreed not to run and promised—along with Rothbard, the Austrian from the Bronx—to support the insurgent Buchanan campaign. Buchanan emphasized the language of "cultural war," not liberty, and he thought Americans should be protected from economic harm and from "the raw sewage of pornography that so terribly pollutes our popular culture." (The most poignant word in this formulation is "our.") But Buchanan and Paul agreed, for instance, that the North American Free Trade Agreement was a mistake: Buchanan thought it would erase American jobs; Paul was more concerned that the treaty created new transnational regulatory agencies. Paul also shared Buchanan's disdain for Party élites, and his twinned hostility to welfare and warfare, including the first Gulf War—and, a decade later, the second one.
The alliance didn't last. By the time Buchanan ran again, in 1996, he had made himself unpalatable to libertarians by speaking out more plainly against free trade—he wanted the government to implement tariffs and other programs to help American workers. But Buchanan and Paul remained friends, and Paul, who returned to Congress in 1997, often appealed to the same sense of dispossession that inspired Buchanan's followers. Polls confirm that Paul does best among young people, but his rallies are also full of earnest older voters, alarmed at the changes in the country they thought they knew and angry at the powerful bureaucrats who rig the system. By inviting these alienated patriots to become part of his "remnant," and by educating them about the machinations of the Federal Reserve, Paul casts himself as the leader of a righteous cabal—a conspiracy of the conspired-against.
This is an appealing message, because virtually all voters agree that the wicked and the well-connected have too much power, even though they don't always agree on the details. During Paul's visit to Maine, he paid a visit to Colby College, in Waterville, where he was introduced by Paul Madore, a conservative activist and his state campaign chair. Madore began his introduction on a combative note, assailing "the A.C.L.U. and other leftist organizations" for "forcing us to constantly apologize for our Christian heritage." In fact Paul and the American Civil Liberties Union agree at least as often as they disagree, and they have worked together in the past. (In 2009, the A.C.L.U. sued the Transportation Security Administration on behalf of a staffer for Ron Paul's nonprofit organization, Campaign for Liberty, who was briefly detained in an airport after hesitating to explain why he was carrying a box of cash.) When Paul got to the podium, he thanked Madore for the introduction, but, near the end of his speech, he pushed back. "Liberty is liberty," he said. "Some people would use it for different religious values or no religious values—just so they get to make their choices." A few minutes later, before inviting his supporters to pose for pictures with him, he remembered something important. "I forgot to talk about the campaign," he said, grinning. "I'd like to get your vote next week."
After leaving Maine, Paul returned to Texas for a few days, and then headed to Nevada. He held a Florida primary celebration at Green Valley Ranch, a casino ten miles southeast of the Las Vegas strip, and the mood was exuberant, even though Paul had won only seven per cent of the Florida vote. He had three days of Nevada obligations, some of them to his wife: he and Carol were celebrating their fifty-fifth anniversary, so he allowed himself a night off to see "The Phantom of the Opera" with her. (Backstage, Anthony Crivello, the Phantom, revealed himself to be a Ron Paul fan.) One morning, Paul was driven across town to a community center in East Las Vegas, for a forum organized by Hispanics in Politics, a local political group. Fewer than a hundred people turned up, and Fernando Romero, the organizer, blamed the hour: the meeting was held at nine in the morning instead of the usual seven forty-five. ("Latinos—hey, man, we got to go to work," Romero said.) Organizers rushed to roll out some floor-to-ceiling dividers so that Paul would seem to be addressing a crowded room.
The audience was divided between button-wearing supporters and skeptical observers, and this mixture may have thrown Paul off balance. He led with abortion, although gauzy paeans to the miracle of life don't come easily to him—he has no time for phony political empathy, and not much for its non-phony counterpart. "Life is precious, pre-born life is precious, and I, as a physician, have a legal obligation—I knew if I did something wrong, I was liable," he said, adding, "It wasn't like it was a blob of tissue that we were dealing with."
He suggested that Latinos had been "used as scapegoats" (there was no applause), which led him to a brief consideration of Nazi Germany. He rejected the idea of "barbed-wire fences and guns on our border" (this did earn applause), and then pivoted to the vague promise of "a much better immigration service." He dismissed calls for a national I.D. card, but suggested that he would be open to a work permit for undocumented immigrants, which could mature into full citizenship after a period of, say, eighteen years (because that's how long natural-born citizens wait before they can vote). He strained for a conclusion:
Under these circumstances, I think there's a lot that we can—we can improve our relationships with everybody. But my goal, in my lifetime, is to make the grouping of people, hyphenated Americans, less significant. . . . The privileges that we want, as no matter what group you belong to, is that we want to be treated with dignity and equality and the rules of law, and we want to be rewarded by the fruits of our labor, and we want to enhance this idea of the work ethic, and be able to keep the fruits of our labor.
This is what Paul sounds like when he doesn't know what to say. Buchanan drew rowdy crowds because he was willing to talk about race and culture; he was the last major politician who made an explicit appeal to white voters. Paul draws calmer—but no less fervent—crowds by maintaining a steady, sometimes monomaniacal focus on Austrian economics and shrinking government. He seems concerned that any acknowledgment of racial or cultural identity would undermine his individualist message.
Even so, Paul hasn't been able to leave behind the passions and controversies of earlier eras. For much of the nineteen-eighties and nineties, Paul published a newsletter, in which he shared investment advice and political analysis with paid subscribers. Four years ago, the journalist James Kirchick published excerpts in The New Republic, and the magazine recently uploaded more pages from the newsletter. The articles seemed designed to win readers by offering them content that other publications wouldn't touch. There was a judgment that the civil-rights movement was "bad from the beginning," and a statement that, "given the inefficiencies of what D.C. laughingly calls the 'criminal justice system,' I think we can safely assume that 95% of the black males in that city are semi-criminal or entirely criminal." An essay from 1993 noted "the disappearing white majority" and the spread of "ghetto values," and it ended with a suggestion: "Every home should be dedicated to Western standards of religion, music, values, education, dress, and manners." The essay called for resistance through cultural revival. It concluded with a simple diagnosis: "We need a cultural remnant as much as a financial one."
When these and other quotes first surfaced, in the nineties, Paul claimed that the newsletter was being judged unfairly. In 2001, in a profile in Texas Monthly, he changed tactics, saying, "Those words weren't really written by me," and he has since stuck to that claim, while declining to explain who the words were written by, how they came to be published under his name, or why, if he finds them offensive, he didn't disavow them, early and loudly. Now he says the contents shocked him. "I was devastated," he said one morning, in the same matter-of-fact tone he uses to explain the looming financial apocalypse. He was sitting, braced by a pillow, on a couch in the lobby of the Four Seasons Hotel in Las Vegas, looking a bit smaller and softer than he does behind a podium. He had some time to talk before his next outing, a chartered-plane campaign swing through Elko and Reno. "As far as the newsletter goes, I maintain that they weren't my positions," he says. "I didn't have to, sort of, reject it."
It's easy enough to believe that Paul didn't write everything in the newsletter, given his anti-inflammatory tendency to turn almost any question into a debate about the federal budget. But it's impossible to believe that Paul didn't know about these articles, especially since many of them were written in his voice, complete with references to his son in medical school and his former colleagues in the House. His own record on race is complicated: while avoiding provocation, he has nevertheless dissented, gently but firmly, from the civil-rights consensus. He opposed the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and reiterated his opposition less than a decade ago, on its fortieth anniversary, arguing that, by mandating "forced integration," the act "increased racial tensions while diminishing individual liberty." Paul sometimes seeks to offset this principled stance by reiterating his respect for civil-rights heroes like Martin Luther King, Jr., and Rosa Parks, even as he maintains that their political opponents were right.
In the summer of 1981, Paul introduced a simple bill, with no co-sponsors: "A resolution that United States District Court Judge William Wayne Justice is impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors." Justice had issued a series of rulings in the nineteen-seventies and eighties that led to the desegregation of Texas schools and, in response to claims of overcrowding and abuse, the reform of state prisons. The outcry made him perhaps the most hated man in East Texas. Local businesses refused to serve him, and his detractors printed up bumper stickers that anticipated Paul's resolution, and may have inspired it. "Impeach William Wayne Justice," they said. Paul's resolution was purely symbolic—it never progressed beyond the House Judiciary Committee—and interest in the issue apparently faded. Now, perched on the couch, he was having a hard time remembering how, exactly, the Judge had come to seem like a grave threat to liberty.
"Yeah, I remember I was real energized back then," he said, sounding puzzled. "I think it was the intrusion aspect. I'm not sure if I have the same opinions that I had—I can't even tell you what he was intruding on. I think it was how to run prisons, or something?" Paul thought a moment. "He was probably demanding more protection for prisoners. Since I think we have too many nonviolent prisoners, I might have more sympathy for what he was saying, back then." He chuckled. Liberty is liberty, but that formulation doesn't necessarily help when a congressman is trying to figure out what to do about a judge who is telling a warden to treat prisoners better. Paul hasn't changed his principles, but he has changed his emphasis—or maybe he has come to realize that, in politics, emphasis can be nearly as important as principles.
To see Ron Paul on the Republican debate stage is to be reminded that the Party's libertarian streak is so thin as to be almost invisible. During the debates, when he warns against threatening Iran, or calls the war on drugs "a total failure," or observes that "rich white people don't get the death penalty very often," he seems like a man competing in an entirely separate contest, and perhaps he is. Last summer's fierce fight over the debt limit convinced some liberals that the Republicans had become the party of small-government extremism. But in Paul's view that kind of dispute—an argument about whether to attach conditions to a bill authorizing the federal government to pay an enormous debt that it has already incurred—only illustrates how far the Republicans are from the kind of radical bureaucratic abolition that he would like to see. Unlike many of his Republican colleagues in the House, Paul cares more about cutting spending than about cutting taxes, because he knows that tax cuts don't necessarily make government smaller—sometimes they just make the deficit bigger.
In theory, Paul should be able to find common ground with Democrats on non-economic issues, and he cites Dennis Kucinich, the liberal congressman from Ohio, as an ally on foreign policy and civil liberties. But he hasn't found much to admire about the Obama Administration, which has hung its reputation on expansive domestic programs and aggressive antiterrorism. "We thought Obama might help us and get us out of some of these messes," he says. "But now we're in more countries than ever—we can't even keep track of how many places our troops are!"
In "The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism" (Oxford; 2012), the political scientists Theda Skocpol and Vanessa Williamson take the measure of the recent amorphous uprising. They find that, despite a focus on economics, Tea Party groups often entertain "socially conservative moral arguments" and don't generally identify as libertarian. "The Tea Party came, during much of 2010, to be (misleadingly) portrayed as a formidable, independent political movement that threatened to overturn the two-party system," they write. In fact, Tea Party supporters tended to be indistinguishable from conservative Republicans—the energy was new, but not the ideology. Individual Tea Partiers have become influential within the Republican Party, especially at the local level, but few people now view the movement as a threat to the political duopoly. This election season, no viable Tea Party Presidential candidate has emerged, and the Tea Party itself has been all but invisible, subsumed within the broader Republican electorate.
Paul's campaign faces the opposite threat. He is nothing if not independent, incompatible with both major parties and also, sometimes, with his fellow-libertarians, who might not share his opposition to legal abortion or his qualms about immigration or his devotion to the gold standard. This independence isn't always distinguishable from isolation: although Paul can't be coöpted by the major parties, he can certainly be ignored by them, especially if they deem his followers too stubborn to be worth courting.
If Ron Paul doesn't win the Republican nomination, he will have to decide whether to support the candidate who does. Four years ago, he was incredulous when the John McCain campaign asked for his endorsement. "The argument was he would do a little less harm than the other candidate," Paul said. "I said, 'Well, I don't like the idea of getting about two or three million people angry at me.' " Instead, he convened a press conference to announce an alliance between four independent candidates: Bob Barr, a former Republican congressman, of the Libertarian Party; Cynthia McKinney, a former Democratic congresswoman, of the Green Party; Ralph Nader, running as an independent; and Chuck Baldwin, a Baptist preacher, of the Constitution Party. When Barr declined, at the last minute, to join the press conference, Paul praised the remaining three—they all pledged to end the wars, uphold civil liberties, slash the debt, and audit the Federal Reserve—without endorsing any of them. Two weeks later, Paul changed his mind and endorsed Baldwin, partly, it seemed, out of spite for Barr. Together, the four candidates won about 1.6 million votes: a respectable sum, but a confusing statement, and a deflating end for Paul's campaign.
This time, the Ron Paul movement is more ambitious. His famously unbuttoned staffers have been persuaded to wear business attire when interacting with the public, and the entrances to his campaign events are monitored by serious-looking young people with clipboards, endeavoring to make sure that no one gets in to see the candidate without surrendering his or her name and e-mail address. During his time in Nevada, Paul made an excursion to a skating rink in Pahrump, a desert town in Nye County, which is a Paul stronghold—in the 2008 Nevada primary, it was the only county that voted for him. Volunteers in "Ron Paul Rocks America" T-shirts patrolled the parking lot, on the lookout for Paul's S.U.V. and for a blue sedan with California license plates. (There was a rumor that a man had threatened to drive across the border to assassinate Paul.) Inside, a tropical-colored carpet extended halfway up the yellow walls; a banner gave voters a forum to send their own messages to the candidate. Someone had written, "Thank you to our modern founding father for liberty," and someone else had drawn SpongeBob SquarePants saying, "Ron Paul is amazing : )" The organizers had added inspirational quotes from like-minded thinkers and politicians, including Murray Rothbard: "Monetary expansion is a massive scheme of hidden redistribution."
Paul spoke at two minutes past noon, from inside the rink's d.j. booth, explaining the country's problems in such grisly detail that he made the coming disaster seem almost like a blessing. "Something dramatic happened about four years ago: the market declared that this country is no longer solvent," he said. When he was finished, the organizers played pro-Ron Paul pop songs over the loudspeakers ("Ron Paul! Start a revolution! / And break down illegal institutions!"), and Paul spent half an hour posing for photographs and signing books. People were still wandering into the rink—some locals had been told that the speech was scheduled for one o'clock. And so, at precisely one, Paul withdrew from the crowd and returned to the stage to deliver an expurgated version of the speech he had just given. Even the people who had been there at noon sat and listened, happy to hear Paul make the case for liberty one more time.
So far, the Paul campaign is neither a groundswell nor a failure. He is slowly collecting delegates, a particularly unsound form of currency—they are worth something until the last night of the Republican Convention, at which point the market for Republican delegates crashes. On caucus day in Nevada, Paul won Nye County by a wide margin; he also won Esmeralda County, to the west, by a single vote. But he lost the rest of the state, and finished third, with nineteen per cent, behind Romney (fifty per cent) and Gingrich (twenty-one per cent). In Maine, the news was brighter: the initial count put him a close second, behind Romney, and because his supporters know their way around the complicated caucus rules, he may yet win a majority of Maine's delegates.
Maybe another candidate will make an overture to Paul's followers—that's what Gingrich seemed to be doing with a speech he made in January. Gingrich said, "Part of our approach ought to be to reëstablish something that Ronald Reagan did, in 1981, and that is to have a commission on gold." But Paul's true believers weren't tempted. After all, Paul was on that commission, which means he is familiar with its conclusion: "Most members of the Commission believe that a return to the gold standard is not desirable." If Romney wanted to convert Paul voters, he would have to do something more dramatic; even a promise to audit the Federal Reserve might not be enough, although it would be a start.
There is only one politician whom Paul regularly praises in his speeches—a man he coyly refers to as a "senator from Kentucky." If Paul sees a future for himself in the Republican Party, it is through his son Rand, who might have an easier time than his father in attracting traditional conservatives to his cause. (During his campaign for the Senate, for example, Rand Paul declined to rule out using force to stop Iran from developing nuclear weapons.) Unlike most politicians on the verge of retirement, Paul can't accurately claim that he has nothing to lose by breaking with the party that has been his home for all but one of his years in politics. Hope for his son's prospects—and a disinclination to put him in an awkward position—might be enough to keep Paul from ending his political career with another third-party campaign. If he split the vote, indirectly helping to reëlect Obama, it might be a long time before Republicans were willing to get behind anyone named Paul.
In the meantime, Ron Paul seems content to stoke the discontent of his acolytes. He doesn't know exactly when the implosion will occur, but he knows it's forty years closer now than it was when he first sounded the alarm. ♦


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text: The Motor Lodge was built, originally as summer cabins, circa 1910 in the territorial capital of Prescott, Arizona. In 2008, after nearly 100 years of varying owners, names and lodging styles, Joe Livingston and Brian Spear reinvented The Motor Lodge to embody all that today's boutique motels should offer; cleanliness, comfort and unrivaled hospitality. Conveniently situated three blocks south of the Courthouse, it is far enough away to avoid the crowds and clamor yet still close enough to feel the excitement of "The Square". Enjoy of our history-rich community by hopping on one of our loaner bikes to explore the downtown area or taking a stroll through one of Prescott's four museums.


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Subscribe To Truck Couldn't Stop Quickly Enough In 50 Cent Accident Updates
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Early this morning, news broke that rapper 50 Cent was involved in a bad car accident. The thirty-six-year-old's SUV was supposedly plowed into by a Mack truck on the Long Island Expressway, resulting in the musician and his driver being rushed to the hospital. 50 was treated for minor neck and back injuries before being told he could take off.
Stories published in the immediate aftermath claimed the truck driver's load shifted, causing him to lose control of his vehicle. It turns out that's not exactly the case. In fact, it was far simpler than that. According to The New York Daily News, traffic suddenly slowed near the Van Wyck exit on the LIE just after 11 PM last night. 50's driver was apparently able to stop his Chevy Suburban in time, but the dude driving the Mack Truck wasn't able to hit the brakes fast enough. He slid into the back of the hitmaker's vehicle, leading to damage and the injuries reported above.
Authorities haven't commented extensively on what happened, but based on initial reports, it doesn't seem like anyone will be charged over the incident. Sometimes accidents just happen, especially ones involving large trucks that have difficulty stopping.
Pop Blend sends out its thoughts to all involved. May they each have speedy recoveries.


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Lakeland College has named Brandon Molina, an accomplished pilot and flight instructor with extensive aviation industry experience, its instructor of aviation science.
Molina comes to Lakeland from Gulfstream Aerospace in Appleton, Wis., where he has been working since 2013 as an engineer for one of the largest aircraft manufacturers in the country. He has also served as chief flight instructor with Tailwind Flight Academy.
Prior to coming to Wisconsin, Molina worked for 14 years at Duncan Aviation in Battle Creek, Mich.
He has also worked in higher education, serving as a certified flight instructor at Western Michigan University. Molina has a bachelor's degree in aviation flight sciences from Western Michigan, and he holds multiple pilot ratings and certifications.


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When shopping for a used car in Iowa, it's important that you find the best deal possible for you and yours. CarsDirect is here to help make sure this happens by providing you with a vast array of tools and materials to aid you in your used car search.
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(PRESCHOOL WING) - An interactive story time for you and your little one. Designed for children 1 1/2 to 5 years old. Free but you need to register! Contact Sarah DiMeo at email@example.com or 973-347-0667 ext. 12. (More information is available on the Children's Ministries page.)
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Earlier Event: October 15Men's Weekly Walk-In Bible Study
Later Event: October 15Conquering Codependency


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The Warmth of Other Suns
by Isabel Wilkerson
Publishers Weekly Ida Mae Brandon Gladney, a sharecropper's wife, left Mississippi for Milwaukee in 1937, after her cousin was falsely accused of stealing a white man's turkeys and was almost beaten to death. In 1945, George Swanson Starling, a citrus picker, fled Florida for Harlem after learning of the grove owners' plans to give him a "necktie party" (a lynching). Robert Joseph Pershing Foster made his trek from Louisiana to California in 1953, embittered by "the absurdity that he was doing surgery for the United States Army and couldn't operate in his own home town." Anchored to these three stories is Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Wilkerson's magnificent, extensively researched study of the "great migration," the exodus of six million black Southerners out of the terror of Jim Crow to an "uncertain existence" in the North and Midwest. Wilkerson deftly incorporates sociological and historical studies into the novelistic narratives of Gladney, Starling, and Pershing settling in new lands, building anew, and often finding that they have not left racism behind. The drama, poignancy, and romance of a classic immigrant saga pervade this book, hold the reader in its grasp, and resonate long after the reading is done. (Sept.) (c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved
(c) Copyright PWxyz, LLC. All rights reserved
Library Journal Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Wilkerson's epic and intimate scholarly portrait of the Great Migration of southern African Americans to the North is the first comprehensive study of that movement. Previous works have focused on regional migrations and James N. Gregory's The Southern Diaspora deals with the comprehensive migration of both whites and African Americans to the North. Covering the time period from 1915 through 1970, Wilkerson (journalism, Boston Univ.) explains the Great Migration through oral histories, research from newspaper articles, and other scholarly works. She shatters previous scholarship that defined these migrants as poor, illiterate, jobless, and dependent on welfare through thorough research of demographic and census records. Wilkerson, whose mother was a part of the Great Migration, discusses the movement's effects on culture and politics through the oral histories she gathered from her three protagonists; they speak and simply tell their stories. Verdict A portrait that is rooted in scholarly research and gives this pivotal part of American history a personality, this will be a great addition for academics, historians, and researchers in Africana, as well as American cultural studies.-Suzan Alteri, Wayne State Univ., Detroit (c) Copyright 2010. Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
(c) Copyright 2010. Library Journals LLC, a wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
Book list *Starred Review* From the early twentieth century through its midpoint, some six million black southerners relocated themselves, their labor, and their lives, to the North, changing the course of civil, social, and economic life in the U.S. Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Wilkerson offers a broad and penetrating look at the Great Migration, a movement without leaders or precedent. Drawing on interviews and archival research, Wilkerson focuses on three individuals with varying reasons for leaving the South the relentless poverty of sharecropping with few other opportunities, escalating racial violence, and greater social and economic prospects in the North. She traces their particular life stories, the sometimes furtive leave-takings; the uncertainties they faced in Chicago, New York, and L.A.; and the excitement and longing for freer, more prosperous lives. She contrasts their hopes and aspirations with the realities of life in northern cities when the jobs eventually evaporated from the inner cities and new challenges arose. Wilkerson intersperses historical detail of the broader movement and the sparks that set off the civil rights era; challenging racial restrictions in the North and South; and the changing dynamics of race, class, geography, politics, and economics. A sweeping and stunning look at a watershed event in U.S. history.--Bush, Vanessa Copyright 2010 Booklist
From Booklist, Copyright © American Library Association. Used with permission.
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So, you've decided you want to be a contractor or earn some money on the side. Great! How do you get started? Well, first things first: are you old enough to enter into a legally binding contract? That seems like a silly question but when you consider that in 47 of the states, the age of majority is 18, in Nebraska and Alabama it is 19 and in Mississippi it is 21, it may be something some of you need to know. You cannot sign a contract if you don't meet the minimum age requirement to do so (or are legally emancipated). Can you still do the work? Of course. However, you won't have the benefit of a binding contract to fall back on if things don't work out.
Let's say you're old enough to do this kind of work. The second consideration is: do you possess the maturity and level of expertise necessary to engage in such work? This one is tough for some people to answer because it requires being brutally honest with yourself. If you start talking to someone about building them something that's going to require 20+ hours per week and you work full time, this means when you're done with your full time job, you're still looking at an additional 4 hours per night, every night, or working on weekends to meet the time pledge. While that sounds nice in theory, in practice it can be tough to force yourself to stick with it. Also, if you're discussing constructing the logic algorithms for IBM's next Big Blue supercomputer, for instance...do you really have the skill to do that? Biting off more than you can chew in a contract is THE major reason for the developer defaulting on the work agreement. So, have the expertise and make sure you can dedicate the time you say you can. If you're not certain then play it safe and pass.
I need to mention here that a contractor typically supplies all the work materials needed to do the project. That means a computer, the software you need to do the job and so on...unless the contractee agrees to supply such to you. This is an important point to cover and make sure both sides knows who's bringing what to the table.
Let's assume you're of age, can do the work and have the time and equipment to devote to it. What now? Well, this may sound silly but you (and the contractee) need a definitive description of what's to be built. This is absolutely essential to the process and needs to be explicit down to a moderate level of detail. Consider what you'd get from 10 devs if the order was "build me a website". In order to have all 10 devs come back with essentially the same thing, they'd need a detailed description of what to build, what it will do, how it will function, on what platform(s) and software(s) it will do it's thing and so forth. This leads directly into something called a "statement of work" which defines the work you will do, how you will do it and includes things like deliverables and a timeline. It will also tend to include any detailed requirments, milestones, pricing and so forth. Milestones (a scheduled event signifying the completion of a major deliverable or a set of related deliverables) will help both you and the contractee keep track of the progress of the project, and when combined with periodic payments upon meeting milestones, means you don't end up working too much and then not getting paid. For this reason, milestones should be quite detailed in their description so that there's a reduced potential for dispute whether they've been reached later on.
Outstanding! You have a solid agreement of what's to be built, have agreed on a price or rate per hour and have established concrete milestones for delivery and payment. Are you ready to go yet? Not quite. A lot of developers tend to end the process with diving in and working and hopefully having a pleasant and mutually agreeable end to the contract via delivery of the product and reception of full payment for their services. This is entirely okay however there may be a couple more things you may want to consider.
If you live in the United States you need to consider tax implications. After all, you are doing work for monetary gain which means, legally, you have to report this income to the IRS each April. Anyone legally allowed to work in the United States can simply file it as extra income on their 1040 as an individual. In an above board situation the contractee will send you a 1099 form IF the work you do for them in a calendar year exceeds $600. That is, they prepare a 1099 and send a copy to you and a copy to the IRS. The question often arises though: what do I do if I did work in excess of $600 (per contract) and do not receive a 1099? Legally, you're supposed to report the income on your tax return anyway (and you'll know how much you got by checking your records). If you don't and either you or the contractee are audited you could be found to have committed income tax evasion which can land you in a world of grief. This is more properly a discussion to have with an accountant but safety says to report the income for each contractees (from all contracts for them) that, in total, exceed $600 for the year.
If you plan to do a lot of contracting you might also consider incorporating. Incorporating confers several advantages like limited legal liability, limiting what creditors can collect from you, and you gain access to several tax deductions you might not have as an individual as well as other more obscure benefits. You might be able to write off expenses associated with business done as a corporation and so on. Again, these are considerations best referred to an attorney and/or accountant but it pays to be aware of them. It can be a pain in the ass and expensive to incorporate too so you need to weigh the pros and cons of incorporating...but at least look into it and educate yourself on this option.
I leave the actual contract to last. Most contracts that you will see will be drawn up by the contractee and the vast majority of them are standard legal boilerplate adapted from another contract or pulled down from some site on the internet. Regardless of the source of the wording, it's very important to read and understand the contract you're considering signing. I'll offer a personal anecdote by way of example for why it's important to read the whole contract:
I've been self employed through my own corporation for the past 2-3 years. Around 2 years ago, I was approached by a guy in another state to build him a grass roots political organizing website. Basically a politically themed contact management system with an heirarchy. After we agreed on the basic principle of what it was he wanted and my rate, he emailed me a copy of the contract he wanted me to sign and we made modifications to it several times to reflect the nature of the work we were discussing. We seemed to finally settle on the wording and he sent it back to me one final time for signature. At the time, I owned and ran a website business that had a number of nifty and unique Google mashups and such. This fellow had seen the site (as I discovered via server logs and the like) but had never mentioned that he'd seen it or been there. Anyway, on this last revision he had inserted language into an obscure part of the contract that essentially said that he was entitled to lay claim to ANY work product I produced during the time I was under contract with him regardless of the contractee. What this meant was that he might could have filed suit and demanded work product I produced for other clients or code I built for my own business. I had checked other revisions of the contract and that wording wasn't there so it was something he had tried to sneak in at the last moment hoping I'd miss it. I did not, confronted him about it and he claimed surprised ignorance. It was removed...however, he turned out to be the worst contract I ever worked (so perhaps a word of caution to trust your gut is required here too).
Finally, how enforceable IS a contract. The answer is: not very. You CAN take the other guy to court but the contract will spell out the jurisdiction for any legal disputes. This is an important consideration should the contractee not be located near you. For this reason, your contract NEEDS to explicitly spell out when, how and for what you will be paid...and under no circumstances should you deviate from that. No verbal agreement to modify should be accepted. If the scope of the project balloons then you need to respectfully request that the contract be revisited if for nothing more than to memorialize the changes to the project (delivery times, milestones, rate, statement of work, etc). The final word can come in a court of law and you shouldn't rely upon emails, instant messages or testimony about the contents of phone calls to support your views.
Contract work can be very rewarding professionally and financially provided you know what you're getting into and you prepare properly and professionally. This by no means covers everything there is to consider about contracting but, it's a start. If you've kept reading through this whole thing and have points to add or debate or want to mention an aspect I forget to address, please do so.
This post has been edited by Craig328: 09 February 2011 - 10:23 AM


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Police Academy: Are School Security Measures Going Too Far?
When security measures are inadequate, students fear for their safety. Excessive policing also causes issues.
Drugs. Guns. Sexual assault. Chances are, you've read these words in a recent headline that ends with "...in local school." As a result, heightened security measures are becoming increasingly common. Some 60% of public high schools use surveillance cameras and drug-sniffing dogs, and many places conduct random locker checks.
Looking at Safety Measures
For the most part, parents seem to welcome these strategies. A national CNN poll in 2002 found that 70% of parents think random drug testing is a good idea. But others are so opposed they've actually fought to stop it. The tension between those who want tougher measures and those who fear that Big Brother is trampling over kids' rights extends far beyond PTA meetings. Recently the safety issue reached the U.S. Supreme Court, which decided that a school's right to come down on drug culture trumped a student's right to wave his pro-drug banner. But it was hardly a slam dunk: The court vote was split five to four.
As in all good debates, there's enough evidence on both sides to give the spin-doctors plenty to play with. But there are no cookie-cutter answers. What's right for one school might be wrong for another, depending on budgets and specific challenges. Family Circle took a closer look at three of the most controversial safety measures now on school-board agendas around the country.
Metal Detectors
Who's doing it: Long a fixture at many urban schools, they now are used in nearly 13% of all high schools, according to the National Center for Education Statistics.
Believers say: Preventing a single shooting makes them worthwhile. According to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 18% of high school kids say they've carried a weapon in the last month. And students themselves are demanding more protection. In Boston, where school violence increased 14% from 2002 to 2006, a student group recently lobbied for stepped-up screenings. "When kids know there are metal detectors, I think the likelihood of them bringing weapons to schools would be diminished—significantly," says Ronan Matthew, principal of Canyon Springs High School in Las Vegas.
Critics say: "It creates an atmosphere of degradation," explains Cecelia Blewer, a New York City parent of two teens. "I hate that we make kids start the day with something that says, 'We assume the worst about you.' It makes them think, 'Well, if the school doesn't trust me, I'm not going to trust the school,' and that affects how well they learn." Besides, she says, "anything can be used as a weapon—fists, books, a chair. The focus also needs to be on the climate at school."
Reality check: There's little evidence that detectors can stop determined shooters. And kids know that. A recent National Economic & Social Rights Initiative (NESRI) survey of teens found that fewer than half of those attending schools with metal detectors felt safer because of them. And there may be a better approach: "The number one way we find out about weapons in schools is when kids trust an adult enough to tell him or her that another student has one," says Ken Trump, president of National School Safety and Security Services in Cleveland. "Teachers, administrators, safety officials and support staff have to make it a point to interact with students and build positive relationships."
Police in Schools
Who's doing it: Who isn't? Some 68% of middle and high school students report that they are seeing security guards or officers on site.
Believers say: Police presence makes kids safer. "We had a lockdown last year when a gunman was holding people hostage near our school," says Dyanne Baro, of Miramar, Florida, who has three children, 19, 9 and 6. "It made such a difference having an officer right there."
Critics say: An excessive police presence is frightening: The NESRI survey found that a third of students say that it makes them feel threatened. "School is not a pleasure for these children; it's a punishment," says Roslyn Broadnax of South Central Los Angeles, who has two kids, 18 and 16, and often volunteers at their high school. "It's terrible to see good kids feel humiliated."
Reality check: Overly aggressive cops can make teens feel like criminals. "Almost every student [polled] said that heavy police presence makes schools feel like jails," says the NESRI report. Some schools luck out and get seasoned pros who genuinely bond with students. And others end up with bullies.
Random Drug Testing
Who's doing it: About 1,000 school districts now randomly test students, with half of those districts receiving $34 million in federal aid, according to the Office of National Drug Control Policy.
Believers say: Drug use is still high among teens. And kids can always opt out of testing (typically, schools are legally allowed to test kids who are on athletic teams, participate in extracurricular activities or have parking privileges). And since schools aren't allowed to report those who test positive to the police, results are used only to get kids help.
Critics say: Marching a kid into a restroom and listening while they pee is way too intrusive. "This is an example of a public institution reaching not only into your children's lives but also into their bodies," says Bill Sciambi of Pittstown, New Jersey, who has a 15-year-old and has worked with other parents to block drug testing when it was proposed at Delaware River Regional High School. "The money spent on drug testing should instead be put toward drug-abuse counseling and more extracurricular activities." (A test costs anywhere from $10 to $30.) Doctors agree. The American Academy of Pediatrics, for example, opposes such tests because they can give false results. And some teens say testing may push kids to try drugs that don't show up in urine tests, such as Ecstasy.
Reality check: Solid data exists on both sides. A University of Michigan study found that testing doesn't work. Another study of Indiana high schools found that it does. No matter which data you believe, experts say, the danger is that parents might be lulled into believing there's a single, silver-bullet solution to teen drug use. "The issue is complex," says Marsha Rosenbaum, Ph.D., director of the Safety First Project, part of the Drug Policy Alliance, which opposes testing. "It's naive to think testing will solve the problem." Even advocates of testing say it's only one part of the process. "We need to address the lack of drug treatment options for teens," says Bill Judge, an Oak Park, Illinois-based lawyer who consults with schools on their drug testing policies "It's our job to protect kids while providing the best possible learning environment."
How Safe Is Your School, Really?
Federal statistics say that despite the well-publicized shootings at Virginia Tech and Columbine High, the rate of serious crimes such as homicide and sexual assault at schools has decreased. But between 2000 and 2004, the percentage of public schools experiencing one or more violent incidents rose from 71% to 81%, according to the U.S. Department of Education.
Yet most parents know next to nothing about the actual crime rates in their child's school. "There is no federal mandatory school crime reporting and tracking requirement for K-12 schools," says Trump. And historically, he says, schools have tended to downplay violence. (Have you ever seen a "Police Blotter" in the PTA newsletter?)
To make such statistics more available, Congresswoman Carolyn McCarthy (D-NY) has introduced a bill aimed at making schools more accountable by improving reporting of safety issues and informing parents about them. Want to find out about crime in your school? Ask the school resource officer (who may be able to tell you how many kids he's caught smoking pot or drinking in the parking lot) or call your police department.
Basic Safety Measures Every School Needs Right Now
Don't let the debate du jour distract you. Experts know that there are three proven—if low-tech—ways to keep kids on track during the teen years.
- Beef up extracurricular activities. Research from Connecticut College and the Minneapolis Department of Health link after-school activities—which keep kids occupied during perilous after-school hours—to a lower risk of drug use and higher personal satisfaction.
- Ask teachers and aides to get more involved with students. It's a low-cost way to make schools safer, says security expert Ken Trump. "The value of a visible adult who knows the students can't be overstated," he says, especially in hallways, restrooms and parking lots.
- Lobby for programs for drug users. Ask what your school has available for kids in trouble, including special training for school nurses and counselors, and a referral network for other professionals. If the answer is "not much," press for a more comprehensive approach.
Is Your Teen Ticked Off or Terrified?
Done right, a school's security measures should make kids feel safe. So regularly check in with your child and ask him what he thinks. If he's unhappy—and angry enough to fight for change—offer your support. Research shows that the more actively involved kids are in shaping school programs and policies, the more committed they are to their education. If you disagree with the school as well, set a good example by sending an e-mail to the principal or school board. It's an important way for you to model constructive behavior for your kids.
Copyright © 2007. Used with permission from the October 17, 2007, issue of Family Circle magazine.


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About 925 years ago, a little city in the heel of Italy's boot was looking for a way to promote itself as a tourism destination and the town fathers decided that what they needed was an attraction.
In the days before theme parks, the big tourist attractions were pilgrimage sites, so the city hatched a plan to acquire one. Three ships and 47 sailors set sail in 1087 for Myra, Turkey, the site where St. Nicholas had been buried some 800 years previously. After convincing custodians at the church where the saint was buried that they were pilgrims, the pirates smashed open the grave, took most of the ancient relics, and carried them back to Bari, Italy.
To this day, Italians and Turks do not quite agree on the details of what happened. In Italy, they say the relics of St. Nicholas were "saved" from Muslim-controlled Myra, but in Turkey they tend to use the word "stolen."
When the sailors returned to Bari, there was a great celebration, the saint was reburied by Pope Urban II, and a large church known as the Basilica di San Nicola was built over the new burial site. So it was that Bari, Italy, became the official pilgrimage site for those wanting to pay their respects to St. Nicholas. The plan had worked.
Every year, Bari re-enacts the arrival of the body of St. Nicholas from Turkey with a 10-day festival in early May. The highlight of the Festa di San Nicola is the "translation ceremony," where a statue of St. Nicholas is paraded through the streets with 500 costumed attendants and taken out to sea and brought back to the Basilica. When the saint is returned, the bells of the basilica ring out through the streets of Barivecchia, the old town of the city. Even today, thousands of pilgrims travel to Bari from around the world to give thanks and worship at the tomb of San Nicola. Legend has it that St. Nicholas has magic healing powers and it is said that a sweet-smelling clear liquid known as the "manna di San Nicola," still seeps from his bones, filling the courtyard with a delicate sweet fragrance that can be detected by the faithful.
Although I still believe in Santa Claus, as I stood in the courtyard of the basilica not long ago, I couldn't detect a sweet smelling fragrance. It is possible that I didn't have quite enough faith.
Once inside the 12th century Romanesque-style basilica, I made a quiet visit to the crypt to pay my own homage to Santa Claus, whose remains are buried beneath the altar in the crypt. Appropriately, beneath the altar are also the Topins, which are a legacy to old thieves converted to good faith.
After taking in a few minutes of a Catholic service, I wandered back upstairs to check out the museum dedicated to Nicholas and the gift shop with its selection of Christmas ornaments and other paraphernalia.
Making my way outside Bari's most famous tourist attraction, I wandered the labyrinth of narrow streets, courtyards, and quiet lanes that surround the Basilica. As I strolled on that quiet weekday evening, I felt that I had stepped into the heart of the real Italy. A glimpse through one open doorway revealed a group of old men playing cards. Along another side street, a woman rolled pasta inside her kitchen. Further along, a fisherman was selling his wares from the back of a flatbed truck while a group of young boys kicked a soccer ball in the nearby courtyard.
If you wander down a little street called Arco Basso during the daytime, you will find women outside the front doors of their homes making and selling orichietti, the ear-shaped pasta famous in the Puglia region of Italy.
There is no doubt the town fathers of ancient Bari were industrious and creative in coming up with a plan to increase tourism to their fair city. Modern Bari is one of the most prosperous cities in this under-touristed region of Italy. You could say it is the city built on Santa's bones.
If you go
The Festival di San Nicoli will be celebrating its 925th year in May in Bari, Italy.
- Bari is the capital city of the Puglia region of southeastern Italy (near the heel of the boot, so to speak). To get to Bari, you must fly into Rome and then catch a flight directly into the Bari airport.
- For more information about travelling in Italy and for valuable travel tips and free brochures, visit the official website of the Italian Government Tourist Board in North America at www.italiantourism.com. For additional information relating to Puglia, you can visit the official tourism website for the region at: www.regione.puglia.it (be sure to translate the page). Another great and useful resource for information on packaged tours and travel to Puglia is the Canadian Travel Council Promoting Italy: www.ctcpi.ca.
Debbie Olsen is an Alberta-based freelance writer and the mother of four children.


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Rachel Weisz loved doing own stunts in Oz the Great and Powerful
- Bang Showbiz
- 2 March 2013
Rachel Weisz relished trying difficult wire stunts for her role as Evanora in Sam Raimi's new Oz prequel, 'Oz the Great and Powerful'
Rachel Weisz loved performing her own stunts for 'Oz the Great and Powerful'.
The 43-year-old actress had to work on tricky wire stunts for her role as Evanora, the Wicked Witch of the East, in the new movie and while she doesn't believe she has a talent for stunts, Rachel enjoyed the challenge.
She told Us Weekly: "I actually liked being up there. It was a little scary the first day but luckily we had experts up there showing us what to do. I'm not physically gifted in any way."
Director Sam Raimi claims he was very conscious of making his prequel tie in with the 1939 classic, without trying to recreate the Judy Garland-fronted movie.
He explained: "We tried to not recreate the original Victor Flemming classic 'The Wizard Of Oz' because it's my favourite movie of all time, and this movie is also based on [L.] Frank Baum's works, but it's really this journey that took place before 'The Wizard of Oz'.
"It's about who the wizard was back in Kansas, how he has a little bit of a selfish heart and how once he gets to the land of Oz that heart would be able to grow and how he became a full human being."


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6 December 2012 at 7.36pm | 2 Comments
Giacomo Meyerbeer was also, or had once been, Jacob Liebmann Beer. If the composer was the inaugurator of grand opera – those massive machines of spectacle and mega-orchestration that crowded the 19th-century stage and had fans baying for bigger, louder, more everything - then Meyerbeer's life also described another operatic drama: that of a particular, middle class culturally-aspirational bourgeois of the 19th century cities who imagined that could live, unproblematically both as Jews and Germans (or French "Israelites"). If only they would trade in their obsession with distinctiveness, marked by the corkscrew sidelocks, beards and long gabardines for the frock coats and high hats of the rest of the citizenry. If they would replace their Yiddishy gibberish for the polished German of proper bildung, then they would, so the theory ran, they be treated like everyone else: enjoy equal civil and political rights and be fully welcomed into the national community.
To which bright hope, Meyerbeer's protégé-turned-furiously paranoid foe Richard Wagner would respond in his essay Judaism in Music, "fat bloody chance". Die ewige Jude - the eternal Jew - whether barbered to a semblance of respectability, could never eau de cologne himself into true champion of volkish culture. He would always be what he was: a vessel of cultural poison, a walking or rather crawling, money bag, "a swarming colony of insect life" and the personification of contaminating vulgarity. Meyerbeer, the internationally successful composer who had made opera hot box office was not just the epitome of crass commercialism but a deadly threat to the mystical sublimity of authentically German music.
The idea was (and is) beautiful, nonetheless: that one could live, not just nominally but fully as a Jew, and yet just as completely, in the society of others.
The trajectory of the Beer dynasty from money to music was the usual German-Jewish success story. A first generation came up with the money needed by some pumpernickel princeling to fund his vanities, architectural and military. The second generation, represented by Meyerbeer's father Judah Beer, moved up to the big players, of which (in at least its greed for military funds), there was none bigger than Hohenzollern Prussia. Judah's numbers came up in the lottery – literally – administering the Prussian State Lottery for a hefty slice. He bought and ran sugar mills and got himself a handsome house on the Spandauer Strasse, right by the Brandenburg Gate.
There Judah and his wife Amalie held a salon for the literary, philosophical and musical lights of the city, who (spellbound by Lessing's Nathan), were prepared to see higher things in the Jews. Amalie rose to the cultural opportunity, campaigning for a modern Judaism fitting for the urban enlightenment. The Beers had their own house synagogue in which services were held in German, and organ music and choirs (a bitterly controversial innovation for the orthodox) featured too. The prodigy Jacob wrote vocal pieces for the shul. It was in such synagogues that the first crossover between cantorial emotionalism, deep rooted in Ashkenazi Judaism, and operatic melodrama was consummated - go to any Ashkenazi synagogue on the High Holy Days and you will still hear a kind of belcantorial result
So if the first generation was about court service and hard cash; the second about military bankrolling varnished with enlightenment graces; the third was bound to be pure culture. The three boys were Michael, 'My Son the Playwright' (and very successful too); Wilhelm 'My Son the Scientist,' astronomer and first cartographer of Mars and the Moon, and Jacob, 'My Son the Musical Prodigy', who on inheriting a nice chunk of his grandfather Meyer's fortune became Meyerbeer, to which in 1817, he added cheekily his claim to be the new Rossini by swapping Jacob for Giacomo.
Aside from the shameless orchestration mitschlag, it was no accident that Meyerbeer hit the jackpot in a way no other opera composer other than the great Rossini, had yet managed (though his co-religionist Fromental Halévy would run him close). For it was precisely because his cultural heritage stood outside the mystical raptures of medieval Christian history and Gothic folklore, that Meyerbeer - opera's answer to Walter Scott - knew that knights and martyrs, demons and debauched nuns were less the vehicles of metaphysical transformation than fabulous romances, unembarrassed about their capacity to entertain. He is perhaps to be thought of in the same way as the early geniuses (many of them Jewish too) of silent and not so silent movie Hollywood, the impresario-confectioner of mass spectacle, swashing and buckling his way to a smiling, roaring and cheering audience. It was not music as church draped with the sacred cobwebs of dreamland, but it was a hell of a night out.
Graceless, churlish, supremely gifted, morally repellent Wagner, whose breakthrough with Rienzi would probably have never happened without the persuasiveness of Meyerbeer, made his mentor pay for his kindness by demonizing not just him but his religion and his people as intolerable aliens in German culture. The toxin that crystallized in the alembic of his attack on "Jewish music" would be hideously fateful and destroy more than just Moses Mendelssohn's and Judah Beer's fondest dreams.
Perhaps it irked Wagner especially, that unlike the baptized Felix Mendelssohn and so many other epigones of the German-Jewish enlightenment, Meyerbeer, however he felt the difficulty (and he did), remained true to his religion. He died in it, and after the grandiose public sendoff including the Chief Rabbi of France from the Gare du Nord, his body was borne to the Jewish cemetery at Schaumseestrasse where it rests. Gioachino Rossini, who evidently did not feel threatened by Meyerbeer's renown, was in charge of the musical arrangements and is said to have responded to a nephew who composed a march for the occasion. "Excellent" said the wicked Rossini, "but you must admit, it would have been better if you had died and your uncle had written the march."
Robert le diable runs from 6 - 21 December 2012. Tickets are still available.


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Amy Winehouse was found dead Saturday morning in her London home, police said. She was only 27. Her musical talent eventually was overshadowed by her erratic stage appearances, drunken fights, stints in hospital and rehab clinics.
Police confirmed that a 27-year-old female was pronounced dead at the home in Camden Square northern London; the cause of death was not immediately known. London Ambulance Services said Winehouse had died before the two ambulance crews it sent arrived at the scene.
"I didn't go out looking to be famous," Winehouse told the Associated Press when "Back to Black" was released. "I'm just a musician."
With the help of longtime collaborator/producer Mark Ronson, Amy Winehouse was preparing to step back into the spotlight and had reportedly been at work on her third record.
Below, she takes on Leslie Gore's classic jam, "It's My Party."
First Listen: Amy Winehouse – "It's My Party"
First Listen: Amy Winehouse "Rehab" Live Track On New Compilation
Free MP3 Download: Mark Ronson & The Business International – "We Used To Wait" (Arcade Fire Cover)