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Empire, Hegemony, and the U.S. Policy MessNews Abroad
The notion of an American empire is now fashionable – and usefully employed if well grounded. Empire is fundamentally a centrally directed political enterprise in which coercion (violence or at least the threat of violence) is used to subjugate a territorially delimited area. Once created, empires acquire other structural features. Maintaining control depends on collaboration between metropolitan and colonial elites (with each exercising disproportionate influence within their own societies) supplemented by a variety of other mechanisms from proximate military bases to a class of imperial administrators to ideological orthodoxies that rationalize dominance at home as well as abroad. Skeptics may want to argue that informal control, so prominent a feature of the U.S. case, does not qualify as empire. This objection does not withstand scrutiny. Rome's eastern frontier and China's subordination of lands beyond the line of direct imperial authority leap to mind.
Rather than focus on distinctions between formal and informal control, we might more fruitfully think instead about how control is exercised – within the limits imposed by imperial resources, by the technologies of the time, and by the tolerance of subject peoples. Even formal control has recurrently depended on enlisting subordinated groups in the imperial enterprise by making concessions that make dominance more manageable and cost effective. Rather than make the test formal or informal control, why not ask who ultimately decides whether local rulers stay or go, who makes the ultimate decision on alliances and foreign military bases, and from what direction the indigenous military takes it cues?
This definition would suggest that the United States has been an empire for a long time and in several guises. It began as a continental empire (a form of settler colonialism already at the time of national independence); it turned to formal overseas empire at the end of the nineteenth century; and it thereafter practiced informal empire in large hunks of Central America and the Caribbean, a broad swath of maritime East Asia, western Asia amongst a loose assemblage of clients, and arguably even western Europe in the early Cold War. In each of its imperial phases Washington has mustered the obligatory justification for extending frontiers (whether Manifest Destiny, the Monroe doctrine, the containment doctrine, or the war on terrorism), has sought accommodation with amenable local elites, raised to prominence U.S.-sponsored armies, created a formidable network of military bases and alliances, dispatched proconsuls to sustain and direct client regimes, and in extremis launched U.S. military forces and covert operations to change governments. This long and varied record suggests empire is imprinted in the national genetic code.
The peculiar aspect of this empire is that time and again significant parts of the citizenry have responded with aversion and even outright opposition. The oldest source of hostility is the conviction on the part of classically-trained American leaders that empire is a fundamental threat to republican survival. Their conviction gave rise to sharp disputes in the 1840s and again after 1898. Fear for fragile republican institutions persisted through the twentieth century and is still evident in such current authors as Patrick Buchanan and Chalmers Johnson.
A second source of anti-imperial sentiment is the consumer republic that arose during the twentieth century. Consumer-citizens don't rank imperial glory among their top priorities, and have made clear at the ballot box their reluctance to make personal sacrifices for distant, dirty wars. Finally, American doubts about empire have flowed from a fundamental national principle given sharpest articulation in wartime propaganda. Beginning with World War I and continuing with World War II and the Cold War, Washington has sought to draw a clear line between its commitment to national liberation and its foes' record of imperial subjugation.
This combination of lingering republican anxieties, an inward-turning consumerist ethic, and rhetorical support for self determination makes Americans not just odd imperialists but arguably in various measures self-deceived, ineffectual, and frustrated ones. Compounding the muddle, U.S. backing for self-determination and decolonization has created expectations abroad subversive of the very control American leaders have sought to exercise. Seen from overseas, Americans have placed themselves in the contradictory position of celebrating self determination while violating it in multiple ways in many places and not just in the present but over several centuries. An anti-imperial people trying to justify and manage an "empire of liberty" in a post-imperial era creates some of the problems afflicting U.S. policy.
No less important than empire, hegemony is more difficult to pin down. The comparative literature offers less help, and the historical cases from which to generalize are more limited. While there are lots of empires, there are fewer hegemonies, and no hegemons wielding the kind of multi-layered influence on a global scale like the United States. The most obvious close comparison, Britain, operated within decided limits imposed by a substantial field of near equal competitors, by relatively rudimentary communications and transport technologies, and by a comparatively minor league economy.
A starting point in defining hegemony is to highlight the ways in which it is not an empire. One of its leading features is the broad and subtle penetration of economic and cultural practices and products across entire regions rather than the focused exercise of political and military power. Another is the self-conscious promotion of trans-national norms and institutions rather then the creation of specific subordinate colonial or client regimes. Perhaps the most important attribute is legitimacy. Hegemony involves more than reaping material rewards and psychic gratification; integral to any claims to international leadership on such a broad scale are heavy obligations. In its lack of coercion, in its defuse sources of support, and in its amorphous territorial range, hegemony has to be seen as distinct from empire.
If in the U.S. case empire is genetic, hegemony is an acquired characteristic. Hegemony was made possible by a rate of economic growth over the course of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that had no precedent in human history. This achievement created the preconditions for a U.S.-inspired, designed, and regulated international system that took shape during the first two thirds of the twentieth century. American economic and cultural clout remade societies and reshaped the practices of daily life around the world.
But since the 1970s Washington has neglected the duties of the hegemon and at times has shown open hostility to the very international institutions and norms earlier put in place. This negligent if not defiant stance has depleted U.S. legitimacy in foreign eyes. Whether Americans can rescue legitimacy may depend on their response to looming global problems – from growing income inequalities, to environmental degradation, to nuclear proliferation, to the persistence of pervasive hunger and disease. Washington's anemic, distinctly corporate understanding of hegemony as a commitment to global free markets makes an effective response unlikely.
U.S. hegemony, while distinct from empire, has become entangled with it in ways that compound the crisis of legitimacy. Empire pursued too enthusiastically can eat away at legitimacy abroad. International polls reveal a widespread revulsion against U.S. policy dragging down favorable attitudes toward U.S. society and culture. Nowhere is this dysfunctional tangle more striking than in the Middle East. After World War II U.S. policymakers carved out an informal empire. Faced with sharp regional resistance in recent decades, American leaders have tried to justify the imperial presence in terms of hegemonic goals – in various combinations democracy, stability, free markets, counter terrorism, and human rights. In the process they have deepened the doubts in the region while confusing themselves and perplexing their own public.
As with empire, thinking about a history of hegemony can help illuminate the options before us. What are the possible costs as well as benefits of revitalizing the commitment to hegemony or abandoning that role altogether? If abandonment is the choice, then how should the United States relate to the rest of the world? Without considering what might follow a discarded hegemony, Americans run the risk of perpetuating the very disorientation now afflicting them.
Introducing empire and hegemony into the lexicon of the foreign policy establishment and even work-a-day political discourse may seem like a tall order. But some serious historical perspective grounded in global and comparative insights may offer one of the few ways to break out of our current malaise in which empire is practiced but not widely accepted, in which hegemony is claimed as a prerogative without corresponding obligations, and in which as a consequence disorientation becomes a congenital feature of U.S. foreign relations. History cannot solve our problems, but it can help us think about them more clearly.
[Acknowlegment:] Thanks to Peter Filene, A. G. Hopkins, Steven Levine, and Richard Talbert for their help. This essay builds in part on my H-Diplo review of Charles S. Maier, Among Empires: American Ascendancy and Its Predecessors.
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Charles Severson - 8/30/2007
While I appreciate your discussion, your historical references seem to be very narrow indeed. Your points as I understand them center around an American imperial age that changes over time; after WWI decolonization to a Democratic Hegemony. Then jumps to the post WWII face off with the USSR called the "Cold War" and the proposed moral intentions of both nations. Finally culminating with a difference of opinion about Saddam's would be empire. There is so much more in history that relates to this issue that you haven't mentioned
Take a look through the Library of Congress at the relatively newly released documents due to the freedom of information act describing US military intervention under the guise of "Protecting United States interests".
One example that comes to mind is Panama. The US has actually invaded Panama twice. Teddy Roosevelt sent in the Marines to quell a movement by the locals to gain control of the Panama Canal. Most recently the American government used force to remove Manual Noriega; who they put there in the first place. Whether it is covert or out in the open the use of force to maintain control over smaller nations by the US has been part of our foreign policy since the beginning.
The US government has been protecting Capitalist investments since Jefferson sent marines to Tripoli during his presidency; today it's George W. Bush and Iraq. I think one will notice a solid trend through out our history. We have been all over the world from China and the Philippines
to Mexico, Central and South America protecting American business interests. Calling any of these documented situations a Hegemony is a sham. When money failed to keep a foot hold in a country used by US industry for cheap resources and labor; the use of force generally followed whether it was US trained and supported local troops or the United States Marine Corp. By some of the descriptions and definitions given in many of these replies a term that definitely comes to mind is Imperialist Empire
Chris Coward - 8/29/2007
Mike Hunt concludes this article with the statement: "History cannot solve our problems, but it can help us think about them more clearly." Although this is a quality start to finding resolutions for current problems it is not the correct final thought process. Hunt often gives examples in his article from the past. He Gives examples of Empires, of dominant nations with strong influences on weaker countries and how they relate to the current foreign policy of the United States.
However, just to introduce moments in history when the United States' foreign policy was not unpopular and perhaps poorly founded does not suggest that these times are models to follow. Times in American History that Hunt mentioned included "World War II and the early Cold War". There are not only different resolutions for different problems, but also different resolutions for the same problems at different times. Micheal Hunt is correct in introducing these past times in American history to spark ideas for new answers, but he is incorrect in suggesting that empires can be handled and foreign policies founded the same way at different times in history.
John Charles Crocker - 6/2/2007
"how many times do you need me to say the same thing again and again:"
This is the first time that you have explicitly stated the definition that you have made up for imperialism. Your definition does not match with Webster's, the OED, or common usage. It is simply a definition you have constructed to try and opt the US out of imperialism (although early US treatment of Native Americans does still match your definition).
European powers certainly gave up much of the territory that had gained in their days of imperial conquest. The US though has kept virtually all of the land gained by its imperial conquest. Not that we should give it back to Mexico, but we still have Texas. We still have Hawaii. We still have the land we took from the Native Americans. I don't think that it is either practical or desireable to hand all of that land back, but to define the US as anti-imperial and a decolonizer is more than a little simplistic. The US military presence has expanded not contracted since WWII and the influence we exerted on the world expanded with it.
During the Cold War and less so now the US has exerted the dominant social, cultural, ideological, and/or economic influence over most of the world that was not under the sway of either the Soviets or China. For good or bad our influence is felt everywhere. Look at post war US policies in South America and South East Asia. We propped up some regimes and helped overthrow others in our struggle with the Soviets. Without the US military Europe would have been helpless before the Soviet military might and we both knew it. To deny that this effected our influence is simplistic and naive. Hegemony describes well the US role during the Cold War and beyond. Without the Soviet Union as a foil that role is eroding. Current foreign policy is speeding that erosion.
Hegemony itself is value neutral. How it is acquired and used determines it moral value or lack thereof.
"America's stance towards the Soviet Union was ANTI-IMPERIALISTIC and not a quest for global dominance."
America's stance towards the Soviets was both anti-Soviet imperialism and pro-American global political and economic dominance.
You deride my views as simplistic, but it is you who see the world in purely black and white, good and evil.
Jason Blake Keuter - 6/2/2007
it might help you to consider that, contrary to the quasi-marxist canards of bureaucrademe, american history is essentially progressive. hegemony and other theories of informal (and usually invisible) power 'structures' are answers to concrete, historical developments that refute the insistent negativity of anti-capitalist, anti-liberal and anti-democratic theorists incapable of retreating from their errant historical and political and economic diagnosis.
Jason Blake Keuter - 6/2/2007
how many times do you need me to say the same thing again and again:
the history of the united states is not one without territorial conquest (your vision of it is lopsided and simplistic) but both america and europe were decolonizers in the post war world.
the point you can't seem to accept is the uneven historical evolution - that the soviet union was still in the 19th century and America wasn't and that 'hegemony' is a manner of erasing the great gaps between the two powers, and that America's stance towards the Soviet Union was ANTI-IMPERIALISTIC and not a quest for global dominance.
John Charles Crocker - 5/31/2007
Again, what definition of imperialism are you using?
You say that valuing freedom and liberty permeate US history, presumably back to its founding. You also say that being an imperial power is antithetical to these concepts. Yet you carefully phrase your denial of American imperialism to exclude pre-WWII American history. This is presumably because you realize that you cannot deny its imperialism during its expansion West and into the Pacific. You cannot have it both ways. You must admit that either it is possible to be an imperial power and have respect for freedom and individual liberty or you must say the US did not respect these values in its early, expansionist days.
Whether or not the US became wealthy without exploiting others depends largely on a very restrictive definition of how the US became wealthy and of exploitation. You must deny that the taking of Native American lands and repeated breaking of treaties involved exploitation or deny that the expansion it allowed created wealth for America. You must either deny the role of slave labor in early American development or deny that it was exploitative. You must deny the role of Chinese and other immigrant laborers in building the railroads and working the fields in the nearer past or deny that it involved exploitation. You must deny the exploitation of the Gilded Age or deny its role in the growth of America's wealth. These are all untenable positions.
"as for england, i do not see much of an equivalence either in the post war setting"
Does this mean that you believe that pre-WWII England was the moral equivalent of the nations I earlier listed?
"opponents of british imperialism room to protest that they simply wouldn't have in a 20th century imperialist power."
England was a 20th century imperialist power. Perhaps you meant a pre-20th century imperialist power? Either way this acknowledges a change in the mo of imperial powers over time.
Hegemony is distinct from imperialism. Using the term hegemony distinguishes American economic, cultural, and political dominance from the imperial powers of the past rather than placing them in that same mold.
Your contention that democracies, or more precisely republics, do not have an appetite for military conquest and colonization is just silly. England, America (at least you concede pre-WWII), and Rome are all ready counter examples.
"...but it was still an empire just like the soviet union."
America is/was still an empire but not just like the Soviet Union. America is likely the most democratic and liberal of imperial powers to date and that is due in part to the vision of its founders and in part due to the technology and the times.
Jason Blake Keuter - 5/31/2007
you don't read very well : sadaam was an imperialist, and he failed. that's because imperialism is a failure. the united states is a success precisely because it doesn't follow the historical norms of the past : namely, becoming wealthy through the exploitation of others. it's historical record at the end of world war II is not that of an imperial power, unless one adopts falkey and abstruse definitions of imperialism that enable one to ignore tangible reality and thus conclude that both russia and america were imperial powers.
as for valuing freedom and individual liberty, these are themes that permeate u.s. history. these themes do not lead to a jingoisitic pro-american history as left wing propagandists passing themselves off as historically literate would proclaim. your history is one of expansion and exploitation, with absolutely no cognizance of any facts that would moderate your cartoonish claims that america's present is imperial and exploitive because its past is imperial and exploitive.
in fact, america's geographical expansion is largely due to escaping the relatively tolerable restraints of established colonial and then state societies. american expansion was facilitated by greater democracy in new states, which in turn, pressured older states into increasing the franchise.
if you're actually interested in how themes of individual liberty permeate american history, you might try reading jackson's bank veto message; you might also read jefferson; last, you might even read the speeches and writings of members of the anti-imperialist league!
returning to your misreading of my post : i see absolutely no moral equivalence between the u.s. and any of the powers that you mentioned; as for england, i do not see much of an equivalence either in the post war setting. but that's because england was a democracy, and thus gave opponents of british imperialism room to protest that they simply wouldn't have in a 20th century imperialist power. you might read orwell's essay on ghandi to gain an appreciation for the ineffectiveness of civil disobedience in totalitarian societies.
the problem i have with the notion of hegemony and the notion of american "dominance" is that both insist on putting america in the mold of past imperial powers, and it simply doesn't fit that mold. it may be the most potent imperial power as it spread across the north american continent, but past that point in history, it becomes less and less imperial. furthermore, as a democracy, it doesn't have much of an appetitie for military conquest and colonization.
hegemony is one of many abstract and vague concepts that reflects the intellectual fllabiness of those seeking to escape from objective realities that contradict an essentially marxist claim (i know, i know, none of you are marxists, except when one measures what you say against fundamental marxist principles) and the fundamental wish is to prove that liberal-democratic capitalist societies go against the tide of history and doomed to self-destruct...in other words, they are fundamentally retrograde, and differ little in their essential immoral and exploitive character from previous social and political and economic systems.
but they have proven very resilient. at first, the affluence wrougt by capitalism was charade just like the growth of democracy that accompanied it. an essential ingredient of the ahistorical insistence that capitalism is immoral and exploitive is imperialism. thus, despite nit-picking protests from other posters, the notion of hegemony fits very well with a marxist-leninist outlook. why do the workers not overthrow capitalism as they should? because it provides for them? no, it takes from the third world and gives to the first! thus the workers are bribed and "co-opted".
thus, the left contorts the third world into oppressed and exploited victims of america, wrongly thinking that their revolt will usher in the marxist fantasy of marxist revolution in america.
but the idea that the third world is a victim of capitalism and liberalism can only be sustained by those willing to suspend disbelief and ignore the obvious that the lack of both is what distinguishes the societies they say they want to liberate. that is why we have this idea of hegemony. it is "informal" control. thus the american troops in germany are part of an empire just like the soviet troops in hungary. sure, the american troops never mobilized to suppress anti-american political groups or shut down newspapers or jail dissidents or do anything to inhibit democracy. but it was still an empire just like the soviet union.
actually, the defining characteristic of the american age is the death of empire, and americas military has done infinitely more to stop imperial expansion than it has to facilitate it. thus its influence is do to the fact that it promotes freedom.
that would be the view of poland, the czech republic and romania, all of whom are being bullied (along with the rest of europe)by putin who is threatening to cut off russian oil if he's not given a free hand in what he considers russia's natural imperial holdings of eastern europe.
John Charles Crocker - 5/30/2007
What definition of imperial are you using?
You say that the US was not an imperial power after WWII because it did not acquire new territory after that time (though its influence and power surely expanded greatly and its military bases expanded to many countries were it was not previously present). Apparently you believe that an imperial power ceases to be an imperial power as soon as it ceases to claim new territories, unless you don't like that power. Iraq also has acquired no new territory since WWII yet you feel that they are/were an imperial power.
Did the Soviet Union cease to be an imperial power after its final territorial acquisition?
Is China an imperial power? How about North Korea, Sudan, and Chad?
"insisting that it was an imperial power does establish a moral equivalence between the soviet union and america as imperialism is certainly not consistent with any professions to valuing freedom and individual liberty."
Do you really see a moral equivalence between the US and UK, prior to their final territorial acquisitions, and the Soviet Union, Maoist China, Iraq under Saddam, and even Nazi Germany as your statement would suggest?
When did the US begin to value freedom and individual liberty?
Jason B Keuter - 5/30/2007
no - -to deny that the cold war was a war between two imperial powers would be consistent with historical facts. in order to maintain that contention, one has to come up with a tortured definition of imperialism, or, as the concept of hegemony does, one that is sufficiently vague to entrap a generally non-imperial power.
in sum, in the post-war world, the united states was not an imperial power, as it didn't extend its territorial control in that time. the soviet union was an imperial power as it did extend its territorial control at that time. to speak of "influence" is just a cop out: the united states did not exercise an influence that was profound enough for it to be a de facto imperial power. insisting that it was an imperial power does establish a moral equivalence between the soviet union and america as imperialism is certainly not consistent with any professions to valuing freedom and individual liberty.
as for sadaam hussein, his ambitions were clearly imperial and his actions, again, conform to the characteristics of an imperial power. maintaining control of the kurds and the shi'ite south was imperialistic, as were his wars against iran and kuwait. last, while you hesitate to acknowledge this, sadaam hussein never did. he was a pan-arabist.
John Charles Crocker - 5/30/2007
Setting aside the poor biological analogy, imperialism has a defined meeting and it is not synonymous with tyrannical or dictatorial. When calling the US or any other nation imperial the definition usually intended is as follows:
2: the policy, practice, or advocacy of extending the power and dominion of a nation especially by direct territorial acquisitions or by gaining indirect control over the political or economic life of other areas; broadly : the extension or imposition of power, authority, or influence
Saddam came to power (however brutally) over a single nation. He made two unsuccessful forays into conquest of a neighbor. The second ultimately led to his downfall. He nation was not imperial, at least not successfully so.
The US on the other hand has regularly over its history extended its power and dominion by policy, practice, and advocacy. The US over its history has directly gained control over other nations territory by military force and by other means. Additionally indirect the US has exerted control over the political or economic life of other areas particularly during the cold war.
The cold war was a conflict of two empires. That is not to say that the two sides were morally equivalent, merely to acknowledge that both sides were imperial powers. To deny this one must create for oneself a rather tortured definition of imperialism.
1 : preponderant influence or authority over others : domination
2 : the social, cultural, ideological, or economic influence exerted by a dominant group
Neither of these terms carries an inherent value judgment. Imperial has gained some emotional context and implied value judgment in some quarters. Hegemony, though, is not a well enough understood term by the bulk of the populace to have acquired such baggage.
The US is now having to come to terms with the shrinking and changing face of its hegemony that peaked during or shortly after the cold war.
Jason B Keuter - 5/30/2007
and it's a "paradigm" of foreign policy analysis that emerged (or re-emerged, considering the greek roots of the word, which do indeed pre-date marx - as does every word marx ever used) in order to validate an equivalence between the US and the USSR as both imperialist powers in the post-war world. Sticking with a more observable, tangible and concrete definition of imperialism, the USSR is the post war Imperial power. The US rebuilds and then trades with western Europe. This is decried as "selfish"; it's simply liberal-democratic capitalism, which is the animating spirit of American foreign policy. If it wasn't, we'd turn the tv cameras off in Iraq and wouldn't concern ourselves with them building a government and would indiscriminately terrorize the people into submission. according to the hegemonists, the only reason we don't do that is because it would interfere with our long term goal of acquiring total power and then...well, doing that.
thus, hegemony justifies other powers (who are indisputably and consistently imperialistic ) free reign to continue being Imperialists because they are acquiring power with which to resist the hegemon that is bent on world conquest. should the hegemon try to contain this threat so it can maintain its mutually beneficial trade relations with the powers that are threatened by the actual imperialists, this is not an act preserving those nation's freedom - instead, it is hegemony.
so you're right. it isn't marxist. hegemony was a communist and imperialist paradigm; now it's just imperialistic.
Jason B Keuter - 5/30/2007
indeed - both of you need the luck. comparing the united states to past imperial powers exposes more differences than similarities. your assumption is that the United States is powerful because it is an "Imperial" Power, and this designation carries with it the assumption that US power is built on conquest, territorial control and coercion. the united states is prosperous because it is a liberal-democratic, capitalist society. it stands at a higher level of historical evolution than the Sunni Imperialists of Iraq.
As for you Glenn, you don't address any definition of imperialism. you don't address the question of acquiring control of foreign territory through force; of maintaining control of that territory through force; and of extracting the resources from that territory and impoverishing the people in that territory through force. this is the image you invoke when you call the US powerful and IMperialistic, but it is an image that best fits non-democratic and non capitalist societies. moreover, it is a manner of acquiring power and wealth that simply doesn't work. that is why the societies that use it fail - Iraq being a good case in point, the Soviet Union being another.
Further, neither of you take into account all of the free nations with which the United States has long standing trade relationships. Insisting as you do that the only path to power and prosperity is exploitation, you are blind to the historical facts which point to the United States and its partners enjoying reciprocal benefits. While Imperial Powers are predictable (sadaam must attempt to take over the middle east or collapse under the weight of his own sick regime), the United States is not. It's relaitonships with England, france, germany, poland, beligum, canada, australia, the netherlands, sweden, etc.....are not imperialstic at all.
since you can't show any American tanks rolling through the streets of France or Belgium in response to routine anti-American rhetoric from those countries, you can't argue that America is imperialistic. the tanks you can show would be the tanks there to liberate those countries from nazi imperialists.
so you turn to vague, ill-defined and abstract imperialisms. whereas sadaam hussein gasses kurds, belgian cafe owners unwittingly buy coca cola and tune their tv's into dubbed american sitcoms and live in a nightmare matrix of false consciousness.
the influence and importance of the united states and the anxiety it provokes in its partners is not a measure of its imperial power but a measure of how dependent other powers are on the us for their well being. the source of that dependence is not some kind of overarching might but trade. resenting though they do american might, those who dislike it profoundly fear imitating it because america is a revolutionary power, not an imperial power.
last, your insistence that america's prosperity is due to imperialism suggests that america must be MORE imperialistic than other powers or much better at imperialism. the problem is that, historically, most major powers have been imperialistic. america's exceptional power and wealth and influence are due to the fact that it doesn't abide by those historical norms to the same self-destructive degree as other powers.
one need only look at the following formula:
in the u.s. and other free (i.e. liberal democratic) capitalist nations
dissent and discussion = more dissent and discussion and a change in government if the dissent has persuaded american voters to change their minds.
everywhere else :
dissent = jail, tanks in streets, poison gas, mass execution, etc....
Glenn Scott Rodden - 5/25/2007
Keep in mind that you are arguing with a person who believes that a creation of British imperialism (Iraq) is an imperalist nation, but the most powerful empire on earth (the US) is not an empire. Good luck.
David Lion Salmanson - 5/24/2007
Hunt isn't a Marxist. And his use of hegemony doesn't follow Gramsci's. The word predates Marxist analysis. Hunt is using hegemony in this older sense: the ability to acheive one's goals relatively unimpeded through force or other means.
John Charles Crocker - 5/24/2007
So, the Mexican land taken by the US military doesn't count as imperial conquest because American citizens and others were invited to settle on the land and/or there weren't enough Mexicans there for it to really be Mexican?
Americans slaughtered Native Americans and took the land on which they had been living for in some cases decades in others, centuries or even millenia. Then the Native Americans were relegated to relatively small pieces of land and moved from those when anything of real value was found there (coal, uranium, etc.). BTW this movement is current. Look what is happening to the Dineh and Hopi in the four corners. In what way is this not imperial conquest.
Even if your theses about US-Native American is accepted without question or qualification, the US still continually expanded from its relatively small footprint in the east until it reached the west coast forcing out any people in their way.
Saddam on the other hand seized control of an already extant nation and did not successfully add new territory to said nation.
America has conquered and now occupies Iraq. The ultimate intention of that conquest is hotly debated, but the PSDs being pushed by our current administration do give some indication.
Jason Blake Keuter - 5/24/2007
great points. I especially liked your comment about trying to make empire a "bloodless' concept.
Jason Blake Keuter - 5/24/2007
well said.
marxism isn't just behind the times : it is an evil philosophy. it has a predictable trajectory when put into practice and that predicatable trajectory is injustice (mass starvation, police states...anyone who's not a marxist knows the drill and doesn't try to excuse the ideology from its consistent historical consequences).
informal concepts of power like 'hegemony' are part of the marxist lexicon that grossly misrepresents capitalism as deterministic. it isn't. there is no predictable end point to capitalism. it is a living and dynamic system. but the only way to convince people who believe iin humane values to go along with destroying it and the freedom upon which it is based, is to make it a historically deterministic system that must, by its very nature, destroy democracy. this justifies the marxist in destroying democracy, which he conveniently defines as a charade in order to prevent the 'immiseration' that capitalism must bring.
as a former marxist i can tell you the illusions adherents to this pathologically ill ideology cling. they don'tt really believe in socialism. they think it desirable but not possible anymore. they think marx was probably wrong about history and point to the resilience of capitalism, and by this they mean that marx underestimated just how underhanded and sneaky the capitalists can be (their favorite concept is cooptation - that the capitalist are bribing the masses with prosperity to trick them into supporting a system that will eventually enslave them all). some marxists even acknowledge that marxism shouldn't be tried beccause it has led to tyranny in the past, but this is done rarely and never without great hesitanncy and pain.
but the real thing marxists can't bring themselves to admit is how grossly wrong marx was about capitalism : that he not only didn't undderstand it historically, he really didn't understand it economically. he is wrong about the labor theory of value; it is the inventor of capital that makes labor able to produce value. he is absolutely wrong about laissez-faire capitalism leading to monopoly capitalism. he is, in essence, not a great intellectual. he remains within the pantheon of great intellectuals because of his hatred for capitalist societies, which is the only thing his adherents have left.
Nancy REYES - 5/23/2007
A nice Marxist analysis, but one wonders if the writer actually has seen the "results" firsthand.
Hunger is rampant in Africa, where wars and marxist policies have decimated the economy (Zimbabwe, Mozambique). Not the fault of the US.
But elsewhere, hunger is decreasing, and here in Asia, obesity is the big problem
There is an increase in the gap between rich and poor, but it is mainly because more people are getting rich. I mean, small primitive farmers aren't any worse than they were 1000 years ago, but now you see village bamboo huts replaced with concrete and tin roofs, with a TV antenna.
Nor is it an American monopoly: You see McDonalds, but also Jolibee. Indeed, the main problem in trying to grow the economy in Eastern Asia is China, whose cheap goods thanks to deliberately underpricing their currancy, undermines the local economy.
For heaven's sake, go out and read Thomas Friedman. Your marxist "analysis" is about twenty years behind the times.
Jason Blake Keuter - 5/23/2007
not in the same sense. to use mexico as an example. the area in question had never been heavily populated with spaniards and upon achieving mexican indepence, the mexican government actively recruited americans to settle in the area, hoping that they would bring economic development and provide an adequate european population to counter indian threats in the region. thus the area that was "taken" from mexico was sparsely populated ,first with spaniards and then even more sparsely with mexicans. thus, geographically, the history history off american conquest of mexican territory would appear to be the same on an historical map - as long as that map didn't show population distributions.
the united states has, historically, been an imperial powerr; but that doesn't mean that it still is. At the end of World War II, EUropean IMperialism and American IMperialism came largely to an end, while Communism marched on with Imperial conquest. It is in this era that such notions as "hegemony" and other kinds of informal approaches to imperialism came into being. These intellectual constructs thus turn into imperialists decolonizing non-communist powers (which describes the U..S and its allies historical trajectory beginning with the post- world war II period) while divverting intellectual atention away from the nakedly obvious reality of communist imperialism - the existence of which is not at all in doubt.
Your mention of Indians is problematic. First, it is ahistorical, as it suggests a line of seemless continuity between Jamestown and Iraq. Secondly, to characterize American Indian policy as simply Imperialistic grossly misrepresents a large part of its history. It is not until the conclusion of the War of 1812 that American INdian policy wasn't primarily directed against ENgland and sometimes France and sometimes Spain and sometimes a combination of all three, for whom the Indians served as proxy armies, often times laying claims to lands over which they had no historical claims. Even at the end of the War of 1812, Britain and Spain were still at it in Florida, which was the basis of the so-called Seminole Wars, named after so-called seminole Indians that were really a combination of creeks and cherokees and Floridian tribes. This your picture of unimpeded American Imperialists trampling on natives bears little relation to any kind of historical reality until after the Civil War.
As for Sadaam, such an image would be very apropos regarding his savage actions to the north and south of the sunnni triangle.
American foreign policy in the middle east bears at best a close relation to British foreign policy in Palestine - that of befuddled middleman.
Roger C Peace - 5/22/2007
Michael Hunt's comment, "Empire pursued too enthusiastically can eat away at legitimacy abroad," makes no sense to me. What is legitimate about empire? Two world Wars among imperial powers followed by the formation of the United Nations and declonization of Asia and Africa have discredited the notion in most of the world. What international body sanctions empire? I would also caution against making empire a bloodless concept, where historians imagine themselves sitting amongst the decision-making elite, assessing developments in terms of increasing and decreasing national power. There are people who oppose empire because, at its foundation, it kills and exploits.
- Roger Peace, Florida State University doctoral student
John Charles Crocker - 5/22/2007
Yet the US, which conquered and displacing native peoples (plenty of force and fear used in this), took Texas from the Mexicans by force of arms, and established a nation that extends from one coast of the continent to the other is not an empire?
Jason Blake Keuter - 5/21/2007
sadaam was a sunni from the center of iraq...he used force and fear to control two distinct national groups in both the north (kurds) and the south (shi'ite). further, those two areas are the most important resource areas (without them, no real source of revenue for the sunnis - the shi'ites control most of the oil and the north stands between the sunni triangle and full enjoyment of the tigris and euphrates). so in this sense, it is a classic empire in the sense of controlling other peoples and extracting from them - by force - the benefits of their natural resources. last, sadaam's sunnis were a minority of the population.
this fits an objective definition of imperialism - the old fashioned kind. or, as some might say, the actual kind/
John Charles Crocker - 5/21/2007
How exactly was Saddam, or Iraq under Saddam an empire?
Jason B Keuter - 5/21/2007
by the way, the reason informal empires are subject to more criticism is because they must first and foremost be proven to exist. Intellectuals don't need to spend too much time "proving" obvious imperialisms. This leads to a disproportionate amount of time discussing emphemeral (perhaps non-exitent) imperialism and thus largely absolves real imperialists from the critical scrutiny they need to avoid if they wish to remain in power.
Jason B Keuter - 5/21/2007
the distinctions between formal and informal control are vitally significant. the former are tangible and iobjective, the latter are not. the united states has historically owned a burden of "hegemony" and "neo-Imperialism", both terms the author rightfully regards as imprecise and meaningless. But to propose ignoring formal and informal exercise of power is to propose simply finding a replacement for terms like hegemony and neo-imperialism, which are problematic precisely because both are terms that validate the notion of an Informal Empire.
If one were to stick to the objective and tangible, then the US isn't an Empire but the Soviets were; the US isn't an EMprie but Saddam was; in other words, it is only through validating notions like "hegemony" and "neo-colonialism" that the good old fashioned actual Imperialists (who dop not seek such subtle mechanisms of rule but rather seek to impose thier rule through violence) can go about their merry way in an intellectual climate where ephemeral imperialists are the only ones subject to criticism.
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Welcome to
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and outdoor equipment to retailers
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Robert Glasper Experiment
ASK ANY young student of jazz for his or her current influences and the answer will be short and sweet: Robert Glasper. The 33-year-old pianist has consistently and often brazenly mixed jazz and hip-hop, thrilling fans with his new conceptions. Black Radio, Glasper's fifth release, sets the pianist even further apart from his contemporaries, his brilliant band (The Experiment) supporting Erykah Badu, Ledesi, Lalah Hathway, and Bilal, as well as rappers Mos Def, Lupe Fiasco, and Shafiq Husayn.
"Mos Def and I wrote a song for the album titled 'Black Radio,'" Glasper explains. "We talked about how when an airplane crashes, the only thing that survives is the black box, or the black radio. It holds the truth. I felt that was a good title for the album; when everything around us is crashing and burning musically, the true music will prevail. And the record is all African-American urban artists who all get played on the radio. It has a double meaning."
The vocalists recorded live with the Robert Glasper Experiment as they tracked at LA's Threshold Sound, keeping studio trickery to a minimum. Though funky and mellow, Black Radio remains true to jazz's improvisational roots.
"I always record live," Glasper says. "I hate overdubbing. This record evolved more through production, but for the most part it's still the same. I am a jazz musician at heart. So I love in-the-moment playing, even if there's mistakes. You can break the spirit if you overdo it and try to be perfect."
Glasper wrote with and for the vocalists and also chose cover songs, resulting in Lalah Hathaway singing Nirvana's "Smells Like Teen Spirit," and Erykah Badu channeling Billie Holiday on John Coltrane's "Afro Blue." Also standard for Glasper, the songs of Black Radio are all first takes.
"My last three albums were 95 percent first takes. I'm not into doing a second take for the sake of it. If I love it, I am keeping it, 'cause that's where the magic is. When you do another take, most of the time you are not going to like it. When you play jazz, you're soloing and improvising. When you do that 12 times, you've overplayed yourself. You have to save energy to play jazz or you'll get burned out."
Recording multiple vocalists live with Glasper's band, engineer Keith Lewis (Mint Condition, Billy Preston, After 7) used the same mic throughout and added effects in the mixdown. "Erykah used her own mic at a different session," Lewis says. "Mos Def brought his Shure Super 55. Everybody else sang through a Neumann U 67, which is pretty sensitive. I EQed vocals during mixdown [at his Flyin' Dread Studios in Venice, under the alias Qmillion]. We recorded to 192[kHz]. People say you can't hear the difference, but if there was ever a project to do it on, this was it. It's real music, where you hear the dynamics of the vocal going up and down. 192 gets all the nuances of the performance; just that much more information to the box than 96 or 48.
"My vocal chain is the Teletronix LA2A through a Pultec," Lewis adds. "The LA2A is the first one I hit; you have to make sure you are not hitting it too hard. Everything else we recorded with mad outboard gear, Urei 1176s, Tube- Techs; and it was cut on a vintage Neve board. That all adds to that warmth and cleanness."
After vocals, perhaps the most important element on Black Radio was Glasper's piano. "I like the piano to sound dark and moody and warm like a big couch," Glasper says. "I ask the engineer to make it sound a particular way, but often its sound comes from my touch. And I use a damper pedal, which a lot of pianists don't use. It muffles the strings and makes the piano sound warmer and darker."
"We used AKG 414s for piano, 'cause they pick up the body of the sound," Lewis explains. "I put one pointing to the right side of the keyboard about a foot and a half off the strings, that's the high notes. Then one in the middle for the mids, then the third mic at the bass end of the strings. I also use a room mic just to pick up some of the ambience."
The final element in the Black Radio chain, after recording bassist Derrick Hodge, vocoder manipulator Casey Benjamin, and DJ Jahi Sundance, was drummer Chris Dave, who uses three snare drums, peculiar cymbals, and a 28-inch bass drum. Dave is renowned for incorporating the feel of the late hip-hop producer J. Dilla.
"That big bass drum doesn't give you a tight sound," Lewis says. "I used a Neumann U87 placed about five feet behind Chris on the floor, aimed at the kick drum to pick up the attack and grab a little more of the snare. I had one mic [vintage AKG D120] inside the bass drum, pretty close to the head. Then for my outside mic, a 414 two feet back from the head. Then I used a reversed Yamaha NS10 to get that subby tone."
A pair of SM57s top and bottom covered the snare drums, the third snare drum alternately triggering a dub delay. A stereo pair of Royers acted as room mics "as far away from the drums as I could get them and a couple feet from the back wall." Sennheiser 421s picked up Chris Dave's toms; a Neumann KM 84 captured the hi-hat.
"Chris uses some crazy cymbals, so I used Sony C-48s as overheads left and right to catch a wash," Lewis continues. "I catch the cymbals individually as well. Sometimes you want to have more control without turning up everything or rolling stuff off. Chris uses broken cymbals, cymbals that are mashed together, cymbals with chains on them. It's easier if I mic each cymbal. I use KM 84s again; I aim one at the bell for the ride cymbal, about a foot-and-a-half off. He has a spiral cymbal that hangs down three feet. I put the mic somewhere in the middle so it will pick up the vibration of the whole thing. Then on the other cymbals, I go a couple feet away."
Black Radio is the sound of modern R&B, subtle electronica, and the harmonics of jazz as filtered through Glasper's unique worldview. Old-school meets new-school with a righteous bump in-between.
"Robert and I didn't have to over-discuss the sound of the album, because we both love jazz and we both grew up in the hip-hop era, so our sonic sensibilities are in sync," Lewis confirms. "The mood and attitude of the piano sets the overall tone: dark and brooding at times and forceful at others. The goal was to create the warmth of the records from the '70s combined with the hard-hitting presence of hip-hop drums. We wanted a very musical record that could still be played next to machine-driven hits."
Ken Micallef covers multiple genres of music for various domestic and global publications. He lives in Greenwich Village with his cat Monty and his Shindo hi-fi.
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Rudy Giuliani on Holiday Season Shopping Security
Former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani discusses ways to keep your identity safe during the holiday shopping season.
This transcript has been automatically generated and may not be 100% accurate.
... the the ... to protect yourself of my major point is you really can protect its too cocky ... you can ... be used to make sure that you know people look over your shoulder its intention to you know ... of you can ... you can try to use that ... use one credit card not multiple mall to to keep track of it ... EC would love to accuse multiple credit cards ... you can ... you can check your bills very carefully ... the euro was a month behind ... what what what does ... is give you real time information somewhat say what say somebody ... gets my credit for me on ... the wheezing or for maybe ... too easy for three four weeks before I find out ... if your for LifeLock ... summary get your Social Security number stars use EU find out not one day found in your your one opaque paint ... a spokesman for the Miller on the security software that is what I what I've noticed I give them advice on how to improve the security ... had been doing that my business Giuliani Partners is a ... security consulting business and we give advice ... on security to governments to companies ... we've given advice to the governor's Carter for example ... so Governor of Columbia the Governor visited the deal I mean I'm just thinking of people who are a bit reticent to sew the printing costs money can you just go online all people of the bank account online now and it can lead online and just look at every ... site ... ok what about ... that the reality is you can spend ... our day doing this gap for you can spend snow were reduced thirty forty dollars or whatever to sign up for months ... for the print from the premium service in some of these others are less expensive some more expensive ... I'm ... the army security consultant to give advice to like what I think it's the best ... one saying is if you like LifeLock ... go shop


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PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 14 (UPI) -- Jason Hanson kicked a regulation-time field goal to forge a tie then added an overtime game-winner Sunday, lifting the Detroit Lions over Philadelphia 26-23.
Hanson's 19-yarder with 3 seconds left in regulation produced a 23-23 deadlock. He later added 45-yard score after the Lions picked up 23 yards on five plays in overtime.
The veteran kicker finished the day 4-for-4 on field goals while moving into third place on NFL's all-time scoring list.
The Lions trailed 23-13 with 5 minutes left in regulation but Matthew Stafford (22-for-45 311 yards, one touchdown, one interception) led them on three scoring drives down the stretch.
The Lions (2-3), who won for the first time since the opening week, got six catches for 135 yards from Calvin Johnson.
Michael Vick tossed two touchdown passes while going 28-for-46 for 311 yards for the Eagles (3-3), but he was also intercepted twice and lost a fumble in the defeat.


text:
(CNN) -- It started with a haircut.
The year was 1960, and Bela Guttmann sat in his chair at the local barber's shop.
Guttman, one of the most iconic football coaches of his day, had just led Portuguese club Benfica to the European Cup and achieved legendary status.
But that was not enough for him -- he wanted more.
While pondering his plans, a gentleman in the next chair, who happened to be visiting the country as coach of touring Brazilian side Sao Paulo, let Guttmann in on a little secret.
He told the Hungarian about "A Pantera Negra" -- the man they were calling "The Black Panther."
A legend had begun to spread from Mozambique about a young player plying his trade with a youth team in the African country's capital, now known as Maputo, with links to Benfica's great rivals -- Sporting Lisbon.
The son of a white Angolan railway worker and a black mother from the Mozambique community, Eusébio da Silva Ferreira was the name on everybody's lips.
Read: Benfica and 'the curse of Bela Guttmann'
Guttmann took no chances -- Eusebio's mother had already turned down the advances of Italian club Juventus, so he made the family an offer they could not refuse.
The financial incentive worked and the player joined Benfica, much to the dismay of Sporting officials, who had dallied in their pursuit of the player.
The rest, as they say, is history -- and what a history: 733 goals in 745 matches confirmed Eusebio's status as one of the all-time greats.
As Portugal said goodbye to one of its most famous sons Monday, following his death at the age of 71, thousands took to the streets to farewell a man who had brought joy and inspiration to a generation as the government declared three days of mourning.
"As a man, he was quite humble, kind and very down to earth," said CNN's Duarte Mendonca, a Benfica supporter who was in Lisbon for the funeral.
"He had a tremendous amount of love for his club Benfica, for whom he served as an ambassador.
"I've seen fans from various clubs, including longtime rivals, paying homage to a man they've learned to respect for his talent and flair, but also for his personality.
"Only a man such as Eusebio would be able to unify fans in such fashion. That says a lot."
During an illustrious career in which he won 11 Portuguese league titles, five domestic cups and a European crown, Eusebio became a legend of world football.
From the moment he entered national consciousness by helping Benfica retain the European Cup in 1962, where he scored twice in a thrilling 5-3 final win over Real Madrid in Amsterdam, the country began to fall in love with the man from Mozambique.
His incredible acceleration and lethal right foot helped him take Benfica to the very top of the European game, while he was honored as the continent's best player by winning the Ballon d'Or in 1965.
But it was at the 1966 World Cup that he became worldwide sensation as he produced a series of performances which brought adulation from from across the globe.
His nine goals, the most by any player at the tournament, helped Portugal reach the semifinal where it was beaten by the host nation England, which eventually went on to win the tournament.
Such was Eusebio's impact that Inter Milan reportedly offered the striker 40 times his salary to lure him away from Benfica and even approached his wife to sign the contract on his behalf.
The move was scuppered, however, in rather bizarre circumstances though, as Portuguese Prime Minister António de Oliveira Salazar refused Eusebio permission to leave the country.
Instead, Eusebio remained at Benfica, scoring goals and helping his side reach the 1968 European Cup final, but this time losing to Manchester United at Wembley after extra-time.
It was in that contest that Eusebio's sportsmanlike qualities shone through.
With the game tied, Eusebio had the opportunity to win the contest but when his effort was brilliantly saved by United keeper Alex Stepney, the striker simply stood and applauded. It was a gesture which would not be forgotten.
That same year, he won the European golden boot as the continent's top goalscorer -- a feat he repeated five years later.
After leaving Benfica in 1975, Eusebio moved across the Atlantic to play in the U.S. before retiring in 1980 following ongoing problems with his right knee.
He continued to work in football as an ambassador for Benfica and Portugal's national side, meeting with high-profile players on European match nights and attending global tournaments on a regular basis until his death on January 5, 2014. He left behind his wife Flora and their two daughters.
"I think he is immortal," Chelsea's Portuguese coach Jose Mourinho told state broadcaster RTP.
"We all know what he meant for football and especially for Portuguese football.
"He was not only a great inspiration but also an important figure in upholding the values, principles and feelings of football, even after finishing his career."
Eusebio's status as Portugal's greatest football player was confirmed by the thousands who flocked to watch his coffin paraded through the streets of Lisbon.
His statue, which stands proud outside Benfica's Stadium of Light, is adorned with scarves, flowers and banners from fans across the globe.
"I was the best player in the world, top scorer in the world," Eusebio once said. "I did everything, except win a World Cup."
Read: Portugal football legend Eusebio dies
That he did not win one does not detract from the impact he made on Portugal and on football around the world.
Within moments of the news breaking that he had passed away following a heart attack, the likes of Cristiano Ronaldo and Luis Figo were paying tribute to "O Rei" -- the King.
In Lisbon, despite the rain, fans continued to line the streets to say farewell as the black hearse moved slowly through the streets.
"Even though my generation didn't see him play, through archive we were able to witness some of his brilliant skill," added Mendonca, who grew up listening to tales of Eusebio.
"But even better than that, we were able learn about what he meant as a footballer and person through the stories of our parents and grandparents.
"The way that he exploded on the pitch, with his fast pace combined with the power of his right foot, was simply unreal. His attributes could easily make him a star even in today's game."
Though he may now have passed away, Eusebio's legacy remains.
A trailblazer who overcame poverty and early hardship in Africa to become one of the game's most talented and recognizable faces.
It would appear that in barber shops in Lisbon, they'll be talking about Eusebio for many years to come.


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AMERICUS - What a difference a day makes.
After suffering a 10-2 lopsided loss to Georgia College on Friday night in the series opener, the Georgia Southwestern baseball team played the Peach Belt Conference's west division leaders to a split in Saturday afternoon's doubleheader. Pitching was in the spotlight on Day 2 as the two teams combined for five less runs over two games than was generated in Game 1 on Friday. The Hurricanes won the first game on Saturday, 2-1, while Georgia College grabbed the rubber game of the series with a 3-1 victory.
GSW now sits at 9-29 this spring with a 6-17 record in conference play. The Hurricanes postseason hopes are slipping away as North Georgia won two of three against Columbus State over the weekend and is three games up on Southwestern for the fourth - and final - seed out of the west division in the PBC Tournament. GSW has only six conference games remaining in the regular season.
Georgia College remains atop the western side with a 13-7 conference mark and a record of 22-15 overall.
Starting pitchers Frank Ambrosino of GSW and Mike Guinane of GC did not not disappoint in Saturday's first game. A pair of errors in the seventh inning would lead to the deciding run in GSW's 2-1 victory.
Ambrosino and Guinane went tit for tat over the first opening 6 2/3 innings.
The Hurricanes scored first with a run in the second inning. Kyle Nobles delivered a two-out single to score Randall Sheffield, who had singled and stole second earlier in the frame.
The Bobcats answered in the fourth with a run of their own to tie the game at 1-1. Clay Ardeeser hit his own two-out RBI single to bring around Cody Maas, who opened the inning with a single and advanced to second on a fielding error.
Chase Young reached base in the seventh for GSW when his sacrifice bunt attempt was misplayed. He would eventually score the winning run on GC's second fielding error of the inning.
Ambrosino (3-2) gave the Hurricanes 8 2/3 innings of yeoman's work. He allowed seven hits, walked two and struck out seven. Three of the final four batters he retired were struck out. Trent Franzago relieved Ambrosino with two on in the ninth and recorded the final out of the game.
Guinane (1-6) was the tough-luck loser for GC. He pitched 6 2/3 innings, scattered five hits, walked two and struck out five. Although charged with two runs, only one was earned. Chris George and Matt LaMothe threw 2/3 of an inning and held the 'Canes scoreless. Both of LaMothe's outs were strikeouts.
Zach Moss led the Hurricanes at the plate with a 2-for-4 performance. Nobles collected the lone GSW RBI.
Ardeeser and Patrick Daugherty had two hits apiece for the Bobcats.
Matt LaMothe, who closed out the first game of the afternoon for Georgia College with a scoreless 2/3 of an inning and two strikeouts, carried that momentum into the nightcap and kept GSW at bay in his first start of the 2012 season to get the win in a 3-1 ballgame.
GSW starter Matt Weaver did his best to match his counterpart, but ran into trouble in the fifth inning. After striking out the leadoff batter, Weaver allowed singles to Jeremy Donaldson and Heine Rivera and both men advanced a base on a wild pitch. A Bryce Williams ground out to the shortstop was enough to score Donaldson and break a 0-0 score.
GC added two more runs off Weaver in the sixth behind a RBI double from Travis Echols and a sacrifice fly by Karsten Strieby.
Zach Hula relieved LaMothe in the sixth and threw four innings. Hula allowed the only 'Canes score in the ninth when Michel Coffey tripled to center field and scored on a John Duran ground out.
Weaver (1-7) threw 5 1/3 innings for GSW and surrendered six hits and three runs. He walked three and struck out four. Justin Lott was solid in 3 2/3 innings of relief, striking out six.
LaMothe (3-0) allowed eight hits in five innings and struck out three. Hula picked up his fourth save of the season while holding GSW to two hits over four innings while walking one and striking out one.
The Hurricanes out-hit the Bobcats, 10-6, but left 11 runners on base. Coffey, Duran, Randall Sheffield and Gabby Ramirez collected two hits apiece. Sheffield had a double.
Donaldson was the only GC batter with multiple hits as he finished 2-for-3.
GSW returns to action on Wednesday with a non-conference tilt against Valdosta State at 5 p.m. at Hurricane Stadium.


text:
I'll explain briefly how you start a new project and there's a nice clean copy of the code at the bottom that you can cut and paste.
Let's get the show on the road. Choose a name for the project and create and switch to a virtual environment:
PROJ=py27_gae_project mkvirtualenv ${PROJ} cdvirtualenvNote that note that "--no-site-packages" and "--distribute" are now the defaults for mkvirtualenv. You don't even need to use "--python=python2.7" on Ubuntu 12.04.
Now we need to know what the latest version of App Engine is, but as of writing it's 1.6.5:
GAE=1.6.5 wget -O /tmp/gae.zip http://googleappengine.googlecode.com/files/google_appengine_${GAE}.zip unzip /tmp/gae.zip
Now let's create an App Engine app. The app will need a name that has been created in the App Engine Console:
GAE_APP_NAME=dummy mkdir -p gae_app/staticNow create the app.yaml file:
echo """application: ${GAE_APP_NAME} version: development runtime: python27 api_version: 1 threadsafe: true default_expiration: 7d handlers: - url: /static static_dir: static - url: .* script: wsgi_app.app """ > gae_app/app.yaml
echo """import webapp2 class MainPage(webapp2.RequestHandler): def get(self): self.response.headers['Content-Type'] = 'text/plain' self.response.out.write('Please replace me with a decent WSGI App Framework such as Flask') app = webapp2.WSGIApplication([('/', MainPage)], debug=True) """ > gae_app/wsgi_app.py
And finally to run the development server:
python ./google_appengine/dev_appserver.py gae_app/
I hope that this has all been of some help to you. Did I miss anything? Please comment below.


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Cupcake Topper - Hitched Western
The perfect cupcake topper to sum up your special day.
Our unique cupcake toppers will definitely brighten up your special day and can be used as a keepsake for the occasion.
You will receive:
1 x HITCHED western cupcake topper
Size of wording only
Width – 83mm
Height – 25mm
(Length of stake) - 60mm
Made from 100% Bamboo
All cupcake toppers are designed and hand finished by Grain & Co in Sydney, Australia.
Please contact us for a custom topper.
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Standard Shipping $9.95 (Australia Wide Only)
Rush Order (order required within 1 week) $25 Australia Wide
International Shipping From $30 please contact Grain & Co for a quote.
We Guarantee that our products will arrive on time and safe.
If however your order arrives damaged or broken please contact us within 5 working days and we will replace it ASAP.
Please choose carefully as we do not accept returns, exchanges or refunds on our goods.
Phone: 0411696793
Email: email@example.com
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If you require this item within 1 week please contact us at firstname.lastname@example.com extra fees apply.
Made from 100% Bamboo
All wooden cake and cupcake toppers are designed and hand finished by Grain & Co in Sydney, Australia.


text:
After working for about 20 years, I am in a process of the retirement based on my disability: C-5/6 complete with some recent complications. I stopped working 2 weeks ago and am in FMLA (medical leave). So, I am still getting paid from my remaining vacation & sick day. I have never considered a lawyer for applying the SSDI, but a LTD insurance company mentioned/suggested the service from an attorney's office. As a C-5/6 complete, does anyone see any necessity of the service from an attorney to apply (and get) the SSDI?
Another question would be if I can apply for the SSDI at this point (when I still get paid) or if I should wait until I spend all the vacation & sick days.
Thanks in advance.


text:
That plum jam seems to play in my memory the most. Rich, gooey and delicious, we used it for everything from thick buttered pieces of Italian bread to stuffing for dessert gnocchi. After a recent attempt at making pierogis, I was inspired to finally try my own version of plum jam, taking advantage of in-season Italian plums. The results were exactly right: as sticky sweet and satisfying as I remember.
Italian Plum Jam
yields 5-6 cups
Without a recipe to follow, I did a quick search online and found that most plum jams are nothing more than plums, sugar and pectin. While I had the jars, the plums and the sugar, I hadn't thought about buying pectin, so this version doesn't use any. This recipe from Taste Hungary provided the inspiration.
Approx 4 lb Italian plums*
8 oz sugar (by weight)
Juice of one lemon
1 cup water (optional)
* For the amount of effort it takes to make the jam, the next time around I'll be using lots more plums and adjusting the sugar accordingly. Stay tuned for details!
Equipment you'll need:
Large heavy non-reactive stockpot
Canning pot or oversized stockpot
Mason jars (4 oz or 8 oz size)
New lids and screwtops
Canning tongs
Canning funnel
1. Wash, half and pit the plums. Place in a large, heavy non-reactive stockpot (my Le Creuset was perfect), add the sugar, water if using and the lemon juice. Cook over medium heat, stirring constantly to avoid sticking.
3. The jam is ready when the plums are completely soft and the liquid has become very thick and syrupy. It took about 3 hours for my 4 lb of plums; probably less time would be required if I hadn't added the water.
6. When all of the jars are ready, you're ready to can! Place the funnel in a jar and carefully ladle the hot jam in, being careful to leave a ½" at the top. Wipe any excess jam off the top of the jar, place a lid on the jar, and put a metal band (threaded lid) on, turning so that the band is on securely but not too snugly.
"Option 1: Press the middle of the lid with a finger or thumb. If the lid springs up when you release your finger, the lid is unsealed.For more great tips and a detailed FAQ on home canning, see the Pick Your Own web site.
Option 2: Tap the lid with the bottom of a teaspoon. A clear ringing sound means a good seal. If it makes a dull sound, the lid is not sealed. If food is in contact with the underside of the lid, it will also cause a dull sound (that is not a problem or a sign of spoilage). If the jar is sealed correctly, it will make a ringing, high-pitched sound.
Option 3: Hold the jar at eye level and look across the lid. The lid should be concave (curved down slightly in the center). If center of the lid is either flat or bulging, it may not be sealed."


text:
It is a high performance tyre specially designed for SUVs. It comes equipped with a wide central rib for superior high speed handling. Asymmetric tread design with Z-profile makes for superior wet and dry braking.
Ideal for- Track use and Highway drives
Key Feature and Benefits
- Special tread pattern with Z profile makes for superior wet and dry traction
- Wide central rib provides for superior high speed handling
- Continuous longitudinal blocks in tread make for high speed stability
- Innovative rubber compound makes for long tread life
- Optimized tread pattern provides for a comfortable and quiet ride quality
- Width255
255 is the width in millimetres of the tyres cross section.
- Aspect Ratio55
55 is the Aspect Ratio, it is the ratio of the sidewall height to the cross section width.
- ConstructionR
Radial construction. R stands for radial-ply construction.
- Rim18
18 inches, stands for the diameter of the wheel that the tyre is designed to fit.
- Speed RatingH
H (210 kmph) is the speed rating i.e. the maximum speed for the tyre at full load.


text:
GARRISON Weekdays 11am - 1pm
all garrison | schedule | audio-on demand | interviews | closing arguments blog
About the Show
Greg GarrisonAttorney Greg Garrison hosts the Garrison show that airs weekday mornings on WIBC. Garrison brings his conservative values to the airwaves. Greg gained international notoriety when he successfully prosecuted Mike Tyson on rape charges. He has served as CBS News National Legal Analyst and has reported on major trials such as OJ Simpson and Timothy McVeigh. He has also appeared on 60 Minutes, the FOX News Channel, the Today Show, 48 Hours, Rivera Live and ESPN. When he's not on the radio, Greg maintains a private practice with his brother Chris at the Garrison Law Firm. Todd Meyer As the Garrison program is constructed daily, producer Todd Meyer is the man behind the scenes making it happen. Todd books all guests on the Garrison program, and is in charge of general content of the program. A graduate of Indiana University but a diehard Purdue fan, Todd has worked at WIBC since 1996, producing the Jersey Johnny and Grover show, Sportstalk, the Mike Pence Show and the Garrison program.


text:
Story highlights
- CNN Latino is aimed at people who speak English and Spanish
- CNN Latino celebrated its launch in Los Angeles at the Sunset Tower Hotel this week
- CNN Latino will be CNN's first move outside cable television
Local Spanish-language television for Hispanics who also speak English? Yes.
As the nation grows, so has the number of Hispanics who speak English and Spanish and who feel comfortable receiving their news in both languages, according to Pew.
Since 1997, CNN en Español has reached millions of Spanish-speaking households, but there is still a need to reach another demographic.
Enter CNN Latino.
"This programming block is aimed at people who speak English and Spanish, families looking for something relevant," said Cynthia Hudson, senior vice president and general manager of CNN en Español, at the CNN Latino launch party in Los Angeles.
CNN Latino celebrated its launch in Los Angeles in style at the Sunset Tower Hotel this week.
Among CNN's journalists at the launch party were Mexican actresses Kate del Castillo and Angelica Vale, Mexican actor and singer Diego Boneta, Mexican actor Eduardo Verastegui and model and former participant of the show "Mira Quien Baila" Maripily. Luis Miguel's daughter, Michelle Salas, also made an appearance.
CNN Latino's eight-hour custom-programming block is set to air on Thursday through a local channel in Los Angeles with special emphasis on the community of more than 4 million Hispanics. It will feature news, lifestyle, documentary, talk and debate, and it seeks to be an alternative to traditional Hispanic networks.
"This bloc is for the bicultural, bilingual Latino who goes back and forth between both worlds," said Elizabeth Espinosa, KTLA reporter who will be hosting "Sin Limites" (No Limits), a magazine lifestyle show that will air 8 to 9 p.m. Monday through Friday on KBEH Channel 63.
She will keep her day job at KTLA, Channel 5, where she is a reporter for daytime and evening news shows. Espinosa is a native Angelino. Her mother emigrated from El Salvador, and her father is from Mexico.
In addition to "Sin Limites," CNN en Español's team will be a part of the programming as well:
-- Mexican journalist Carmen Aristegui, will interview Mexico's newsmakers.
-- CNNE's Juan Carlos Lopez will be hosting political debates on "Choque de Opiniones."
-- CNN en Español's Fernando Del Rincon will host "Conclusiones", a nightly debate of the day's top story
-- Dr. Marisa Azaret discusses healthy living on "CNN Vida."
-- CNN en Español's entertainment correspondent Juan Carlos Arciniegas will host "Showbiz Latino."
-- Sports news will be hosted by Marcela Trucios on "Deportes USA."
-- "CNN Archivo" will showcase documentaries on crime, adventures and controversy, hosted by Maria Regina Bustamante.
-- And CNN's Ismael Cala will host "Cala," a 60-minute audience-engaging show where he interviews provocative newsmakers.
Hispanics are the fastest-growing segment of the U.S. population, with spending power of more than $1 trillion, and they have an increasing influence on social, economic and political trends.
CNN Latino joins the likes of News Corp and Colombia's RCN Television, which are behind the Spanish-language network MundoFox, and ABC News/Univision in launching a 24-hour English-language network, all aimed at the U.S. Hispanic audience.
The only difference is, CNN Latino will be accessible to those who don't have cable.
"For many Hispanics, this is going to be the first time they see CNN," said Hudson.
"What's going to represent CNN Latino in Los Angeles has not been seen before, about 50% of the public does not have cable," said Espinosa.
CNN Latino will be CNN's first move outside cable television and, according to Hudson, the first step to bringing this syndicated programming block to local broadcast stations in key Hispanic media markets.
"We want to produce content for the Latino who was born in Latin America that lives here and the Hispanic who was born in the U.S.," said Hudson.
Hudson said CNN en Español will be announcing at least five more new channel affiliates in other major cities within the U.S. that will broadcast CNN Latino.


text:
City: Colchester
State: CT
Zip Code: 06415
Position Overview
Responsible for providing and documenting skilled nursing care, under the supervision of a Registered Nurse, in accordance with the developed care plan and physicians orders for each individual patient while adhering to confidentiality standards and professional boundaries at all times.
Essential Job Functions
• Responsible for the delivery and coordination of quality patient care in compliance with physician orders.
• Continuously observes and assesses patient condition and care needs and reports changes in condition to the supervisor and/or physician as appropriate.
• Documents all activities, assessments, nursing actions, responses and coordination of care in a timely manner whenever care is delivered.
• Participate, implement and update the nursing care plan.
• Takes appropriate nursing action based on assessment and achieves expected outcomes.
• Recognizes changes in patient needs and responses requiring intervention and implements care to prevent risk or reduce risk.
• Accepts responsibility for personal and professional accountability by complying with Aveanna policies, state and federal regulations, accrediting bodies and the Nurse Practice Act.
• Provide care utilizing infection control measures that protect both the staff and the patient according to OSHA standards.
• Educates the patient and family regarding the disease process, self-care techniques, and prevention strategies, and in meeting the patient's nursing needs.
• Maintain knowledge of competencies related to the nursing profession by participating in educational programs, continued education units, internal learning management skills and skill evaluations.
• Graduate of an accredited school of nursing.
• Current, unrestricted state license as a Licensed Nurse in the state of practice
• Current CPR certification
• Demonstrated proficiency in clinical assessments, documentation and compliance with nursing care and policies and procedures
Additional state specific requirements:
• South Carolina – One (1) year of pediatrics experience
• California – One (1) year of experience required working under current nursing license
• Louisiana – One (1) year of experience required working as a licensed nurse
• Continuing Education as required by state
• Six (6) months of recent experience as a Licensed Nurse in a clinical care setting
• Home health experience
Other Skills/Abilities
• Attention to detail
• Time Management
• Effective problem-solving and conflict resolution
• Good organization and communication skills
Physical Requirements
• Must be able to speak, write, read and understand English
• Must be able to travel
• Must be able to lift 50 pounds
• Must be able to sufficiently reposition patients and move equipment without assistance
• Prolonged walking, standing, bending, kneeling, reaching, twisting
• Must be able to sit and climb stairs
• Must have visual and hearing acuity
• Must have strong sense of smell and touch
• Must be able to sufficiently reposition patients and move equipment without assistance
• Must be able to appropriately respond physically and mentally to emergency situations in the home or during transport
• Must be able to function in a wide variety of environments which may involve exposure to allergens and other various conditions
• Possible exposure to blood, bodily fluids and infectious diseases
Other Duties
• Please note this job description is not designed to cover or contain a comprehensive listing of activities, duties or responsibilities that are required of the employee for this job. Duties, responsibilities and activities may change at any time with or without notice.
Requisition ID: R0009610
Help us improve CareerBuilder by providing feedback about this job: Report this job
Job ID: R0009610
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text:
"I went from the excitement of thinking about life beyond motherhood to grappling with the unexpected."
Hi. I'm Lisa and I live in Oakland, California with my husband, Josh, three girls, Ella (b. 2002), Ruby (b. 2005) and Lilah (b. 2011) and Sadie, our Australian Labradoodle.
Yes, there is a big gap between my middle and my youngest and no, I didn't plan it that way. At 41, after three years of trying for a third and one official miscarriage, my doctor said I couldn't conceive naturally. We cried, decided not to pursue IVF and counted our blessings.
While the news was sad, it was also a release. I'd thrown myself full-time and headlong into motherhood when my second came along. Six years later, I no longer knew who I was beyond "mom."
With the decision made to stick at two, I could finally imagine the next phase of my life. My husband and I started making grand plans — let's make wine in France! Let's sail around the world! Let's skydive! — and I gave thought to more down-to-earth ones, like figuring out what I wanted to be when I grew up. The possibilities felt endless and wonderful and scary.
Three months later I was pregnant.
Now, here I am, sorting through the challenges of midlife, nostalgically pondering my own coming-of-age-years and searching for balance with one parenting foot in the rollercoaster realm of teens while the other is firmly planted in the more familiar land of early childhood. There's tumult and joy, rearranging and rethinking, but most of all, a deep sense of coming into myself.
Welcome to Flingo.
P.S. The name Flingo comes from my darling middle daughter Ruby. That's what she called flamingos when she was around two. It reminds me of all the words we use, real or made up, when we're working to tell the truth.
I'd love to hear from you! You can reach me via email or leave a comment below.


text:
Vehicles sorted from highest to lowest price
Used Sedans Under $15000
Inventory Page 47 of 458
6 Photos
Adult driven, regular maintenance, synthetic oil since 100k
1 Photo
Hi. I'm selling a black BMW 325i 4 door. Runs, drives, very fast. Small scratchs on front left...
2 Photos
Fully loaded 300C with like new rims 70% on all tires all tires match Michelin primacys heated...
5 Photos
The car is reaally good ,very good condition
5 Photos
Good condition, low miles.
1 Photo
Overall a good car for the money
3 Photos
$6,500 or best offer. With Texas plates.
1 Photo
Clean title, 68k original miles, cold AC, everything up to date, need the money, great car.
1 Photo
Currently selling my 2012 Mitsubishi Galant little over 57350 miles car runs good nothing is...
1 Photo
Gas saver, low milage, no mechanical problems, no gasta mucho gas, pocas millas, no tiene...
4 Photos
2011 Nissan Altima TITLE in hand 2.0 engine Low miles Great on gas Mp3 player Ipod/Usb...
- Certified Pre-Owned
3 Photos
One owner . Super clean , no accident. Runs like new.


text:
Hello again!
I can hardly believe it, but the first week of internship is over and I've managed to get quite a lot done. It's been a productive week and I'm excited to move into the next phase of teacher resource development for the MIA.
After getting through some comprehensive literature about museum policy, programming, accessibility and governance, I jumped right into the best part about this internship—lesson planning! To be honest, it was a bit overwhelming at first, in terms of figuring out what grade level to start with, what direction to take with the lesson (Arts-based? Language-focused? History-oriented?), and making sure to include as many pertinent details and guidelines for teachers as possible. I decided to start with the grades I knew best—Junior-Intermediate. For those that may not be too familiar with teacher speak, that means grades 4-10. Luckily, I had the wonderful opportunity to experience teaching grades 4-8, so I was quite familiar with the general concepts and basic expectations covered in the curriculum.
After consulting with my supervisor, Alysa, we decided a little "museum field trip" was required. On Wednesday, I shadowed a docent at the Bata Shoe Museum giving a tour to a group of middle school students. It was truly fascinating to see how an everyday item that we sometimes take for granted, like footwear, can have an extraordinary history and offers rich insights into the culture that produced it. My visit here also reinforced the importance of artifact-based teaching and learning as an excellent way for students to develop multidisciplinary skills. It's certainly a learning model that the Bata Shoe Museum and the MIA have nurtured successfully via their docent program.
With some research of my own, and a few great online sources recommended to me by Alysa, I was able to pull together several arts-based lesson plans for grades 4-12 with cross-curricular connections to Social Studies, Language and even Science. The next step will be to edit, polish and tack on assessment guides to these materials before getting a stamp of approval from the Museum.
More updates to come during week 2!
– Posted by: Aviva German, MIA's Educational Intern


text:
Recent Reports
19,198 Requests
Help make Brookline more beautiful.
BrookONline enables real-time collaboration with citizens, 'deputizing' mobile users to become the town's eyes and ears. Citizens report potholes, graffiti, and other issues from anywhere in the town using their mobile phone.
Don't see your request type?
Try our traditional web form.


text:
Introducing Affordable High Availability (AHA) Hosting!
We understand how uptime and performance are important for you. In our continuing attempt to improve our services to you, we are proud to
introduce our new product "Affordable High Availability (AHA) Hosting" to be made available to all HSphere shared, reseller hosting, private reseller hosting accounts and HSphere managed dedicated servers (available in Linux and Windows platforms only). Over US$160,000 in capital and man-hours has been invested in this project over the last two years and with this email we are ready to bring this product to you NOW.
Tapping into an already well developed virtualization technology our AHA Hosting is based on Citrix's XenServer Essential Platinum and Dell EqualLogic's PS5500E iSCSI storage array. This combination takes advantage of virtualization on both the server and storage layers. Both the server and storage virtualization are built to offer you the following advantages:
To ensure redundancy, our AHA Hosting will be N+1 redundant. We will have at least one physical server acting as a fail-over standby server, redundant network switches, and redundant iSCSI switches. The EqualLogic storage array is fully redundant with N+1 power supplies, dual controllers, 48 drives in RAID and multiple HOT spare drives. Any one of these component (server, network switch, and iSCSI switch, iSCSI storage controller, iSCSI storage power supply, iSCSI storage hard drive) may fail and no service will be impacted. We are so confident with our new setup that we will be increasing our uptime guarantee on our hardware infrastructure from 99.9% to 99.95% effective immediately with a further increase possible in the near future.
AHA Hosting will be readily available to new customers. All current customers (HSphere shared and reseller hosting in both Linux and Windows platforms) will be converted into AHA Hosting automatically within the next three weeks starting this Wednesday (07/29/2009). Customers with private physical servers may request to have their servers upgraded/converted to our new setup to take advantage of the High Availability feature. A separate email will be sent detailing the conversion plan to our AHA Hosting.
Of course, with this new AHA Hosting we will also soon release new Bigger and Better plans. Separate announcement will be sent to introduce our new hosting plans.
With the new AHA Hosting, your service level will increase but your hosting fee will not. It is time for you to enjoy our new Affordable High Availability Hosting.
AHA! It is our way to improve our services to you.
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text:
From User talk:Centerlink
Welcome to the Translator group. Please read Tasks_and_Tools, Translate_a_Page and Translation_Workflow before starting work. You will find lots of help linked from those pages, but please ask if there is anything you don't understand.
Thank you for volunteering to start a group for translation to Finnish. Please link a language-specific page from Translation_Workflow and use that page for any help to new Finnish translators.