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On February 18, 1965, a civil-rights worker named James Orange was arrested in Marion, Alabama, on charges of disorderly conduct and contributing to the delinquency of minors, and was thrown into the local jail. Orange had organized a march by young people ("minors") in support of a voter-registration drive being run by several groups, including the one he worked for, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, whose president was Martin Luther King, Jr.
That night, four hundred people gathered in Zion's Chapel Methodist Church, in Marion, and prepared to walk to the jail, about a block away, and sing freedom songs. They left the church at nine-thirty and ran into a police blockade. Ordered to disperse, they were attacked by fifty or more state troopers and other law-enforcement officials wielding clubs. Street lights had been turned off or shot out; white vigilantes were on the scene; reporters were attacked and cameras were smashed. No photographic record of the night survives.
As Gary May tells the story, in "Bending Toward Justice" (Basic), people still in the church, hearing the screams outside, ran out the back, chased by the troopers. One of those who fled, Cager Lee, was struck on the head, fell to the ground, and was kicked. Lee was eighty-two; he was five feet tall and weighed a hundred and twenty pounds. But he escaped, and ran into a café, where he saw his daughter Viola and two grandchildren, Emma Jean and Jimmie Lee Jackson. When troopers stormed the café and began beating people, Jackson tried to protect his mother. He was shoved up against a cigarette machine and shot twice in the stomach by a trooper named James Fowler. Jackson managed to get out of the café but was beaten over the head until he collapsed on the street. He lay there, bleeding, for thirty minutes. Eventually, after a nearby hospital was unable to treat him, he was driven by a black undertaker, in a hearse, to a hospital in Selma, thirty miles away.
Jackson was twenty-six years old, and an Army veteran. He had tried five times to register to vote, without success. While he was in the hospital, Colonel Al Lingo, the director of public safety for the state of Alabama, placed him under arrest for assault and battery with intent to murder a peace officer. But on February 26th, eight days after the shooting, Jackson died. The Voting Rights Act of 1965, generally regarded as the greatest legislative achievement of the so-called "classical phase" of the civil-rights movement—the phase that began in 1954 with the Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education—had three martyrs. Jimmie Lee Jackson was the first.
This is the act a key provision of which was struck down last week by the Supreme Court, in the case of Shelby v. Holder. (Other important provisions remain in effect.) The act is celebrated because it was enormously effective in giving African-Americans the vote—far more effective than Brown was in integrating schools—and because it gave African-Americans something desegregation alone could not give them: political power. After Shelby, Congress can rewrite the law, but a Congress that cannot pass a farm bill is unlikely to craft new legislation protecting minority voting rights. The moral and political will that characterized the era for which the act has stood as a prime symbol may have run its course.
At the time of Brown, securing the right of African-Americans to register to vote looked to be the most attainable goal in the campaign to overthrow Jim Crow. Both the Eisenhower and the Kennedy Administrations, wary of intervention in what they preferred to characterize as a local matter, believed that voting fell within the purview of the federal government. The Fifteenth Amendment, ratified in 1870, is explicit: "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude." Even the relatively toothless Civil Rights Act of 1957, the first civil-rights legislation to make it through Congress since Reconstruction, gave the Justice Department authority to pursue litigation against local registrars who discriminated on the basis of race.
Something else about voting made it distinctive in the strange regime of Jim Crow: it does not necessitate interracial contact. Unlike going to school, riding a bus, sitting at a lunch counter, or playing checkers (a pastime once segregated by law in the city of Birmingham), casting a ballot is not a social activity. The argument often given in defense of segregation, which was that the races prefer it that way, does not work very well with voting. After all, one means of proving that the races prefer to be separate would have been to test the proposition in the voting booth.
Convicting Southern registrars of racial discrimination was not easy, though. One reason, as Taylor Branch explains in "Parting the Waters" (1988), the first volume of his stupendous history of the King years, was Screws. Claude Screws was a Georgia sheriff who, in 1943, arrested an African-American named Robert Hall and, with two other white men, drove him to a courthouse and beat him to death in public view. The State of Georgia declined to prosecute, but the Justice Department secured a conviction under a Reconstruction-era statute that made it a federal crime willfully to deprive someone of his civil rights under color of law.
Screws argued that his actions were not covered by the statute, because he had not killed Hall under color of law. He had killed Hall in violation of the law. It was Georgia's business, not the federal government's, to prosecute him for it. The Supreme Court rejected this argument, but it reversed Screws's conviction on a theory of its own. In an opinion by Justice William O. Douglas, the Court ruled that it was not enough to show that a white sheriff had brutally murdered a handcuffed black man. The government had to prove that he did so with the willful intention of depriving the prisoner of his rights. The case was remanded, and Screws was duly retried and acquitted.
Screws v. United States was a jurisprudential tease. It said that discriminatory acts were covered by federal statute but that the government had to show intent, a state of mind notoriously difficult to prove. The shooting of Jimmie Lee Jackson was perfectly analogous. If Fowler killed Jackson with the intention of depriving him of a constitutional right (the right to a fair trial) but claimed to have done so in the line of duty, then the act fell under the federal statute. But, to obtain a conviction, the government would have to establish what was in Fowler's mind when he pulled the trigger.
In cases of voting, Southern states made things even more difficult by having registrars in suspect counties resign, so that, when the Justice Department came calling, there were no officials around to charge. Also, in some Southern counties, almost no African-Americans in the twentieth century had ever even attempted to register, so there were few cases to litigate. One goal of voter-registration drives was to build up the inventory of litigable cases.
The primary goal, though, was to provoke official reaction sufficiently violent to compel the White House to produce a voting-rights bill with enforcement bite. The provocation part proved amazingly easy. All that the protesters had to do was to walk to the courthouse and ask to register. There was nothing covert about the strategy—"We are going to bring a voting bill into being in the streets of Selma," King proclaimed from the pulpit of Selma's Brown Chapel—yet Southern police, troopers, sheriffs, and deputies clubbed, sicced police dogs on, blasted fire hoses at, teargassed, and shocked with cattle prods nonviolent demonstrators, many of them clergymen and children, with an indifference to national and international opinion that was almost blithe. Their tactics were encouraged, defended, and sometimes ordered by Southern city halls and statehouses.
But in Birmingham, when the Commissioner of Public Safety, Eugene (Bull) Connor, brought out the police dogs and fire hoses, and in Selma, when Sheriff Jim Clark socked a black minister, C. T. Vivian, in the face, reporters and cameramen were right there. Many white Americans who saw or read about the violence blamed the demonstrators, but the world blamed the American government. That got the attention of the White House.
Southern mayors and governors were playing to their electoral bases. But American Presidents were trying to run a Cold War. They could live with Jim Crow when it was an invisible regional peculiarity, but once conditions were broadcast around the world they experienced an urgent need to make the problem go away.
The pressure of world opinion was crucial to the speed with which civil-rights gains were made after 1954. It forced American Presidents to do something Presidents rarely do, which was to get out ahead of domestic opinion on the subject of race. When a bus carrying Freedom Riders was firebombed outside Anniston, Alabama, on Mother's Day, 1961, and a photograph appeared the next day on the front page of the New York Times, John F. Kennedy was horrified. He had never heard of the Freedom Riders and had no idea what they were doing in Alabama. (They were testing the integration of interstate bus terminals pursuant to a recent Supreme Court decision. They were obliged to conclude that the decision had had little impact.)
Kennedy called the one person in the White House with a civil-rights brief, Harris Wofford. "Can't you get your goddamned friends off those buses?" he said. "Stop them." Sixty-three per cent of the American public disapproved of the Freedom Riders, but American public opinion was not Kennedy's concern. His first summit meeting with Nikita Khrushchev was scheduled to take place in Vienna in three weeks, and he could see Khrushchev waving the Times in his face.
As Mary Dudziak explains in her important book "Cold War Civil Rights" (2000), the trick was to turn a failure of government into something that looked like a triumph of government. Civil rights had to become a story about how American democracy confronted an injustice and eradicated it. The nation that had liberated Europe from racist domination had gone to the rescue of another captive people. It was important to do this heroically, not apologetically. No elected official relishes having to deal with a charismatic popular leader; the usual forms of leverage are not effective. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson did not especially like dealing with King. But they needed him, because they needed a hero whose vision the democratic system could realize. The triumphalist narrative demanded it.
King understood this perfectly. He was not political in the small-"p" sense, but he had remarkable political instincts. He could read a room. He was a preacher, after all. He spent his entire life sensing exactly which words would move a congregation. He spoke a language that Kennedy and Johnson could associate themselves with. One of the key differences between King and the older generation of civil-rights leaders—A. Philip Randolph, of the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights; James Farmer, of the Congress of Racial Equality; Roy Wilkins and Thurgood Marshall, of the N.A.A.C.P.—is that King rarely talked about equality. The word occurs only once in the "I Have a Dream" speech. King believed in equality as much as anyone, but in his speeches and sermons he talked about freedom. His rhetoric was an amalgam of the Book of Exodus and "The Battle Hymn of the Republic"—the leading of the Israelites out of bondage and the emancipation of the slaves. Liberation analogies worked in a Cold War context. The Mason-Dixon Line could be figured as a North American Iron Curtain.
After the violence in Birmingham, in the spring of 1963, followed, in June, by Governor George Wallace's symbolic "stand in the schoolhouse door," in Tuscaloosa, protesting the admission of Vivian Malone and James Hood to the University of Alabama, Kennedy finally took the moral high ground and gave a nationally televised speech on civil rights. A week later, he delivered a civil-rights bill to Congress, and in August he welcomed to the White House the leaders of the March on Washington, organized by Randolph, King, Wilkins, and Bayard Rustin (among others) to demonstrate for the Administration's bill. The march was covered live by all three networks and broadcast abroad via the new communications satellite, Telstar.
Less than three months later, Kennedy was dead. Lyndon Johnson was known to civil-rights leaders as the man who, when he was Senate Majority Leader, had carefully emasculated Eisenhower's Civil Rights Bill in order to secure enough Southern votes for passage. But, as President, Johnson unexpectedly assumed the mantle of a crusader for racial justice, and he pushed the 1964 Civil Rights Bill through the longest filibuster in Senate history.
The act was signed on July 2nd. It addressed segregation in public accommodations, public places, and schools. Fulfilling a long-standing hope of Randolph and Rustin—the subject of William Jones's "The March on Washington" (Norton)—it banned discrimination in employment and established the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (whose chairman would one day be Clarence Thomas, a Reagan appointee). But its voting-rights provisions did not address the use of voter-qualification tests to disenfranchise registrants on the basis of race.
Johnson recognized the need for additional voting-rights legislation, and he directed Nicholas Katzenbach, soon to be his attorney general, to draft it. "I want you to write me the goddamnest toughest voting rights act that you can devise," is the way he put it. But then progress slowed. Johnson had the most ambitious legislative agenda of any President since F.D.R. (his idol), and he explained to King that he was worried that Southern opposition to more civil-rights legislation would drain support from the War on Poverty and hold up bills on Medicare, immigration reform, and aid to education. He asked King to wait.
King thought that if you waited for the right time for direct action (as nonviolent protests were called) you would never act. So on January 2, 1965, he went to Selma, where efforts by local activists and members of the Student Non-Violent Coördinating Committee to register African-Americans had been under way, with little success, for several years. Eight weeks later, Jimmie Lee Jackson was killed.
Integrating voting rolls was a very different kind of problem from integrating buses and lunch counters. In many Southern cities, a large percentage of the population was African-American; in some, African-Americans were in the majority. They had economic power, which direct-action protests like boycotts and sit-ins tapped. When buses were boycotted in Montgomery, in 1955 and 1956, the company complained that it was losing twenty-two cents for every mile each of its buses travelled. To help it avoid bankruptcy, the city commission granted an emergency fare increase, raising the fare by fifty per cent for the whites still riding the buses. In Nashville, African-American shoppers spent fifty million dollars a year, ten million of it in the downtown stores targeted by picketers and boycotters in 1960. Those stores soon desegregated.
Segregation made little sense from a business point of view. Integration of hotels, restaurants, movie theatres, lunch counters, and department stores was therefore relatively (though by no means entirely) frictionless after the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. But voting was not an economic issue or even a social issue. It was a political issue. The reason Southern officials resisted voter-registration drives with such viciousness was that the region's whole political system was predicated on the restriction of the franchise.
Before African-Americans were disenfranchised, they were enfranchised by the Fifteenth Amendment. The era of Jim Crow began, around 1890, with states erecting obstacles to voting, such as poll taxes and literacy tests, with loopholes exempting many whites. In 1896, in Plessy v. Ferguson, the Supreme Court ruled that segregation was constitutional; in 1898, in Mississippi v. Williams, and, in 1903, in Giles v. Harris, it upheld voting laws that operated to disenfranchise African-Americans. Those were the judicial pillars of legal segregation. Their effect was immediate. In 1896, there were 130,334 African-Americans registered to vote in Louisiana. In 1904, there were 1,342. Estimated black turnout in Virginia and South Carolina in the 1904 Presidential election was zero.
The greatest voter suppression was often in areas where blacks were in the majority. Selma was more than fifty per cent black; in 1965, only 383 of the fifteen thousand African-Americans living there were registered to vote. Marion (where Coretta Scott King went to school) had no black voters. In nearby Lowndes County, where almost half of the lynchings in Alabama between 1880 and 1930 took place, and where stores refused to sell Marlboro cigarettes because of rumors that the company had donated to the N.A.A.C.P., four out of five residents were black. None could vote. Mississippi was almost fifty per cent black; 6.4 per cent of eligible African-Americans there could vote.
One consequence was the near-ubiquity of all-white juries—since jurors were typically drawn from the pool of registered voters. The Southern judicial system, as Claude Screws appreciated, was turned into a rubber stamp of approval for police and vigilante actions against African-Americans. The system also produced some astonishing verdicts. In 1958, a black handyman named James Wilson was convicted of stealing a dollar ninety-five in change from the white woman he worked for in Marion, and was sentenced to death. The Alabama Supreme Court upheld the sentence, but the international outcry was so intense that the governor, James (Big Jim) Folsom, commuted it.
The South became a one-party bloc, standing for one principle above all, expressed by the logo of the Alabama Democratic Party: a white rooster with a banner above it reading "White Supremacy." It was as though the purpose of holding elected office was to perpetuate the system that made one's election possible. Voting rights went to the very heart of the Southern "way of life."
Officials were therefore ingenious in coming up with ways to thwart registration efforts. In response to an S.C.L.C. registration drive in Louisiana, the state reviewed voter rolls and found cause to remove ten thousand African-Americans. Mississippi cut off the distribution of federal food surpluses to two counties in the Delta: Sunflower, where 161 of 13,524 African-Americans were registered to vote, and LeFlore, where fourteen-year-old Emmett Till had been lynched, in 1955. In LeFlore alone, twenty-two thousand people lost their relief. In Alabama, Circuit Court Judge James Hare enjoined virtually every civil-rights leader from gathering in groups of more than three.
And there were methods of discouragement that did not bother with the color of law—that is to say, terror. In 1963, Hartman Turnbow became the first African-American of the century to try to register to vote in Holmes County, Mississippi. A month later, his farmhouse was firebombed. Turnbow engaged in a gunfight with men surrounding the house and drove them off. When the sheriff arrived, he arrested Turnbow and charged him with bombing his own house.
The nadir was the reaction to the Mississippi Summer Project, in 1964. Thirty-five churches were burned and thirty buildings were bombed that summer in Mississippi. Eighty people were beaten, and there were at least six murders, most notoriously the lynching, by a group that included members of the Neshoba County sheriff's office, of the civil-rights workers James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner. Civil-rights leaders in Selma, eight months later, had little reason to expect a complaisant response to their demands. But, if Jackson's shooting was intended to send a message to the protesters, they rewrote the message.
The man who made Jackson into a martyr was James Bevel, a twenty-eight-year-old member of the S.C.L.C. He had come out of the Nashville sit-in movement, and had committed himself to voter registration after four little girls died in the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church bombing, in Birmingham, in 1963. The afternoon Jackson died, Bevel went to see Cager Lee and Jackson's mother and sister. They were still bandaged up. Bevel asked them what should be done. They told him the marches should continue. Bevel knew poverty—he was from the tiny town of Itta Bena, Mississippi—and he knew racial violence, recently in Birmingham, where he had organized marches that led to children being shocked with cattle prods. But after he left their house he wept.
That night, addressing a mass meeting in Brown Chapel, Bevel told the story of Esther. As Mordecai had instructed Esther to go see the king on behalf of her people, he said, they should march from Selma to Montgomery, the state capital, to see "the king"—George Wallace. Montgomery was fifty-four miles from Selma, and walking there meant crossing Lowndes County. But Bevel's audience embraced the idea. A week later, King spoke at Jackson's funeral, where more than a thousand people walked three miles in the rain to the black cemetery. "Jimmie Lee Jackson is speaking to us from the casket, and he is saying to us that we must substitute courage for caution," King said. He endorsed the call for a march.
There were, in the end, three marches from Selma. Each was momentous. King was not present at the first, which took place on March 7, 1965—"Bloody Sunday." Some six hundred marchers, led by John Lewis, of SNCC, and Hosea Williams, of the S.C.L.C., set off from Brown Chapel and crossed the Edmund Pettus Bridge (Pettus was a Confederate general, later a Grand Dragon of the Alabama Ku Klux Klan), over the Alabama River. At the far end, they found arrayed before them more than a hundred and fifty armed men: state troopers, under Lingo's command, and Sheriff Clark's posse, some on horseback. Wallace had ordered Lingo to take "whatever steps necessary" to stop the march. The troopers wore gas masks and carried nightsticks; Clark's men were armed with clubs, whips, and cattle prods. One carried a rubber hose wrapped in barbed wire. A number of white Alabamans had come out to watch the sport.
So had the press. It's all on film. The marchers halt fifty feet from the line of troopers. They are told that they have two minutes to turn around and go back to their homes and churches, but, well before two minutes have passed, the troopers charge into the line, beating everyone in sight. They are followed by Clark's men on horseback, then by the tear gas.
Forty tear-gas cannisters were fired that day. The marchers were chased for a mile back to Selma. Troopers fired tear gas into the Carver housing project; posse men rode their horses up the steps of Brown Chapel. That evening, forty-eight million television viewers watching "Judgment at Nuremberg" on ABC had the movie interrupted for a fifteen-minute film of the attack. There was no voice-over. The only sounds were the thuds of clubs, reports of tear-gas cannisters being fired, the rebel yells of Clark's posse, and the constant, hysterical screams of the victims.
At least ninety marchers were wounded, and Lewis had a fractured skull, but the effect was achieved. The film left no room for hairsplitting about provocation. Unarmed men and women on a highway were set upon by uniformed men wearing gas masks and riding horses. The Pettus Bridge was a turning point in American race relations and American history. Branch calls it "the last great thrust of a movement built on patriotic idealism." Many years later, Lewis said that Barack Obama "was what comes at the end of that bridge."
King returned to Selma and vowed that the march would continue. Calls were put out to churches nationwide, and clergy of virtually every denomination arrived. Nearly a thousand people were prepared to cross the Pettus Bridge and march to Montgomery. Then, unexpectedly, a federal district judge, Frank Johnson, issued an injunction postponing the march until further notice.
The injunction put King in a bind. He had never violated the order of a federal judge. The federal judiciary was the movement's friend. That had always been the position of the N.A.A.C.P., which deplored direct action, and which had been pursuing desegregation by litigation for fifty years. Judge Johnson himself was a friend of the movement. George Wallace had called him "a low-down, carpetbaggin', scalawaggin', race-mixin' liar"—a pretty solid recommendation. In 1956, he was a member of a three-judge panel that ruled bus-segregation laws unconstitutional—the ruling that vindicated the Montgomery bus boycott. This time, King felt obliged to wait.
But the students in SNCC saw no difference between an unjust state court and an unjust federal order. The whole philosophy of direct action was, as King himself put it, "the right to protest for right." SNCC had opposed even the first march (Lewis marched in defiance of his own organization), which it regarded as purely symbolic. Its members also resented King, whom they referred to privately as De Lawd. They felt that they had done the hard work, and then King had shown up and got all the attention. And they didn't believe in leaders.
Negotiations, complicated by the requirement of state officials that they not have to deal personally with African-Americans, led to a compromise. The result was the second march, on March 9th. King led the protesters across the bridge. Again the troopers were assembled, and again the marchers were ordered to disperse. But suddenly the troopers stepped aside, inviting King to defy the judge's order. King and Ralph Abernathy knelt and prayed. Then they turned the line around and marched back into Selma. The retreat made permanent the rift between SNCC and the S.C.L.C.
That night, three white clergymen went out to dinner in Selma. After they left the restaurant, they were attacked, and one of them, James Reeb, a Unitarian minister from Boston, was clubbed on the head. Police managed to delay his transportation to a hospital, and two days later he died. He was thirty-eight years old, and the father of four.
On March 15th, Judge Johnson was shown footage of the first march. Plainly disgusted, he later ruled in King's favor and allowed a march to Montgomery. That evening, President Johnson addressed a joint session of Congress and, on national television, called for a voting-rights act. The speech was interrupted thirty-six times by applause. It was the greatest of Johnson's Presidency. "Their cause must be our cause too," Johnson said. "Because it's not just Negroes, but really it's all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome." It was the movement's own slogan. A tear is said to have rolled down King's cheek when he heard it. For Southerners, it told them the game was over. It was, as the mayor of Selma, Joseph Smitherman, put it, "a dagger in your heart."
On March 21st, thirty-six hundred marchers, protected by Alabama National Guardsmen, set out from Selma for Montgomery. Four days later, King addressed twenty-five thousand people from the steps of the Capitol, where, in 1861, Jefferson Davis had been sworn in as President of the Confederate States of America. King delivered one of his most exhilarating speeches, the speech that works off the refrain "How long? Not long." At the end, he recited the first and fourth verses of "The Battle Hymn of the Republic."
That day, Johnson sent a voting-rights bill to Congress. And that night a thirty-nine-year-old woman from Detroit, a mother of five named Viola Liuzzo, driving marchers home, was shot and killed by Klansmen on Route 80, near Montgomery. Two Northern whites had now been murdered. Few Southerners in Congress saw good reason to throw themselves in front of the train. There was some stalling in committees chaired by segregationists, but the Voting Rights Act passed the Senate by 79 to 18 and the House by 328 to 74. It was signed into law by Johnson on August 6, 1965. On August 20th, Cager Lee, whose father had been sold in a slave market, registered to vote.
Between 1965 and 1968, seven hundred and forty thousand new African-American voters were registered in the Deep South. The central pillar of Jim Crow was destroyed, and with it the regime of legal segregation that had prevailed for seventy years. The act gave the executive branch direct enforcement authority over voting rights. It suspended for five years, in covered states, the use of all devices, such as literacy tests, employed to restrict access to the voting booth. And federal examiners could go into Southern counties to register voters. Initially, six states were covered, along with counties in several more.
The act's effectiveness was due in part to its elimination of the Screws problem. It replaced intent with effect. If the effect of a change in voting requirements was to diminish the voting power of minorities, it didn't matter what anyone deliberately intended. The coverage formula said nothing about race, and therefore produced some anomalies: Alaska was covered, for example, although low turnout there is a function of the weather, not discrimination. But it restored the franchise to African-Americans in the South.
It was also the end of the classical phase of the civil-rights movement. (The first person to use that term to describe the decade after Brown was Bayard Rustin.) Historiography of the movement is characterized by a division of emphasis between the classical phase, also called the Second Reconstruction, and the "long" civil-rights movement, dating from the turn of the nineteenth century (and before), and including events in the North.
Of the books published in anticipation of the fiftieth anniversary of the March on Washington, two are especially useful on the politics of the movement. May's "Bending Toward Justice" is a book of the classical phase, a lively and unabashedly partisan account of Selma and the Voting Rights Act. (The title is from a saying of the abolitionist Theodore Parker that King quoted on the steps of the Alabama statehouse: "The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice.") Some of this material is covered in earlier books like Branch's trilogy and David Garrow's "Bearing the Cross" (1986), both staggering achievements of research and reporting. But May tells the story his own way, and he is able to add many details, particularly to the Jackson shooting, for which he acknowledges the help of John Fleming, a reporter for the Anniston Star who is part of the Civil Rights Cold Cases Project team. Among the parallels between Nazism and Southern racism was the difficulty of bringing to justice the perpetrators of racial violence, most of whom did little to hide their identities. In 2004, Fleming got James Fowler to admit to shooting Jackson. In 2010, he was convicted of second-degree murder and sentenced to six months.
Jones's "The March on Washington" is distinctly a work of the second-emphasis school. It provides an alternative to the standard account by stressing the part played in the movement by unions and women's groups. (Though many heroes of civil-rights activism, from Pauli Murray and Diane Nash to Rosa Parks and Fannie Lou Hamer, were women, not a single woman was included in the three-hour official program at the Lincoln Memorial on August 28, 1963.) Jones insists that the march was about more than King's famous speech—so much so that he gives the speech less than two pages. This may be a case of overcorrecting. King understood that, without economic opportunity, racial equality didn't mean much. After 1965, he devoted his life to the cause of economic justice.
The idea of marching on Washington dates from 1941, when Randolph planned a march to force Franklin Roosevelt to ban discrimination in employment by defense contractors and in the armed forces. Randolph cancelled the march when Roosevelt created the Fair Employment Practices Commission. But after the war Congress eliminated the commission. As Jones explains, Randolph saw the 1963 march as a resurrection of his old crusade. He agreed to incorporate King's agenda in order to maximize participation—which is why, in photographs of the march, you see placards reading "March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom." The jobs part was Randolph's.
It was a source of deep annoyance in the N.A.A.C.P. that King got the media attention while the organization filed the lawsuits and paid the bills. During a meeting in 1963, Wilkins turned to King and said, "Martin, if you have desegregated anything by your efforts, kindly enlighten me." King took the point. "I guess about the only thing I've desegregated so far is a few human hearts," he said.
But the direct-action movement was not about interpreting the Fourteenth Amendment. It was about the sights and sounds, the singing and preaching of a people who were, as King liked to say, "on the move." The fourteen-part documentary "Eyes on the Prize," narrated by Julian Bond and shown on PBS in 1987 and 1990, is a terrific resource for those sights and sounds, as well as for its interviews with participants. The first six parts, covering the classical phase, are now finally available on DVD.
The best record, though, is the three-hour "King: A Filmed Record . . . Montgomery to Memphis," a brilliant piece of documentary filmmaking created by Ely Landau and shown for only one night, in 1970. It was released this January on DVD, by Kino. There is no narration. Besides the canonical events, there is footage of King in less formal mode—grinning as Mahalia Jackson sings "Joshua Fought the Battle of Jericho" in a Chicago church, and reminiscing about the times he was most afraid.
Why did the classical phase come to an end? That is easy to answer: the fissuring of the movement over the issue of nonviolence; the challenge of addressing discrimination in places, like Chicago, that did not have Jim Crow laws, and, generally, of changing the focus from race to class; above all, Vietnam. "The war came to define America's image abroad," as Dudziak writes. "All other issues paled in significance." King's opposition to the war cost him access to the White House. And the replacement of intent with effect as the standard for determining discrimination—effect is the standard that affirmative-action programs use—contributed to a white backlash. In 1964, sixty per cent of blacks and thirty-nine per cent of whites agreed that there had been a "real change" in the position of African-Americans. In 1976, sixty-three per cent of whites agreed with that statement, but only thirty-two per cent of blacks.
A harder question is why the classical phase lasted as long as it did. The answer surely has something to do with the personality of King and the nature of his leadership. As a student at Crozer Theological Seminary and Boston University, King had taken an interest in the Social Gospel movement and in Gandhi's campaign for Indian independence. But he does not seem to have imagined himself leading a crusade for social justice. Branch suggests that he originally expected to preach, then take an academic position.
When he was approached, in 1955, to speak at the first mass meeting of the Montgomery bus boycotters, King was twenty-six years old. He declined. He changed his mind when he was assured that he would not have to take a leadership position. King had less than half an hour to prepare that speech, which he delivered in the Holt Street Baptist Church to an overflow crowd of more than five thousand. It's a powerful oration—"If we are wrong," he said, "God Almighty is wrong!"—and he must have sensed, from the frenzied response, that this was work he was intended to do. And it's all he did. He never thought of running for office. Despite being tempted, cajoled, and baited, he never abandoned his commitment to nonviolence.
The activists in SNCC were not the only ones who thought King was an opportunist. So did Marshall, the man who argued Brown before the Supreme Court. So did J. Edgar Hoover, who tried to convince Kennedy that King was a dupe of the Communists, and who suspended the F.B.I.'s practice of warning political figures of death threats in King's case.
So, for a time, did Roger Wilkins, an assistant attorney general in Johnson's Justice Department. Then, in 1966, Wilkins went to see King in Chicago, where, in the face of neo-Nazi violence, King was trying to get the city to address the problems of inner-city poverty. King had rented a walkup in a slum neighborhood. When Wilkins and another Justice Department lawyer got up the stairs, they found King in a small, airless room in a railroad apartment, talking to forty or fifty gang kids. He was holding a seminar on nonviolence. "For hours this went on," Wilkins later told one of L.B.J.'s biographers. "There were no photographers there, no newsmen. There was no glory in it. He also kept two assistant attorney generals of the United States waiting for hours while he did this." It was four o'clock in the morning when King finished. He woke Coretta and she made coffee. "We sat and we talked," Wilkins said. "He was a great man, a great man."
King believed that defending the voting rights of minorities was the responsibility of the executive branch. For years, while civil-rights workers were being beaten, jailed, and murdered across the South, King begged the White House to send federal authorities to protect voter-registration drives. Presidents and attorneys general always found reasons to refuse. Finally, with the Voting Rights Act of 1965, Congress gave the executive branch the tools and the authority to enforce the law.
With the decision in Shelby v. Holder, the Supreme Court has taken much of that authority away. Claims of Fifteenth Amendment violations must again be pursued through the courts, a lengthy and expensive process that shifts the burden of proof to the plaintiffs. As Richard Pildes, a voting-rights expert at the N.Y.U. School of Law, and others have argued, some of the blame for the decision should go to Congress. In 2009, the Court sent Congress a signal, in a case called Northwest Austin Municipal Utility District v. Holder, that it needed to revisit the act's definition of which areas were covered by the requirement that they clear changes in voting regulations with the Justice Department. That provision had not been revised since the mid-nineteen-seventies. But it has been politically expedient for Congress to renew the act, rather than add places where discrimination is a problem today.
"Our country has changed," Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr., said, a sentiment echoed by Justice Thomas. They could not mean that race is no longer an issue. The Times reported that one place eagerly awaiting the Court's ruling was Beaumont, Texas, where the Justice Department has blocked several attempts by a group of white citizens to change voting regulations for the explicit purpose of unseating a black-majority school board. What's so changed about that? ♦


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Size: Xsmall (30" chest/20" length) Brand: So This is a gently preowned shirt that has been deconstructed and pinned back together into a one of a kind, safety pin fashion. This is a raw, slightly imperfect style. This is a short sleeve, V-neck piece that is pinned at the waistline with silver safety pins and has gold and silver safety pin accents at the neckline. Clothing is fragile and not for casual, all day wear. Great for events like concerts or parties. Size no longer true to the original tag due to being upcycled. Undershirt not included. Includes extra pins. Care Instructions: Wash on a handwash cycle, preferably with fabric softener, and hang dry. Item comes prewashed in All Free and Clear detergent and All Free and Clear fabric softener and ready to wear. Pins are crimped closed for safety.
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Under way
It was hard to tell dockside in Gustavia this morning if there was a care in the world among the Les Voiles de St Barth competitors, what with the trade winds blowing, blue skies prevailing, and large cumulus clouds scudding overhead. With the first warning signal at 1100, there was time for the crews to enjoy café and a croissant in the race village, finish prepping their boats, and catch up with friends.
The atmosphere was relaxed and thoroughly Caribbean-style, though it belied somewhat the competitive spirit found in a good part of the fleet. Through just about all classes, sailors were scouting their competition, checking ratings and looking to see what modifications had been made since their adversaries last competed on the water.
The fleet of 59 boats is spread over eight classes, and within each of those there is ample competition. Onboard the Baltic 45 Jolt 2 (GBR), owner/skipper Peter Harrison is racing at Les Voiles de St Barth for the first time. Harrison is also on-site as CEO of Richard Mille Europe, sponsor for the event.
"We have been out a few times trying to work out all the local secrets, which has been very difficult! We are really pleased as a team and as a company to support the event. It is great to see such a varied fleet of professional and amateur crews. There is a nice group to sail against – Arethusa (USA), Defiance (USA), Hamachi (USA) and Music (RSA) - so exciting racing ahead. We have quite a nice course for today, reaching most of the way back, and we hope it will be good for our boat; she is good downwind."
Indeed, St Barths served up perfect conditions with a 15-20 knot southeasterly breeze. Early on, there were mechanical issues for two boats, including Jack Desmond's White Rhino (USA), which had a problem before the start with the mast partner that necessitated returning to the dock. Shortly after the Maxi class start, the headstay on the Swan 100 Varsovie (CAY) parted, though with quick crew work it did not damage to the mast.
Classes were sent on three different courses, ranging in length from 24-33 nautical miles, which took the fleet anti-clockwise in the lee of St Barths, around the southern end of the island at Pointe a Toiny, where boats encountered a four-to-six-foot swell. Occasional squalls brought rain (fresh water rinse!) and big variations in wind pressure, which ratcheted up the pressure on tacticians to pick the best course.
The Volvo 60 Cuba Libre sailed in the non-spinnaker class with two local teenagers on board, one on a race boat for the first time. Skipper Benedikt Clauberg had high praise for the teenager who served as his bow man, saying: "It's his first day on the boat, and he performed like a professional bow man. We had a lot of sail changes when a jib halyard snapped – we had some action, but it was wonderful!"
For the Melges 24 class, it was a spirited day. Local St. Maarten sailor Frits Bus is back for his second time. Bus won his class (Spinnaker) last year on his Melges 24 Team Coors Light, in a closely fought week of racing with Lazy Dog (PUR), winning the final deciding race by 20 seconds on corrected time.
This year the Melges 24s have their own class with six boats. Sunburned and a bit weary after sailing the 24-mile course on Island Water World, an enthusiastic Bus said: "We had a great day today with shifty conditions at the start. We made big gains on the big shifts that came in; we managed to catch up from third place at the first mark to finish by two boat lengths, overtaking Budget Marine Gill (AHO) and Amcom Express (TRI) on the last upwind leg to the finish. The course was long, but it was a great day of sailing.
"We had a few new people on the boat, so we went out early to do some practice. The day was long, but it was beautiful sailing, and the course was great: all kinds of conditions, with big swells, low winds, then no winds under the cloud cover in the squalls. Everything was there, the perfect day's sailing!"
Phil and Wendy Lotz on the Swan 42 Arethusa are racing here for the first time. "We heard a lot of good things about the regatta; it's a little bit of the European flair down in the Caribbean," said Phil Lotz, who steers the boat. "We come down about every two years and do about three regattas. We hadn't done this, and we wanted to check it out. With the Swan Cup that preceded it by a few weeks, it fit into a nice schedule; we'll go on from here to Antigua Sailing Week."
Arethusa has some tough competition in their class with Steve Cucchiaro's Marten 49 Defiance (USA) and James Blakemore's Music, a Swan 53. About today's race, Lotz added, "It was fun…a long race, pretty much full-on the whole time, a lot of gear shifting. Occasionally there were more waves than wind."
Full results here


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Outlaw Golf Hints (Xbox)
Published by
Developed by
Also For
Critic Score
100 point score based on reviews from various critics.
User Score
5 point score based on user ratings.
Warning! Clicking on one of the links below will give you information that could possibly spoil or ruin or otherwise make the game less fun. Once you've seen how to cheat, it's hard to forget. Click at your own danger or flee now while you still have the chance.
|Cheats/Codes - Xbox
|All characters and equipment
|Feb 28, 2003
|Exodia85 (2180)
Walkthroughs, hints, tips, tricks, cheats and codes can be contributed to MobyGames by any registered user via our online game contribution pages. If you know of any hints for this game that aren't already in the database, please take a moment to share you knowledge with your fellow gamers. It's easy fast and fun.


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Anyone interested in a used 2013 Kawasaki Z1000 ABS Special Edition Z Series? I've been diagnosed with sleep apnea and narcolepsy at the same time. The doctor believes it's too dangerous for me to be riding, especially on the drugs he has me on, so I need to let someone else love this machine.
According to Red Book it should be this one: https://www.redbook.com.au/bikes/res...?csn_tnet=true
I purchased it used back in 16/07/2017 from Sydney City Motorcycles in Lane Cove with ODO: 6124. I had Oggy knobs installed on the front and rear axle, and a radiator grille.
Now it's at ODO: 6441. It's gone in for annual maintenance there twice since purchase. Replaced the tyres at ODO: 6281 w/Michelin Pilot Road 4 120/70ZR17 on the front and 190/50ZR17 on the rear.
Honesty here, I dropped the bike one evening when I was reaching over to enter my garage door code to the apartment parking lot. I had to get the clutch lever and handle bar replaced as they were bent beyond repair. The bar end is still scratched. Otherwise, nothing else wrong with it.
I also have a Garmin Zumo 595LM w/two tyre pressure caps on it, but I can remove them if you don't want to pay for them.
I have all the paperwork from the purchase and all of the maintenance papers since purchase as well. I also have a PPSR search for the bike as well if you'd like to see it.
Rego is paid up until 29/10/2018.
$10,000: Just throwing a number out there.
Images on DropBox since I can't seem to figure out how to embed them in this post:


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Sysco is the global leader in selling, marketing and distributing food products to restaurants, healthcare and educational facilities, lodging establishments and other customers who prepare meals away from home. Its family of products also includes equipment and supplies for the foodservice and hospitality industries. With over 69,000 associates, the company operates approximately 323 distribution facilities across the globe and serves more than 650,000 customer locations. For fiscal year 2019 that ended July 1, 2019, the company generated sales of more than $60 billion.
Sysco Corporation, an Equal Opportunity Employer, endeavors to make the Sysco Corporate Careers Website accessible to any and all users. If you would like to contact us regarding the accessibility of our website or need assistance completing the application process, please contact us at 1-855-SYSCO4U / 855-797-2648 or email@example.com.
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Public Tours
April 11, 2021 @ 2:00 pm
Free for Members, Free after admission for Non-Members.
Museum Guides lead public tours every weekend. On Saturdays and Sundays, there is a Highlights tour focusing on the Museum's collection at 1:00 p.m. At 2:00 p.m., the public tour focuses on the special exhibition or spotlights an area of the permanent collection.
Saturdays and Sundays
Highlights Tour at 1:00 p.m.
Exhibition/Spotlight Tour at 2:00 p.m.
Tours are free with admission.


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Indian art from North America has attracted the collector for many years. Each tribe has its own distinctive designs and techniques. Baskets, jewelry, pottery, and leatherwork are of greatest collector interest. Indian jewelry was often decorated with arrows, suns, thunderbirds, and other typical designs. Eskimo art is listed in the Eskimo category.
Enter your email below to receive Kovels Komments for the latest antiques & collectibles news, answers to readers questions, marks and tips. In your inbox every Wednesday.
Current & Past Issues
Buyer's Price Guide
Words of Wisdom (Letter to Lee)


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When choosing a college, it's important to consider not just the cost of the education, but also its long-term value. Attending IIT is an enriching experience that creates opportunities for your future, whether in graduate study, the workplace, or daily life. The PayScale College ROI (Return On Investment) Report ranked Illinois Tech #1 in Illinois and #39 in the U.S. when it comes to mid-career earnings for graduates who have earned a bachelor's degree.
You may be wondering if you can afford such a great education. Perhaps the better question is whether you can afford to pass it up. Illinois Tech offers the financial aid and scholarship support to make sure that you don't have to. Consider the following. At Illinois Tech, more than 98 percent of students receive some type of financial aid, whether it be need-based, merit-based, or both. There are also scholarship opportunities that can cover most of your college expenses.


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For Obama, Peace in the Morning, War in the Afternoon
Hours after thanking the world for the Nobel Peace Prize this morning, President Obama will gather with his war advisers to ponder sending 60,000 more troops into a country where our national security objectives are unclear at best.
Instead of embracing General McChrystal's proposal for a substantial increase in the U.S. military presence — or even adopting a "McChrystal-Light" strategy — the Obama administration should begin a phased withdrawal of troops over the next 18 months, retaining only a small military footprint relying on special forces personnel. Otherwise, America will be entangled for years — or decades — in pursuit of unattainable goals.
We need to "define success down" in Afghanistan. That means abandoning any notion of transforming ethnically fractured, pre-industrial Afghanistan into a modern, cohesive nation state. It also means reversing the drift in Washington's strategy over the past eight years that has gradually made the Taliban (a parochial Pashtun insurgent movement), rather than al Qaeda, America's primary enemy in Afghanistan. A more modest and realistic strategy means even abandoning the goal of a definitive victory over al Qaeda itself.
Instead, we need to treat the terrorist threat that al Qaeda poses as a chronic, but manageable, security problem. Foreign policy, like domestic politics, is the art of the possible. Containing and weakening al Qaeda may be possible, but sustaining a large-scale, long-term occupation of Afghanistan and creating a modern, democratic country is not.
More here:


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Performance High Portable Cooler Camping Outdoor Kit Hardware Wheel Pneumatic 324d8lvbc34214-Camping
Miniature Horse, Miniature Donkey Waterproof Turnout Blanket w Gussets & Lined
Ciesse Piumini Franklin Col.. 9015-Antracite - 50
Welcome to the Epcot Manifesto.
Manifesto? That doesn't sound very "magical"! Isn't Epcot in Disney World? Isn't Disney World one of the happiest places on Earth? How could one relate the word manifesto with a theme park?
The mission of this website is simple. To explore the mission of EPCOT Center, the park as it existed in the 1980s and 1990s. The park before it lost some capitalization and the word "Center" from it's name. To look at the park that was, the park that is now, and to perhaps suggest some ways that the park could be brought back to it's former glory.
I emphasize could because what is presented here is not in any way set to happen, nor are they the only ideas that could solve some of the problems of the current theme park. I've spent WAY too much time thinking about this, so I've come up with some ideas. I'm not an Imagineer, I have no construction experience, and couldn't begin to figure the budget out for anything. When I get around to posting some ideas, I'll try to be relatively thoughtful about budget, construction impact to a working theme park, and overall feasibility.
Let me start with a bit of a disclaimer. I know that I cannot fully separate nostalgia from fact. I know that my affection for EPCOT Center draws heavily from it's influence on me growing up. Unlike some mega-Disney-fans, I did not live in Florida growing up, but we did travel to WDW pretty much annually. I remember my father getting tickets to the opening year of EPCOT Center in the mail, in a shiny envelope, beautiful tickets. Thankfully, he decided to save them and not use them, so some day these will hang on my wall.
We went almost every year, 1982/83 would have been my first year, meaning I would have been 6 or 7, and I went pretty much from then through to college, so basically I was there through almost all elementary school through high school. Those were some seminal educationally developmental years there, and I guess I was likely always inclined in the science direction anyway (thank you Star Wars). After a break from WDW trips during my days as a broke college student / young man (only one trip between 1994 and 2002), I started making trips again nearly annually around 2002 with my wife, and later my kids as well. This means that there is an 8 year break in my visits, and when I finally started going back, something felt different with my favorite park. It took me years to put my finger on it, but once I did, it's become something akin to an obsession with me.
So all that together adds up to one big nostalgic soup that does influence my thoughts no matter how hard I try and distance myself from them. As this blog progresses, there will be places I'll try my best to be objective. There will be places I'll rely strictly on emotion and memory. Hopefully I'll be able to point out which is which.
This will be a mix of off the cuff thoughts, ones that I have put together previously on my WDW fan forum of choice (Pipe Vision G-Tech Lenses A F - Snow Goggles), things I've created, things I've researched, and most likely things I've got so wrong that you all will delight in correcting me.
Either way I hope that it will be educational for some, nostalgic for others, thought provoking for most, and at least as well written as a 5th grade book report.
I hope that you enjoy reading, and please feel free to comment to share memories, thoughts, to troll me, whatever. It's not life or death, it's a theme park! Let's have some fun.


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Roofing Construction Service Contractors in Downey, CA
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Momentum Solar, founded in 2009, is a top solar contractor and Inc. 500 fastest-growing private company that employs over 1,000 people… More
Friendly, informative, helpful. Somewhat more expensive than the first provider I considered, but Momentum is much more professional about how they… Full review
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Solar green construction it's been in business for many years we are committed to help the community and to satisfied there… More
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The initial presentation was both impressive and informative. Frank did a thorough job establishing the integrity of his company's product. … Full review
Michael T Rose, opened MTR Construction in 2007 with one goal in mind. Provides its FREE estimate for home remodeling and… More
Serving the tri-county area since 1992 where you can get top quility roofing at a affordable price. call for free consultation.… More
For over 50 years Nuss Construction Company has been a leading local choice for kitchen & bathroom remodeling, roofing & siding,… More
Man Cave Builders Burbank Construction company conducts FREE estimate for home improvement since 2013. We are licensed, bonded and insured. … More
Ridgeway Home Builders Inc. Ridgeway Home Builders (formerly Ridgeway Construction, Inc.) is a small-woman-owned, entrepreneurial family design-build construction company that brings… More
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One of the state's most senior police officers will be called to give evidence on Wednesday to defend his investigation into the possible murder of a young Ashfield man.
Frank Mennilli, now an assistant commissioner and commander of the South-West Metro Region, was the lead investigator in the disappearance of Richard Sajko, who vanished the night before Mother's Day in 1995.
Mr Sajko, a "quiet and shy" 21 year-old, was last seen leaving his job at Avis Car Rentals in Mascot just days before he was due to give evidence against a former friend in a criminal trial.
More than two decades later, no one has been arrested despite revelations on Tuesday that a prime suspect had confessed.
His mother Rozi Sajko told an inquest at Glebe Coroners Court that her son seemed "very disturbed" in the days before his disappearance.
She had learnt two weeks earlier that he was defending criminal charges in a district court after being pulled over in October, 1994, in a tow truck being driven by his friend Sam Testalamuta with a stolen car on the back.
The pair had given police conflicting explanations of how the stolen car came to be in their possession and Mr Sajko revealed to his mother that Mr Testalamuta had been pressuring him to change his statement.
At one stage, Mr Testalamuta threatened to kill Mr Sajko and blow up his car, the inquest heard. He had also been using Richard's name and address, without his permission, to get out of traffic infringements.
"He seemed disturbed," Mrs Sajko told the inquest. "Even though he was reserved and a shy person, with me and in our home he just was a normal, happy person but he didn't seem [that way] at the time. When I asked him what is the matter, he came out with the story... about the trouble that he seemed to be having with Sam Testalamuta."
He was due to spend Mother's Day with his mother at her Coogee home in 1995 but never showed up.
The night before, he left work at midnight with a passenger in his car. His red Commodore was parked oddly in a Croydon street that night, where it remained for 11 days until police began to investigate.
In the early stages, Mr Mennilli told Mrs Sajko that her son had probably made up the story about being threatened and simply run away, the inquest heard.
"Did Sergeant Mennilli ever tell you that he thought there was no evidence in this case supporting foul play?" asked Penelope Wass, SC, representing the Sajko family.
"Yes," Mrs Sajko replied.
She said she would often ring Ashfield police to ask questions and would never receive a call back.
It was only two years ago that she was told a man, John Tuiletufuga, who has since been deported to New Zealand due to criminal convictions, had confessed.
There was evidence that Tuiletufuga and another man known only as Sam had used Richard's phone the day after he disappeared.
One of several issues to be addressed in the inquest is whether serious errors by the police allowed Mr Sajko's unusual and suspicious disappearance to go unsolved for almost two decades and possibly allowed a murderer to remain free.
"There is no evidence that Richard ran away or committed suicide or died from drugs," counsel assisting the coroner, Ian Bourke, said. "The evidence does support the conclusion that Richard has died and died in very suspicious circumstances."
Mr Sajko's body has never been found.
The inquest continues.
Correction: An earlier version of this story said police "botched" its investigation. The coroner, who has yet to report, has made no such finding.


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Au Ver A Soie - Soie d'Alger - 4923 Chambrod
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Au Ver a Soie, Soie d'Alger is a stranded Spun silk with 7 plies, which are easily divided. Soft, lustrous and smooth, it is made from a spun silk called "strusas" which gives it unrivaled regularity for hand embroidery. 5 meter skeins.
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Saturday, July 2, 2011
For starters...Not a good First Inning!
2 comments:
- AnonymousJuly 2, 2011 at 10:57 AM
Gotta agree, "50-50" Niese was on thewrong end of his performance scale (50% he's unhittable - 50% he can't seem to get it together until it's too late; thus the career ~.500 record).ReplyDelete
Comments from A-Rod last night definitely give a sense that he wants Reyes next to him next season and not Jeter. Here hopes Reyes stays on with the Amazins next year.
Love the blog, and look forward to seeing the art every day.
Let's go Mets!!!
- James in Houston
We are on ESPN this weekend covering The Subway Series!ReplyDelete
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Home > Lightning
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Weight: 650g
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California Style Vol 1¥1,500.00
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(2010; 33 pages)
[Benchmarks for Training in Traditional / Complementary and Alternative Medicine]
This document comprises benchmarks for training in naturopathy.
In 2003, a WHO resolution (WHA56.31) on traditional medicine urged Member States, where appropriate, to formulate and implement national policies and regulations on traditional and complementary and alternative medicine to support their proper use. In 2009, the resolution WHA62.13 further urged Member States to consider, where appropriate, inclusion of traditional medicine in their national health systems and establishing systems for the qualification, accreditation or licensing of practitioners of traditional medicine. This document as one of the series of benchmarks for training for selected types of TM/CAM care is part of the implementation of the WHO resolutions. The benchmarks for training describe models of training for trainees with different backgrounds, and reflect what the community of practitioners in naturopathy regards to be reasonable practice when training professionals to practice naturopathy, taking into consideration that consumer protection and patient safety are core to professional practice. This document is intended to:
- Support countries in establishing systems for the qualification, accreditation or licensing of practitioners of traditional medicine;
- Assist practitioners in upgrading their knowledge and skills in collaboration with providers of conventional care;
- Facilitate better communication between providers of conventional and traditional care, as well as other health professionals, medical students and relevant researchers, through appropriate training programmes;
- Support integration of traditional medicine into the national health system.


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About Us
The Science
Our Solutions
Our Research
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The potential benefits of physical activity to health are huge. If a medication existed which had a similar effect, it would be regarded as a 'wonder drug' or 'miracle cure'.
Sir Liam Donaldson, 2009 Annual Report of the Chief Medical Officer
Physical Activity is recognised for its potential in combating multiple diseases, however like all effective medicine it is most powerful when personalised.
KiActiv® has now achieved personalisation and established Physical Activity as an accessible and scalable digital medicine.
Our Science
Understanding that there is more than one dimension to Physical Activity is vital for its use in healthcare and is integral to the accurate evaluation and measurement for tailored disease specific solutions.
Understanding Physical Acitivty
Our Solutions
The unique KiActiv® (patent pending) system is dynamic and interactive software that is evidenced based. It establishes the effective use of 'free living' Physical Activity for the prevention and treatment of lifestyle diseases. Our personalised behavioural medicine is natural, safe and accessible to everyone.
View our solutions
Our Mission
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The PC version of Grand Theft Auto IV allows for mods. We've shown you some of these before. But I've never seen a collection so diverse, and so impressive, as that of modder William Peddell.
Posting on the GTA4-MODS forum, he's made a speciality of transforming the game's star into everyone from Zelda's Link to Half-Life's Gordon Freeman through to the... Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles.
What's so impressive about them isn't just that they work (these kind of things can often look a little wonky), but that they're so good-looking while they're doing it.
Because these are simple texture swaps, they're not that difficult to get working in your game, so if you want to try something like this out, head to William's GTA4-MODS page below to download and install the skins that take your fancy.
wapeddell [GTA4-MODS]


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Yummy bottle of wine - dry, but yet not too dry. Nice slight sweet taste to it as well.
More posts
- Good Chardonnay
- Fruit forward grapefruity- has a touch of that buttery Chardonnay taste to it- overall it's ok but not even close to NZ
- Mmmm sorry to say I'm making wine coolers cause I'm hot!
- 2010 on sale for $7.99 Yummy oaky and lightly fruity
- Very dry. My family enjoyed it, but I prefer much fruitier.


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Here's the latest of our news bulletins from the ongoing crisis at Japan's Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant.
Upcoming National Elections
Campaigning for Japan's Lower House of Parliament elections—scheduled for Sunday, December 16—has moved into full swing, but the outcome of the contest remains uncertain. Although current polling shows that the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) will likely be knocked from power, analysts say that the large number of undecided voters, lack of clarity in party platforms, and disorganization of newly-emerging third parties may result in no one party having a majority in the Lower House. Etsushi Tanifuji, professor of political science at Waseda University, notes, "I think there will be no true winner in this election because the Diet will still be divided no matter what. This means this is a transitional election and not the ultimate decider." He added, "This is an extremely unfortunate election for the voters because everything is so undecided—from the candidates to the policies---and the people are being forced to choose the ruling party in this environment. There are no past achievements to judge from, nor clear visions of the future to place their hopes in."
Indeed, although almost 1,500 candidates from 12 parties are competing for the 480 available seats, many voters remain confused about which party to support. Yuko Sato, a voter from Fukushima Prefecture who lived just 6 km from the Fukushima Daiichi plant before the nuclear disaster, lamented, "They're all saying the same sort of thing, and in the end, I don't know in whose hands I should leave my future."
Nuclear power is expected to play a major role in the decision-making process; this is the first general election since the Fukushima nuclear crisis more than a year and a half ago. In a debate last weekend, Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda said that the DPJ would continue its efforts to eradicate nuclear power across the country by 2040. Opposition leader Shinzo Abe held firm in his previous stance supporting nuclear power, and later said, "Japan should not rely completely on renewables." Abe heads the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which was instrumental in crafting the nation's nuclear power policy over past decades. Meanwhile, Yukiko Kada, head of the newly-formed Tomorrow Party (JTP), which emerged just last week, promised to end nuclear reliance within the next decade, by 2022. (Source: NHK)
Although the Japan Restoration Party (JRP) released documents attached to their official party platform promising to "phase out nuclear power generation from existing nuclear reactors by the 2030s," party leader Shintaro Ishihara backtracked, saying that politicians should not set a target year for moving away from nuclear power, and promising to change the wording in the document. "I'll have that policy pledge reviewed," Ishihara said. The statement has raised questions about how solid the relationship between Ishihara and his co-leader, popular Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimoto, is and whether party members' views are too disparate.
An alliance has also reportedly sprung up between the LDP, which is pro-nuclear, and the New Komeito Party, which states that nuclear power should be abandoned "as promptly as possible." Nevertheless, analysts have questioned whether or not that relationship will hold, given philosophical differences.
In the meantime, issues with communications, particularly surrounding submission of a list of candidates to the Central Election Management Council by the evening deadline on December 4—some names were simply scribbled on blank paper—as well as poor attendance at campaign events, have highlighted internal organizational problems and have many asking whether or not the brand-new JTP has a chance of becoming a serious force in Parliament.
Other Nuclear Politics in Japan
Hisako Sakiyama, a scientist who was on the 10-person panel that compiled the Diet's investigatory report into the Fukushima nuclear disaster, has pointed out a single sentence in the 600-page document, which acknowledges that experts who determined the nation's radiation exposure limits have been receiving monetary support from the nuclear industry for years. The discovery once again highlights a conflict of interest between the nuclear industry and those who are supposed to regulate it objectively. The support came in the form of money for flights and hotels in order for the experts to attend meetings of the International Commission on Radiological Protection (ICRP). Some of the scientists' statements about radiation have been optimistic and sharply downplayed any risks from low-level radiation. The Diet investigation found that the nuclear industry has worked to influence Japanese ICRP members as far back as 2007, and documents show some executives expressing delight when the IRCP supported their views.
The official view of the ICRP is that no level of radiation is considered safe, but the organization does not dictate individual members' viewpoints or their countries' policies. Several of the Japanese members said they do not agree with the zero-radiation standard. Sakiyama criticized the cozy relationship between the experts and the nuclear industry, saying, "The assertion of the utilities became the rule. That's ethically unacceptable. People's health is at state. The view [about low-level radiation] was twisted so it came out as though there is no clear evidence of the risks, or that we simply don't know." ICRP members in Japan hold prestigious positions, including advising the Prime Minister's office and the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology (MEXT). In some cases after the Fukushima nuclear meltdowns, their assessments resulted in children being allowed to play outdoors, rather than staying inside or evacuating. Meanwhile, over a third of Japanese children were recently found to have abnormal growths on their thyroid glands. Yoshiharu Yonekura, a member of the ICRP and President of the National Institute of Radiological Sciences smiled as he said, "Low-dose radiation may even be good for you."
Japan's Nuclear Regulation Authority (NRA) plans to appoint three international experts as external members. They include Richard Meserve, former Chairman of the United States Nuclear Regulatory Commission; Mike Weightman, head of Great Britain's Office for Nuclear Regulation; and Andre-Claude Lacoste, former Chairman of the French Autorité de sûreté nucléaire (ASN). The three experts will meet with the NRA on December 14, when they are in Japan for an International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) conference.
Shunichi Tanaka, Chairman of the NRA, said this week that the Tsuruga nuclear power plant in Fukui Prefecture could be shut down, even if researchers are unable to confirm that an active fault sits beneath the plant. Earlier this month, a five-person team of experts, including an NRA Commissioner, traveled to the Tsuruga plant for two days to study a crush zone beneath reactor #2, in an effort to determine whether or not it might move in tandem with the Urazoko fault, which is located 200 meters away and known to be active. According to Japanese law, if the fissure below the plant is found to be active, the reactors must be shut down. However, Tanaka said that safety, rather than guidelines, needs to be the top priority. "It's not [the case] that nuclear reactors can be reactivated [just] because an active fault is not running directly beneath reactor buildings. Under special circumstances, the way such faults should be assessed needs to be reviewed," he said. The NRA plans to make a decision about whether or not the Tsuruga plant will be restarted after it meets again on December 11.
Officials from the NRA are criticizing the Japan Atomic Energy Agency (JAEA) for postponing required safety check on almost 10,000 pieces of equipment at the Monju fast breeder reactor in Fukui Prefecture. The lapse is a violation of the Nuclear Reactor Regulation Law. Safety checks for 9,679 items have not been performed since July 2010. Of those, 1,551 were important equipment, including some that detects neutrons in reactors. No new inspection dates were set. The NRA said it will require the JAEA to explain the situation and create a plan to prevent this situation from happening again.
Forty residents from Minamisoma, Futaba, Naraha, and Hirono, all in Fukushima Prefecture, have filed suit against TEPCO, demanding 20 million yen ($243,400) each in damages for emotional suffering and loss of their hometown and local community, for a total of approximately 1.94 billion yen ($23.6 million). The leader of the group, Tokuo Hayakawa, said, "We won't be able to put our lives back in order with the amount of compensation decided by TEPCO, the victimizer. If things remain as they are, we will become abandoned citizens." He added, "I want to convey our appeal through the lawsuit for the sake of our friends who cannot raise their angry voices to TEPCO, and for the sake of the evacuees who were forced to silently accept the situation." Hayakawa was referring to 97 handicapped residents of a group home he managed before the nuclear disaster occurred, some of whom died during the evacuation.
Contamination, Including Human Exposure
Japan's Environment Ministry reported this week that over 80% of almost 100,000 homes across Fukushima Prefecture are still contaminated with radioactive substances, more than a year and a half after three meltdowns occurred at the Fukushima Daiichi power plant. Sixty-nine percent of schools and daycare centers have been decontaminated, but only 38% of parks and recreational facilities and only 51% of roads have been treated. (Source: NHK)
TEPCO is considering placing a 2 km-long net across the seaport at the Fukushima Daiichi power plant, in order to prevent highly radioactive fish and eels from migrating out to sea and further contaminating the food chain. The utility long insisted that there were no leaks to the ocean, but in October, finally admitted that radioactive water is seeping into the sea, after a report by Ken Buesseler of The Woods Hole Oceanographic Institute noted increased cesium levels in sea life there. In an article in Science magazine, Buessler said, "The fact that many fish are just as contaminated today with cesium 134 and cesium 137 as they were more than one year ago implies that cesium is still being released into the food chain." TEPCO discovered a conger eel containing 15,500 Bq/kg of radioactive cesium, and other fish containing 4,200 Bq/kg. The legal limit in Japan is 100 Bq/kg. Fishermen from the local fisheries cooperative applauded the move, but said it has taken too long. "We have been asking TEPCO to close the port after receiving data showing high levels of contaminated…TEPCO's response is too slow," said one official.
Decontamination and Waste Disposal
Great Britain said that it will return 28 containers of highly radioactive waste, the result of reprocessing spent nuclear fuel from Japan's nuclear power plants, to Japan in February 2013. The date of the transfer will not be made public because of security concerns. According to Japan's so-called "nuclear fuel cycle," spent fuel was supposed to be recycled at the Rokkasho reprocessing plant in Aomori Prefecture. However, that facility has been plagued with technical difficulties and 19 separate delays, and has never operated at full capacity. Some government officials are now saying that the reprocessing plan should be scrapped, and spent fuel buried. However, residents across the country are worried about hosting a permanent burial site in their community out of concern about radiation leaks and water and soil contamination.
Officials from the Environment Ministry met with Okuma Mayor Toshitsuna Watanabe to discuss candidate storage sites for radioactive soil gathered in decontamination efforts around the prefecture. The government was originally looking at nine sites in Okuma, but three of those have been disregarded for geological and environmental reasons. The Ministry wants to finalize locations for waste disposal by March, but residents are unhappy about the decision to host the facilities in Okuma, in spite of the fact that radiation levels in the town remain so high that no one has been allowed to return since the nuclear disaster first began to unfold.
(Unregistered) Boris324
TEPCO has been caught lieing from day one making clean up and preventing radioactive fish from contaminating other sea life. I don't know if today...
TEPCO has been caught lieing from day one making clean up and preventing radioactive fish from contaminating other sea life. I don't know if today's earthquake (12-07-12) has affected Japan's reactors. If per chance it did not I would hope the power companies and the government don't take that all is well.you can only push the envelope so many times. Thank you very much Greenpeace
7 December, 2012 at 22:40
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(Unregistered) Sean Arclight
here is some info on the waste dump sites that have been hit by todays earthquakes..
here is some info on the waste dump sites that have been hit by todays earthquakes..
the smaller areas are likely toxic/nuclear dumping areas within the other waste areas.. has greenpeace tested these areas??
nobody has mentioned these areas.. i have left a link to the earthquake counter video so you get the full picture of impacts on the sites.. and any other areas not reported..
i hope this is useful info...
8 December, 2012 at 1:00
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On This Page
Advisory Board
Community Partnerships
Community partners play a vital role in supporting student learning through participation in service and civic engagement. Fairfield University strives to continually strengthen our relationships with community organizations and to work toward establishing mutually beneficial partnerships. Community partners benefit from the skills, compassion, and commitment of our students, faculty, and staff who, in turn, benefit from the experience and expertise of the community. Learn more about how community organizations can partner with Fairfield University through service learning, internships, work-study, and volunteering.
In the Spotlight
Ellen Carter
Outreach Advocate
Connecticut Association for Human Services
Hartford, Connecticut
"Professor Weiden's tax class provided a unique way for accounting students to use their skills to become engaged in the surrounding community. Our group found their eager attitudes and expertise invaluable during tax season. We always look forward to working with Fairfield University students."


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CCH Tagetik Support
Our CCH Tagetik corporate performance management solutions support team is vital to customer success. It is committed to maintaining the highest level of customer satisfaction. Tell us what you want to achieve, and we'll work tirelessly to help you get there.
We encourage you to utilize our industry-specific knowledge and our best practice guidance. Our department includes trained financial application specialists, product specialists & IT professionals who will collaborate with you to resolve any issue—whether it be simple user inquiries or a more complicated technical request.
All customers have a standard support included in the annual maintenance fee which include:
- eSupport portal for Reporting Bug
- Unlimited bug fixing
- Free download of most updated version of the purchased software
- Access to the CCH Tagetik Library and Question & Answer session (knowledge base, FAQs, and community forums). Self-help resources support
- Global partners who work with you in your local language/ A global network of certified partners will directly support you locally
- Access control and provisioning
- Updates and upgrades
- Data backup, restore and disaster recovery
- Infrastructure performance fine-tuning
- Access to the CCH Tagetik Library and Question & Answer session ( knowledge base, FAQs, and community forums). Self-help resources support
ADVANCEd SUPPORT
We offer 4 advanced support packages to support you resolving your logical functional issues and not only that:
- Advice and support for new (or upgrade) installations
- Application 'troubleshooting' to identify possible causes of low performance or errors
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- Advice on software reconfiguration in case of infrastructure changes by end user
Choose the package that best fulfills your needs!
Customers can choose to add our SLA/Escalation service to their Standard Support package so in the event that you need to escalate a case, our senior technical staff is immediately available to help bring your issue to a close. With this support package our technical staff can also report a problem up to the Chief Technical Officer level.
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It was a rousing week in tech. Mobile devices got the spotlight in Microsoft's two big announcements—a tablet and an upgrade for Windows phones. The computing giant is meshing its phones, tablets, and desktops more closely than ever, and could threaten other smaller competitors in the market.
In security stories, Flame was confirmed to have been concocted by the US and Israel, and a Diablo III web forum was found with a game cheat that installed a backdoor on users' computers.
Also, let's not forget that Linus Torvalds literally flipped off NVIDIA.
- Why Windows Phone 8 means the BlackBerry is doomed
Enterprise features and mobile device management may cut off RIM's air supply.
- Windows NT coming to phones with Windows Phone 8
As expected, Microsoft now has a common kernel between phone, tablet, desktop.
- Windows Phone 8's new, even more personal Start screen
Increased refinement and customization come to both users and developers.
- First look at the curved tabs in Firefox's new Australis design
A Mozilla developer published a Firefox build that shows the new tab style.
- Linus Torvalds says "f--k you" to NVIDIA
Linux kernel creator: NVIDIA the "worst company" he's worked with.
- Netflix to users, developers: we own your viewing history
Changes to the API will block other apps' access to viewing history, other data.
- A first look at Microsoft's new Surface tablet
Microsoft builds its first PC—and the Windows tablet to beat.
- How to blow $6 billion on a tech project
Military's 15-year quest for the perfect radio is a blueprint for failing big.
- Confirmed: Flame created by US and Israel to slow Iranian nuke program
Flame was developed by the NSA, CIA, and Israeli military, a new report says.
- Hacker uses malware built-in chat to toy with researchers
Backdoor posted in a Diablo III Web forum was disguised as a cheat.


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Tuesday, 25 March 2014
Library Events 3/27
The library will be presenting four programs on Thursday, March 27! All are free and open to the public.
What: Children's afterschool program on Great Basin archaeology
Where: Lake Bonneville Room
When: 3:30 p.m.
More information
What: A visit with Utah regency romance author Sarah M. Eden
Where: Lake Bonneville Room
When: 6:30 p.m.
More information
What: Email and Internet basics class
Where: Old Juniper Room
When: 7:00 p.m.
More information
What: Helicon West featured reader & open mic night
Where: Jim Bridger Room
When: 7:00 p.m.
More information
Posted By Logan Library at 11:45 AM in Category:Events
The Latest News!
Oct 16, 2018
» Community Book Discussion Oct 10, 2018
» The Dead Awaken Oct 5, 2018
» Library Closed Columbus Day


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No greater intellectual authority than Ian Brown once claimed that kids need boredom, saying that the fact there were only three TV channels in the mid-Eighties gave him the impetus to form The Stone Roses. Rudi Zygaldo might well agree with him, even if growing up in Manchester with only TV-AM must seem almost decadent to a kid raised in the Scottish countryside without any TV at all. Filling his head with classical music and obscure Eastern European literature instead, you might imagine such relative isolation would breed an almost monastic state of mind. Until you hear his debut album, that is. Calling Rudi Zygaldo 'a bit restless' is like saying that another Brown – our own dear Gordon – is 'a mite moody'. For Great Western Laymen sometimes feels like a kid banging a TV remote control with one hand whilst wildly turning the radio dial with another and headbutting his laptop in between; diving into the multichannel sensory overload with unabashed glee.
Boredom might have inspired The Stone Roses to combine rock and dance, but Zygaldo throws absolutely anything he can get his hands on – be it space rock, grime, jazz or even choral religious chanting – into his kitchen sink collages. He might nominally be associated with dubstep, but saying that a track like 'Magic In The Afternoon' is 'dubstep' just because it contains a few 130bpm bass wobbles is like saying 'Something About Faith' is 'pop' just because Zygaldo's singing on it. It would sound oddball enough amongst the other experimental wares on Mary Anne Hobbs' Radio 1 show, let alone the daytime playlists. Yet what really differentiates Zygaldo from most dubstep is that where the best of that music derives its power and atmosphere from the use of space, every nook and cranny of Great Western Laymen is stuffed with busy odds and sods of sound. Like Aphex Twin, Bass Clef and fellow Glasgow resident Hudson Mohawke, Zygaldo is seemingly unable to settle on one idea for longer than five seconds before throwing it away in favour of something else. Like his contemporaries, this approach can regularly result in moments of inspired genius, but it can also make for an exhausting listen. Take 'Resealable Friendship', which begins with Zygaldo multi-tracking his voice into what sounds like a choir on ketamine, before releasing hyperactive beats over a bassline that's constantly stumbling behind. With so many different tempos crashing into each other it's like watching a centipede tie itself in knots.
Only two tracks really work as cohesive entities. Relatively uncluttered compared to most other things on here – although you still break a sweat trying to follow everything that's going on – 'Stop / Reject' sends a low-riding synthetic groove slipping through the sort of star-gazing sounds familiar from Detroit techno and cosmic disco. Meanwhile, 'The Man In The Duck' is the most blatant example of Zygaldo's supposed 'pop' sensibility, a sort of lo-fi R&B ballad which, with all the bubbling noises and flatulent bass, occasionally sounds like he's singing down a length of showerhose whilst accompanying himself by farting in the bath.
But whilst many tracks are an indigestible mouthful taken as a whole, each one also contains at least one or two astounding moments. It's easier to pick out the parts of each track that you like – the free jazz sax solo that introduces 'Missa Per Brevis' say, the way classical piano spirals over something resembling the Jaws theme at the end of 'Magic In The Afternoon', or the genuinely unnerving choral vocals that make 'Song Of Praise' sound like a diabolical Black Mass that definitely wouldn't be screened on Sunday evenings. Plus, Zygaldo's production is a marvel to behold – as taut as Botoxed buttocks throughout the whole album, the synths on 'Something About Faith' sound as if they're being squeezed out of a toothbrush tube. Precocious Zygaldo might well be but boring is one thing he certainly isn't, and even if Great Western Laymen isn't quite as clever as it thinks it is, it certainly offers a damn good argument for turning off the TV.
7Paul Clarke's Score