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COLUMBIA, S.C. — The South Carolina home where President Woodrow Wilson lived as a teenager is about to reopen after $3.6 million in renovations.
The Historic Columbia Foundation announced Monday the Wilson home's doors will open again Feb. 15, with a number of events planned to coincide with Presidents' Day two days later. It has been closed since 2005.
"This has been a labor of love. Twice this house has been on the brink of ruin," Historic Columbia Executive Director Robin Waites said. "This shows the power of preservation."
The new home will be a museum with exhibits about Wilson's life and what Columbia was like during Reconstruction. The work was paid for by a combination of grants, donations and money from Richland County.
Wilson's family moved to Columbia when he was 13, and he lived in the city for about four years. His father taught at the Presbyterian Theological Seminary in Columbia. Wilson's father, mother and sister are all buried at First Presbyterian Church in Columbia, where Wilson's father was the minister.
"Those were very formative years. You can see him out on that balcony, looking over the city and soaking everything in," said Hank Shaw, an amateur historian from Columbia who has written a book on Wilson.
The home was set to be demolished in 1928 to build an auditorium, but residents rallied and saved it. The house served as a museum until 2005, when it was closed after plaster began falling from the ceiling and engineers noted water had badly damaged the foundation. It took several years to get the money to renovate, and Historic Columbia spent that time having a historic analysis of the home, which determined the original paint scheme and the likely uses for each of the rooms, Waites said.
The garden around the home has also been restored, including several magnolia trees planted on the grounds by Wilson's mother.
The Columbia home is one of four historic sites for Wilson, along with his birthplace in Stanton, Va.; a home in Augusta, Ga., where he grew up; and the home in Washington, D.C., where he lived after his time as president.
The Wilson home is South Carolina's only presidential site. Historians generally think Andrew Jackson was born in the state, but there is some dispute over whether the home where he was born might have been located in North Carolina. South Carolina built a state park on some of the Jackson family's old land.
The Columbia museum will also deal with Reconstruction. Wilson was in Columbia toward the end of the bitter reconciliation after the Civil War, when federal troops were still around and the federal government exerted its power over affairs in the state which was the first to secede from the union.
It isn't too much of a leap to imagine Wilson remembered his Columbia days as he led the United States into World War I and tried to broker deals for peace that would fall apart in less than 20 years.
"Woodrow Wilson was a moral, Christian man who greatly admired his father," Shaw said. "I think he learned a lot while he was here."
President Wilson's SC home to reopen in February
COLUMBIA, S.C. — The South Carolina home where President Woodrow Wilson lived as a teenager is about to reopen after $3.6 million in renovations.


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Colorectal cancer is the third most common cancer in the United States and the second leading cause of death from cancers that affect both men and women. Colorectal cancer affects all racial and ethnic groups and is most common in people ages 50 and older.
The best way to prevent colorectal cancer is to get screened regularly starting at age 50. There are often no signs or symptoms of colorectal cancer – that's why it's so important to get screened.
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|You can enjoy everything an
expensive location has to offer
without spending a bundle.
London and Paris are fantastic places to visit. The sights are legendary, the entertainment is always exciting, but the prices are high. There's no reason that should stop you, however. There are lots of ways to save money when you travel to expensive places. Here are a few to help you get to where you want to go, for less.
1. Free Attractions. First, find all the free attractions where you're going. Major cities always have lots of free things to do. World-famous parks and museums, castles, public beaches and piers, lively entertainment districts. Many cities offer free guided walking tours (but you should plan on tipping the guide). If you do your research, you may not pay a dime for the most fun you'll ever have. If you're traveling to an expensive region, look for local festivals, fairs or other forms of entertainment that are free or low cost.
2. Eat Cheap. Once again, do your research before you travel. Find the ethnic enclaves and neighborhoods--you'll be amazed at the quality, variety, and affordability of the food in restaurants and cafes owned by immigrants. When you arrive in the area, ask locals about cheap places to eat. Also, look online for coupons, or check out a restaurants website for daily specials. Many cities have street vendors offering delicious food. By staying in a vacation rental, you can take advantage of farmer's markets and cook truly local meals using fresh produce, meats and cheeses.
3. Stay in the Suburbs. Look for vacation rentals outside the city center or in the countryside, away from the main tourist attractions. Most popular areas have great public transportation or access to plenty of rental cars. Depending on how long you'll be in an area, you may want to buy local transportation passes. If you want to visit Zurich or Geneva, for example, consider making your trip more about seeing Switzerland. You'll open up your options, and you'll take in a greater variety of sights and experiences.
4. Avoid Taxis. They're expensive, and there's almost always a cheaper, and many times better, way to get around. Consider walking-- it's a great way to get a feel for a city. Plus, if it's a city like London or Paris, many attractions are going to be within walking distance. Subways and buses are usually a quick and easy way to get around a city.
5. Stay in Vacation Rentals. You'll get more value for the money you spend on lodging by staying in a vacation rental. Plus, you'll live like a local and really get to know the area. Here are some of the world's most expensive cities and areas, with links to vacation rentals.


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It was more than four years ago that this very site brought you the story of Ben Onett, a 13-year-old New Hampshire quarterback who was already thinking college recruiting. His lovably low-tech scouting profile, set up by his family, still exists, but it's an artifact of a simpler time. Now this stuff is commonplace, like with barely pubescent David Sills "committing" to USC, and it's still all publicity stunting, but we've learned to accept that college sports are weird and wrong and that there are worse things to get bent out of shape over. (Even our headline seems naive: when's the last time we expected our NCAA stars to be in school for the "enjoyment of sport"?)
But Ben Onett isn't just an icon of the time we all decided to say "fuck it, shady recruiting people, do what you want." He's a real kid, who's still playing football, and is about to end up playing football at a Division 1 school.
Since we last checked in he's transferred twice, first from sleepy New Hampshire to ranked Central Catholic in Lawrence, Mass., then to regional power St. John's College HS in Washington, DC, where he'll graduate from in 2012. He's part of the ESPN-sponsored QB camp making stops across the country at BCS powerhouse schools.
Why, he's even got an offer in hand from Temple University, and is on the radar of several good programs.
As media glare finds younger and younger prospects, those 13-year-olds become part of the scenery. But Onett, as one of the earliest ones, provides the first of many test cases to see how that premature spotlight can help, or hurt, genuinely talented kids who just want to play football somewhere good. We'll be watching.
[h/t to Ben Onett's father, who sent in this news to us twice, once with a fake name, but both times took exception with our original encouragement for the kid to "accept his limitations."]
It's Never Too Early To Ruin A Kid's Enjoyment Of Sport [Deadspin]
8th Grade QB Ben Onett [QBScout]


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Paco Sanchez: Denver's Hispanic social reform activist
Francisco "Paco" Sanchez, Hispanic activist and radio broadcaster, came to Denver in 1948 as a frontman for a Latin music band. When he learned there were no Spanish radio announcers in the city, he decided this was where he needed to be.
To fill the gap, Sanchez purchased his own radio time from stations KTLN and KMYR. He paid for the air time by personally selling ads. His programs had a community mission and he quickly earned the trust of Denver's Hispanics.
On June 5, 1954, Sanchez started his own radio station KFSC-AM in the living room of his house at 3343 Lafayette St. He was the first Hispanic owner of a Spanish-language station in Denver. The same year, Sanchez and several other community activists formed the Good Citizens Organization. The name was later changed to the Good Americans Organization (GAO).
Sanchez felt it important to improve the life styles of "his people" by supplying finacial assistance. The GAO opened a credit union. It then began addressing the housing problems of the community.
In 1968, the GAO became the first private sponsors of a low-income housing project in Denver. The Avondale housing project, near W. Colfax Ave. and Federal Blvd. had 44 units. In 1970, the GAO broke ground for the 13-story Juanita Nolasco-Dionisio Maes Housing Project for senior citizens at W. 9th Ave. and Utica St.
The GAO also became involved in rural housing, arranging financing for low-income housing in Platteville and Lamar.
In addition to forming the GAO, Sanchez had other accomplishments. He was chairman of the Coronado National Bank, a commissioner of the Denver Urban Renewal Authority and a founder of the Latin American Educational Organization. He was also elected to a two-year term in the Colorado House of Representatives in 1968.
Paco Sanchez died at age 57 in 1973. A park west of downtown Denver was dedicated in his name.


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The Science and Mathematics Education Center (SMEC), based in College of Science and Mathematics, has as its primary mission the recruitment and retention of science and mathematics students at the undergraduate level through special academic, financial, programmatic, advising and counseling support.
Advising and counseling focus on the students' course needs in order to assure that subject matter competency is established within the target science discipline or for mathematics. SMEC provides students with a comprehensive early field experience in conjunction with training workshops designed to better prepare them for the demands of the teaching profession.
SMEC, which has been extensively supported by the National Science Foundation, emphasizes recruitment of students from diverse backgrounds in an effort to reflect the demographics of our highly culturally diverse region. SMEC takes great pride in the diversity of its students. The SMEC Counselor is very conscientious about the advising and counseling services provided to all students, making sure that services are conducted in an inclusive, culturally sensitive manner.
SMEC carefully monitors student financial needs and makes every effort to carefully coordinate its efforts on behalf of students with the Financial Aid Office in order to determine student eligibility for available scholarships and loans. SMEC's support of students continues beyond the undergraduate years into the credential year with continued counseling, financial and programmatic support including special professional development opportunities such as summer research internships, etc.
SMEC works closely with the Kremen School of Education to provide comprehensive support as students transition to the credential program. Beyond the credential program, SMEC continues to work collaboratively with the Kremen School of Education and other organizations to provide professional development opportunities for practicing teachers to enhance their content and pedagogical knowledge within the science and math disciplines.
SMEC is a leader in the state for the development of a new online learning community that allows students and teachers at all stages of the teacher preparation and development continuum to be connected digitally to a wealth of teaching and learning resources and to share their on contributions to the community.


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Doctor Who: Series Six PT. Two
- (Widescreen, Dolby, AC-3, Slipsleeve Packaging)
- Format: DVD
- Rated: NR
- Release Date: 11/8/2011
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The truth about River Song is out and the time has come for the Doctor to face his greatest demons. Venturing across centuries and galaxies, the Doctor, Amy and Rory will encounter the greatest war criminal in all of history and Hitler. Together, they'll discover there's no scarier place in the universe than a child's bedroom and a visit to an alien quarantine facility will reveal to Rory a very different side to his wife. In a hotel where walls move, corridors twist and rooms vanish, death lies waiting. But the Doctors time has yet to come. He has one last stop to make on his final journey an old friend needs his help and an old foe must be defeated. But time catches up with US all and the Doctor can delay no more. By the shores of Lake Silencio, in Utah, all of time and space hang in the balance. And a NASA astronaut is waiting.


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A larger version of the exhibition had its U.S
NEW YORK The 17th century painting "Girl with a Pearl Earring" is coming to a New York City museum this fall.
The Frick Collection will show Johannes Vermeer's portrait of the girl with an enigmatic gaze from Oct. 22 to Jan. 19. The exhibition will include 15 other Old Dutch 온라인카지노 masterpieces.
They're on loan from the Royal Picture Gallery Mauritshuis in the Hague. The Dutch museum hasn't lent a large body of works in nearly 30 years.
A larger version of the exhibition had its U.S. premiere at the de Young Fine Arts Museum in San Francisco earlier this year. It also traveled to the High Museum of Art in Atlanta.
"Girl with a Pearl Earring" last visited the U.S. during a 1996 Vermeer retrospective at the National Gallery in Washington.


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Good news for photo fans on Google+ as the tech giant has now enabled users to upload full-size photos to Google+. That is, you'll be able to upload your photos with highest resolutions and not lose any details. Tough time for Flickr and other popular photo sharing sites.
However, users are limited to 2048 pixel-wide photos, and any photo beyond this threshold (over 2048 x 2048 pixels) will take up space on your Google Drive (5GB free storage) included with your Google+ account.
In December last year, Google enabled full-size backups of Android photos, and today Google's John Emerson announced in a post about the latest addition to the desktop site. "Today we're making it possible upload full-size photos from your desktop — whether you're updating your profile photo, creating a new album to share, or backing up pictures from a recent vacation," Jon Emerson explained.
To enable full-size desktop uploads, all you need to do is visit your settings at www.google.com/settings/plus, and enable "Upload my photos at full size" by checking it. Please be aware that any photo that is larger than 2048px will count towards your Google Drive storage. However, photo storage at 2048px or smaller remains free and unlimited. Additionally, you can buy more Google storage capacity at $2.49 a month for 25GB or $4.99 a month for 100GB.
The full-size photo uploading feature will now complement the pan and zoom feature that was launched in January this year. Users have to simply open a large photo in the lightbox and then, depending on how they want to view it, can either use their mouse wheel to zoom in or out and/or click and drag to pan right, left, up or down.
Google+ is getting better with very new feature added to it. With full-size photo uploads, Google+ will now compete with popular photo sharing sites Flickr and 500px.


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As a nuclear campaigner, I have seen the nuclear industry walk away from its mistakes many times, ignoring people's suffering.
But it is the terrible effect on people of a nuclear disaster such as Fukushima that really brings home the flaws of the nuclear system.
Nearly two years after the disaster, the lives of hundreds of thousands of people in Japan are still being disrupted. When the disaster hit, their lives were turned upside down. They were forced from their homes, they lost their jobs, families were split up and communities were abandoned due to the radioactive fallout.
People are not able to get fair compensation. Many are still unable to return home or rebuild their lives elsewhere. Imagine living in limbo like that, stuck between past and future.
How can this be happening?
Blame the unfair system that protects the nuclear industry from paying for its failures. This system is called nuclear liability. It is a joke.
Engineer Mitsuhiko Tanaka discusses the cover up of production flaws in the vessel for Reactor 4 at Fukushima. While the flaws and cover up didn't cause the explosion at Reactor 4, they are examples of why the nuclear industry can't be trusted.
Make the industry pay
A risky industry like the nuclear industry should have to pay for its damages, just the way big oil companies have to pay for spills. But the nuclear industry is protected. Governments did that to help the nuclear industry get started decades ago. They have never fixed the problems this protection created.
Greenpeace examines the flaws of the unfair system in a new report, Fukushima Fallout: Nuclear business makes people pay and suffer.
We commissioned three experts to look at the continued Fukushima suffering in relation to the worldwide system of nuclear conventions that lets the nuclear industry off the hook, while at the same time, forcing the public to pay the vast majority of the costs in the event of a nuclear accident.
When there is a disaster, the system doesn't require a nuclear plant operator to pay more than a tiny fraction of the costs of a disaster. Even in Japan, where nuclear operators were supposed to pay all the costs of a disaster, TEPCO, the operator of the Fukushima nuclear plant, simply does not have enough money to pay more than a fraction.
Flawed design
It gets worse. The system doesn't make the companies that supply material for nuclear plants pay anything at all to help the victims. So the world's big reactor sellers, GE, Hitachi and Toshiba among others, pay nothing if there is a disaster at one of the reactors they sell.
The gap between what the nuclear industry pays and what the public pays is enormous. In most countries with reactors, the damages a nuclear operator might be required to pay range from 350 million euros to 1.5 billion euros. That range is tiny when compared with the costs of a disaster.
For example, the Fukushima disaster could cost up to US$250 billion, according to recent estimates. The cost estimates for the Chernobyl disaster of 1986 range from 55 billion euros to 270 billion euros.
The Japanese government had to nationalise TEPCO because it couldn't pay even the early recovery costs. TEPCO's key reactor suppliers GE, Hitachi, and Toshiba, built the plant's reactors based on a flawed design. But they are protected. No help from them.
This means that Japanese taxpayers will end up paying the bulk of the costs of the disaster.
This isn't a problem that just affects Japan. If there was a nuclear disaster at any one of the world's 436 reactors, the same story would play out. Taxpayers would pay most of the costs.
It is well past time when this flawed system should be fixed. It's simple: the polluter must pay. The companies that create nuclear risks must be made to pay for their failures, not the people who suffer from them.
That's why Greenpeace International has launched a campaign to change the system. Our Fukushima Fallout report that explains the problem is the start. We need your help.
Sign our petition. Let governments know that the entire nuclear industry must be held accountable for the damage it causes.
Rianne Teule, Energy Campaigner at Greenpeace International
(Unregistered) thomas
One thing people could do would be to use existing social media and, working together in large numbers, create "social network smart grids" ...
One thing people could do would be to use existing social media and, working together in large numbers, create "social network smart grids" (SNSG). Strategic use of a SNSG would allow electricity consumers to effectively "vote" for how their power is generated by coordinating their discretionary use of it, favoring one energy source over another, especially during periods of peak demand. Hydro and natural gas, (wind and solar, soon, hopefully) over nukes and coal, for example.
19 February, 2013 at 18:37
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(Unregistered) NPO - Fukushima Future
Keep yourself up to date with the situation in Japan,
( Fukushima DaiichiPower plant).
Hint "I like" inside our...
Keep yourself up to date with the situation in Japan,
( Fukushima DaiichiPower plant).
Hint "I like" inside our page.
Keep an eye on how people deal with it.
Inform and Help, are our main missions.
Young NPO association, Join us!
From our page on Facebook, Twitter or Mixi,
follow our news and actions, act with us by sharing our page.
Thanks for your support
We count on you to talk from our page arround you.
Restez informé sur la situation au Japon .
Un click sur "J'aime" dans la page
Gardez un oeil sur la situation des déplacés.
Informer, sensibiliser et Aider !
Jeune association, rejoignez Nous!
Depuis notre page Facebook,Twitter, ou Mixi,
suivez nos actualités, agissez à nos côtés et mobilisez vos proches.
Merci pour votre soutient.
Nous comptons sur vous pour parler de nous autour de vous.
19 February, 2013 at 21:30
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(Unregistered) Wilhelm Tell
stop fuk!
20 February, 2013 at 4:46
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All over the world it's the same story whenever something goes wrong the real culprits are never held fully accountable for their actions ,look at...
All over the world it's the same story whenever something goes wrong the real culprits are never held fully accountable for their actions ,look at all the BP oil spills the loggers in Indonesia the companies that caused these disasters are allowed to continue as before while never doing repairs ,nature does that if it can recover.
Fukushima is no different ,the corporation that owns it can just continue as before instead of shutting up shop like it is supposed to.
20 February, 2013 at 11:38
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(Unregistered) Thomas
Absolutely! Join the petition and ask others to, as well.
20 February, 2013 at 14:30
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(Unregistered) RobertoA
The nuclear industry will never pay the full price of a disaster. This is for the same reason that I won't have to pay for medical bills if I am ...
The nuclear industry will never pay the full price of a disaster. This is for the same reason that I won't have to pay for medical bills if I am in a car accident. Liability insurance is used to provide a protective financial blanket over the insured. I don't have $25,000 to pay for a hospital stay, but I am covered because I have insurance. The nuclear industry is no exception. This article unfairly portrays the industry as a whole.
21 February, 2013 at 2:22
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Jan Haverkamp - Greenpeace
@RobertoA - I wish you were right. But nuclear operators cannot insure full liabilities, because no insurance or pool of insurers would be willing to ...
@RobertoA - I wish you were right. But nuclear operators cannot insure full liabilities, because no insurance or pool of insurers would be willing to take that risk. See for instance http://www.versicherungsforen.net/fs/vfl/media/leistungen/studienundumfragen/versicherungsprmiefrkkw/Pressekonferenz_02_Erklaerung_final_BEE_EN.pdf
The nuclear industry has an exceptional position - it has been granted liability advantages in the 1950s because it would otherwise never come off the ground. These advantages still exist today.
Suppliers like Areva, Hitachi, GE, Toshiba, Rosatom, Bouygues Alstom, SNC Lavalle, Skoda JS and thousands of others are not held liable at all for their products.
Liability does not only serve to cover damage claims after an accident. They also serve as a feedback to producers to *prevent* accidents from happening - keeping producers sharp that they do not make mistakes. By not having this suppliers liability, the nuclear industry misses one important feedback mechanism.
The nuclear industry is a very unfair system... granted, in an unfair world - but my impression is that the unfairness in the nuclear system is larger than average.
In your example: you do pay for your medical bill, because you pay a premium that is related to the risk you get into an accident of your own fault. A car driver pays for his liability in a liability insurance with his premium. The total of premiums still outweighs the cost of medical care and the difference is the profit for the insurance companies. The nuclear sector does not know this mechanism.
21 February, 2013 at 11:15
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(Unregistered) Beppe
both Chernobyl and Fukushima bills have been footed by the taxpayer... no, actually I should say they *are* being footed by the taxpaye...
both Chernobyl and Fukushima bills have been footed by the taxpayer... no, actually I should say they *are* being footed by the taxpayer because neither is completely paid out yet.
Similarly, liability caps for utilities and manifacturers effectively are a taxpayer funded insurance.
Finally, I daresay that if such free insurance (and all the other subsidies) was not there no one would invest into nuclear power generation.
22 February, 2013 at 18:23
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(Unregistered) anonymous-FR
Hi Greenpeace people,
Hi Jan Haverkamp,
I would like to translate the video subtitles to french.
The Youtube automatic transl...
Hi Greenpeace people,
Hi Jan Haverkamp,
I would like to translate the video subtitles to french.
The Youtube automatic translations are OK, but it would be better to have a real translation. Also, it's easier for a viewer to be able to click on "Français", instead of having to click on automatic translation.
If nobody is already working on that, please get in contact with me.
I'm sure your specialist knows how to send me the subtitle file containing the translations, but if they don't here is an "how-to" :
Best regards,
24 February, 2013 at 19:50
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NAIA Women's Outdoor Track & Field Athletes of the Week - No. 4
KANSAS CITY, Mo. – Becky Collier of Westmont (Calif.) has been named the NAIA National Women's Outdoor Field Athlete of the Week and Hillary Holt of College of Idaho has been selected as the NAIA National Women's Outdoor Track Athlete of the Week, the national office announced Wednesday. Collier and Holt were chosen based on their performances from March 31 – April 6.
Collier, a freshman from Riverside, Calif., set a Westmont record and the top mark in the NAIA with 4,824 points in the Heptathlon at the Sam Adams Combined Events Invitational in Santa Barbara, Calif., on April 4 – 5. Collier did not finish lower than seventh-place in any event, including first-place finishes in the high jump (1.78m) and the javelin (31.86m). Her total points broke the school's previous record by 543 points.
Holt, a native of Meridian, Idaho, ran the fastest collegiate outdoor 1,500-meter time so far this season with a 4:16.75 at the Stanford Invitational on April 4 – 5. The senior, who finished second only to professional runner Amanda Mergaert, missed the USATF "A" standard by three seconds. Holt followed that performance with a NAIA-best and College of Idaho record time of 2:06.59 in the 800-meters.
For a complete look at the NAIA Women's Outdoor Track and Field performance list, click here.
For the complete Athlete of the Week calendar, click here.
Track Nominees: Sami Berry, William Woods (Mo.); Aliyah Reams, Missouri Baptist; Jessica Shepherd, Union (Ky.); Lauren Grindstaff, Milligan (Tenn.); Alexus Lyons, Tennessee Wesleyan; Althea Gatto, St. Francis (Ill.); Kamaria Goedhart, Olivet Nazarene (Ill.); Erin Price, Taylor (Ind.); Emily Bantz, Indiana Wesleyan; Krista Wood, Huntington (Ind.); Mallery Knoll, Carroll (Mont.); Elysia Hodges, Westmont (Calif.); Ashton Steckelberg, Nebraska Wesleyan; Nicole Court-Menendez, Dakota Wesleyan (S.D.); Kaitlyn Fortuna, Dillard (La.); Devinn Rolland, Xavier (La.); Sarah Niemeier, Missouri Valley; Kaitlyn Loeffler, Central Methodist (Mo.); Skyler Barger, Culver-Stockton (Mo.); Billi Pipes, Baker (Kan.); Maria Bernard, British Columbia; Jazmine Alexander, McPherson (Kan.); Angie Vailas, Friends (Kan.); Chelsea Fullerton, Ottawa (Kan.); Keara Lenard, Kansas Wesleyan; Kimberly Garrett, Sterling (Kan.); Sarah Pollmann, St. Louis Pharmacy (Mo.); Bryanna Graat, Indiana East; Megan Hale, Berea (Ky.); Kimberley Stevens, Lindsey Wilson (Ky.); Darcy Mascotti, Cumberlands (Ky.); Megan Day, Shawnee State (Ohio); Talisa Budder, Haskell (Kan.); Hannah Stouffer, Grand View (Iowa); Liz Mosbach, Mount Mercy (Iowa); Megan Lehmkuhl, Clarke (Iowa); Amber Sanderson, Viterbo (Wis.); Dominique Guinnane, St. Ambrose (Iowa); Treasurie Hatten, Wiley (Texas); Jura Levy, Oklahoma Baptist; Sarah Moore, Oklahoma City; Gortia Ferguson, Wayland Baptist (Texas); Asia Wilson, Texas Wesleyan; Jess Maggio, Southern Wesleyan (S.C.); Elizabeth Gienger, Loyola (La.); Annie Cooks, William Carey (Miss.); Mariah Johnson, Northwood (Fla.); Ellie Staker, Embry-Riddle (Fla.); Melissa Carder, USC Beaufort (S.C.); Anna Ahrens, Southeastern (Fla.); Shayla France, Indiana Tech.
Field Nominees: Kaylee Ferrier , William Woods (Mo.); Alex Prokopchak, Union (Ky.); LeighAnn McAfee, Tennessee Wesleyan; Jessica Mattos, Concordia (Ore.); Joelle Swanson, Oregon Tech; Holly Haga, Southern Oregon; Chelsea Rimington, St. Francis (Ill.); Rachel Carman, Olivet Nazarene (Ill.); Allison Trevithick, Indiana Wesleyan; Haley White, Taylor (Ind.); Kathleen Mulligan, Carroll (Mont.); Samantha Dolezal, Nebraska Wesleyan; Shelby Yelden, Concordia (Neb.); Jennifer Maag, Hastings (Neb.); Danielle Glover, Dillard (La.); Devinn Rolland, Xavier (La.); Kayla Hannam, Baker (Kan.); Mallory Haley, Central Methodist (Mo.); Brittany Brisco, Missouri Valley; Kayla Wilson, Southwestern (Kan.); Ashley Stanford, Sterling (Kan.); Miranda Burton, Bethany (Kan.); Lauren Duerksen, Friends (Kan.); Sharica Pleasant, McPherson (Kan.); Simone Brown, Berea (Ky.); Katie Hartney, Lindsey Wilson (Ky.); Sam Proffitt, Cumberlands (Ky.); Val Veiock, Grand View (Iowa); Liz Mosbach, Mount Mercy (Iowa); Jessica Meland, Valley City State (N.D.); Ongelic Hill, Texas Wesleyan; Paige Kannady, Oklahoma Baptist; Amber King, Southern Wesleyan (S.C.); Corinne Missi, Spring Hill (Ala.); Tisa Smith, William Carey (Miss.); Reta Woodard, Embry-Riddle (Fla.); Ty'Chelle Freeman, USC Beaufort (S.C.); Kehtura Merrick, Northwood (Fla.); Phoenix Duncan, Siena Heights (Mich.); Darice Bowie, Indiana Tech.
2014 Women's Outdoor Track & Field Athletes of the Week (Field, Track)
Week 1 (March 19): Jessica Mattos, Concordia (Ore.); Lexi Mitzel, Corban (Ore.)
Week 2 (March 26): Emma Buchholz, Concordia (Ore.); Ellie Staker, Embry-Riddle (Fla.)
Week 3 (April 2): Jennifer Maag, Hastings (Neb.); Stacy Warrior, Oklahoma Baptist
Week 4 (April 9): Becky Collier, Westmont (Calif.); Hillary Holt, College of Idaho


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[re]Craft - book
[re] craft [re]Craft
£9.95 inc p&p for BOOK (UK, £13.50 EU, £15 non-EU)
[re]craft is full of fabulous make-it-yourself designs that utilise household waste. With step-by-step instructions everyone will find an up cycling project they'll love to create and enjoy.
CHRISTMAS BUNDLE I - book plus 6 sheets of wrapping paper
Why Don't You... [re]design Christmas? BOOK PLUS 6 SHEETS OF WRAPPING PAPER
£10 inc p&p for BOOK and 6 sheets of WRAPPING PAPER (UK, £12 EU, £15 non-EU)
BOOK How about swapping some stressful shopping for a bit of creative Make It Yourself this Christmas? With this book you can have fun, skill up, save money and look after your planet whilst making some great designer stuff. Why don't you…[re]design Christmas? is packed full of inspiring ideas for the festive season, many of which can be made from materials that would otherwise go to waste. Each inventive project is illustrated with photographs and step-by-step instructions to help you make some fabulous decorations for your home, and gorgeous personalised gifts for your friends and family.
WRAPPING PAPER Six sheets of matching 100% recycled paper to wrap your lovely homemade gifts in.
Why Don't You...[re]design Christmas £9 inc. p&p (UK)
Why Don't You... [re]design Christmas?
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Doing it for the kids: The Sustainable Toy Story [re]design £11.95 inc. p&p (UK)
Buy HERE
Doing It For The Kids: The Sustainable Toy Story – Activity Book – [re]design
Play away!
From a teddy made from a placenta to footballs made from relief aid packaging, Doing It For The Kids uncovers the latest amazing, innovative ideas in sustainable toy design today. Illustrated with fun design-based activities, it's a must read, must-do book for big kids and little kids everywhere.
Each of the 48 designs presented in the book are also activities for you to do!
LIGHTEN UP: Switched-on Sustainable Lighting [re]design £16.00 inc. p&p (UK)
Lighten Up: Switched-on Sustainable Lighting – [re]design
Look beyond the bulb...
Lighten Up is an illuminating exploration of switched-on domestic lighting solutions from the UK. The quest for sustainability is driving the evolution of new technologies, aesthetics, materials and interactions. Shedding light on the stories behind the products, Lighten Up offers insight and inspiration for the next generation of lighting.
Packed full of bright ideas, with 64 'lighter' lights and 9 essential [re]strategies for sustainable design.
SIT UP: Sustainable Seating Stories [re]design ₤15.00 inc. p&p (UK)
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Are you sitting comfortably? And sustainably? SIT UP gets to the bottom of sixteen "good" and gorgeous seats from UK designers with a passion for sustainability.
[re]strategies Booklet [re]design ₤2.00 inc. p&p (UK)
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[re]design have identified nine [re]strategies that are being used today - singularly or in combination - to create design that's friendly to people and the environment: [re]claim, [re]create, [re]cycle, [re]duce, [re]make, [re]mind, [re]source, [re]spond and [re]use.
This booklet introduces the [re]strategies with innovative examples from leading edge UK companies and encourages you to try [re]designing for yourself using the [re]strategy tool.


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Salinas Valley Memorial Hospital officials received the draft state audit of the hospital"s finances and operations, and the board of directors is poised to deliver a response today.
The hospital"s board met in closed session Wednesday to consider a response to the Bureau of State Audits" confidential report, which was reportedly reviewed by board members under tight restrictions earlier in the week.
Interim CEO Lowell Johnson allowed one board member at a time to view the report, and only one copy exists.
Hospital officials were stunned by the leak of a confidential report on a possible merger last year to local media.
Margarita Fernandez, spokeswoman for the Bureau of State Audits, said it is a misdemeanor for the bureau or the hospital to release the draft report or its contents.
Fernandez said a final audit report, including the hospital"s response, will be released to the public March 8.
She said hospital officials will be required to file a series of responses to the recommendations in the report, due 60 days after the final report is issued, then in six months and a year.
The bureau will issue a follow-up report after a year, she said.
The state Joint Legislative Audit Committee approved the audit of Salinas Valley Memorial in May after a request by State Assemblyman Luis Alejo, D-Watsonville.
Alejo and others raised questions about the hospital"s fiscal management and policies, including executive pay and pensions, potential conflicts of interest involving charitable organizations such as the air show in Salinas, and public transparency.
The state audit was estimated to cost about $250,000.
Jim Johnson can be reached at 753-6753 or email@example.com.


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by Brian DeCandia, sports information graduate assistant
>>>Full Results
EVANS, GA. – Powered by three runners in the top-30, the Georgia College women's cross country team placed sixth at the Peach Belt Conference (PBC) Championships Saturday. Five-of-six runners placed in the top-35 at Blanchard Woods Park, led by freshman Allison Lones (Kathleen, Ga.) in 12th, good for All-PBC Second Team.
Leading the Bobcats for the fifth race this season, Lones crossed the finish line at 25:30 on a tough 6K course. Junior Karissa Ekstrom (Alpharetta, Ga.) finished four slots later in 16th place with a time of 25:44.
Senior Dani Destiche (Snellville, Ga.) was 27th with a time of 26:38, while freshman Andrea Byrnes (Snellville, Ga.) placed 33rd with a time of 27:21.
Sophomore Courtney Timmerman (Dearing, Ga.) and freshman Ashton Passino (Alpharetta, Ga.) finished neck-and-neck, with Passino edging it out by hundredths of a second. Both runners crossed the finish line officially at 27:34 with Passino getting 35th and Timmerman receiving 36th. The Bobcats featured a youthful lineup, with Lones, Byrnes, Timmerman and Passino all competing in their first conference title meet.
The Bobcats finished with 123 points, six behind fifth-place University of Montevallo. UNC Pembroke was third with 105 points, Augusta State University second with 58 points and Columbus State University came in first place with 27 total points. Columbus State's Brittney Skiles won the individual title with a time of 23:36.
Lones marks two straight years a Bobcat has earned All-PBC honors, as Virginia Balkcom was named to the second team a year ago. All-time, five GC women have earned all-conference nods.
The Bobcats are back in action Nov. 20 at 10 a.m. at the NCAA Southeast Regional in Charlotte, N.C., hosted by Queens University (N.C.).
The Georgia College Department of Athletics, back-to-back winners of the PBC Commissioner's Cup, sponsors 10 varsity athletic programs at the NCAA Division II level. As a Division II program, Bobcat Athletics prides itself on balancing the life of the student-athlete, evidenced by the teams' multiple appearances in post-season competition as well as documented academic success and community-service involvement. Sign up at www.twitter.com/GCSUBobcats and www.facebook.com/gcbobcats for up-to-the-minute reports, and visit www.GCBobcats.com for more information, and to nominate your favorite former Bobcats and Colonials to the GC Athletics Hall of Fame.


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Pakuranga 5K Fun Run
Monday, 17 December 2018
Pakuranga Athletics Club, Lloyd Elsmore Park, Auckland
The Pakuranga 5km Fun Run on Monday, 17 December 2018 is part of a series of runs at 6pm on Monday evenings, organised by the Pakuranga Athletic Club at Lloyd Elsmore Park in Auckland.
This is a fun event is open to the community (you don't need to be a club member) and is for all ages, shapes and sizes; it's great for families and the more serious runners. All participants receive race numbers, and are officially timed.
Sign up in the clubrooms before the race and collect your race number. There is a spot prize draw in the clubrooms after the event.
Pakuranga 5K Fun Run
- Next in series (4 February 2019)
- Previous in series (10 December 2018)


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Just because the federal government built a reservoir a couple of miles from downtown does not mean the city of Durango has a responsibility to manage it for recreation. Nor has it been shown that doing so is necessarily a good idea. Nonetheless, that is where things appear to be headed.
A better idea might be to talk further to the other potential players in managing the lake and see what kind of cooperation they might offer. After all, while Lake Nighthorse is near the city, it also is in La Plata County and Colorado, and is owned by the federal government. Why should it fall to the city to run it?
The logic of this is strained. The Bureau of Recreation, the federal agency that owns the reservoir, is into water storage, not recreation. The state begged off on making it a state park pleading lack of money.
The county apparently is not interested, either although that might be a question for the incoming commissioners. And if the starting premise is that somebody has to offer recreation at the lake, that leaves the city.
Of course, that premise is shaky. If nobody does anything, no one would die, no child would go hungry. And there always is next year.
Beyond the fact that it seems a waste to have a lake and not be able to use it, there is no particular reason this should be a top city priority. Yet the city, which just a month ago was predicting doom if the voters did not approve the franchise fee, already has budgeted $200,000 for managing it.
The city Planning Commission voted Monday night to go forward with changing the citys comprehensive plan to allow for annexing the 5,500 acres of federal land that includes the lake.
Annexation is deemed necessary because city police cannot patrol outside city limits except to aid other agencies in emergencies. And, if the city is managing recreation at the lake, it wants its police to keep order there.
Again, each step drives the next, and they all stem from the fundamental idea that something has to happen soon when it does not. Instead, why not go back to all the parties involved and try to work out a cooperative arrangement.
The city figures that by charging admission it can cover 90 percent of the cost of operating the lake for recreation. The remaining 10 percent would be picked up by the city and the Bureau of Reclamation. But if the city could set things up so that fees cover 90 percent, why would the state be unable to do the same?
That way, the lake becomes a state park, the city and the Bureau of Reclamation kick in the same 10 percent as before, and with no need for city annexation, the sheriff handles security. (The Sheriffs Office is almost next door, anyway.)
That is only one idea; there are doubtless others. Are there examples out there of how other lakes or similar facilities have been managed? Are there other cases of city parks and recreation departments running a reservoir?
The Planning Commission vote was 3-0, but one commissioner also voiced a legitimate concern. As he put it, the city needs to be conscious that we cant keep adding playgrounds.
He has a point. There are any number of recreational amenities folks might enjoy, but not all are realistic functions of city government.
By rushing into this, the city is putting the focus on itself and the pressure off other possible partners. It should back away and involve them.


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I am a 4.0-4.5 player looking to find a regular practice partner. I'm open to hitting anywhere in the Brooklyn area, but partial to prospect park and fort greene. Looking for a regular hitting partner to get back into the swing of things. Pretty open to time and day, so message me!
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Hi! I actually just moved to bay ridge, so i could definitely try those courts out. Is there a league there? Just wanting to meet more people to play with on a regular basis.
There's no league that I know of. Today should be bussy at that court. It should be no problem finding a hitting partner. I'll be there probably around 12:30pm. Most people know me by a more common name "Owen"
When are you available to play during this coming week?
send me your cell # to my email firstname.lastname@example.com
and I'll keep in touch with my availability.
i'm near sheepshead bay. i'm not sure of my rating, willing to try. we can play at kelly park or bergen beach..
Hi, I may or may not be quite up to your level, but thought I'd check in. I am looking to expand my network of hitting partners this summer, especially people willing to play at prospect park during the heat of the day or late afternoon when those courts are least crowded and you can get a couple hours in. I am 3.5, female player with tennis permit looking for those wishing to rally and run drills, I am not looking to play sets. Let me know if you are interested.
Hi Lebasi,
I am open to hitting at least once to see if we are near the same level to at least get something out of it! I play tennis for fun, so it's great if you just want to hit and not play sets. Let me know when you are available. I don't have a permit but can pay for 1 time play at Prospect.
Hi Rashmee,
Sure, that sounds good. I won't be offended if it isn't good fit. Let's try to set something up once it stops raining. What is your email? Here's mine: firstname.lastname@example.com
© 2019 Created by Mark / The Mayor. Powered by


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NEW YORK - May 24, 2013 - Syfy's original series Paranormal Witness returns on Wednesday, June 5 at 10 PM ET/PT with the first of 20 new episodes featuring chilling first-person accounts of real-life hauntings told through terrifying dramatic reenactments.
Season 3 begins with "The Long Island Terror," featuring intense demonic activity at a house in Long Island, NY. Following the tragic death of her husband, the widow of a New York City Fire Department lieutenant killed in the line of duty, attempts to rebuild her life in a newly constructed home. Unbeknownst to her and her family, the property's original owners were cultists and they soon find themselves being haunted by an evil spirit awakened by the renovations.
Upcoming episodes of Paranormal Witness include "The Lost Boy" (airing June 12), a spine-tingling domestic haunting in a Gardner, MA mansion; "The Curse of the Lonergan Farm" (June 19), where siblings are haunted by the family boogeyman on their ancestral farm in Nebraska; and "Dining with the Dead" (June 26), in which restless spirits descend upon a family-run restaurant in El Paso, TX.
Paranormal Witness is produced by Raw TV (Locked Up Abroad and Gold Rush: Alaska). Series producers are Sam Starbuck and Sam Hobkinson. Executive Producers are Mark Lewis and Bart Layton.
About Syfy
Syfy is a media destination for imagination-based entertainment. With year round acclaimed original series, events, blockbuster movies, classic science fiction and fantasy programming, a dynamic Web site (www.Syfy.com), and a portfolio of adjacent business (Syfy Ventures), Syfy is a passport to limitless possibilities. Originally launched in 1992 as SCI FI Channel, and currently in more than 98 million homes, Syfy is a network of NBCUniversal, one of the world's leading media and entertainment companies. NBCUniversal is owned by Comcast Corporation. (Syfy. Imagine greater.)


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Rancho Cucamonga is located 39 miles due East of Los Angeles and has a population of approximately 175,000 people. Although the city has been the focus of many jokes because of its odd name, it remains a great city and is referred to as the \Gateway to Southern California\.
Has the time come for you to get out of the dorm and move into an off campus apartment? Perhaps the options available from the Chaffey College housing office no longer meet your needs and you would like to find a cheap apartment close to campus. If so, you can search for off campus Chaffey College apartments with MyNewPlace's college housing search.
Although Chaffey College student housing may be very conveniently close to campus, moving to an off campus apartment can be a great way to save money, put some distance in between yourself and an RA, get accustomed to living in your own apartment and building up rental history.
Apartments for rent are available close to campus and in other neighborhoods around Rancho Cucamonga, California. Using our map based university apartment finder, you can find off campus housing near campus to ensure you can still get to all the Panthers games and make it to class on time.
We can help you find off campus apartments that will best suit your collegiate lifestyle; search Chaffey College apartments by the number of bedrooms, price, neighborhood or a range of other amenities.
Have more questions? Check out our articles with renter tips in our apartment guide and search through www.chaffey.eduwelcome.shtml.


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My Golden Life February 21 2019
SHOW DESCRIPTION: A mother's misguided love has caused her daughters to get swapped in status, and so the heroine Seo Ji-an enters the chaebol household to have a better life without knowing she is actually not their long-lost daughter, but her "former twin" sister instead. What will happen to her once the secret get revealed, and what will happen to her relationship with the son of chaebol family Choi Do-kyung, whom she has gotten closer to as siblings?
Part 1
Part 2


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Arx Fatalis Source Code Released
Patch 1.21 improves compatibility with modern systems, which means that if you fancy poking around under the hood of Arx Fatalis, you can safely do so--without first risking your beautiful, beautiful skin attempting to remove the angry, clawing family of possums nesting there.
You can find the source code on FileShack, along with the patch. The full game, meanwhile, can nowadays be bought from Steam, GOG, Direct2Drive and elsewhere for around $5.
Arkane was acquired by ZeniMax Media--also owner of Bethesda, MachineGames, id Software and Tango Gameworks--in 2010. Their current project is presently a mystery.
Cheers to some chap named Nick Bredon from the Bethblog for the tip-off.


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A resolution asking Lafourche Parish President Charlotte Randolph to resign after she violated state ethics laws died Tuesday before coming to a vote.
A resolution asking Lafourche Parish President Charlotte Randolph to resign after she violated state ethics laws died Tuesday before coming to a vote.
Three Lafourche Parish councilmen walked out of the council meeting in protest of the measure.
Councilman Jerry Lafont, who co-sponsored the resolution, pulled his support after hearing opposition from other councilmen effectively killing the resolution.
Lafont, along with Councilmen Daniel Lorraine and Jerry Jones, proposed the resolution asking Randolph to resign after being fined $10,000 and ordered to pay back $50,000 in money she received for renting her camp to BP in the wake of the 2010 Deepwater Horizon oil spill.
State ethics authorities recently ruled the deal was a violation of state law because she rented out the camp while the parish was under a $1 million contract with the energy exploration giant.
Even if the resolution had passed, it held no legal force and was only a request.
"The people of this parish put us in this office; they can take us out. There is a due process. The issue is not finished. This is a resolution that has no force of law, and I will not participate in even validating this with a vote, and I am walking out," said Councilman Joe Fertitta before leaving to the applause of onlookers.
The measure drew an atypically large group of public spectators to the council chambers.
"We all make mistakes," said Cut Off resident Larry Weidel. "It was just recently the Lord said something about those who are without sin should cast the first stone. I think there is a lot to be done in this parish. I think we should get on with the business of the parish."
Councilmen John Arnold and Mike Delatte joined Fertitta in exiting the chambers.
"Even in this country, murderers, rapists and thieves have a right to an appeal and due process," Delatte said. "This is still America, and you are going to appeal ... So I think it is really premature for us to consider doing anything at this time."
Lafont then pulled his motion, which killed the resolution. He declined to explain exactly why after the meeting.
"I plead the fifth," Lafont said afterward. "She is going to have her day in court. I am leaving her alone."
Lorraine and Jones didn't have the opportunity to speak on the issue before it died on the floor.
"I'm thinking it will come back up," Lorraine said afterward. Asked about those who spoke out against the issue, he said, "Those are just die-hard Randolph supporters who don't know better."
Randolph refused comment other than thanking those who supported her.
One resident asked Randolph to explain who she was speaking of when she told ethics officials about other public officials who had similar arrangements renting their properties to BP. She declined to elaborate on the comment as she did when similar inquiries were brought up by the Daily Comet last month.
Randolph has filed for a rehearing with the ethics panel.
Her attorneys argue the penalties are a "radical departure from fines imposed for alleged violations of ethics code" and challenge the assertion the parish was in contract with BP at the time the camp was rented out.
The panel may decide if Randolph's situation merits a rehearing in the coming week.


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Joseph Biden, the senior senator from Delaware, is the Democratic Party's main spokesman on international affairs; he is also a man who, on occasion, seems not to know, when sentences leave his mouth, where they are going or what they are meant to convey. Sometimes, when he thinks that he may shock or amuse his listener, he begins by stating, "I'm going to get in trouble if I say this," or, "This is a really outrageous thing to say, but . . . " And so when I asked Biden, as the ranking Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and one of John Kerry's chief advisers on foreign policy during last year's Presidential campaign, what advice he gave Kerry on how to convince voters that he was tough, Biden laughed and said, "I wish I could tell you. I wish I could tell you." Then he told me.
At sixty-two, Biden has a cheerful vanity and an exuberant restlessness that make him seem far younger. Since the election, he has become a leader of a modest-sized faction—"the national-security Democrats," in the words of Richard Holbrooke, an ambassador to the United Nations under President Clinton—that includes the most hawkish members in the Democratic Party. Among them are Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton, the former Vice-Presidential candidate John Edwards, Senator Evan Bayh, of Indiana, and Governor Bill Richardson, of New Mexico, along with a number of Clinton Administration foreign-policy officials, now in exile at think tanks scattered about Washington.
Biden can be eloquent in defense of his party, and in his criticism of President Bush, but his friends worry that his verbal indiscipline will sabotage any chance he might have to win the Democratic Presidential nomination in 2008. (Biden is an interested, but undeclared, candidate.) On the question of Kerry's mettle in the last campaign, for instance, Biden told me a story that was both entertaining and illuminating but did not capture the matter with complete accuracy.
On October 29th, Biden said, he was campaigning for Kerry in Pennsylvania, the state in which he was born, when he heard, on the radio, that Osama bin Laden had issued a videotape in which he belittled Bush and promised to continue to "bleed" America. Biden nearly panicked when he heard about the tape, he said, because he worried that Kerry's reaction might seem tepid or petty. His advice to Kerry throughout the campaign—which, he complained, went unheeded much of the time—was to harden his message, to focus, as Bush was doing, on terrorism alone: to sound, in short, more like the President and less like a Democratic senator from Massachusetts.
"I'm listening to the radio," Biden said. " 'Today' "—here he adopted a radio announcer's voice—" 'the President of the U.S. said dah-dah, dah-dah, dah-dah, and he said he's sure Senator Kerry agrees with him. Senator Kerry, unable to resist a dig'—that's what the announcer said, that was the phrase—'said today had we acted'—I'm paraphrasing—'had we acted properly in Tora Bora, we wouldn't have this problem.' "
Biden continued, "I'm on the phone, I e-mail, I say, 'John, please, say three things: "How dare bin Laden speak of our President this way." No. 2, "I know how to deal with preventing another 9/11." No. 3, "Kill him." ' Now, that's harsh. Kerry needed to be harsh. And it was—Jesus Christ." Here Biden threw up his hands. "He didn't make any of it. Let's get it straight. None of it. None of those three points were made."
This was not quite the case. In Kerry's first comment, made during an interview with a Milwaukee television station, he criticized Bush for missing an opportunity to kill bin Laden at Tora Bora, as he often had during the campaign. But, not long after that, Kerry spoke to the press, saying, "As Americans, we are absolutely united in our determination to hunt down and destroy Osama bin Laden and the terrorists. They're barbarians, and I will stop at absolutely nothing to hunt down, capture, or kill the terrorists wherever they are, whatever it takes, period."
Biden, apparently, did not actually reach Kerry until that night, so Kerry made this statement without Biden's help. In any case, Biden failed to recount the dénouement; leaving it out better served the point of his story, which concerned the troubles that faced the Kerry campaign and, by extension, the Democratic Party—a party that Biden hopes to see revived. It was then, Biden went on, that he realized Kerry would lose the election.
"That night, I got off that trip, from Scranton, I got off the plane, Wilmington airport, only private aircraft, get off, pick up a phone, call a local place called the Charcoal Pit before it closes. They have great steak sandwiches and a milkshake. Triple-thick milkshake. And I hadn't eaten. I'm going to pass it on the way home. They're literally sweeping the floors. A woman, overweight, forty years old, a little unkempt, had a tooth missing in the side, not in the front"—he showed his flashing white teeth, to demonstrate—"walks up to me to give me my steak sandwich. 'Senator Biden, I'm so glad you're here. I've got a problem.' And I take out a piece of paper, maybe Social Security for her mother, and she said, 'I heard you're for Kerry.' And she said, 'You're so strong and he's so weak.' "
Biden looked at me, to make sure I understood what he seemed to think was a point of considerable nuance. "I'm gonna tell you why I'm going to vote for someone," he said, addressing the woman of the story. "Look, you're working here tonight. If the Republicans have their way, you won't get paid overtime. When you stay here tonight, you're already closed. Besides that, what they want to do with your health care." Then he quoted what the woman had replied: "But you're so strong, and he's so weak. And President Bush—he seems strong."
In the peculiar vocabulary of Washington, Democrats who wish to be thought of as preoccupied with defense issues—and no one seeking elected office wants to be thought of as anything but firm on matters of national security—are frequently described by their staffs as "muscular," or "robust," or "hard-nosed," or "forward-leaning." Republicans do not often use words like these when describing their leaders, because the muscularity of the President and his partisans is assumed, just as Democrats don't find it necessary to refer to themselves as "compassionate."
The opposite of "muscular" is, of course, "weak," and it was, for a moment, surprising to hear Biden suggest—even in his marginally sly, I'm-just-repeating-what-someone-told-me sort of way—that Kerry was weak. After all, he calls Kerry a friend. (The reverse is also true: Kerry told me last week, after I briefly sketched for him Biden's critique, that he "loves" Biden and "welcomes his advice.")
But Biden and Kerry are also rivals—for primacy among the forty-four members of the Democratic caucus in the Senate and, presumably, for the Party's Presidential nomination in 2008 as well. "Weak" is a powerful epithet among the Democrats, who are still staggering as a result of last year's election, which, polls suggest, seems to have turned less on such issues as gay marriage and abortion than on the perception that Kerry and the Democrats were not quite up to the task of defending the nation. And most Democrats I've spoken to in the past month have said that this issue will be a determining factor in the next election, too. To paint a rival as weak on defense is to ruin his chance for national office. As Senator Bayh put it, "If the American people don't trust us with their lives, they're unlikely to trust us with much else."
Not all Democratic leaders agree that a credibility problem on national security exists. Kerry, for one, believes it doesn't. "The country had concluded that I was prepared to be Commander-in-Chief," he told me last week. The fifty-nine million votes he received, he said, should be proof enough that he was perceived as strong on the issue. "If we'd had a switch of sixty thousand votes"—in Ohio—"you'd have had a better outcome."
We met in his Capitol Hill office. In the reception area stood a model, under glass, of the Swift boat that he commanded in Vietnam. Kerry appeared drawn and pale, but he was animated in defense of his campaign. "The bottom line is that, if you look at the data, the appearance of the Osama bin Laden tape had a profound impact. The fact is, we flatlined on that day. I presented stronger arguments, but there was a visceral unwillingness to change Commander-in-Chief five days after the bin Laden tape."
Kerry considers himself to be a national-security-oriented Democrat—Holbrooke, too, puts him in that camp—and appeared to take no particular offense at Biden's criticisms. "I'm not going to dissect the campaign," he said. But he seemed displeased when I asked whether the Democrats had a credibility problem on defense issues, and he finally said, "Look, the answer is, we have to do an unbranding." By this he meant that the Democrats had to do a better job of selling to the American people what he believes is already true—that the Democrats are every bit as serious on the issue as Republicans. "We have to brand more effectively. It's marketing."
Most national-security Democrats believe that the Party's problems on the issue go deeper than marketing. They agree that the Party should be more open to the idea of military action, and even preëmption; and although they did not agree about the timing of the Iraq war and the manner in which Bush launched it, they believe that the stated rationale—Saddam's brutality and his flouting of United Nations resolutions—was ideologically and morally sound. They say that the absence of weapons of mass destruction was more a failure of intelligence than a matter of outright deception by the Administration; and although they do not share the neoconservatives' enthusiastic belief in the transformative power of military force, they accept the possibility that the invasion of Iraq might lead to the establishment of democratic institutions there.
In addition, national-security Democrats try to distance themselves from the Party's post-Vietnam ambivalence about the projection of American power. In other words, they are men and women who want to reach back to an age of Democratic resoluteness, embodied by Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry Truman, and John F. Kennedy. Their mission may have been complicated earlier this year by Howard Dean's victory in the race for the chairmanship of the Democratic National Committee, although Dean, the most stridently antiwar of the major candidates in 2004, has promised to suppress the urge to comment on foreign policy.
Biden could find little to say about Dean, other than this: "No goddam chairman's ever made a difference in the history of the Democratic Party." His colleague Joseph Lieberman, who is perhaps the most conservative member of the Democratic caucus, said, "Dean was wrong on the war and what he was talking about was bad for the country. We'll see what he does as chairman. If he devotes his energies to building a party at the base, as he talked about doing, good for him. If he continues to be a prominent spokesman on defense policy, I would regret it."
Lieberman is a study in the dangers of steroidal muscularity, becoming an outlier in his own party. (He has edged to the right as his running mate in the 2000 election, Al Gore, has moved leftward.) His fate was sealed with a kiss, planted on his cheek by Bush, just after the President delivered his State of the Union address. "That may have been the last straw for some of the people in Connecticut, the blogger types," Lieberman told me. But he is unapologetic about his defense of Bush's Iraq policy, saying, "Bottom line, I think Bush has it right." When I asked if he was becoming a neoconservative, Lieberman smiled and said, "No, but some of my best friends are neocons."
For a Democrat who wants to cultivate an image of toughness on national security, the challenge is to adopt positions that, in some cases, are closer to those of Paul Wolfowitz than to those of Edward Kennedy while remaining loyal to the Party. This has become more difficult with the news from the Middle East over the past two months, which raises the possibility that the Bush Administration's core argument—that the antidote to Islamic-fundamentalist terrorism is democracy—might turn out to be something more than utopian theory.
It is far too early to claim that the Middle East is moving irreversibly toward tranquillity and freedom. Fifteen hundred American soldiers have been killed, and thousands more have been wounded; the insurgency within Iraq—the assassinations, the car bombings, the hostage-taking—has continued unabated. But, at the same time, something appears to have been shaken loose. The Iraqi election in late January; the election in the Palestinian territories and the rekindling of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process; the protests of the Lebanese against their Syrian occupiers; and the move by the Egyptian President, Hosni Mubarak, toward more direct elections have given the Bush Administration—and the neoconservatives who contribute much of its expansive ideology—its first good news in quite a while. Some of these events cannot plausibly be attributed to Bush. "This is a very lucky President," Biden said. "Why did Arafat die on his watch? I mean, give me a break."
Biden and other Democrats agreed, though, that their party should not appear stingy when the news favors Bush. "The Democrats need to stand with the President when he's right," Bill Richardson told me. "His emphasis on being more pro-democracy in the Middle East seems to have galvanized some movement. The Democrats need to establish their credentials on national security, and we get hurt by reflexive negativism."
Hillary Clinton says that she has been "forthright in agreeing with the Administration where I thought we could agree," but she believes that the Administration has taken advantage of Democratic support—particularly in the days after the terror attacks of September 11, 2001. "Joe and I and others offered our support to the President and stood unified with him in response to these attacks," Clinton said last week, referring to Biden. "The Administration saw our actions as a sign of weakness," she said, adding that it "had a campaign strategy to exploit the legitimate fears of the American people." Clinton also said that the Democrats must criticize the Bush Administration for its foreign-policy failings—of which, she said, there are many—but that they are hindered by their role as the opposition party. "It's hard to describe a Democratic Party foreign-policy position, because we're not in charge of making policy," Clinton said. "We are, by the nature of the system, forced to critique and analyze and offer suggestions." This, she said, is where Biden comes in: he has managed to sound steady on terrorism, while still being able to criticize Bush policy. "He has a good sense of smell and touch about these issues, and so I often find myself wondering what Joe is thinking and saying."
Biden says he is reminded of the Party's difficult relationship with Ronald Reagan. "Everybody knew 'Reagan is dangerous,' remember? He talked about freedom, so what do we do? We say it's a bad speech, dangerous speech." Biden was referring to a 1982 speech delivered by Reagan to the British Parliament, in which he spoke of the power of democracy. Today, the Democrats are "making the same mistakes again," Biden said.
Antiwar Democrats dislike the suggestion that Bush's policies will lead to a democratic Middle East. Barbara Boxer, of California, who has been one of the most energetic critics of the Bush White House (she questioned Secretary of State-designate Condoleezza Rice aggressively during her confirmation hearing, suggesting that Rice had been dishonest in her arguments for taking the nation to war in Iraq), told me that she took "great offense" at Bush's inaugural speech. "He said that our freedom and our democracy depend on the freedom of other countries," she said. "I think that America is so strong, it has such a strong Constitution and a great history of freedom, that while we must, of course, be deeply concerned about what happens in other countries, what happens to this country is up to us. His words ring hollow because of the mess in Iraq, and all over the world. Every day, another terrible thing is happening."
I asked Boxer if events in Lebanon and Egypt had changed her views. "History will judge," she said, but added that in Lebanon "the streets are flooded with protesters today"—a reference to the Hezbollah-sponsored pro-Syria demonstration—"and you wonder if maybe a little quiet diplomacy there might have produced better results." She rejects the notion that her party is not in tune with voters on national-security issues. "We almost won the election," she said, and attributed Kerry's loss to superior Republican organizing and to Republican tactics, most notably the attacks last summer on Kerry's war record.
Ted Kennedy has called on President Bush to set an exit date for Iraq. He argued, in a speech delivered the week before the Iraqi election, that the insurgency is made stronger by the presence of American troops on Iraqi soil, and he compared the Iraq war to the war in Vietnam. "Our military and the insurgents are fighting for the same thing—the hearts and minds of the people—and that is a battle we are not winning," Kennedy declared.
When I spoke to Kennedy last month, he said that the election did not persuade him that the war was justified. He believes that it was fought under false pretenses, and is unconvinced that democracy can be brought by force to a place like Iraq. "How should democracy be exported?" he asked. "The First Amendment and food. We know how to grow it, and how to deliver it. The First Amendment is a pretty good starting point." Kennedy said that the United States does have national-security interests that must be insured by force, if necessary. "We need to keep Hormuz and the Molucca straits and the Suez Canal and the Panama Canal open." He does not, however, regret his 1991 vote opposing the first Gulf War. "I had not ruled out force, but I thought it was premature," he said. "I thought we ought to have tried economic sanctions. They worked in South Africa. It's breathtaking how fast they worked." (Kennedy, it should be noted, was not alone in opposing the 1991 Gulf War. At the time, he was joined by all but ten of the Democrats in the Senate, including Biden, Kerry, and the defense stalwarts Sam Nunn, of Georgia, and David Boren, of Oklahoma. Gore and Lieberman were two who voted in favor of the resolution.)
Kennedy and Boxer—and Dean—are to the left of the Democratic center on foreign policy, but their views are shared by many of the Party's active constituents. According to a recent Pew poll, seventy-four per cent of Democrats believe that it was wrong to go to war; twelve per cent of Republicans opposed the invasion. (The country as a whole, including independent voters, is evenly split on the issue.) Eli Pariser, the executive director of MoveOn.org, the antiwar group that helped propel Dean's campaign for President, told me not long ago, "I don't see how Bush can create a state of fear in our country, and go off in a reckless rush to war in Iraq, and then take credit somehow for exporting democracy, which is a bizarre term, anyway, because democracy is about self-governance." In an e-mail to MoveOn members after the election, Pariser wrote, "It's our party. We bought it, we own it and we're going to take it back."
By at least one significant measure, though, it is not Pariser's party. Few of the most frequently mentioned contenders for the Party's Presidential nomination in 2008—including Clinton, Bayh, Edwards, and Biden—belong to the Democratic Party's left. Instead, the most likely would-be nominees are at pains to appear hawkish on defense. Hillary Clinton has been particularly skillful—not only on defense issues but also on such sensitive subjects as abortion rights. While she has been giving speeches in praise of the United Nations and multilateralism, she has been careful to assert the right of the United States to act without the support of allies when necessary.
Biden's views on the war have changed somewhat over the last several years—an evolution that reveals some of the dilemmas faced by the Democrats in responding to Bush's single-minded message. In November of 2002, in an interview with USA Today, Biden recalled a conversation with an unnamed chairman of a military service, who told him that a war with Iraq would be "the dumbest thing in the world." In the months leading up to the war, he often questioned the Bush Administration's timing, its planning, and the grandiose scope of its mission. But as the invasion neared—around the time when former Secretary of State Colin Powell told the United Nations Security Council that he had proof that Saddam Hussein was concealing an active weapons-of-mass-destruction program—Biden said, "The choice between war and peace is Saddam's. The choice between relevance and irrelevance is the U.N. Security Council's."
Biden, like nearly all Democrats, argues that the Administration's prosecution of the war has been inept. "The decision to go to war was the right one," Biden said recently, "but every decision they've made since Saddam fell was a mistake." In particular, Biden blames Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld for the troubles of postwar Iraq—for the Abu Ghraib torture scandal, for the failure to anticipate an organized insurgency, and for the difficulties encountered in the training of Iraqi soldiers. He told Condoleezza Rice, at her confirmation hearing, "For God's sake, don't listen to Rumsfeld. He doesn't know what in the hell he's talking about on this."
Biden was once better known for his chairmanship of the Senate Judiciary Committee than for foreign-policy expertise; he oversaw the confirmation hearings of Robert Bork and Clarence Thomas, among others, and had established a reputation as a liberal in the mainstream of his party, and also as something of a grandstander.
His run for the 1988 Democratic Presidential nomination came to a sudden end when he was accused of borrowing, without attribution, from a television commercial by the former British Labour Party leader Neil Kinnock. This embarrassment did no permanent harm to his standing in the Senate, and he has remained highly visible there. Biden sponsored the Clinton Administration's 1994 crime bill, which funded a hundred thousand new police officers for local communities and helped neutralize the "law and order" issue that had hurt the Democrats in previous years.
By the mid-nineties, Biden had become more absorbed by foreign affairs, and he was deeply affected by the cruelty he saw on visits to Bosnia during the war there. He became a missionary in the cause of armed humanitarian intervention in Bosnia and, later, in Kosovo. "I came back to the Republicans and laid out the death camps in Kosovo, the rape camps in Bosnia—I laid it out in stark relief," he told me. "These guys"—the Republicans—"said, 'It's not our business.' What is so transformational in the last four years is that these assholes who wouldn't give President Clinton the authority to use force" have now become, he said, moral interventionists. "Give me a fucking break." (In fact, there were Republican senators who supported sending United States soldiers to Kosovo in 1999, including John McCain and John Warner, the chairman of the Armed Services Committee.)
Biden says that a "small faction" of the Party is mistrustful of even the occasional use of force. "There are some really bright guys and women in my party who underestimate the transformative capability of military power, when coupled with a rational policy that is both preventative and nation-building in nature," he said. He told me about a recent visit to Los Angeles, where he met with a group of wealthy liberals and laid out the following scenario: "Assume you're the President, and I'm your Secretary of Defense or State or C.I.A. director, and I come to you and tell you we know where bin Laden is, he and four hundred of his people, and they're in this portion of Pakistan the Pakistanis won't go into, and they told us not to go in. This is going to cost us five hundred to five thousand lives, of our soldiers, but we can get him. What do you do?" Biden said they had no answer. "The truth is, they put their heads down," he said.
Richard Holbrooke suggests that the Republicans have boxed in the Democrats, by stealing their ideas. "The Republicans, who always favored bigger defense budgets—we were the soft-power people, the freedom-and-democracy people—now seek to own both the defense side and the values side of the debate," Holbrooke said. He believes that if the Iraq war actually does bring about the hoped-for results it might help the Democrats. "We'd be better off as a country and better off as a party if Iraq is a success and we get it behind us. The Democrats can then talk about their traditional strengths, domestically and internationally."
Senator Clinton said that complaints about a lack of Democratic steadfastness are "always surprising to me, because so many of the disastrous mistakes in foreign policy over the past forty or fifty years have been made by Republicans." She went on, "I don't know all the reasons voters and observers might hold that view. I think a lot of it is unfounded, so part of our challenge is to reassert our voices with clarity in the debate on foreign policy and national security."
These days, Biden is touring the country, doing something that he hasn't done since his aborted Presidential campaign, seventeen years ago: meeting wealthy donors to measure their enthusiasm for him, and accepting offers to speak to Democratic groups far from Wilmington. He is now a senior man in the Party—he has served in the Senate for thirty-two years—and, among his supporters, there is the not unreasonable assumption that the statute of limitations on the Kinnock scandal has been reached.
He told me that he won't make a decision on a Presidential run for at least two years. "My honest-to-God answer is, I'm not going to go on a fool's errand," he said. "If I think I'm the horse that can pull the sleigh, I'll do it. But if there's someone else out there . . ." He trailed off. But he didn't leave the impression that he sees an overly crowded field.
He has come to realize, he said, that many Democrats still haven't grasped the political importance of September 11th, and again he recalled how he had urged Kerry to keep his campaign message focussed on terrorism. Kerry, Biden said, would tell voters that he would "fight terror as hard as Bush," but then he would add, "and I'll help you economically." "What is Bush saying?" Biden said. "Terror, terror, terror, terror, terror. I would say to John, 'Let me put it to you this way. The Lord Almighty, or Allah, whoever, if he came to every kitchen table in America and said, "Look, I have a Faustian bargain for you, you choose. I will guarantee to you that I will end all terror threats against the United States within the year, but in return for that there will be no help for education, no help for Social Security, no help for health care." What do you do?'
"My answer," Biden said, "is that seventy-five per cent of the American people would buy that bargain." ♦


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