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Imagine a computer that can teach your mobile phone to recognize any object it sees, or one that can instantly find optimal travel routes for thousands of planes to avoid a snowstorm and deliver their passengers safely to a destination, or even one that can trawl through millions of social media posts to identify a potential terrorist.
Traditional computers, including supercomputers, require substantial time to crunch that kind of big data. But scientists have long theorised that a computer that harnesses the often-peculiar principles of quantum mechanics could perform these kinds of calculations in a flash, and even solve problems that would take years for a normal computer to churn through.
The scientific community is still debating whether a true quantum computer can ever be built. But one quantum computing company, D-Wave, is forging ahead. It has already won over the Pentagon's biggest weapons builder and has now received another huge endorsement: a three-way collaboration between the US space agency Nasa, search giant Google and the Universities Space Research Association (USRA) that it will buy the second D-Wave Two computer.
D-Wave Systems, a Canadian-based company, came to prominence in 2007 when it stunned the scientific community by announcing that it had built the world's first quantum computer. That claim was also met with scepticism and critics, particularly from scientists who wanted peer-reviewed, published proof of the claims, rather than just a public announcement.
Since that time, however, D-Wave has not only published in the scientific literature, it's also won important customers. The first was Lockheed Martin, the world's largest defence company, which announced earlier this year that it was buying the upgraded version of its computer, the D-Wave Two, a 512 qubit quantum computer (it had bought an earlier version of D-Wave two years ago).
That a defence company would be interested in a quantum computer is not surprising: the Pentagon and US intelligence community have long been the leading funders of quantum computing in the United States. The spy world, in particular, has looked to quantum computing for its use in encryption and code breaking – a mainstay of the intelligence business.
Weapon software
The interest from the national security world also suits D-Wave. "Frankly, we don't want thousands of customers, we want a handful of really deep collaborative customers to work on how they can harness this kind of technology, so in the initial phase it's relatively low volume, low number of customers that we are selective about," says Vern Brownell, CEO of D-Wave Systems. "On the that list are the DOD and the intelligence community."
What makes a quantum computer valuable to the military and spy world is the way it makes calculations. A classical computer does useful calculations by processing bits that represent ones and zeroes. But a "standard" quantum computer uses the idea of quantum entanglement – whereby information can exist as both a one and a zero or an infinite number of "superpositions" of the two states at the same time. Effectively these "quantum bits", or qubits as they are known, can work in parallel rather than sequentially, allowing quantum computers to solve certain problems orders of magnitude faster than its classical counterparts.
There are, however, different approaches to quantum computing: D-Wave's computer is a special type of device based on a technique known as adiabatic quantum computing, which involves using loops of superconducting metal to cool the system. If this is done in a precise way, the machines qubits seek out a low-energy state that represents the answer to a given problem.
However, unlike most computers, D-wave's machines, cannot answer any old question. Instead, it is only able to solve so-called "optimisation" problems, where there are a series of criteria all simultaneously competing to be met, and where there is one optimum solution that satisfies the majority of them – for example, the optimal route for a delivery truck to drop off packages, minimising the time and distance travelled.
Lockheed, according to Brownell, hooked up with D-Wave out of a mutual interest in the types of calculations that a quantum computer could perform. "They had algorithms that were applicable to our technology," he says. "Their particular focus is software verification."
Software is increasingly at the heart of what defence companies do. For example, the Lockheed Martin F-35 Joint Strike Fighter has what is described as the most complex software system of any modern weapon system, with over 24 million lines of code, according to a 2012 report by the Government Accountability Office. Quantum computing could be used to verify this huge amount of code to ensure the aircraft will operate reliably and safely.
A quantum computer would also be good for a variety of other applications that involve machine learning, says Bo Ewald, the president of D-Wave's recently launched US business. That may involve what Ewald calls "finding the essence of complex data structures", something which could be useful for mining social media data or pattern recognition in imagery.
Ewald says that the quantum computer will be able to learn the key characteristics of a particular shape, say a car, by showing it lots of pictures of cars. Once it learns the key characteristics of that shape, it should be able to recognise them more readily than conventional systems. In addition, he says, once it has figured out the characteristics of what make a "car" recognisable, it can be used to "train" conventional computers – such as your mobile phone – how to more easily recognise a car, something which could interest the likes of Google.
Other applications which may interest the Nasa-Google-USRA collaboration range from improving web search and robotics to hunting for exo-planets and optimising air-traffic control. That computer, which will be installed at what is being called the Quantum Artificial Intelligence Lab, will be located at Nasa's Ames Research Center in California, and is expected to be ready for use later this year.
Bits and bets
But in most cases, proving that a quantum computer will actually perform these sorts of functions faster than a classical computer is still in the realm of theory. As it is, not everyone is even convinced yet that the D-Wave computer is actually using quantum mechanics to make the calculations.
Christopher Monroe, a quantum information researcher of the Joint Quantum Institute and University of Maryland, has expressed doubts in the past about D-Wave's claims and now says that although the company has made progress in demonstrating its computer's abilities, it has still not offered proof that it is operating in a quantum state. "I'm not convinced at all it's a quantum computer," he says. "But maybe it doesn't matter."
What Monroe means is that the D-Wave computer may indeed be able to solve some optimisation problems better than classical computers, as was shown in recent tests, even if the way it works doesn't involve quantum mechanics. "Given the dearth of publishing from the group, it's hard to know from all the details whether what they're observing is a quantum phenomenon," he says.
But even some former D-Wave critics have been won over – at least in part. Seth Lloyd, a professor of mechanical engineering at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology who has long been involved in quantum computing, says that when Lockheed Martin first got interested in D-Wave, he tried to dissuade them from buying it. Lloyd himself had been involved in developing the principles behind the adiabatic quantum computer, but says his group didn't patent the idea because they didn't think a practical machine could really be built. "I was probably wrong, and [Lockheed and D-Wave] were probably right," he now says. "The D-Wave device is doing something quantum, but it's not clear yet what that something is."
Perhaps the bigger question then is whether Lockheed's multi-million dollar investment is a signal that the company really believes in D-Wave's quantum computer. At least one theory suggested by those in the quantum computing world is that Lockheed's gamble is less a bet on the reality of quantum computing, than a bid to win favour with the Canadian government, a key investor in the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter.
"I think from a technology perspective I'm somewhat agnostic to that [idea]: It's great technology, and it's a unique capability… and that would have got our attention under almost any circumstance," says Brad Pietras, vice president of technology for Lockheed Martin. "The fact that the Canadian government is an F-35 partner, and we work closely with them as industrial partners and allies is just a fantastic added bonus to the relationship."
Pietras also isn't too worried about whether the D-Wave computer has won over all its scientific critics. "In the short-term, my concern is, what is its utility? What problems can we solve?" he says.
As for whether the computer is truly "quantum," Pietras' answer is simple: "It really isn't a question that concerns me that much."
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Michelle Rhee Endorses Private School Choice…Sort of
Former DC Schools Chancellor Michelle Rhee declares in a new op-ed that she endorses private school choice for low-income families, but adds: "I'm not for school choice for its own sake. I am for choice because it can, directly and indirectly, provide better opportunities for low-income children—not simply more opportunities."
I'm not sure I understand her. Is Rhee saying that given two alternatives: one in which parents have many different educational choices and one in which they don't, she inherently prefers the option that gives parents no choice if test scores are not impacted either way? Why not prefer choice for its own sake, as well as for its academic benefits?
Rhee then goes on to say that private schools receiving government funding should be under government oversight, and be required to do such things as administer standardized tests in order to ensure "accountability." But isn't this precisely the sort of "accountability" to which state-run schools are already subjected in minute detail, and which has coincided with stagnation or decline in academic achievement for two generations (depending on the subject) and a catastrophic productivity collapse? It's worth noting that it is the freest, least regulated, most market-like education systems that consistently produce the most effective, efficient schools.
It's a short op-ed, providing little room for Rhee to explain how she came to hold the particular policy views she espouses regarding private school choice. It will be interesting to learn more.


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Working as a fashion model in Milan, Italy, and other European cities in the 1980s, Susan Marinello "was like a sponge," soaking up inspiration from such notable designers as Giorgio Armani as well as from photographers and stylists. The all-American blond beauty quickly found she was more intrigued with the back side of the camera than posing in front of it.
"Those fashion and photography experiences really ignited my design career," Susan says. "For me, it wasn't about fashion; it was about art and styling. As soon as I got back to New York, I got myself into design school."
Now an award-winning interior designer in her hometown near Seattle, Susan is sought for her carefully edited blend of modernism and traditional design. "My modeling experience is really at the core of how I approach rooms today," she says. "I think about how interiors look through a camera lens. My designs are about composition, balance, and storytelling."
The round mirror above the living room fireplace is "a classic," says Susan Marinello. "It can go anywhere. It's like a little black dress." Two facing sofas encourage people to linger.
"We get beautiful early morning sunlight in the living room," Susan says. "It's the best spot to be on Sunday mornings, reading the paper or hanging out." The wood-burning fireplace was updated with a new surround made from concrete finished to resemble stone.
A cool gray-and-white color scheme soothes, while warm gold, chocolate brown, and mossy green accents add warmth. "We always balance cool colors with warm," Susan says.
When Susan renovated her Mercer Island home, her story was "all about family." Parents of two youngsters—Daniel, now 13, and Ali, 9—the Marinellos bought a 1940s house on a large private lot in their existing neighborhood, an island community just minutes from Seattle. "We bought this house because of the wonderful lot: There's a view, privacy, and potential for beautiful gardens."
Although the house had 5,600 square feet of living space, including a main level and a walk-out basement, it felt crowded and dark, Susan says. "The existing floor plan was tight, and there were areas where people would bottleneck when we entertained. We wanted to create a very open entry and have the primary circulation pattern be wide, gallery-like, and comfortable."
Maximizing natural light was a key issue. "Light was the No. 1 requirement," Susan says. "It's a perpetual overcast gray light here, but we do get a beautiful quality of light."
Working with Seattle architects Lyle and Meredith Grant, the Marinellos kicked off the renovation in 2004, removing interior walls and shuffling rooms. To control costs, they decided to maintain the existing foundation and roofline. Only 200 square feet were added when a porch was enclosed to enlarge the kitchen and family room. "Our strategy was to keep our budget to the interior," Susan says. "The significant changes we wanted to make were inside. It wasn't so much that we needed space. It was more the configuration and layout that needed to be improved."
The floor plan was reconfigured so rooms easily connect via wide doorways and halls. Susan carved out a spacious foyer with a new open staircase to the lower level. "I wanted a large point of entry that felt like a gathering place where we could have art." A wide doorway connects the foyer to the living room, with its northern and eastern exposures.
Windows in the family room were replaced with generously sized casements that allow for plenty of natural light. The ceilings are 7 feet 10 inches high, but they seem higher, Susan says. "I like high ceilings, but we decided it would cost too much to raise them, so we visually enhanced the height with floor-to-ceiling windows and vertical curtain panels." A whisper-soft neutral color palette and an open floor plan also add to the spatial illusions. "Not raising the ceilings was a decision I could make for my own house that I probably wouldn't have made for a client, but it was a good lesson for me. We think we need things, but there are other ways to accomplish the same look."
Rift-cut (similar to quarter-sawn) oak floors were stained dark and laid throughout the house, providing a visual flow from room to room. Rift-cut planks have straight graining as opposed to the swirl and cathedral patterns of typical oak floors. "It's a little more contemporary, but that's OK because I wanted the floor to be a non-event," Susan says. "It's just a grounding plane."
Even with the select rift cut, oak is less costly than cherry or walnut. "Oak is hard and fabulous when you have dogs and kids," says Susan, with a nod toward Otis, the family's energetic Boston terrier puppy.
Cabinets in the family room minimize clutter. In fact, clutter is virtually nonexistent in the home, even with two children. "Of course we get messy," Susan says, "but we try to provide a place for everything, so things are put away."
The enlarged kitchen and family room are primary family spaces, particularly because Susan and her children love to cook. "It's set up so three can work in the kitchen at one time and not be in each other's way," she says. The kitchen has few upper cabinets. Instead, one side opens to the family room; exterior walls are lined with windows that overlook the pool and gardens.
The kitchen is a functional space with top-of-the-line appliances, including double dishwashers. "I highly recommend two dishwashers in a home with children," Susan says. An island and circular floor plan allow plenty of room for her and the children to cook together.
A large vintage photo of New York City printed on linen (an IKEA find) hangs in a hall just outside the dining room. French doors on the opposite wall open to a terrace.
Even as a youngster Susan had the interior design bug. "My favorite thing to do as a child was make furniture for my Barbies. I didn't really play with Barbies, but I made rooms for them."
Susan pursued a Barbie-like career, however, working as a fashion model in New York City and Europe with the Eileen Ford Modeling Agency. Longing to be more involved in the creative side of design, she enrolled in the New York School of Interior Design, graduating in 1995. She moved to Seattle in 1996 and established Susan Marinello Interiors. An allied member of the American Society of Interior Designers, Susan now heads a firm of 10 design professionals. In 2007, she won first place in the annual Northwest Design Awards competition in the "Whole House over $200,000" category for her home's renovation.
Susan's firm designs for condominium and hospitality developments as well as residential clients. "I believe in light, celebrating views outside, and creating strong but quiet spaces that contribute to a sense of order and well-being," Susan says.
Interior design: Susan Marinello, Susan Marinello Interiors, 119 S. Main St., Suite 300, Seattle, WA 98104; 206/344-5551, susanmarinello.com.
Architects: Lyle and Meredith Grant, Maple Leaf Design, 8057 12th Ave. N.E., Seattle, WA 98115; 206/523-6427, mleafdesign.com.
Photography: John Granen
Produced by Linda Humphrey
Sources photo 1:
Sofas ("Porter Sofa" #BB038-01): Barbara Barry Realized by Henredon, barbarabarryco.com.
Coffee table: Pride Sasser Home Furnishings, 828/437-1991, trade only. Available through Michael Folks Showroom, 206/762-6776.
Sconces ("Haberdasher Sconce''): Visual Comfort & Co., 713/686-5999, trade only.
Mirror over mantel ("Magni Mirror,'' 36-inch diameter #9116): Nancy Corzine, 310/672-6775, nancycorzine.com.
Rug (hand-woven Tibetan wool): Ramri Rug, 206/860-8366.
Sources photo 2:
Sofas ("Porter Sofa" #BB038-01): Barbara Barry Realized by Henredon, barbarabarryco.com.
Coffee table: Pride Sasser Home Furnishings, 828/437-1991, trade only. Available through Michael Folks Showroom, 206/762-6776.
Sconces ("Haberdasher Sconce''): Visual Comfort & Co., 713/686-5999, trade only.
Mirror over mantel ("Magni Mirror,'' 36-inch diameter #9116): Nancy Corzine, 310/672-6775, nancycorzine.com.
Rug (hand-woven Tibetan wool): Ramri Rug, 206/860-8366.
Sources photo 3:
Round table: Baker, Knapp & Tubbs, 800/592-2537, trade only.
Star lantern: Imports from Marrakesh Ltd., 212/675-9700, importsfrommarrakesh.com.
Rug: Tufenkian Carpets, 800/753-7847, tufenkiancarpets.com.
Accessories: owner's collection.
Sources photo 4:
Coffee table ("Rill Table'' by Bill Sofield): Baker, 800/592-2537.
Lamps (alabaster): Visual Comfort & Co., 713/686-5999, trade only.
Love seat; upholstered chairs with ottoman; blue-gray chair: custom design by Susan Marinello, 206/344-5551.
Fabrication: A.W. Hoss & Son, 206/522-1229.
Sources photo 5:
Countertop and backsplash (Calacatta Classico): Marmo E Granito, 206/368-0990.
Sink ("UrbanEdge Farmhouse Sink'' #0710): Julien, 418/687-3630, julien.ca.
Faucet ("Suprimo''): KWC Faucets Inc., 888/592-3287, kwcfaucets.com.
Range (60-inch): Wolf, 800/366-9653, wolfrange.com.
Pendant fixtures over island: Restoration Hardware, 800/910-9836, restorationhardware.com.
Sources photo 6:
Chandelier (custom, Kelly Hoppen-inspired): International Ironworks, 323/278-8363, iworksus.com.
Chairs ("Empire Side Chairs'' #18-486-1, by Milling Road): Baker, 800/592-2537, kohlerinteriors.com.
Photograph of New York: IKEA, 800/434-4532, ikea.com.


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When it comes to parenting her 17-month-old daughter Naleigh, Katherine Heigl says a mother's instinct is always better than dad's.
"We actually sort of fight over it," Katherine said during an appearance on the "Late Show with David Letterman" on Thursday when asked about making parenting decisions with husband Josh Kelley.
VIEW THE PHOTOS: From Blonde To 'Grey' - Katherine Heigl
"I think it's a mother's thing to decide these things, I do. I think he should just listen and do it," she proclaimed with a laugh. "He got really mad at me for suggesting that the other day. I was like, 'But, don't you get it? Why are we fighting about what she should eat? I know! I have an instinct! It's universally called a mother's instinct!'"
The 31-year-old actress admitted she might have a difficult time with sharing parental duties, adding, "I think I'm a little bit of a control freak."
VIEW THE PHOTOS: Hollywood's Smokin' Hot Couples
Katherine also noted that her daughter has forever changed her.
"Being a mother and being parents is this whole new world and everybody says your life's going to change and nothing will be the same. I feel like we've always had her, like she's always been a part of our family. It doesn't feel unusual. What's unusual is emotional change," she explained. "Gradually I started to feel like – it's a hard thing to describe – like you're wearing you're heart on the outside of your body for the rest of your life."
As previously reported on AccessHollywood.com, the actress revealed in the June issue of Harper's Bazaar that Naleigh had a heart problem which has since been surgically repaired.
VIEW THE PHOTOS: Hollywood's Hottest Moms & Their Loveable Little Ones
"Her heart is 100 percent fine now. She has a scar, so she won't be wearing bikinis, which is fine by us," Katherine told the mag. "A lot of children don't find forever homes because they're on that special-needs list, even if it's because of something as simple as her mother smoked cigarettes for a month, not knowing she was pregnant. That's not so huge that you couldn't handle it."
Copyright 2010 by NBC Universal, Inc. All rights reserved.
This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
VIEW THE PHOTOS: The 10 Reasons We Love Katherine Heigl
Related Content from AccessHollywood.com:
PLAY IT NOW: ShoWest 2010: Katherine Heigl On Her Makeover, Parenthood & 'Killers'
PLAY IT NOW: Jeffrey Dean Morgan On Katherine Heigl's 'Grey's' Departure: 'I Think The Show Will Be Fine Without Her'
More from Access: [ Katherine HeiglDavid LettermanParenthood ]


text: "The Book of Mormon," an edgy musical from the creators of TV's "South Park," was nominated for 14 Tony Awards in New York Tuesday morning. "Mormon" tells the story of how two missionaries try to convert Ugandan villagers facing poverty and strife unlike anything the naive visitors could imagine. While one of the young men in overwhelmed, the second attempts to teach the villagers about God in a way to which they can relate and inspire them to hope for better lives. In addition to Best Musical, the show, which features extensive profanity and scatological humor, earned nods for Best Performance by an Actor and Actress in a Featured Role in a Musical for Rory O'Malley and Nikki M. James, and Best Direction of a Musical for Casey Nicholaw and Trey Parker. Stars Josh Gad and Andrew Rannells were both nominated for Best Performance by an Actor in a Leading Role in a Musical. "Mormon" also earned mentions for Best Sound Design in a Musical, Lighting Design in a Musical, Costume Design of a Musical, Orchestrations, Scenic Design of a Musical, Choreography, Book of a Musical and Original Score. Competing with "Mormon" for the Best Musical title are "Catch Me If You Can,""The Scottsboro Boys" and "Sister Act." In the running for Best Play are " Good People" by David Lindsay-Abaire, "Jerusalem" by Jez Butterworth, "The Motherf**ker with the Hat" by Stephen Adly Guirgis and "War Horse" by Nick Stafford. The nominees for Best Revival of a Play are "Arcadia,""The Importance of Being Earnest,""The Merchant of Venice" and "The Normal Heart." Shortlisted for Best Revival of a Musical are "Anything Goes" and "How to Succeed in Business Without Really." The contenders for the prize for Best Performance by an Actor in a Leading Role in a Play are Brian Bedford for "The Importance of Being Earnest," Bobby Cannavale for "The Motherf**ker with the Hat," Joe Mantello for "The Normal Heart," Al Pacino for "The Merchant of Venice" and Mark Rylance for "Jerusalem." Nominated in the category of Best Performance by an Actress in a Leading Role in a Play are Nina Arianda for "Born Yesterday," Frances McDormand for "Good People," Lily Rabe for "The Merchant of Venice," Vanessa Redgrave for "Driving Miss Daisy" and Hannah Yelland for "Brief Encounter." Up for the Tony for Best Performance by an Actor in a Leading Role in a Musical are Norbert Leo Butz for "Catch Me If You Can," Gad and Rannells for "The Book of Mormon," Joshua Henry for "The Scottsboro Boys" and Tony Sheldon for "Priscilla Queen of the Desert." Vying for the award for Best Performance by an Actress in a Leading Role in a Musical are Sutton Foster for "Anything Goes," Beth Leavel for "Baby It's You!," Patina Miller for "Sister Act" and Donna Murphy for "The People in the Picture." The awards are to be handed out June 12 in New York in ceremonies is to be broadcast on CBS.


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CHICAGO (AP) Longtime NFL assistant and current CFL coach Marc Trestman is denying a rumor that the Chicago Bears are set to hire him.
In an email to the Montreal Gazette on Friday, Trestman said he had not heard from the Bears, who fired coach Lovie Smith after the season.
Earlier, Fox analyst and former Cowboys coach Jimmy Johnson tweeted that it ``looks like 2 of my guys getting NFL jobs ... Chud Cleveland and my QB coach at U Trestman to Chicago.''
Nine hours later, Johnson tweeted: ``It LOOKS like 2 of my guys were getting NFL jobs not that Trestman got it!''
Trestman, who coaches the CFL's Montreal Alouettes, interviewed with the Bears this week. He was on Johnson's staff at Miami in the 1980s.


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Writer-director J.C. Chandor's debut feature film, "Margin Call", is a tense, smart and surprisingly even-handed thriller that recreates the type of back room and boardroom skullduggery that led to the global economic meltdown of 2008. With the Occupy Wall Street movement sweeping the nation, Chandor couldn't ask for better timing.
In Chandor's mythical trading firm, a young risk analyst, Peter Sullivan (Zachary Quinto), comes across a treasure trove of data that suggests the firm is leveraged beyond all reasonable levels, and is little more than a house cards waiting for the first stiff breeze to blow it all away. As the discovery inches its way up the food chain, the recriminations heat up, with each person brought into the loop jockeying for position, desperate not to be the inevitable sacrificial lamb, while at the same trying to determine the best course of action. When their efforts hit a roadblock, they have to call the grown-ups and soon there's a dead-of-night board meeting led by John Tuld (Jeremy Irons).
Structurally, "Margin Call" owes a huge debt to "Glengarry Glen Ross"—without the dizzying profanity—but instead of a whodunit, the film is a howtheygonna? Tuld wants to unwind the firm's massive and worthless positions, while Sam Rogers (Kevin Spacey), a 34-year veteran of the firm, says to do so would be unconscionably unethical. The struggle between the two men speaks to one of the great problems at the root of the way Wall Street works: an inherently conflicted sense of what's "right."
We experience the story mainly through the eyes of Peter, the ex-rocket scientist who sounds the alarm. But he's got way too much perspective to be a real person. As he trolls the city in a limo, he presses his head against the glass and says aloud, "Look at these people, wandering around, with absolutely no idea…" But it's Paul Bettany as Will Emerson, one of Peter's superiors, that speaks for the traders. Bettany gives one of his best performances ever, as a man whose life is a stream of anxiety punctuated by Nicorette and cigarettes. Of the little people, the civilians of the world whom Peter laments have "absolutely no idea," Will says, "F*** 'em," noting how happy they were to feed blindly on the scraps that flew from the trough as the bankers and titans gorged at the trough.
Chandor's work behind a camera don't quite match his work behind a keyboard, but no matter, "Margin Call" is an engrossing drama that skillfully puts a human face on the crime of the century.


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Earlier this month, a liberal Israeli novelist published a liberal polemic in a liberal newspaper. The article, by David Grossman, ran in the op-ed section of Haaretz, and decried Prime Minister Benjamin (Bibi) Netanyahu's fevered declarations that he might soon order a unilateral strike on the Islamic Republic of Iran and its nuclear facilities. Grossman warned of Netanyahu's "megalomaniacal" vision. He asked why Israelis, faced with what "could turn out to be the biggest mistake ever" by their government, were absorbing the news with such "fatalistic resignation": "How will we face ourselves and our children when we are asked why we kept silent?" he wrote. "Why didn't we set up a single symbolic protest tent in front of the Prime Minister's Residence to warn against the potential disaster heading our way?"
The article inspired no protests, no tents. A generation ago, Grossman's vivid reporting on the Palestinians for the weekly Koteret Rashit awakened many Israelis to the dehumanizing abuses of occupation. A fluent Arabic speaker, Grossman went into the refugee camps and villages of the West Bank, quoted the voiceless, and revealed to his Israeli readers the humiliations being inflicted in their name. But these days more than twice as many Israelis call themselves right-wing as call themselves left-wing; the symbol of the Israeli pioneer long ago shifted from the kibbutznik to the settler. Although there is still ideological complexity and debate in Israel, the heartfelt polemics of liberal novelists no longer have much sway.
Since early last year, however, Israelis have witnessed a very different kind of dissidence, of a variety almost unknown since the founding of the state. As Netanyahu and his Defense Minister, Ehud Barak, routinely speak of an imminent "existential threat" from Tehran, comparable to that of the Nazis in 1939, and warn that the Iranian nuclear program is fast approaching a "zone of immunity," a growing number of leading intelligence and military officials, active and retired, have made plain their opposition to a unilateral Israeli strike. They include the Army Chief of Staff, the Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force, the heads of the two main intelligence agencies, the Mossad (Israel's C.I.A.) and Shin Bet (its F.B.I.), President Shimon Peres, and members of Netanyahu's cabinet, including the Intelligence Minister. Apart from Peres, these men are anything but liberals; most have impeccable hard-line credentials. The insiders are more muted in their language than the "exes," but there is no question that together they present Netanyahu and Barak with a formidable barrier to an attack. A poll this month in Israel showed that sixty-one per cent of Jewish Israelis opposed a unilateral strike and twenty-seven per cent were in favor.
The most outspoken of the high-level "dissidents," such as Yuval Diskin, who was the head of Shin Bet from 2005 to 2011, accuse Netanyahu and Barak of behaving with "messianic" fervor. "I have no trust in the current Israeli leadership," Diskin told a public gathering recently, warning that "one of the results of an Israeli attack on Iran could be a dramatic acceleration of the Iranian program." Earlier this month, Aharon Ze'evi Farkash, a former head of military intelligence, told the Jerusalem Post that an Israeli attack would lack legitimacy, unite a fractured Iranian leadership, and make it "clear that they need a bomb now so that we cannot attack them again."
These opponents believe that both Netanyahu and Barak, who repeatedly invoke the Holocaust and the eliminationist rhetoric of Iran's President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, are frightening the public and alienating the Obama Administration. "Barak's phrase 'the zone of immunity' is pure bullshit," a retired Israeli general told me. "I heard the same phrase from him in 2010 and 2011," he went on. "Intelligence is something that is always debatable. Remember, we had a kidnapped Israeli soldier, Gilad Shalit, who was held for five years just beyond our border and we didn't know where he was. Are we really sure we know everything about the Iranian nuclear program?" Lieutenant General Shaul Mofaz, an opposition leader and former Defense Minister, addressed Netanyahu directly in the Knesset, saying, "Over the past few months, Israel has waged an extensive and relentless p.r. campaign with the sole objective of preparing the ground for a premature military adventure. This p.r. campaign has deeply penetrated the 'zone of immunity' of our national security, threatens to weaken our deterrence, and our relations with our best friends. Mr. Prime Minister, you want a crude, rude, unprecedented, reckless, and risky intervention in the U.S. elections. Tell us whom you serve and for what?"
One morning recently, I took a cab to a sleek new residential tower on the eastern edge of Tel Aviv and asked at the reception desk for Meir Dagan. I was not entirely surprised that the security man gave me the once-over. From 2002 until January, 2011, Dagan was the director of the Institute for Intelligence and Special Operations—the Mossad. The Mossad, which has its headquarters just north of Tel Aviv, is charged with a range of tasks, from counterterrorism to foreign espionage and covert operations, including assassinations. Only Isser Harel, who led the operation that, in 1960, discovered Adolf Eichmann living in Argentina, kidnapped him, and brought him to trial in Jerusalem, served longer as Israel's spymaster. Dagan is known as a ruthless agent; his career is said to have included operations of all kinds—car bombing, poisoning, cyberwar. He was also the earliest of the dissident security chiefs and is arguably the most authoritative.
A ludicrously young, unarmed security guard materialized and rode with me in the elevator. I rang the bell and Dagan opened the door. He was a startling sight. He is not much taller than five feet and nearly that wide around. He is sixty-seven and has bowed legs, stubby, muscular arms, and a bald, egg-like dome. He wore severe steel glasses, faded jeans, and a polo shirt the color of a Concord grape. His grin is sly and sardonic, and not without a trace of menace. He clearly eats plenty, but he does not eat meat. ("It's because of a gruesome event in 1985. I cannot even smell meat or touch it.") He collects swords. Various military exploits have left what he calls "their memorials": a bullet in the chest, a bad leg and back, and "metal pieces in my body here and there." In general, he makes plain that his health is not good. He smokes a pipe, listens to classical music, and paints, like a dentist on weekends. The apartment is decorated with his canvases. They are naïve, sentimental, Orientalist—desert landscapes, a Bedouin, an old man in the Iranian town of Tabriz. "I get pleasure from this," he said. "It helps me relax." Since leaving the Mossad, Dagan has been living both in Tel Aviv and in the northern countryside, and, for the first time, he has been making private-sector money, in the energy business. "It's not bad," he said. "It seems that you can make quite a bit without working very much."
Dagan was born in 1945, on the floor of a train, as his family was being deported from the Soviet Union to a Nazi detention camp in Poland. His name then was Meir Huberman. Some members of the family died in the Holocaust, and Dagan kept in his office a photograph of his maternal grandfather on the day he was killed, in 1942, in the Polish town of Lukow. The picture shows a bearded, terrified man on his knees, draped in a prayer shawl, his arms up in supplication, as Nazi soldiers stand around with mocking expressions, truncheons and rifles at the ready. In 1950, the family sailed for Israel aboard a cattle boat that nearly capsized in a storm. They lived at first in a transit camp, in Lod, and then settled in the town of Bat Yam, south of Tel Aviv, where Dagan's parents ran a laundromat.
After graduating from high school, Dagan trained as a paratrooper. He used to go around throwing a knife into trees. While he was fighting in Gaza during the Six-Day War, in 1967, his jeep hit a mine. The explosion shattered his leg. As a soldier, Dagan won the attentions of Ariel Sharon, and, in 1970, Sharon, who was then the head of the Army's Southern Command, ordered him to create a special "elimination" unit, dedicated to hunting down suspected terrorists in Gaza. Dagan is wary of discussing the details of his life, especially his life in the military and intelligence, but accounts in the Israeli press, particularly Haaretz and Yediot Ahronot, are abundant. Dagan and his men often dressed as Palestinian taxi-drivers or farmers to infiltrate terror cells and, often, to kill. One of his decorations was for disarming and killing a Palestinian fighter who was wielding a live grenade. Sharon once said, "Dagan's specialty is separating an Arab from his head." Sometimes, one article claims, Dagan went on raids with a Doberman named Fanny. A soldier who served with him told Yediot Ahronot that Dagan would "wake up in the morning, leave his room, take a piss with one hand and shoot at soda cans with the other."
As an elder of the security establishment, however, Dagan knows well enough to dismiss any trace of a "colorful" biography. And, to be fair, there is every possibility that the stories of his career contain elements of myth. ("It's really bullshit. Life and people are much more complicated.") Above all, Dagan is eager to dispel the image of the mindless warrior. When Ilana Dayan, a reporter for Channel 2, asked him recently how he felt when he went on lethal missions, he said, "There is no joy in taking lives. Anyone who enjoys it is a psychopath."
Far from everything is known about Dagan's career. Two reporters for Yediot Ahronot, Yigal Sarna and Anat Tal-Shir, once investigated a story that, before Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon, which was aimed at rooting out Yasir Arafat and the Palestine Liberation Organization, Dagan led a secret unit across the border whose mission was to instigate terrorist events that would justify an incursion. Military censors killed the story, Sarna told me. Dagan acknowledges the censorship but denies the thrust of the story.
Dagan worked in various military and security jobs until 2002, when Sharon, then Prime Minister, grew frustrated with what he saw as a lack of initiative in the intelligence leadership and appointed Dagan the director of the Mossad. Dagan, a shrewd bureaucratic infighter, managed to increase the Mossad's budgets, expand aggressive (and sometimes violent) operations abroad, and develop the agency's technological capacities. Under his leadership, the Mossad was credited with a string of high-stakes operations. There was the discovery, in 2007, of what the Mossad determined was a Syrian nuclear installation built with North Korean help; the Israelis bombed the plant the following year, though they have never admitted it publicly. In 2008, the Mossad engineered the car bombing, in Damascus, of Imad Mughniyeh, Hezbollah's leading terror operative.
The singular focus of Dagan's work was Iran's nuclear program. Since the mid-nineties, Israeli intelligence had been convinced that Iran had embarked on a set of redundant projects that would take it through the steps of procurement, enrichment, and, possibly, weaponization. The work was methodical and unrushed, intended to evade the attention of inspectors and the sanctions of Iran's enemies. "Iran learned the lessons of North Korea, Pakistan, Libya, Syria, and Iraq," Amos Yadlin, a former chief of military intelligence, told me. "The Iranians are very sophisticated. This strategy, in a way, is to be appreciated. It is unusually sound. It is designed not to achieve nuclear weapons as soon as possible but to achieve them as safely as possible." Under Dagan's direction, and in coöperation with Western intelligence agencies, the Mossad is believed to have been involved in all the main efforts to sabotage Iran's progress: the cyberwar project called Stuxnet; the assassination of leading researchers and bureaucrats involved in the nuclear projects; the penetration of procurement networks and then the sale of defective equipment designed to derail installations. The Mossad has also encouraged defections and recruited agents in Iran. Dagan believes that the West and Israel, which has had nuclear weapons for decades, should do all they can to foment regime change by supporting the Iranian opposition.
For years, Dagan was an almost satanic figure in the Arab press, portrayed as a pitiless killer of Arabs. An article published in the official Egyptian press, in 2008, charged him with "atrocities." Yet Egypt, like Saudi Arabia and other Sunni Arab states, is deeply apprehensive about a "Shia bomb," and in January, 2010, when a nuclear scientist named Massoud Ali Mohammadi was assassinated in Tehran, Egypt's largest-circulation newspaper, Al Ahram, published an article calling Dagan "Israel's superman" and "the brains" behind the killing. "Without Dagan, the Iranian nuclear program would have been complete years ago," Ashraf Abu al-Haul, the paper's analyst of Palestinian affairs, wrote. Dagan, al-Haul went on admiringly, has been "able to accomplish feats no man can describe, from the Iranian issue and limiting the military force of the Syrian Army to facing Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Islamic Jihad."
This ambivalence is evident, too, on the Israeli left. In 2008, the columnist Gideon Levy criticized Channel 2 when it declared Dagan Israel's "man of the year." ("Our man of the year is a declared killer," Levy wrote. "Whether by box-cutter or car bomb, his craft is killing. His killer instincts are our source of pride, the peak of our creativity.") Three years later, after Dagan went public with his criticism of Netanyahu, Levy celebrated Dagan for his "responsible and courageous act."
Dagan had close working relations with Sharon and with Ehud Olmert; he enjoyed no such rapport with Netanyahu, whom he came to think of as needlessly abandoning negotiations with the Palestinians and letting relations with Turkey decay. Netanyahu, for his part, was unhappy about a botched operation, in January, 2010, in which Israeli operatives carrying fake passports from other countries allegedly killed the Hamas chief of rocket procurement, Mahmoud al-Mabhouh, while he was a guest at a five-star hotel in Dubai. There were no arrests, but, thanks to surveillance cameras at the hotel, the faces of the twenty-six suspected operatives were plastered all over the media.
When Dagan stepped down as director of the Mossad, a thousand intelligence officers and members of the government gathered at Tel Aviv University to celebrate his tenure. Dagan denies that he was forced out. "The Prime Minister knows I wanted to leave my post," he said. "After eight and a half years, enough is enough." Certainly no superlative was spared at the retirement reception. Shimon Peres, who had a monthly dinner date with Dagan, said that if the heads of all the world's intelligence agencies were to gather they would nominate Dagan as the best of them. "Some people have a knife between their teeth," Netanyahu said, according to the Israeli press accounts. "Meir has a rocket-propelled grenade between his teeth." But Netanyahu's tribute masked an incipient clash with Dagan and other security chiefs, who, in November, 2010, had told the Prime Minister and Barak, in a secret meeting, that a unilateral attack on Iran would not work and would lead to war. According to reports on Channel 10 and in Yediot Ahronot and to my own sources, the meeting took place at the Mossad in an atmosphere of whiskey, cigars, and acrimony. Barak was so angered by the opposition from Dagan, Yuval Diskin, and others that he said, "If this current command had been present in 1967, we wouldn't have had a war." (In 1967, the Israelis, fearing invasion, launched a preëmptive assault on Egypt and Syria.)
Just days before stepping down, Dagan began what amounted to an extended public denunciation of Netanyahu's Iran policy. The first sally came when he told some reporters at a farewell background briefing that an Israeli attack would be too dangerous and would fail to achieve its objective. A military censor told the reporters that they could publish nothing of what had been said, but, inevitably, the story quickly got out. In the months that followed—at conferences, and in speeches and interviews—Dagan became increasingly frank in his opposition to an attack. This was astonishing. The Israelis are accustomed to holding hearings after the fact: among the most famous are the investigations following the 1973 Yom Kippur War, in which the military was caught off guard by a joint Egyptian-Syrian attack and suffered deep losses before recovering; and the inquiry after the 1982 massacres in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps, in Beirut. There were also commissions of inquiry following the second Lebanon war, in 2006, and the invasion of Gaza, in 2008. Dagan told me that the military disaster of the Yom Kippur War had always haunted him, and that it had led him to go public now.
"I was an Army captain in 1973 and I saw the discussions of our military and intelligence leaders," he said. "None of them were stupid. This was Israel's best team. Nevertheless, they made mistakes—mistakes that cost twenty-five hundred lives. I don't want to find myself in a situation where I look back and I haven't acted and spoken from my conscience.
"Don't be mistaken, I am not a liberal by point of view," he went on. "If I thought the use of brute force on Iran would stop the nuclear threat in the region and to Israel, that would be one thing. I am judging things from a practical point of view. . . . You have to take into consideration the following questions about an Israeli attack: What would be achieved? What about five minutes after? And what are the consequences of such an attack?"
Dagan answers those questions simply: "An Israeli bombing would lead to a regional war and solve the internal problems of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It would galvanize Iranian society behind the leadership and create unity around the nuclear issue. And it would justify Iran in rebuilding its nuclear project and saying, 'Look, see, we were attacked by the Zionist enemy and we clearly need to have it.' A bombing would be considered an act of war, and there would be an unpredictable counterattack against us. And the Iranians can call on their proxy, Hezbollah, which, with its rockets, can hit practically any target in Israel."
Dagan's view that a unilateral Israeli strike would intensify, not diminish, the danger posed by Iran is now the general view of the dissident politicians and security chiefs. And, increasingly, Netanyahu and Barak have grown infuriated by the resistance. The statements of the national-security dissenters, Netanyahu has said, are "irresponsible and hurt the national security." Recently, Netanyahu held a closed meeting with a group of reporters for the Israel Defense Forces radio station. According to a leaked account that appeared in Haaretz, Netanyahu alternately pounded his chest and the table in front of him as he declared, "If there is an investigative committee, I'll say that I—I—am responsible." He told the reporters that skeptics in the government have "been bringing me presentations prepared as if for an investigative committee. I tell them they should put away these slides, stop speaking for the historical record, and instead speak straight to the point."
Senior Obama Administration officials say that they can't discount Netanyahu and Barak's threats to attack Iran unilaterally in the next few months, but that a more likely reason for the rhetoric is Israel's desire to play "bad cop" in the international effort to pressure Iran. A kind of undeclared war has been raging between Iran and the West for many years, and the latest evidence is, on one side, the killing of Iranian nuclear scientists and, on the other, the killing of Israeli tourists in Bulgaria, allegedly by Iran's client Hezbollah. President Obama's assurance to Netanyahu that his policy, when it comes to the Iranian nuclear project, is prevention, not containment, is already an Israeli victory—that is, Obama has accepted the premise that a nuclear Iran is not to be contemplated. In March, Obama backed up his statement that an Iranian bomb was "unacceptable" by telling Jeffrey Goldberg, of The Atlantic, "As President of the United States I don't bluff."
Despite these guarantees, and despite the fact that both sides say that military and intelligence coöperation between the U.S. and Israel has never been tighter, the relationship is fraught. Netanyahu, who is so close to conservative American politicians and businessmen that he is said by some Israelis to talk with "a Republican accent," distrusts Obama. Obama, in turn, has little doubt that the Israeli leader would greatly prefer to see Mitt Romney in the White House. Sheldon Adelson, the Las Vegas casino magnate who is one of Romney's biggest backers, owns an Israeli daily, Israel Hayom, that is so blatantly a Netanyahu mouthpiece that some Tel Aviv liberals call it Tishreen—the official newspaper of the Assad regime, in Syria. Clearly there is a political element to the drama. "Bibi looks at Obama and sees his ideological opposite," Aluf Benn, the editor-in-chief of Haaretz, told me. "Obama looks at Bibi and sees Eric Cantor."
Netanyahu distrusts Obama not only because of their initial clashes over settlements and the Palestinian question but also for reasons of personality. Obama finds Netanyahu pedantic and arrogant; Netanyahu finds Obama naïve about the realities of the Middle East and diffident about Israel. "Obama has no special feeling for us" is a familiar refrain. A senior official in Jerusalem told me, "Bibi, by nature, doesn't trust people and Obama is not exactly Mr. Warmth." (Another official in Netanyahu's office, however, insisted that such sentiments do not "correctly represent the Prime Minister's views.")
Netanyahu also provides a historical dimension to his reluctance to rely on American promises. At a speech to AIPAC, in Washington, last March, he recounted how, in 1944, the U.S. War Department spurned a plea from the World Jewish Congress to bomb the death camps at Auschwitz. "Never again will we not be masters of the fate of our very survival," he said. "We deeply appreciate the great alliance between our two countries. But when it comes to Israel's survival we must always remain the masters of our fate."
Benn and many others believe that Netanyahu has a heroic conception of himself that is hard for Obama to understand or countenance. "Bibi wants to be the prophet, the man who saw the trouble coming like no other," Benn said. "In his mind, he is Theodor Herzl, who foresaw the trouble coming in anti-Semitic Europe. He even thinks that he foresaw 9/11, and he was the one who saw that if we left Gaza we would be hit by rockets in Ashkelon. He sees himself as the visionary, always in dialogue with the history books. It doesn't matter to Bibi that most people are not for bombing. He argues, 'Look at all the naïve Jews in Europe in the late thirties who didn't go to Palestine as Zionists or to America as immigrants. They were deluded.' "
Netanyahu's psychology has been shaped by Israeli history, too. In 1981, Begin, against the advice of Peres and other cabinet members, ordered his Air Force to bomb the Osirak nuclear reactor, in central Iraq. Thereafter, the policy that no country in the Middle East except Israel should get a nuclear weapon became known as "the Begin doctrine." (Arguably, Iraq accelerated its program after the 1981 bombing and ended it only with the Gulf War, a decade later.) To be sure, such a mission in Iran would be more dangerous—there are many more installations, some of which are heavily reinforced and deep underground, and Iran's capacity to counterattack is far stronger. Netanyahu and his aides readily acknowledge that America's military, with its aircraft carriers, foreign bases, and Tomahawk missiles, is vastly superior to Israel's and would have a much better chance of eliminating the Iranian nuclear installations if it ever comes to that. But Netanyahu shows little sign of trusting the President's assurances. As one senior official told me, "The way North Korea was allowed to go nuclear sure doesn't add to our confidence."
Netanyahu declined to speak to me. But Moshe Ya'alon, the Vice Prime Minister and Minister of Strategic Affairs, echoed his boss's view, telling me that if Iran gets a nuclear weapon, or even the capacity to build one, "we will witness nuclear chaos." Iran would gain such a strategic advantage that its regional rivals—Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Egypt—would build their own bombs. Iran, Ya'alon said, might hesitate to drop a bomb on Israel, but it would use a bomb "as a nuclear umbrella to intensify its rogue activities" through Hezbollah and Hamas.
Ya'alon is a tough but subtle operator, and he is known to be more reluctant than Netanyahu and Barak to launch a bombing campaign against Iran. "It is not our preference to do it ourselves," he told me. "This is achievable without the military option, which I consider a last, last resort. But so far I don't see that the Iranians are ready to give it up."
But isn't proliferation inevitable? We've even learned to live with a bomb in Pyongyang. "North Korea has no aspiration to impose its regime and ideology globally," Ya'alon replied. "It wanted a nuclear weapon to defend the regime and to exercise blackmail. Even Pakistan, which is complicated and dangerous enough, does not want to impose its regime globally. Iran is unique.
"We face a fanatical, messianic, apocalyptic regime with the aspiration to defeat Western civilization," Ya'alon said. "And in this picture Israel is the minor Satan and America is the great Satan."
People in Netanyahu's circle recognize that, thanks to sanctions, Iran is hurting economically, that there are serious splits among the political and religious leaderships, and that there is a complicated political and ethnic opposition there, but they believe that the acquisition of a nuclear weapon would prolong the life of the regime. Only the opposition to Netanyahu trusts the United States to continue to press effectively against an Iranian bomb. "Iran is not just a danger to Israel but a real danger to the entire world," Shimon Peres told me when we met, in Jerusalem. "People ask if Obama will meet a commitment, and no doubt he will." The retired general told me, "I trust Obama more than I trust Netanyahu. Obama is an honest man. He's made some stupid mistakes in the Middle East, but he's learned, and he's a serious man. Before Obama, the American military establishment had no plans, no preparations for Iran; now they do. And they have new weapons, too," including thirty-thousand-pound "bunker-buster" bombs. The Israelis have spent many millions of dollars preparing for a potential attack and have been training for months, but their Air Force is, as the security dissidents repeatedly point out, weak compared with America's.
For Netanyahu, reliance on the United States smacks of timidity and a repudiation of national purpose. As Moshe Halbertal, a professor of philosophy at the Hebrew University, put it to me one morning in Jerusalem, "If Netanyahu fails, in his terms the entire raison d'être of Israel falls apart—meaning, if we cannot face up to the new Hitler, who am I? Who are we? At this point, he would have to be courageous not to attack Iran."
In the meantime, Netanyahu has all but given up on making even marginal progress on the Palestinian question. Around his office there is a free-floating slogan: "Iran is the great stage. Everything else is management." His bellicose rhetoric tends to overshadow one political crisis after another, whether it is the increasing influence of the ultra-Orthodox or the power of a small number of families at the center of the economy or violence directed against Arabs in the West Bank or west Jerusalem. He faces minimal electoral pressure. The Labor Party is small and somnambulant. The left is quiet and diminished. "Netanyahu has numbed Israel," Halbertal said. "Israel is numb."
Many Israelis on the left argue that, while Iran and proliferation are undoubtedly dangerous, the occupation, which has lasted since 1967, is the country's true existential threat. But, since the West Bank is relatively calm, and there are no negotiations between Netanyahu and Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian leader, the issue all but disappears from public consciousness, as if behind a tall fence. "The Palestinian issue, for most people, is utterly boring," Avi Issacharoff, who covers Palestinian affairs for Haaretz, told me. "The trouble the Palestinians are facing is that, when things are quiet, no one cares. People care only when there is violence, when there is terror."
Beneath the illusory semblance of normality, people know that the settlements are steadily becoming irreversible. And the military itself is becoming more and more heavily populated by religious Zionists—soldiers and officers who would be, at best, reluctant to follow orders to dismantle Yitzhar or Givat Ze'ev or Beitar Illit. In 1990, only two per cent of the infantry's officer training corps was religious; now the figure is forty-two per cent. "People here fail to understand this profound change," Amos Harel, a journalist writing a book on the Army, said. "They still think of an army of kibbutzniks, the way it used to be."
In the cafés and apartments of Tel Aviv and even Jerusalem, it is easy to block out all that is going on nearby: the grinding civil war in Syria just beyond the Golan; the chaotic assembly of foreign jihadis in the Sinai; the contentious politics of Cairo; the geopolitical clash between Turkey and Iran; the accumulating rage of the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank and the very real possibility of a third intifada. "There is a good life here and, at the same time, the feeling of a party on the Titanic, a kind of deep melancholy running under it all," Avishai Margalit, a political philosopher at the Hebrew University, told me. "There is silence and yet this desire to talk. It's like in a Pinter play: underneath all the clichés there is something deeply threatening to the fabric of things."
Netanyahu bolsters his argument for urgent action in Iran by describing the regime as irrational and determined to destroy Israel. The Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and President Ahmadinejad have made plenty of statements to warrant Israeli anxiety. Khamenei has referred to Israel as a "cancerous tumor." Just last week, Ahmadinejad told a crowd at Tehran University, "The existence of the Zionist regime is an insult to all humanity." He has called the Holocaust a "myth"; in 2005, he said that Israel ought to be "wiped off the map."
Yet the dissidents in the national-security establishment have a somewhat cooler view of the Iranians. Dagan believes that the Iranian leadership, for all its religious fervor and anti-Semitic rhetoric, operates on a level of rational self-preservation. He told me that Iran's nuclear project is indeed designed as a potential "umbrella" to protect Hezbollah and other client groups, but it is also "an insurance policy against any intervention in Iran." The Iranian leadership sees certain markers in its history—the U.S.-backed coup in 1953 and U.S. support of the Shah; the development of an atom bomb in Israel; the eight-year war with Iraq, in which the U.S. backed Saddam Hussein—and acts according to its own "version of rational," Dagan said.
"In 2003, as the United States invaded Iraq, Iran felt under siege," he went on. "The great Satan was at their borders and threatening. . . . The Iranians learned from North Korea, Pakistan, and India that a state with a nuclear weapon will not suffer interference the way a state without one does."
Dagan is no less anxious than Netanyahu about a nuclear Iran, but his language is less emotional, his analysis different. "It's too serious to just casually tie it to the Holocaust," he said. "There are thousands of Jews in Iran, and no one touches them. They don't suffer there as Jews. I don't think the Iranian regime is anti-Semitic in that sense." Dagan agrees that the current regime's rhetoric is hateful: "This started with Ayatollah Khomeini, comparing us to dogs and monkeys." But, he said, "remember, when Ahmadinejad says these things he is not talking to the United States or to Europeans. He does it to please certain groups in Iran. Ahmadinejad is not stupid. Don't be mistaken. He is a very capable bureaucrat. In university, he was an engineer and he was a capable manager. Does he take a radical-Islamist approach? Of course. And the Iranians see Israel as a state established through wrongdoing and they see it as a menace to the region. They see Israel as spreading a Western ideology and as a threat to groups under its umbrella."
Dagan, after years of studying intelligence reports on Iran, believes that the regime is suffering not only from internal splits and economic pressure but also from the political changes in the region: the ascendance of Turkey, the destabilization of Syria's Alawite regime, the reluctance of the Iraqi government to relinquish its ties to the West. Iran, he said, has failed in its ambition to lead the Muslim world. "The Iranians are receptive to pressure," he said. "In 2003, when they felt the U.S. might turn on them, they stalled their nuclear project to an extent. They also discovered that they are not able to maintain any level of secrecy."
Dagan believes that Iran had resumed its nuclear project by 2005, when it was clear that the U.S. had no interest in a fight, but, perhaps out of faith in his own tactics as Mossad director, he believes that covert, economic, and diplomatic pressure—particularly with American support—should allay the need for a unilateral strike. "I have no doubt in my mind that the Iranians are moving on their nuclear program, but I don't share the point of view that they are speeding there," he said. "The Iranian nuclear issue is not an Iran-Israel issue; it is more related to the entire region and to the international community."
The morning I met with Dagan, Haaretz had published a long interview, by Ari Shavit, with an unnamed Israeli "decision-maker," who warned yet again that the leadership could not wait much longer. One of the many giveaway details in the piece was that the decision-maker was a great military strategist who had a black grand piano in his living room. Few Israelis could miss the hint: this was Ehud Barak, talking gravely behind a flimsy scrim. ("A single atom bomb is enough to finish off the Zionist story.")
Dagan smiled. Then he said, "As for the 'man who knows how to play the piano,' if you look back at his career, every major strategic approach when he was Prime Minister was a failure: his meetings with Arafat at Camp David, his attempt to make peace with Assad of Syria, his retreat from Lebanon, which brought Hezbollah to our borders. And there are other examples. I'm not under the influence of such a renowned, clever man."
Dagan is more at ease talking about the Americans than about his former bosses in the Israeli leadership. He warns the Israeli government "not to surprise" the United States and has confidence in Obama's assurances. "I don't think the U.S. will act because of Israeli interests," he said. "The U.S. acts according to U.S. interests, and it has strong economic and political interests in the region, beyond, or regardless of, Israel. And when a President of the United States makes an open declaration about policy it is to protect, first of all, the interests not of Israel but of the United States."
As we were talking, Dagan interrupted himself and motioned to the spread of dates, nuts, and candy that he had laid out on the coffee table in front of us. "Look!" he said, with a mock-wounded expression. "You haven't touched a thing!"
It is not clear what the security dissidents will do next. One of them told me that he was organizing a group to decide: A petition? A public meeting? Dagan seemed not to care so long as he could continue speaking out. "Look, this is not a liberal environment, the neighborhood is very tough," he said. "After thirty-three years in the military and intelligence, you discover not only the nice side of human nature. You discover it is possible to get dragged into something and then it is hard to explain why it all happened. It's easy to go from being a victim to being an oppressor. You always have to pay attention to your internal moral compass and ask the right questions.
"I believe in the end that the Iranians are going to have to make a hard decision and choose between continuing their nuclear project or surviving as an Islamic regime. They have serious internal problems. Even though they are defying the international community and there are enough fanatics pursuing the nuclear program, in the end they are not stupid. Ayatollah Khomeini saw Saddam Hussein as the devil, but he finally signed a ceasefire with him. He 'drank the cup of poison,' as he put it. But he signed because the public demanded it. We have to think about how to influence the people making these decisions. And we cannot be hasty." ♦


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Jaala Thibault (right) with an Afghan guard.
Jaala Thibault (MATESOL '07) and Tara Bates (MATESOL '07) are getting settled in Kabul, Afghanistan this week, where they will serve as the only two U.S. State Department English Language Fellows in the country this year. "Being selected as an English Language Fellow for the State Department is one of the most prestigious positions a recent MA graduate in TESOL or TFL can achieve," says TESOL Professor Kathleen Bailey.
The two women will be sharing a Kabul apartment under the supervision of the Asia Foundation, a Central Asian nonprofit organization that has been working in Afghanistan since 1954. Jaala met her students at Kabul Education University for the first time on September 22 and says "The students are really eager to get their classes with me underway, and the faculty is excited to use me for a million projects." She jokingly adds that she must have some Afghan blood in her background because everyone she meets addresses her in Dari, and some people even refuse to believe her when she says she is American. "From a security standpoint all of my Afghan friends say I am lucky to look like an Afghan!"
Jaala has started blogging about her experience in Afghanistan at www.jaalachronicles.blogspot.com


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The documentary "Thieves by Law" interweaves the gripping stories of three notorious Russian mobsters that have transformed themselves from thriving criminals to successful "businessmen." While these men have used violent and ruthless means for gain in the past, the political influence and clout they presently wield within Russia and beyond is more powerful than any pistol they ever brandished.
Along with three fascinating life stories, director Alexander Gentelev delivers a well crafted and comprehensive background about the origins of the Russian Mafia that started out as a criminal caste formed in the gulags under Stalin in the 1930s. It was in these prisons where they developed a code of criminal ethics (a sort of Cossack Ormeta) and referred to their kind as "Thieves by Law."
In these bleak prisons they remained under the brutal control of Communism until Russia became flooded with new freedoms and wealth during Gorbachev's perestroika in the late 1980s. With the sheer volume of new free-market business developing, everyone wanted their share -- especially the "Thieves" that were being released back into Russian society at the same time. The period became the genesis of epic mob disputes and criminal bloodshed unseen in Russia before, and made Al Capone's Chicago of the 1930s seem like "West Side Story" in comparison. Gentelev's three crime bosses were in the thick of it, rare survivors of the era.
Since then they have each adopted pet projects, such as rebuilding a Russian Orthodox Church in Cannes, France, starting a hockey team and, most humorously, a film production company to direct Mob-themed action movies.
"Thieves by Law" becomes quickly engrossing as the film's three subjects come across as very charismatic, funny and simply likable. That charm however, is tempered with their recounting gruesome tales of extortion, racketeering, murder and numerous other deplorable acts employed to amass their great wealth.
What makes the film truly astonishing is that director Gentelev's was given the opportunity to closely follow and film these notorious figures nearly uninhibited. They rarely censor themselves or their henchmen when each recalls potentially self-incriminating stories for the camera. So much of their stories are told matter-of-factly, with enough depth of detail given to convince the viewer they are not embellished or fabricated.
Hearing their tales, it becomes clear that to get to where they are, the "Thieves by Law" never took their eyes off their competition. And Gentelev's storytelling makes it impossible for us to keep our eyes off of them.


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Candice Glover was crowned the new "American Idol" on Thursday after defeating country singer Kree Harrison.
The booming 23-year-old R&B vocalist from St. Helena Island, S.C., looked stunned when "Idol" host Ryan Seacrest announced she bested the soulful 22-year-old country singer Harrison from Woodville, Texas.
"Three times," exclaimed a weepy Glover, referencing the trio of times it took before she made it to the finals of the Fox singing competition.
U.S. & World
After her coronation, an emotional Glover sobbed her way through her new single "I Am Beautiful."
Thursday's finale also served as a farewell for Randy Jackson, the show's lone remaining original judge who announced last week that he's leaving "Idol" to focus on his record label and other business opportunities. The other judges are hip-hop diva Nicki Minaj, pop royalty Mariah Carey and country star Keith Urban.
Jackson has served as a judge on all 12 seasons of "Idol." He first appeared on the panel alongside Simon Cowell and Paula Abdul when the competition debuted in 2002, becoming famous for his easygoing "yo, dawg" rapport with contestants.
"I love everybody that walked on this show," Jackson said. He added, "Hopefully, I touched their lives a little bit. They certainly touched mine."
Grammy- and Oscar-winning former "Idol" finalist Jennifer Hudson returned for Thursday's finale to duet with Glover on Natalie Cole's "Inseparable."
Hudson was among the guest stars who helped fill out the two-hour finale show, including Psy, Frankie Valli, Emeli Sande, Jessie J, Aretha Franklin and former "Idol" judge Jennifer Lopez. Current "Idol" judges Urban, Carey — along with Jackson on bass — also performed.


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Many people come to game reserves to find "The Big 5" and forget the other sometimes more impressive or beautiful little creatures out there. SIBUYA is lucky enough to be home to what I call "The King 6".
There are 10 KINGFISHER SPECIES found in Southern Africa and 6 of these we find on our part of the estuarine system that flows right through SIBUYA GAME RESERVE. Luckily, the Kariega River is in pristine condition and therefore supports many kinds of fish and crustacean species which allows for us to have a large variety of water birds and other aquatic animals such as the CAPE CLAWLESS OTTER (Aonyx capensis).
Many guests have had the chance of spotting "The King 6" on the boat cruises or just relaxing at camp on the river. Those with a camera have lots of fun trying to capture "that ultimate shot" of these striking, brilliantly coloured iridescent blue, orange, chestnut, or black and white birds. An interesting fact about the nesting habits of KINGFISHERS is that they excavate their own tunnels in sandy banks and then line the nesting chamber at the end with the bones, scales or carapaces of their prey.
The Brilliantly coloured Pygmy
and the less colourful Brown-Hooded Kingfishers
Like the name suggests, one would think that the KINGFISHERS are master fishermen but what many people don't know, is that not all kingfishers eat fish! The non-aquatic AFRICAN PYGMY KINGFISHER (Ispidina picta)… a brilliantly coloured intra-African migrant, is found mostly far from water as it prefers woodland or forested areas and feeds mostly on insects, spiders, frogs and lizards.The BROWN-HOODED KINGFISHER (Halcyon albiventris) survives almost completely on insects, small snakes and lizards.
A Giant Kingfisher captures a baby terrapin
A fish-eating species found on the reserve is the shy black, white and chestnut GIANT KINGFISHER (Megaceryle maximus), by far the largest at 43-46cm, in contrast to the tiny Pygmy… like the name states, only being about 12cm high.
The most common of the species found here, is the master fisherman, the PIED KINGFISHER (Ceryle rudis) with its beautiful black and white colouration. It is frequently seen hovering over the water before making a splendid dive for its lunch and then slapping its catch around on a convenient rock to kill it or tenderize it before gobbling it down. The male Pied is easily distinguished from the female with his black vest and underline, whereas the female only wears a black bra (two black spots on the shoulder).
The brilliantly coloured Malachite
The last two species are my favourite, the brilliant iridescent turquoise-blue of the HALF-COLLARED KINGFISHER (Alcedo semitorquata) and the MALACHITE KINGFISHER (Alcedo cristata) with its red bill are superb sightings along the estuary. As a photographer, I have lots of fun chasing them up and down the river to get that perfect shot! I've included my best photo of each… hope you enjoy the beauty of these birds as much as I do!
Sibuya Game Reserve
Sibuya has recently started team-building & conferencing programmes for companies or conference groups.
If you are planning an African Safari, or want to stay at a Game Reserve in South Africa, or a Game Reserve near the Garden Route, or are looking for that perfect Game Reserve Wedding Venue, then why not visit Sibuya for that ultimate African Bush Experience! Sibuya is a Malaria Free Game Reserve…


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Phone interviews help employers narrow down their candidate pool in a relatively quick way and make sure they only spend valuable time and effort meeting face to face with top contenders. For a lot of job seekers, phone screenings can be more challenging and nerve-wracking than regular interviews. A lack of visual cues means your voice and the quality of your responses must carry all the weight. Without nonverbal feedback, it's difficult to fully know how the interview is going and if you should adjust your approach.
If you're anxious about an upcoming phone interview, there are many steps you can take to boost your confidence. First and foremost, treat the phone interview just as seriously as you would an in-person interview. Prepare, prepare, and prepare some more! Next, use these additional tips to ensure the call goes swimmingly.
Lily Zhang – The #1 Mistake People Make on Phone Interviews
Katie Finley – Why Phone Interviews Are So Hard—and How to Ace Them Anyway
Jeff Gillis – 8 Phone Interview Tips That Will Land You A Second Interview
Andrew G. Rosen – 17 Tips to Ace Your Next Phone Interview
Amy Levin-Epstein – Ace Your Phone Interview: 21 Quick & Simple Tips


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Grains rebounded sharply today from Friday's limit down move. December corn finished up 21 ½ cents, January soybeans finished up 17 ½ cents, and December wheat finished up 3 ½.
Overnight the corn market gapped higher opening at $5.41 ¾. Funds were heavy sellers on Friday, but flipped and were once again heavy buyers today. The market was unable to fill the previous gap in Dec corn set at $5.28 ¼. Today's general commodity rally was impressive considering the US dollar was sharply higher.
Export inspections this morning were below last week's numbers for corn, wheat, and soybeans but were not a major factor. Since we had a limit move Friday, limits were expanded to 45 cents allowing corn to move up and over 30 cents higher at one point in the day. Tomorrow we will go back to standard limits in the grains.
There were rumors that China is entering an agreement with Argentina to import between 4 and 8 million MT's of corn. From what we know and have heard this process should take up to 6 months to a year to complete, since currently Argentina is not approved by China as an exporter of corn. Maybe they are trying to speed the process along but as it stands right now we think it could be over-assumptions by the market. Another reason why the market was higher was the lack of a Chinese rate hike over the weekend.
Pre-market sale announcements were strong this morning. The USDA announced exports for almost every product, and this is exactly the type of export activity the market wanted to see for a demand fueled market. The market broke last week and immediately followed up with sales this week. If the market didn't see this type of pricing on a big break it may assume that they already have much of their needs priced.
For new crop unless there is an unforeseen demand shift it could be hard to break the back months between now and the March Planting Intentions report. Until more is known about the S. American crop, 2011 corn will likely have a hard time staying below $5 and 2011 soybeans will have a hard time staying below $11. There really isn't much room for error in the S. American production, so the market will be edgy on any major weather concerns.
The Commitment of Traders report was delayed until today due to Veteran's Day last week. The report shows the large speculator decreased net long corn positions by 11,556 contracts using futures/options. They actually increased their long soybean positions by 3001 contracts. Traders have also been anticipating today's Winter Wheat Crop Condition report. The good to excellent category jumped one percent to 46% but is still quite lower than the 10 year average of 58% good to excellent.
The lower end of the December corn gap is still seen as support at $5.28 ¼. We recommend remaining with our current hedge recommendations. Please call your broker if you have any questions.


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The Springtime Ruffle Pillow tutorial!
OK...let's do this...
Here is what you'll need:
*Pillow or pillow form you want to cover. I've used a pillow form that is 12"x16" for this tutorial, but you can use any size pillow you like...the measurements adjust easily...
*Fabric: for my pillow I needed only 1/2 yard, and I had fabric left over. But if you're using a larger form, you'll (obviously) need more fabric...smaller form, less fabric. I always think having more on hand is better than having less...if you make a mistake, or decide you need more ruffles, you'll be set. Plus, you can always use the leftovers for other projects.
*A rotary cutting tool (or scissors)
*Straight edge (so you can achieve perfection in cutting your fabric...{smile})
*Tape Measure (this will really help when measuring the pillow's circumference...trust me - a ruler just doesn't cut it in this instance).
*Straight pins (nope, they're not in the photo, but you'll need 'em)
*Sewing machine (or needle & thread)
*Iron (yes, this is a must!!!)
IRON, IRON, IRON your fabric! This is just so important to ensure correct measurements, to make the project easier to work with and to make your finished project pretty...
Measure the circumference around the width (longest dimension) of your pillow - try not to squeeze the pillow while you're doing this. Better to have a circumference that's too large than too small.
Take your circumference measurement and add roughly 6" (this number is just a matter of preference...this extra fabric will be what forms the overlap on the back of the cover. I like to have a fairly large overlap...this way it will lie flat on the pillow).
|...this is what your fabric will look on your pillow after you have overlapped the two ends on the back...
Cut your fabric. You should end up with a rectangle...the long side should be your width circumference + 6", the short side should be the height of your pillow + 1" (for your 1/2 seam allowance on each side).
Working on the short sides of your rectangle, with the right side of the fabric down, turn down your raw edge 1/4" and then again 1" to form your hem. Iron flat and sew 1/8" from the inner edge of the hem.
|...this photo doesn't show it, but pretend there is a pin along the right side of the ruffle strip -
|...looks like these edges could stand to be ironed again!!!
|...umm, iron, please?


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Raiders linebacker Rolando McClain has been criticized for his actions on the field this year, and he may soon be questioned for his actions off, too.
Oakland's middle linebacker was reportedly at the scene of a fight Wednesday evening in his native Alabama when gunshots went off, according to the Decatur Police Department.
McClain has been arrested as part of the investigation.
"I can tell you that Rolando McClain is under arrest," said Lt. John Crouch of the Decatur Police Department. "He's been charged with third degree assault, menacing, reckless endangerment and discharging a firearm in city limits. He is still in custody."
Officers responded to the call in the 1000 block of Skyview Street and found one person who had been injured in a physical altercation, according to the police department.
The unnamed victim refused medical treatment at the scene and drove himself to the Decatur General Hospital Emergency Room where he was treated and released.
The person told police that he had been in a fight with a man named Jerradius Willingham. The man was bleeding from the nose and mouth when officers arrived, according to police reports.
The man said following the fight he crawled to his car where McClain allegedly walked over and put a gun to his head, according to reports.
The victim told police that he begged McClain not to shoot him and that the Raiders' player moved the gun away from his head and held it next to his ear before firing it, according to police reports.
McClain is currently being held in the Decatur jail until his bond of $2,000 is paid. Willingham has been charged with one count of assault in the third degree and has been released on $500 bond.
The Raiders gave McClain time off after the death of his grandfather.
This is not the first time McClain has been involved in a gunfire incident in Alabama. In February, shots were fired at McClain's car in Decatur. He was uninjured in the incident.


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FHSU to celebrate International Education Week
11/11/13 lar
The International Student Services Office invites the Fort Hays State University campus and the Hays community to explore different countries and cultures by participating in International Education Week from Nov. 17-21.
"This week celebrates our FHSU international students and provides them a chance to share their culture, traditions and lifestyle with use," said Marnie Kohl, administrative specialist for the International Student Services Office.
Kicking off International Education Week, the Department of Music and Theatre will present "An International Musical Sampling" featuring Kay Werth, instructor of music and theatre, at 7:30 p.m. Sunday, Nov. 17, in the Beach/Schmidt Performing Arts Center. It will feature music from Great Britain, Japan, Australia, France, Argentina and Italy.
Tickets for adults are $6, senior citizens and students 12 and over are $4, children 11 and under and FHSU students with I.D. are free. To purchase tickets, contact the Department of Music and Theatre at FHSU at 785-628-4533.
The International Education Week Proclamation Signing will be at 9 a.m. Monday, Nov. 18, in Dreiling Lobby in Sheridan Hall. Refreshments will be served after the signing.
Three FHSU students will share their China summer study abroad experience at 7 p.m. Tuesday, Nov. 19, in Cody Commons in the Memorial Union. Tre' Giles, Colorado Springs, Colo., sophomore, Kyle Calvin, Ness City senior, and Karla Murguia, Hays senior, will present their experience and answer any questions.
The Creation Station will offer FHSU students the opportunity to create a handmade bookmark reflecting different cultures from 11 a.m. to 1 p.m. Wednesday, Nov. 20, in Cody Commons in the Memorial Union.
On the same day, Anna Hand, Ellsworth sophomore, and Christophe Cheroret, Hays graduate student, will share a cultural presentation on France and the Czech-Slovak republics at 5 p.m. in Cody Commons. This presentation will include a crepe-making demonstration and sampling.
"Mental Health and International Students 2014," a webinar, will be from 1-3 p.m. Thursday, Nov. 21, in the Trails Room in the Memorial Union.
The International Student Exchange Program and the National Student Exchange will have an informational meeting for students interested in studying abroad at 3:30 p.m. Thursday, Nov. 21, in the Stouffer Lounge in the Memorial Union.
The Department of Modern Languages also offers the weekly "Kaffeestunde," which literally translates into "coffee" and "study" at 5 p.m. each Tuesday behind Starbucks in the Memorial Union. Students, faculty and members of the Hays community are welcome to practice German while enjoying coffee.
FHSU will offer ongoing activities throughout the week such as displaying different country flags in the Memorial Union and serving internationally-themed cuisine in McMindes Café and the Memorial Union. In addition, international students will give classroom presentations in area schools.
International Education Week is sponsored by International Student Services, International Student Union, Student Affairs Office, Memorial Union, University Activities Board, the Department of Music and Theatre, the Kelly Center, the Student Health Center, the Office of Strategic Partnerships, the Department of Modern Languages and the Center for Language and Culture.