text:
Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Vol. 4, by Edward Gibbon, [1788], at sacred-texts.com
Whatever might be the origin or the merit of the twelve tables, 20 they obtained among the Romans that blind and partial reverence which the lawyers of every country delight to bestow on their municipal institutions. The study is recommended by Cicero 21 as equally pleasant and instructive. "They amuse the mind by the remembrance of old words and the portrait of ancient manners; they inculcate the soundest principles of government and morals; and I am not afraid to affirm, that the brief composition of the Decemvirs surpasses in genuine value the libraries of Grecian philosophy. How admirable," says Tully, with honest or affected prejudice, "is the wisdom of our ancestors! We alone are the masters of civil prudence, and our superiority is the more conspicuous, if we deign to cast our eyes on the rude and almost ridiculous jurisprudence of Draco, of Solon, and of Lycurgus." The twelve tables were committed to the memory of the young and the meditation of the old; they were transcribed and illustrated with learned diligence; they had escaped the flames of the Gauls, they subsisted in the age of Justinian, and their subsequent loss has been imperfectly restored by the labors of modern critics. 22 But although these venerable monuments were considered as the rule of right and the fountain of justice, 23 they were overwhelmed by the weight and variety of new laws, which, at the end of five centuries, became a grievance more intolerable than the vices of the city. 24 Three thousand brass plates, the acts of the senate of the people, were deposited in the Capitol: 25 and some of the acts, as the Julian law against extortion, surpassed the number of a hundred chapters. 26 The Decemvirs had neglected to import the sanction of Zaleucus, which so long maintained the integrity of his republic. A Locrian, who proposed any new law, stood forth in the assembly of the people with a cord round his neck, and if the law was rejected, the innovator was instantly strangled.
The Decemvirs had been named, and their tables were approved, by an assembly of the centuries, in which riches preponderated against numbers. To the first class of Romans, the proprietors of one hundred thousand pounds of copper, 27 ninety-eight votes were assigned, and only ninety-five were left for the six inferior classes, distributed according to their substance by the artful policy of Servius. But the tribunes soon established a more specious and popular maxim, that every citizen has an equal right to enact the laws which he is bound to obey. Instead of the centuries, they convened the tribes; and the patricians, after an impotent struggle, submitted to the decrees of an assembly, in which their votes were confounded with those of the meanest plebeians. Yet as long as the tribes successively passed over narrow bridges 28 and gave their voices aloud, the conduct of each citizen was exposed to the eyes and ears of his friends and countrymen. The insolvent debtor consulted the wishes of his creditor; the client would have blushed to oppose the views of his patron; the general was followed by his veterans, and the aspect of a grave magistrate was a living lesson to the multitude. A new method of secret ballot abolished the influence of fear and shame, of honor and interest, and the abuse of freedom accelerated the progress of anarchy and despotism. 29 The Romans had aspired to be equal; they were levelled by the equality of servitude; and the dictates of Augustus were patiently ratified by the formal consent of the tribes or centuries. Once, and once only, he experienced a sincere and strenuous opposition. His subjects had resigned all political liberty; they defended the freedom of domestic life. A law which enforced the obligation, and strengthened the bonds of marriage, was clamorously rejected; Propertius, in the arms of Delia, applauded the victory of licentious love; and the project of reform was suspended till a new and more tractable generation had arisen in the world. 30 Such an example was not necessary to instruct a prudent usurper of the mischief of popular assemblies; and their abolition, which Augustus had silently prepared, was accomplished without resistance, and almost without notice, on the accession of his successor. 31 Sixty thousand plebeian legislators, whom numbers made formidable, and poverty secure, were supplanted by six hundred senators, who held their honors, their fortunes, and their lives, by the clemency of the emperor. The loss of executive power was alleviated by the gift of legislative authority; and Ulpian might assert, after the practice of two hundred years, that the decrees of the senate obtained the force and validity of laws. In the times of freedom, the resolves of the people had often been dictated by the passion or error of the moment: the Cornelian, Pompeian, and Julian laws were adapted by a single hand to the prevailing disorders; but the senate, under the reign of the Caesars, was composed of magistrates and lawyers, and in questions of private jurisprudence, the integrity of their judgment was seldom perverted by fear or interest. 32
The silence or ambiguity of the laws was supplied by the occasional edicts !_0046 of those magistrates who were invested with the honors of the state. 33 This ancient prerogative of the Roman kings was transferred, in their respective offices, to the consuls and dictators, the censors and praetors; and a similar right was assumed by the tribunes of the people, the ediles, and the proconsuls. At Rome, and in the provinces, the duties of the subject, and the intentions of the governor, were proclaimed; and the civil jurisprudence was reformed by the annual edicts of the supreme judge, the praetor of the city. *_0046 As soon as he ascended his tribunal, he announced by the voice of the crier, and afterwards inscribed on a white wall, the rules which he proposed to follow in the decision of doubtful cases, and the relief which his equity would afford from the precise rigor of ancient statutes. A principle of discretion more congenial to monarchy was introduced into the republic: the art of respecting the name, and eluding the efficacy, of the laws, was improved by successive praetors; subtleties and fictions were invented to defeat the plainest meaning of the Decemvirs, and where the end was salutary, the means were frequently absurd. The secret or probable wish of the dead was suffered to prevail over the order of succession and the forms of testaments; and the claimant, who was excluded from the character of heir, accepted with equal pleasure from an indulgent praetor the possession of the goods of his late kinsman or benefactor. In the redress of private wrongs, compensations and fines were substituted to the obsolete rigor of the Twelve Tables; time and space were annihilated by fanciful suppositions; and the plea of youth, or fraud, or violence, annulled the obligation, or excused the performance, of an inconvenient contract. A jurisdiction thus vague and arbitrary was exposed to the most dangerous abuse: the substance, as well as the form, of justice were often sacrificed to the prejudices of virtue, the bias of laudable affection, and the grosser seductions of interest or resentment. But the errors or vices of each praetor expired with his annual office; such maxims alone as had been approved by reason and practice were copied by succeeding judges; the rule of proceeding was defined by the solution of new cases; and the temptations of injustice were removed by the Cornelian law, which compelled the praetor of the year to adhere to the spirit and letter of his first proclamation. 34 It was reserved for the curiosity and learning of Adrian, to accomplish the design which had been conceived by the genius of Caesar; and the praetorship of Salvius Julian, an eminent lawyer, was immortalized by the composition of the Perpetual Edict. This well-digested code was ratified by the emperor and the senate; the long divorce of law and equity was at length reconciled; and, instead of the Twelve Tables, the perpetual edict was fixed as the invariable standard of civil jurisprudence. 35
From Augustus to Trajan, the modest Caesars were content to promulgate their edicts in the various characters of a Roman magistrate; *_0047 and, in the decrees of the senate, the epistles and orations of the prince were respectfully inserted. Adrian 36 appears to have been the first who assumed, without disguise, the plenitude of legislative power. And this innovation, so agreeable to his active mind, was countenanced by the patience of the times, and his long absence from the seat of government. The same policy was embraced by succeeding monarchs, and, according to the harsh metaphor of Tertullian, "the gloomy and intricate forest of ancient laws was cleared away by the axe of royal mandates and constitutions." 37 During four centuries, from Adrian to Justinian the public and private jurisprudence was moulded by the will of the sovereign; and few institutions, either human or divine, were permitted to stand on their former basis. The origin of Imperial legislation was concealed by the darkness of ages and the terrors of armed despotism; and a double tiction was propagated by the servility, or perhaps the ignorance, of the civilians, who basked in the sunshine of the Roman and Byzantine courts. 1. To the prayer of the ancient Caesars, the people or the senate had sometimes granted a personal exemption from the obligation and penalty of particular statutes; and each indulgence was an act of jurisdiction exercised by the republic over the first of her citizens. His humble privilege was at length transformed into the prerogative of a tyrant; and the Latin expression of "released from the laws" 38 was supposed to exalt the emperor above all human restraints, and to leave his conscience and reason as the sacred measure of his conduct. 2. A similar dependence was implied in the decrees of the senate, which, in every reign, defined the titles and powers of an elective magistrate. But it was not before the ideas, and even the language, of the Romans had been corrupted, that a royal law, 39 and an irrevocable gift of the people, were created by the fancy of Ulpian, or more probably of Tribonian himself; 40 and the origin of Imperial power, though false in fact, and slavish in its consequence, was supported on a principle of freedom and justice. "The pleasure of the emperor has the vigor and effect of law, since the Roman people, by the royal law, have transferred to their prince the full extent of their own power and sovereignty." 41 The will of a single man, of a child perhaps, was allowed to prevail over the wisdom of ages and the inclinations of millions; and the degenerate Greeks were proud to declare, that in his hands alone the arbitrary exercise of legislation could be safely deposited. "What interest or passion," exclaims Theophilus in the court of Justinian, "can reach the calm and sublime elevation of the monarch? He is already master of the lives and fortunes of his subjects; and those who have incurred his displeasure are already numbered with the dead." 42 Disdaining the language of flattery, the historian may confess, that in questions of private jurisprudence, the absolute sovereign of a great empire can seldom be influenced by any personal considerations. Virtue, or even reason, will suggest to his impartial mind, that he is the guardian of peace and equity, and that the interest of society is inseparably connected with his own. Under the weakest and most vicious reign, the seat of justice was filled by the wisdom and integrity of Papinian and Ulpian; 43 and the purest materials of the Code and Pandects are inscribed with the names of Caracalla and his ministers. 44 The tyrant of Rome was sometimes the benefactor of the provinces. A dagger terminated the crimes of Domitian; but the prudence of Nerva confirmed his acts, which, in the joy of their deliverance, had been rescinded by an indignant senate. 45 Yet in the rescripts, 46 replies to the consultations of the magistrates, the wisest of princes might be deceived by a partial exposition of the case. And this abuse, which placed their hasty decisions on the same level with mature and deliberate acts of legislation, was ineffectually condemned by the sense and example of Trajan. The rescripts of the emperor, his grants and decrees, his edicts and pragmatic sanctions, were subscribed in purple ink, 47 and transmitted to the provinces as general or special laws, which the magistrates were bound to execute, and the people to obey. But as their number continually multiplied, the rule of obedience became each day more doubtful and obscure, till the will of the sovereign was fixed and ascertained in the Gregorian, the Hermogenian, and the Theodosian codes. **_0047 The two first, of which some fragments have escaped, were framed by two private lawyers, to preserve the constitutions of the Pagan emperors from Adrian to Constantine. The third, which is still extant, was digested in sixteen books by the order of the younger Theodosius to consecrate the laws of the Christian princes from Constantine to his own reign. But the three codes obtained an equal authority in the tribunals; and any act which was not included in the sacred deposit might be disregarded by the judge as epurious or obsolete. 48
20 It is the praise of Diodorus, tom. i. l. xii. p. 494,) which may be fairly translated by the eleganti atque absoluta brevitate verborum of Aulus Gellius, (Noct. Attic. xxi. 1.)
21 Listen to Cicero (de Legibus, ii. 23) and his representative Crassus, (de Oratore, i. 43, 44.)
22 See Heineccius, (Hist. J. R. No. 29 - 33.) I have followed the restoration of the xii. tables by Gravina (Origines J. C. p. 280 - 307) and Terrasson, (Hist. de la Jurisprudence Romaine, p. 94 - 205.) Note: The wish expressed by Warnkonig, that the text and the conjectural emendations on the fragments of the xii. tables should be submitted to rigid criticism, has been fulfilled by Dirksen, Uebersicht der bisherigen Versuche Leipzig Kritik und Herstellung des Textes der Zwolf-Tafel-Fragmente, Leipzug, 1824. - M.
23 Finis aequi juris, (Tacit. Annal. iii. 27.) Fons omnis publici et privati juris, (T. Liv. iii. 34.)
Note: From the context of the phrase in Tacitus, "Nam secutae leges etsi alquando in maleficos ex delicto; saepius tamen dissensione ordinum * * * latae sunt," it is clear that Gibbon has rendered this sentence incorrectly. Hugo, Hist. p. 62. - M.
24 De principiis juris, et quibus modis ad hanc multitudinem infinitam ac varietatem legum perventum sit altius disseram, (Tacit. Annal. iii. 25.) This deep disquisition fills only two pages, but they are the pages of Tacitus. With equal sense, but with less energy, Livy (iii. 34) had complained, in hoc immenso aliarum super alias acervatarum legum cumulo, &c.
25 Suetonius in Vespasiano, c. 8.
26 Cicero ad Familiares, viii. 8.
27 Dionysius, with Arbuthnot, and most of the moderns, (except Eisenschmidt de Ponderibus, &c., p. 137 - 140,) represent the 100,000 asses by 10,000 Attic drachmae, or somewhat more than 300 pounds sterling. But their calculation can apply only to the latter times, when the as was diminished to 1-24th of its ancient weight: nor can I believe that in the first ages, however destitute of the precious metals, a single ounce of silver could have been exchanged for seventy pounds of copper or brass. A more simple and rational method is to value the copper itself according to the present rate, and, after comparing the mint and the market price, the Roman and avoirdupois weight, the primitive as or Roman pound of copper may be appreciated at one English shilling, and the 100,000 asses of the first class amounted to 5000 pounds sterling. It will appear from the same reckoning, that an ox was sold at Rome for five pounds, a sheep for ten shillings, and a quarter of wheat for one pound ten shillings, (Festus, p. 330, edit. Dacier. Plin. Hist. Natur. xviii. 4:) nor do I see any reason to reject these consequences, which moderate our ideas of the poverty of the first Romans.
Note: Compare Niebuhr, English translation, vol. i. p. 448, &c. - M.
28 Consult the common writers on the Roman Comitia, especially Sigonius and Beaufort. Spanheim (de Praestantia et Usu Numismatum, tom. ii. dissert. x. p. 192, 193) shows, on a curious medal, the Cista, Pontes, Septa, Diribitor, &c.
29 Cicero (de Legibus, iii. 16, 17, 18) debates this constitutional question, and assigns to his brother Quintus the most unpopular side.
30 Prae tumultu recusantium perferre non potuit, (Sueton. in August. c. 34.) See Propertius, l. ii. eleg. 6. Heineccius, in a separate history, has exhausted the whole subject of the Julian and Papian Poppaean laws, (Opp. tom. vii. P. i. p. 1 - 479.)
31 Tacit. Annal. i. 15. Lipsius, Excursus E. in Tacitum. Note: This error of Gibbon has been long detected. The senate, under Tiberius did indeed elect the magistrates, who before that emperor were elected in the comitia. But we find laws enacted by the people during his reign, and that of Claudius. For example; the Julia-Norbana, Vellea, and Claudia de tutela foeminarum. Compare the Hist. du Droit Romain, by M. Hugo, vol. ii. p. 55, 57. The comitia ceased imperceptibly as the republic gradually expired. - W.
32 Non ambigitur senatum jus facere posse, is the decision of Ulpian, (l. xvi. ad Edict. in Pandect. l. i. tit. iii. leg. 9.) Pomponius taxes the comitia of the people as a turba hominum, (Pandect. l. i. tit. ii. leg 9.)
Note: The author adopts the opinion, that under the emperors alone the senate had a share in the legislative power. They had nevertheless participated in it under the Republic, since senatus-consulta relating to civil rights have been preserved, which are much earlier than the reigns of Augustus or Tiberius. It is true that, under the emperors, the senate exercised this right more frequently, and that the assemblies of the people had become much more rare, though in law they were still permitted, in the time of Ulpian. (See the fragments of Ulpian.) Bach has clearly demonstrated that the senate had the same power in the time of the Republic. It is natural that the senatus-consulta should have been more frequent under the emperors, because they employed those means of flattering the pride of the senators, by granting them the right of deliberating on all affairs which did not intrench on the Imperial power. Compare the discussions of M. Hugo, vol. i. p. 284, et seq. - W.
!_0046 There is a curious passage from Aurelius, a writer on Law, on the Praetorian Praefect, quoted in Lydus de Magistratibus, p. 32, edit. Hase. The Praetorian praefect was to the emperor what the master of the horse was to the dictator under the Republic. He was the delegate, therefore, of the full Imperial authority; and no appeal could be made or exception taken against his edicts. I had not observed this passage, when the third volume, where it would have been more appropriately placed, passed through the press. - M
33 The jus honorarium of the praetors and other magistrates is strictly defined in the Latin text to the Institutes, (l. i. tit. ii. No. 7,) and more loosely explained in the Greek paraphrase of Theophilus, (p. 33 - 38, edit. Reitz,) who drops the important word honorarium.
Note: The author here follows the opinion of Heineccius, who, according to the idea of his master Thomasius, was unwilling to suppose that magistrates exercising a judicial could share in the legislative power. For this reason he represents the edicts of the praetors as absurd. (See his work, Historia Juris Romani, 69, 74.) But Heineccius had altogether a false notion of this important institution of the Romans, to which we owe in a great degree the perfection of their jurisprudence. Heineccius, therefore, in his own days had many opponents of his system, among others the celebrated Ritter, professor at Wittemberg, who contested it in notes appended to the work of Heineccius, and retained in all subsequent editions of that book. After Ritter, the learned Bach undertook to vindicate the edicts of the praetors in his Historia Jurisprud. Rom. edit. 6, p. 218, 224. But it remained for a civilian of our own days to throw light on the spirit and true character of this institution. M. Hugo has completely demonstrated that the praetorian edicts furnished the salutary means of perpetually harmonizing the legislation with the spirit of the times. The praetors were the true organs of public opinion. It was not according to their caprice that they framed their regulations, but according to the manners and to the opinions of the great civil lawyers of their day. We know from Cicero himself, that it was esteemed a great honor among the Romans to publish an edict, well conceived and well drawn. The most distinguished lawyers of Rome were invited by the praetor to assist in framing this annual law, which, according to its principle, was only a declaration which the praetor made to the public, to announce the manner in which he would judge, and to guard against every charge of partiality. Those who had reason to fear his opinions might delay their cause till the following year. The praetor was responsible for all the faults which he committed. The tribunes could lodge an accusation against the praetor who issued a partial edict. He was bound strictly to follow and to observe the regulations published by him at the commencement of his year of office, according to the Cornelian law, by which these edicts were called perpetual, and he could make no change in a regulation once published. The praetor was obliged to submit to his own edict, and to judge his own affairs according to its provisions. These magistrates had no power of departing from the fundamental laws, or the laws of the Twelve Tables. The people held them in such consideration, that they rarely enacted laws contrary to their provisions; but as some provisions were found inefficient, others opposed to the manners of the people, and to the spirit of subsequent ages, the praetors, still maintaining respect for the laws, endeavored to bring them into accordance with the necessities of the existing time, by such fictions as best suited the nature of the case. In what legislation do we not find these fictions, which even yet exist, absurd and ridiculous as they are, among the ancient laws of modern nations? These always variable edicts at length comprehended the whole of the Roman legislature, and became the subject of the commentaries of the most celebrated lawyers. They must therefore be considered as the basis of all the Roman jurisprudence comprehended in the Digest of Justinian.
It is in this sense that M. Schrader has written on this important institution, proposing it for imitation as far as may be consistent with our manners, and agreeable to our political institutions, in order to avoid immature legislation becoming a permanent evil. See the History of the Roman Law by M. Hugo, vol. i. p. 296, &c., vol. ii. p. 30, et seq., 78. et seq., and the note in my elementary book on the Industries, p. 313. With regard to the works best suited to give information on the framing and the form of these edicts, see Haubold, Institutiones Literariae, tom. i. p. 321, 368. All that Heineccius says about the usurpation of the right of making these edicts by the praetors is false, and contrary to all historical testimony. A multitude of authorities proves that the magistrates were under an obligation to publish these edicts. - W.
With the utmost deference for these excellent civilians, I cannot but consider this confusion of the judicial and legislative authority as a very perilous constitutional precedent. It might answer among a people so singularly trained as the Romans were by habit and national character in reverence for legal institutions, so as to be an aristocracy, if not a people, of legislators; but in most nations the investiture of a magistrate in such authority, leaving to his sole judgment the lawyers he might consult, and the view of public opinion which he might take, would be a very insufficient guaranty for right legislation. - M.
*_0046 Compare throughout the brief but admirable sketch of the progress and growth of the Roman jurisprudence, the necessary operation of the jusgentium, when Rome became the sovereign of nations, upon the jus civile of the citizens of Rome, in the first chapter of Savigny. Geschichte des Romischen Rechts im Mittelalter. - M.
34 Dion Cassius (tom. i. l. xxxvi. p. 100) fixes the perpetual edicts in the year of Rome, 686. Their institution, however, is ascribed to the year 585 in the Acta Diurna, which have been published from the papers of Ludovicus Vives. Their authenticity is supported or allowed by Pighius, (Annal. Rom. tom. ii. p. 377, 378,) Graevius, (ad Sueton. p. 778,) Dodwell, (Praelection. Cambden, p. 665,) and Heineccius: but a single word, Scutum Cimbricum, detects the forgery, (Moyle's Works, vol. i. p. 303.)
35 The history of edicts is composed, and the text of the perpetual edict is restored, by the master-hand of Heineccius, (Opp. tom. vii. P. ii. p. 1 - 564;) in whose researches I might safely acquiesce. In the Academy of Inscriptions, M. Bouchaud has given a series of memoirs to this interesting subject of law and literature.
Note: This restoration was only the commencement of a work found among the papers of Heineccius, and published after his death. - G. Note: Gibbon has here fallen into an error, with Heineccius, and almost the whole literary world, concerning the real meaning of what is called the perpetual edict of Hadrian. Since the Cornelian law, the edicts were perpetual, but only in this sense, that the praetor could not change them during the year of his magistracy. And although it appears that under Hadrian, the civilian Julianus made, or assisted in making, a complete collection of the edicts, (which certainly had been done likewise before Hadrian, for example, by Ofilius, qui diligenter edictum composuit,) we have no sufficient proof to admit the common opinion, that the Praetorian edict was declared perpetually unalterable by Hadrian. The writers on law subsequent to Hadrian (and among the rest Pomponius, in his Summary of the Roman Jurisprudence) speak of the edict as it existed in the time of Cicero. They would not certainly have passed over in silence so remarkable a change in the most important source of the civil law. M. Hugo has conclusively shown that the various passages in authors, like Eutropius, are not sufficient to establish the opinion introduced by Heineccius. Compare Hugo, vol. ii. p. 78. A new proof of this is found in the Institutes of Gaius, who, in the first books of his work, expresses himself in the same manner, without mentioning any change made by Hadrian. Nevertheless, if it had taken place, he must have noticed it, as he does l. i. 8, the responsa prudentum, on the occasion of a rescript of Hadrian. There is no lacuna in the text. Why then should Gaius maintain silence concerning an innovation so much more important than that of which he speaks? After all, this question becomes of slight interest, since, in fact, we find no change in the perpetual edict inserted in the Digest, from the time of Hadrian to the end of that epoch, except that made by Julian, (compare Hugo, l. c.) The latter lawyers appear to follow, in their commentaries, the same texts as their predecessors. It is natural to suppose, that, after the labors of so many men distinguished in jurisprudence, the framing of the edict must have attained such perfection that it would have been difficult to have made any innovation. We nowhere find that the jurists of the Pandects disputed concerning the words, or the drawing up of the edict. What difference would, in fact, result from this with regard to our codes, and our modern legislation? Compare the learned Dissertation of M. Biener, De Salvii Juliani meritis in Edictum Praetorium recte aestimandis. Lipsae, 1809, 4to. - W.
*_0047 It is an important question in what manner the emperors were invested with this legislative power. The newly discovered Gaius distinctly states that it was in virtue of a law - Nec unquam dubitatum est, quin id legis vicem obtineat, cum ipse imperator per legem imperium accipiat. But it is still uncertain whether this was a general law, passed on the transition of the government from a republican to a monarchical form, or a law passed on the accession of each emperor. Compare Hugo, Hist. du Droit Romain, (French translation,) vol. ii. p. 8. - M.
36 His laws are the first in the code. See Dodwell, (Praelect. Cambden, p. 319 - 340,) who wanders from the subject in confused reading and feeble paradox.
Note: This is again an error which Gibbon shares with Heineccius, and the generality of authors. It arises from having mistaken the insignificant edict of Hadrian, inserted in the Code of Justinian, (lib. vi, tit. xxiii. c. 11,) for the first constitutio principis, without attending to the fact, that the Pandects contain so many constitutions of the emperors, from Julius Caesar, (see l. i. Digest 29, l) M. Hugo justly observes, that the acta of Sylla, approved by the senate, were the same thing with the constitutions of those who after him usurped the sovereign power. Moreover, we find that Pliny, and other ancient authors, report a multitude of rescripts of the emperors from the time of Augustus. See Hugo, Hist. du Droit Romain, vol. ii. p. 24-27. - W.
37 Totam illam veterem et squalentem sylvam legum novis principalium rescriptorum et edictorum securibus truncatis et caeditis; (Apologet. c. 4, p. 50, edit. Havercamp.) He proceeds to praise the recent firmness of Severus, who repealed the useless or pernicious laws, without any regard to their age or authority.
38 The constitutional style of Legibus Solutus is misinterpreted by the art or ignorance of Dion Cassius, (tom. i. l. liii. p. 713.) On this occasion, his editor, Reimer, joins the universal censure which freedom and criticism have pronounced against that slavish historian.
39 The word (Lex Regia) was still more recent than the thing. The slaves of Commodus or Caracalla would have started at the name of royalty. Note: Yet a century before, Domitian was called not only by Martial but even in public documents, Dominus et Deus Noster. Sueton. Domit. cap. 13. Hugo. - W.
40 See Gravina (Opp. p. 501 - 512) and Beaufort, (Republique Romaine, tom. i. p. 255 - 274.) He has made a proper use of two dissertations by John Frederic Gronovius and Noodt, both translated, with valuable notes, by Barbeyrac, 2 vols. in 12mo. 1731.
41 Institut. l. i. tit. ii. No. 6. Pandect. l. i. tit. iv. leg. 1. Cod. Justinian, l. i. tit. xvii. leg. 1, No. 7. In his Antiquities and Elements, Heineccius has amply treated de constitutionibus principum, which are illustrated by Godefroy (Comment. ad Cod. Theodos. l. i. tit. i. ii. iii.) and Gravina, (p. 87 - 90.)
Note: Gaius asserts that the Imperial edict or rescript has and always had, the force of law, because the Imperial authority rests upon law. Constitutio principis est, quod imperator decreto vel edicto, vel epistola constituit, nee unquam dubitatum, quin id legis, vicem obtineat, cum ipse imperator per legem imperium accipiat. Gaius, 6 Instit. i. 2. - M.
42 Theophilus, in Paraphras. Graec. Institut. p. 33, 34, edit. Reitz For his person, time, writings, see the Theophilus of J. H. Mylius, Excurs. iii. p. 1034 - 1073.
43 There is more envy than reason in the complaint of Macrinus (Jul. Capitolin. c. 13:) Nefas esse leges videri Commodi et Caracalla at hominum imperitorum voluntates. Commodus was made a Divus by Severus, (Dodwell, Praelect. viii. p. 324, 325.) Yet he occurs only twice in the Pandects.
44 Of Antoninus Caracalla alone 200 constitutions are extant in the Code, and with his father 160. These two princes are quoted fifty times in the Pandects, and eight in the Institutes, (Terasson, p. 265.)
45 Plin. Secund. Epistol. x. 66. Sueton. in Domitian. c. 23.
46 It was a maxim of Constantine, contra jus rescripta non valeant, (Cod. Theodos. l. i. tit. ii. leg. 1.) The emperors reluctantly allow some scrutiny into the law and the fact, some delay, petition, &c.; but these insufficient remedies are too much in the discretion and at the peril of the judge.
47 A compound of vermilion and cinnabar, which marks the Imperial diplomas from Leo I. (A.D. 470) to the fall of the Greek empire, (Bibliotheque Raisonnee de la Diplomatique, tom. i. p. 504 - 515 Lami, de Eruditione Apostolorum, tom. ii. p. 720 - 726.)
**_0047 Savigny states the following as the authorities for the Roman law at the commencement of the fifth century: -
1. The writings of the jurists, according to the regulations of the Constitution of Valentinian III., first promulgated in the West, but by its admission into the Theodosian Code established likewise in the East. (This Constitution established the authority of the five great jurists, Papinian, Paulus, Caius, Ulpian, and Modestinus as interpreters of the ancient law. * * * In case of difference of opinion among these five, a majority decided the case; where they were equal, the opinion of Papinian, where he was silent, the judge; but see p. 40, and Hugo, vol. ii. p. 89.)
2. The Gregorian and Hermogenian Collection of the Imperial Rescripts. 3. The Code of Theodosius II.
4. The particular Novellae, as additions and Supplements to this Code Savigny. vol. i. p 10. - M.
48 Schulting, Jurisprudentia Ante-Justinianea, p. 681 - 718. Cujacius assigned to Gregory the reigns from Hadrian to Gallienus. and the continuation to his fellow-laborer Hermogenes. This general division may be just, but they often trespassed on each other's ground


text:
Help is available in the following areas:
To address the specific needs of students in their particular class, professors are encouraged to add their own 'helpme' files for their classes by sending an ascii text file to 'firstname.lastname@example.com'.
Have any suggestions for Helpme? Email firstname.lastname@example.com.
For more information see the Lab Monitor in Room 608.
Click here to go to the SCUDC home page.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
- Fast, convenient learning without any out-of-office time lost;
- No travel-related expenses or complications;
- The perfect affordable way to update yourself rapidly on current laws.
Alabama Business Contract Negotiating:
Essential Attorney Considerations - On-Demand
Webinar is now available on-demand. NOTE: On-Demand webinars are not eligible for CLE credit.
Successful contract negotiation requires a thorough understanding of client goals, the ability to communicate with your client, excellent drafting skills, and knowing all the possible outcomes, both positive and negative. It also demands careful preparation.
If your law practice involves business contracts, you won't want to miss "Alabama Business Contract Negotiating: Essential Attorney Considerations," the one-hour on-demand webinar on what works, what's not working, the latest UCC developments, and much more. Your presenter, an experienced Alabama business law attorney, will provide tips to make the process go more smoothly, such as taking the lead in negotiations, making sure the client's objectives are handled, avoiding vague or ambiguous or flowery language, drafting complete choice of law provisions, taking precautions when communicating by email, and knowing when to use electronic signatures.
- State, federal and UCC contract law update
- Choice of forum and law
- Time of performance
- Fundamental principles of business contracts
- E-contracting and e-signatures
- Pre-contract negotiation strategies
- Multi-party negotiation considerations
- Ensuring ALL parties are identified
- Top 5 tips to avoid mistakes in business contracts
Order this advice-rich On-Demand Webinar risk free.
Alabama Business Contract Negotiating: Essential Attorney Considerations — is just $107.
You risk nothing by ordering, because we will refund every penny, no questions asked, if you are in any way dissatisfied with this On-Demand Webinar.
Because this is an on-demand webinar you enjoy:
About Your Presenter:
Tamika R. Miller
Miller Smith, LLC
Tamika R. Miller is a partner with Miller Smith, LLC, where she focuses her practice in the areas of business counseling; civil litigation handling personal injury cases; and criminal defense.
Ms. Miller has trial experience in both federal and state courts in Alabama and is admitted to the United States District Court, Middle District of Alabama and the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals. Prior to entering the private practice arena, Ms. Miller clerked with Judge Charles Price (Ret.).


text:
Teacher resources and professional development across the curriculum
Teacher professional development and classroom resources across the curriculum
Observe a veteran teacher and her fourth-graders in a mini-lesson on adding detail to narrative writing. Consider the purpose and effectiveness of each part of the lesson and compare your observations with those of another teacher.
Read a fable and listen as two students retell the story in their own words. Assess their comprehension using the Retelling Guide provided.
Learn about the different types of characters in Cinderella, and determine which traits belong to the hero and villain.
Learn about climax and identify the event that signals the climax in the story Cinderella.
Learn about a story's conflict, and then identify the character who is describing the conflict of "Cinderella."
Map out a week-long schedule with time allotments so that you have at least 90 minutes of reading and writing each day.
Explore different ingredients, or elements, that go into stories and make them so much fun. Read the story, "Cinderella," and look at all the different pieces of the tale to see how they all fit together.
Test your knowledge about setting, characters, sequence, exposition, conflict, climax and resolution. Take this 14-question test, review your correct and incorrect answers, and print out your assessment.
Practice evaluating Web sites to determine which ones are the most useful. Browse a Web site and evaluate it by answering the basic questions of who, what, when, where, why and how.
Identify writing techniques involving the use of detail and dialogue from different children's books. Then compare your response to a sample answer.
Listen to an explanation about the resolution in Cinderella. Identify the story's ending.
Listen to an explanation about the series of events in Cinderella. Then look at some pictures where the story's events are all mixed up and put them in the correct order.
Listen to an explanation about Cinderella's setting. Identify the story's place and time.
Contestants in grades 1-8 will listen to three stories, one at a time, and then spell words from each story. Students in high school will listen to separate sentences and then spell the words from each sentence.
© Annenberg Foundation 2017. All rights reserved. Legal Policy


text:
--Beth Ogilvie 22:37, 31 August 2008 (UTC)==Willkommen, bienvenue, welcome, welkom== Welcome to the Solar Cooking Archive Wiki! We're delighted you're here and we invite you to add new articles and to contribute to existing articles and discussions.
The purpose of this wiki is to encourage the spread of solar cooking worldwide to improve quality of life and reduce the contribution of fuelwood cooking to deforestation and global warming.
Tips on using the wiki:
- If you are new to Wikia or wikis in general, you may want to start with a short tutorial.
- Discussion of any aspect of the site, and enquiries, can be made at the village pump or on the "discussion" page associated with each article.
- Please sign your name on forum and talk pages using four tildes (~~~~). This will automatically add your name and the date to your message. It lets readers know "who to talk to" and whether your message is current. If you write on a user's "talk" page, that user will get an alerting message on his or her next visit.
- If you want to know who's doing what on the wiki, the "recent changes" page lists all edits and their authors (anonymous or signed-in).
- If you need help, leave a note on the help desk, or ask me on my talk page.
Again, welcome!
Walter Siegmund (talk) 02:15, 4 June 2007 (UTC)
PDF file license
Hi SharonID; I edited the license tag for File:Solarcookleaflet.pdf by adding the restriction as a parameter to the {{CopyrightedFreeUseProvidedThat}} template.[1] I'm an administrator here, so if you have a question or need help, please leave a message on my talk page. Best wishes, Walter Siegmund (talk) 02:19, 4 June 2007 (UTC)
Another welcome
Hi SharonID! Welcome to the wiki. I'm glad you decided to give the wiki a try - and thanks for your comments about the paint. Beth Ogilvie 10:10, 5 June 2007 (UTC)
Thanks for your addition. See the small change I made below in the link syntax
To learn about using barely-sprouted grains and beans, which take to sun cooking very well, see [[Sprouting seeds and grains]]. Tom Sponheim 18:05, 21 July 2007 (UTC)
Please see my comment in the talk page for Pots
Click here to see my comment - Tom Sponheim 18:29, 14 August 2007 (UTC)
Hi SharonID; I responded on my talk page to your query. Walter Siegmund (talk) 15:35, 29 April 2008 (UTC)
Global dimming
Thanks for adding this article. I added a link on the Why solar cook page. I also renamed the page with a lower-case "d" following the style guide.Tom Sponheim 16:47, 25 May 2008 (UTC)
Search Engine Problem
Did you solve your problem, or is it still active?[2] I'm sorry for the long delay in responding. Walter Siegmund (talk) 06:50, 8 June 2008 (UTC)
- My husband thinks he knows what's wrong. He thinks the Wikia search engine doesn't recognize anything under three letters. Numbers (or dashes, one or the other) don't count, so "EZ-3" just doesn't compute. "EZ-3 solar cooker" will work just fine, but not "EZ-3' by itself. I guess next time I name a cooker I'll have to consider whether to take that into consideration.<rolling eyes at life's odd complexities> Thanks for responding.:) SharonID 14:17, 8 June 2008 (UTC)
I moved your Kettle Cooker
Hi, Sharon. Thanks for adding the new cooker. It seems like a variation on the Windshield Shade cooker. I added it to the other variations of this cooker: Windshield_Shade_Solar_Cooker#The_Kettle_Cooker_variation Tom Sponheim 17:46, 30 July 2008 (UTC)
- Hmmm... the next step is to come up with a better reflector, so it's not going to stay a windshield cooker, though it's handy to start with and one way to go, but for long term most-days use I prefer more durable materials. Windshield shades are sad things once they start to flake, and not hugely useful after that, except maybe as outermost insulation in a box oven with lots of layers/space between it and the hot box. Besides, I think if I tinker around with this kettle I think I can get glass-lidded cast iron up to 400, which would be very cool (in a warm kind of way<grin>). I could saute and it might even give Solarcookingnut just enough heat for her flatbreads, etc.. The next reflector will probably be a shallow curved circle of foiled paper mache (with this great metal ring I found at Salvation Army to give it a strong, stable edge), hopefully hinged and very easily adjustable. It'll either make it hotter or melt the nylon. Though I'd be moving to glass if I could for this one.
- Anyway, it's definitely going to evolve, so I'm not sure how to handle this. Will it work for you if this stays here but once I have some next stage info and photos I start a "Kettle cookers" page that can show various design ideas? This thing is so amazingly powerful, and I can see so many ways to make it even better that I think the concept deserves a page of its own. I'm so impressed with the simplest way of doing it that I don't know why more people haven't done more with the idea, but a page might stimulate that process. I know I can post whatever I want, and so can you, but it would be silly to get into a tug of war when we're both on the same team. Does that all make sense? SharonID 08:35, 8 August 2008 (UTC)
- Hi Sharon- Tom didn't respond, so I will. If you have variations on the kettle cooker theme, a dedicated page makes sense. You can link from Windshield_Shade_Solar_Cooker#The_Kettle_Cooker_variation to your new page and back to tie it all together. --Beth Ogilvie 22:37, 31 August 2008 (UTC)
Want to help with the SCIA pages?
I saw your note on SCIA_Advocacy. The SCIA is active, but a lot of the members are more comfortable with cookers than computers, so their use of the wiki will ramp up slowly. I know Bev would welcome help with the SCIA pages. Do you have some time & interest? --Beth Ogilvie 22:37, 31 August 2008 (UTC)


text:
We have a new cookie policy which explains why we use cookies, the types
of cookies we use and how we deal with the information collected. It also explains how cookies enable this site to function properly, how
we use them and why you will not be able to experience the full
functionality of the site if you disable the use of cookies. If you wish to disable the use of cookies or amend your current cookie
settings, please go to your browser's "help" section and follow the
If you continue browsing without disabling cookies you agree to our use
of cookies in accordance with our cookie policy.
Welcome to the new store! Shop Official Bowie Apparel >
Store Front » All Products » Accessories » David Bowie Large Plate Print - Blackstar
FAQs | Contact Us
Call us on 0116 284 4770 - Weekdays 9am to 5pm GMT


text:
8103-P Bedroom
We've created the coziest online furniture store. If you are looking for a single item or are planning to furnish a several-store place, you'll find all kinds of furniture for any taste in this online store.
We have a rule of 5: it's Great Design, Comfortable Usage, Perfect Customer Service and Best Prices. More than 9000 items are available for you. To make your website navigation easier, we've created categories: Living Room Furniture, Foyer and Entryway Furniture, Bedroom Furniture, Kids Room Furniture, Mattresses and Box Springs, Office Furniture, Kitchen and Dining Room Furniture, Patio Furniture Home Decor and Lightning, Nursery Furniture, TV Stands and Benches.
You can narrow down using filter: by price, color, style, special event, collection and brands. Recently we've also added a new filter 'Choose by customer rating': now you can shop by customer rating. You'll be able to choose a perfect design for any age, health state and personal taste. If you need to choose furniture for your kids, you'll find lovely beds, dressers and chests, nightstands, chairs and chaises.
If you need something for a welcoming and cozy living room, you'll find best seating, tables, and cabinets in a category 'Living Room'. However, not only have we selected the best furniture for your living room, but also made an ultimate collection of such a living room accent as a fireplace. Several dozens of fireplaces of different style and shape are here.
You can always contact us via a live-chat, we'll love helping you!


text:
DETROIT (Reuters) - Ford Motor Co (F.N) plans to fill 2,200 white-collar positions this year in product development and other units based in the United States as the automaker expands and updates its vehicle lineup worldwide.
About 75 percent of the jobs will be in engineering, manufacturing and information technology, Ford said in a statement on Friday, describing this as its largest increase in new salaried positions in more than a decade.
"As we expand our product lineup of fuel-efficient vehicles, we need more people in critical areas," said Joe Hinrichs, head of Ford's North and South American operations.
The No.2 U.S. automaker is relying in part on temporary workers and interns to fill those positions. Some of the jobs already exist, but are vacant at the moment.
Beyond that, Ford estimated that it will add about 900 new jobs to its current salaried workforce in North America. Ford cautioned that the figure is preliminary and could change.
Like many U.S. companies, Ford is tackling its growth goals with a smaller workforce than it had before the recession. In 2006, Ford employed 38,600 salaried workers in North America. At the end of last year, that figure was 28,400.
Still, Ford's current white-collar workforce has grown 13.6 percent in its largest and most profitable market since the depths of the U.S. economic recession in 2009.
Meanwhile, Ford is expanding and refreshing its models worldwide. In China, Ford aims to sell 15 models, up from its current five. It is also revamping it South American lineup and in Europe is launching 15 new or refreshed models over the next five years.
The 2,200 new salaried workers expected this year are in addition to more than 8,100 hourly and salaried workers Ford hired in the United States last year. About 1,000 were hourly jobs that were recently brought in-house that were once performed in other locations or by Ford suppliers in Mexico and Japan.
In 2011, Ford and the United Auto Workers union struck a deal that would require the automaker to create or retain 12,000 U.S. hourly jobs by 2015. On Friday, Ford said it had fulfilled half of that commitment.
Reporting By Deepa Seetharaman; Editing by Matt Driskill


text:
Recently added items
You have no items in your shopping cart.
A brilliant and roomy Jungle design drawstring bag, ideal for swimming and sports kit
Featuring Monkeys, Pelicans, Parrots, Zebras, Hippos, Rhinos, Giraffes, Lions and Meerkats
It is made from very strong and lightweight ripstop fabric and is waterproof
Has a handy front zip pocket for valuables etc
Size: 38cm x 40cm x 7cm
See our delivery page for more information on holiday deliveries
Standard Tracked Delivery £3.95 Within 3-5 DaysStandard Tracked Delivery FREE on orders over £50Next Working Day Tracked £6.95 Next Working Day (order before 2pm)
International - From £7.00
This website requires cookies to provide all of its features. For more information on what data is contained in the cookies, please see our Privacy Policy page. To accept cookies from this site, please click the Allow button below.


text:
Filter by
Advice drop-in sessions for parents and young people with SEND
Every Thursday, 9.30 - 12.30 (term time only)
Need Advice? Insights IASS for Hammersmith & Fulham residents offer advice drop-in sessions to parent/carers and young people with Special Educational Needs and Disabilities. The sessions run every Thursday 09.30 - 12.30 at the Stephen Wiltshire Centre (SW6 6JR). What is the IAS Service? IASS…
Queensmill RoadSW6 6JR
Amberley Youth Project
The Amberley Youth Project seeks to offer a high standard of youth service for young people in the Hammersmith and Fulham, Kensington and Chelsea and Westminster. The project aims to engage the young people with positive activities that will help them; develop their self-esteem, encourage…
11 Clearwell DriveAmberley EstateAmberley RoadW9 2JZ
020 7286 1014 07504 493 398
The Baby Cafe- Breastfeeding Support
Monday 12.45pm to 14.30pm
A free drop-in offering information and support for pregnant and breastfeeding mums and their families.
Tudor Rose BuildingFulham CourtSW6 5PG
Baby Gym at Randolph Beresford Nursery
Every Monday and Wednesday Morning
Soft play activities for your children. This session takes place at Randolph Beresford Nursery. 0-5 years only. This session takes place on the following dates and times: Every Monday: 9:15-10:15 Session 110:30-11:30 Session 2 Every Wednesday: 9:15-10:15am
4Australia RoadLondonW12 7PH
020 8743 2650
Baby Massage at Old Oak Community Centre
Every Wednesday afternoon from 13:30 - 14:15
Developmental baby massage for 8 weeks to crawling (five week course). Please call the centre to book - the numbe can be found below. The session is £10 per course. This session runs every Wednesday afternoon from 13:30 - 14:15.
76Braybrook StreetLondonW12 0AP
020 8740 8008
Baby Stay and Play at Old Oak Community Centre
Every Monday morning, 9:30 - 11:30am
Fun activities designed to nurture and encourage growth and development, every Monday morning from 9:30am - 11:30am. This session is for newborns up to 18 months only.
76Braybrook StreetLondonW12 0AP
020 8740 8008
Breastfeeding Support at Melcombe Children's Centre
Friday 9.30 - 11.00
One to one breasfeeding support. Children's centre staff are Baby Friendly initiative trained
Fulham Palace RoadLondonW6 9ER
020 8748 2939
Coffee morning with your Baby at Randolph Beresford Children's Centre
Every Monday morning, from 9:30 - 11:30am
This group is open to parents and their children only. Come along for coffee and cake. Stay & play is for babies up to 12 months old. This session runs every Monday morning, from 9:30 - 11:30am.
New Zealand WayLondonW12 7DE
020 8743 2650
Coffee Mornings for parents and carers of children and young people with ASD
Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday Mornings, 09:00 - 10:45
Please find below the dates and times for Hammersmith & Fulham's Inclusion and Specialist Intervention Service's Coffee Mornings for parents and carers of children and young people with ASD in H&F. A specialist teacher for children with autism will facilitate each session. Sessions are held…
07765 406862 07920 084463
Contemporary Dance
Our contemporary classes are dynamic, creative and expressive! Learn the foundations of contemporary dance technique and work together to create choreography.Full term £85 (10 classes)26th September - 5 December More information and booking online
Lyric HammersmithLyric Square, King StreetLondonW6 0QL
0208 741 6850
Cooking and Gardening at Old Oak Community Centre
Every Wednesday afternoon from 16:00 - 17:30
Time to get your hands dirty! Cooking and gardening sessions for children aged 5-12 running every Wednesday afternoon from 16:00 - 17:30. This sessions runs until the end of term.
76Braybrook StreetLondonW12 0AP
020 8740 8008
Creative Dance for 4-7 years
Saturdays 10.15-11.00
Creative and dynamic, our classes are delivered in a creative environment delivered by experienced dance teachers.Full term £60.00 (10 classes)Half term £40.00 (5 classes)28th September- 7th December More information and booking online
Lyric HammersmithLyric Square, King StreetLondonW6 0QL
0208 741 6850
Creative Family Dance
Saturdays 10.15-11.00
DanceWest creative movement classes for under 5's will encourage physical coordination, confidence, number work and language skillsFull term £60.00 (10 classes)Half term £40.00 (5 classes)28th September- 7th DecemberMore Information and booking online
Lyric HammersmithLyric Square, King StreetLondonW6 0QL
0208 741 6850
Dancewest October Half Term School!
Monday 21 October- Thursday 24 October
Perfect for 7-15year olds who love to dance! Try three different dance styles each day, led by an exciting roster of experienced choreographers and dance teachers. Learn new skills, try out new techniques and make new friends. On the last day, we will invite family…
Dawnosaurs (Natural History Museum)
December 8th 2018, February 10th 2019 and 28th April 2019. All from 8am - 10am
Dawnosaurs is a free event for children on the autism spectrum to enjoy the Natural History Museum with their families and siblings, free from the hustle and bustle of the general public. Visitors have access to a wide-ranging programme of activities, including a chance to…
Cromwell RoadLondonSW7 5BD
Early Bird Plus at Bessborough Family Hub
Starting 25th January 2019, the Bessborough Family Hub is hosting a three month Early Bird Plus training programme for parents/carers of young children (4 - 10 years) with autism spectrum disorders and the professionals who support them. The programme involves 8 group sessions and 2…
1 Bessborough StreetLondonSW1V 2JD
0207 5984917
Enjoy Your Baby
5 fun and friendly sessions that can change your life! For information call Carmella - 020 8740 8008
020 8740 8008
Family Sunday Fun Days at The Stephen Wiltshire Centre
Every Sunday, 10.00 - 14.00
Come along to our safe, fun and action-packed Family Fundays, every Sunday between 10am-2pm (except Easter Sunday when the centre is closed). Families are invited to drop in during these times to use the extensive facilities as a family at The Stephen Wiltshire Centre, play…
Queensmill RoadSW6 6JR
Fathers drop in playgroup in Melcombe Children's Centre
Every 3rd Saturday of the month, 9.30am - 12.00pm
Fathers can come to play with their children at the facility, learn more about brain development or speak to a practitioner for advice.
Melcombe Primary SchoolFulham Palace RoadLondonW6 9ER
Football Activity at Pro Soccer Pitches at White City Estate
Tuesday and Friday 12pm -3pm
Young people from and around the White City area are invited to football games. Pro Soccer pitches are a safe and friendly facility.
South Africa RoadWhite City EstateW12 7RW
Fulham NCT Mum's Group- Breastfeeding Support
Thursday 10.30 - 12.30
Breastfeeding Support group from pregnancy onwards - Le Leche League Please call Yvonne Insh for more details
809Fulham RoadFulhamSW6 5HE
Hammersmith BMX Club
Hammersmith BMX Club offers a wide range of sessions to the local community. From club sessions on a Saturday, female BMXercise classes on a Wednesday as well as well as school sessions, Hammersmith BMX Club is a thriving community club for you to try something new! …
LondonW12 0HU
020 7993 9883
HF Mencap Saturday Club
A club for disabled children and their siblings aged 5 -13. * Children under 8 can only be supported for a 2-hour period. The Saturday Club is an inclusive opportunity for children to play and enjoy external activities together supported by play staff. Time: First Saturday of…
65Aspenlea RoadLondonW6 8LH
020 8748 5168 (Between 10am - 4pm weekdays)
HF Mencap's Art Club!
Wednesday nights from 5 - 6.30pm
Come and get creative at HF Mencap's Art Club! Art Club is open to any young person aged 13-25 with a learning disability or autism who lives, works or goes to school/college in Hammersmith and Fulham. To find out more or to become a member…
65Aspenlea RoadLondonW6 8LH
0208 748 5168
HF Mencap's Drama Club!
Thursday nights from 5 - 7pm
Find your inner artist and explore your creativity at our Drama Club! Join in these fun, innovative sessions beginning 17th January 2019! Available to any young person aged 13-25 with a learning disability or autism who lives, works or goes to school/college in Hammersmith and…
65Aspenlea RoadLondonW6 8LH
0208 748 5168


text:
for sale, full set in D.
Sell your pipes, reeds, bellows, whatever, here.
Moderators: the plod, dropkick
Post Reply
5 posts • Page 1 of 1
for sale, full set in D.
I have full set in D made by Finbar MacGloughlin of Derry who I believe is still about and playing. They are not a new set and have been well played over the years and due to old hands need a good home and played again. The set is in 1st class condition. The drones and regulator reeds are the same as when i bought them and still sing, the chanter reed starts to sing after a few tunes but they will need playing in again. They have the usual brass decoration and the mounts are not plastic I can take pictures for anyone interested, am looking for £3000.00 ono. I will send abroad at buyers cost.
- Posts: 1
- Joined: Wed Dec 02, 2015 4:14 pm
- Real Name: shane burke
- Location: ireland
Re: for sale, full set in D.
Hi there.I'd like to see some pictures of your pipes? Many thanks shane.
Re: for sale, full set in D.
Hello Shane, no problem, not sure how to do this on here, do i upload attachments or do I send to your email Let me know and I will send pics
Re: for sale, full set in D.
Hi, is the set still for sale please ?
Re: for sale, full set in D.
The pipes are now sold. Thank you to everyone who showed interest.
Post Reply
5 posts • Page 1 of 1
Who is online
Users browsing this forum: No registered users and 5 guests


text:
With what looks to be five books planned in a new series by Rick Riordan, people have some good fantasy ahead of them.
I just finished the first installment in this new series and must say that I am pleased with the story line. New characters, new aspects of mythology and a third series revolving around those principles. Rick Riordan has got a really hot topic and something working for him with all three of his series.
In this series we are introduced to the Roman versions of the mythological gods. With the Roman aspects of these gods, we also get a new class of "evil god." Book one takes off from the final prophecy in the Percy Jackson series and brings three new demigods as the central focus. I like the powers of these new demigods. I also like the personalities of each. Rick has done a great job of illustrating their characteristics without making them sound too much like heroes from prior books.
I did not like the grammatical problems constantly repeated throughout this book. The same thing happened in the Percy Jackson series and got better with each book. This is not an issue with the dialog but more to do with editing. An example would be "Jason sat to next to the tree." Stuff like that is easily skipped by many people but sticks out like a sore thumb to me.
Overall, I highly recommend the book if you enjoy mythology and fantasy.


text:
Fun & Fitness
Sort By:
Have tremendous fitness fun! Roll the dice and then perform the exercise: 4 jumping jacks, 6 sit-ups, or 10 push-ups! One die has fitness and exercise directions (toe touch, arm circles, jumping jacks, push ups, hop on one foot, and leg lifts). The other has large screen-printed numbers (2, 4, 6, 8, 10, and 12) for repetition count. Size: 4" x 4", available in orange. Sold per pair.
Set of four colored rings with a soft foam base. A safe and fun activity for indoor and outdoor play.
Showing 1 to 2 of 2 (1 Pages)


text:
Civil Liberties Monitoring Project
The CIVIL LIBERTIES HOUR, JUNE 5, 1ST WEDNESDAY OF EACH MONTH, KMUD RADIO
On JUNE 5, 2013, the CIVIL LIBERTIES HOUR on KMUD Redwood Community Radio looked at current California water regulation and enforcement. Bonnie Blackberry hosted the show and welcomed guests: Fish and Wildlife (F&W) Warden Shane Embry and citizen activist Tom Grover in the studio, and F&W Biologist and Environmental Scientist Jane Arnold by telephone.
Blackberry introduced the subject of water regulations by reading the following pertinent details from a copy of a certified letter a local landowner had recently received from the CA Water Board: "The State Water Resources Control Board Division of Water Rights was notified by the Department of Fish and Wildlife of potential CA Water Code violations for failure to file a Statement of Water Diversion and Use, and a potential unauthorized diversion of water on your property located at . . . And the Division was also notified by the Department of Fish & Wildlife of an alleged fish-kill that occurred in October of 2012 as a result of low-flow conditions in China Creek. . .
Update: KMUD makes audio recording of this nearly three-hour forum available on this website. Audio has been edited into five parts, and can be listened to or downloaded from the links below.
The water rights brochure mentioned during this presentation can be found at http://calsalmon.org/files/documents/tools/RedwoodCreek_WaterRights.pdf
We will include other links mentioned as they become available.
There will be time set aside after the presentations for a question and answer period. The presentation part of the Water Rights Forum will be broadcast live on KMUD from 4 to 6 pm.
Use the player below to hear more about this Water Rights Forum, including an interview with Dana Soltzman, Executive Director of Salmonid Restoration Federation. This story was aired by KMUD News Director, Terri Klemetson on the KMUD Local News Mon., July 8. 2013.
Additional Resources:
- Click here for more information about the Redwood Creek Water Conservation Project.
- Click here for the Redwood Creek Water Conservation Project,South Fork Eel River: Report & Updates.


text:
Robin Hahnel's response to David Laibman's article, "Horizontalism and Idealism in Socialist Imagination: An Appraisal of the Participatory Economy," which appeared in Science & Society, April 2014, pp. 207-234.
The model of the "Participatory Economy," developed by Michael Albert and Robin Hahnel over the last 30 years, has attracted attention as a serious answer to "TINA" — "There Is No Alternative" (to capitalism) — and as a conception of socialism that claims superiority over proposals for central planning, "market socialism," and "negotiated coordination." The 2012 publication of Hahnel's Of the People, By the People: The Case for a Participatory Economy provides an opportunity to examine this conception critically and systematically. Despite its many insights and contributions, the Albert–Hahnel model suffers from two crucial problems: its commitment to an abstractly speculative approach to the design of social institutions, and a limiting fear of authority and hierarchy that has clear roots in classical anarchist thinking. This latter feature results in a model with an uncanny resemblance to Walrasian competitive market equilibrium — despite its progenitors' programmatic denial of this connection.
Perhaps the most notable feature of the Register's output is how consistent was its perspective over the years. Consistency is not necessarily the most admirable of virtues, since it may well indicate a stubborn blindness to changes that are occurring in the world. On the other hand, it may also indicate a refusal to indulge in passing fads and fashions. We avoided this ....
These words are Ralph Miliband's, from his survey in the 1994 Socialist Register of its 'direction, policy and output since its first appearance' thirty years earlier. They may still serve as a useful marker for reflecting, on the occasion of its fiftieth anniversary, on the Register's longevity despite the many defeats, disillusionments and retreats experienced by the left.
Since 2008, the world market has been wracked by a degree of economic turbulence unusual in its scope, depth and duration. Although uneven in its recessionary impacts, no corner of the global economy has been untouched by this. In the central economies of North America, Japan and Europe, this period has been universally demarcated as a 'major crisis', comparable to the 'great depressions' of the late nineteenth century and the 1930s and the stagflation of the 1970s. Even as the crisis now presses into its fifth year, economic prospects remain highly uncertain. In cataloguing obstacles to a renewal of economic growth in various parts of the world, the July 2012 IMF World Economic Outlook observes, with a tone of understatement, that 'the global recovery, which was not so strong to begin with, has shown further signs of weakness'.
The mass movements in June and July 2013 were the largest and most significant protests in Brazil for a generation, and they have shaken up the country's political system. They expressed a wide range of demands about public service provision and governance, and concerns with corruption. Their social base was broad, starting with students and left-wing activists and including, later, many middle-class protesters and specific categories of workers. The deep and contradictory frustrations expressed by those protests were symptomatic of a social malaise associated with neoliberalism, the power of the right-wing media, the limitations of the federal administrations led by the Workers' Party (PT), the rapid growth of expectations in a dynamic country, and the atrophy of traditional forms of social representation. This article examines the political dilemmas posed by those movements, and suggests constructive alternatives for the left.
For at least half a century, social constructionism strongly marked the course of sociological studies of social problems. Its presence was felt in social problems textbooks, various dedicated book series, and within the discipline's major professional associations, particularly the Society for the Study of Social Problems (SSSP) where many seminal constructionists served as presiding officers and/or as editors of the association's journal Social Problems. After decades of glory, however, the winds of paradigmatic change may be blowing in new directions.
The deepening global crisis confronting the early 21st Century has shaken the social sciences. Powerful and increasingly transnational social movements have emerged in response to the dictates of global capital across the global North and South. The historical moment demands that we as academics, social scientists and social practitioners work in better tandem with these popular movements, channeling our efforts more directly to synergize and concretize emerging visions of another possible world. All of this requires a revitalized sociological imagination, a concerted reimagination that goes beyond critical analysis and places renewed emphasis on collective response and strategy building. Social constructionism, never well-suited for this task, has fallen ever further behind the curve of social change, leaving a theoretical vacuum in social problems research in its wake.
Public ownership in the form of nationalization of the banking sector has re-emerged on the
public agenda. Yet, there has been very little debate about the meaning, status, and function of
public ownership as an alternative strategy in the context of globalization and advanced capitalism.
Here, as a contribution to this agenda we advocate forms of public ownership tailored to
enhance democratic decision making in the economy, to achieve greater equality and social
cohesion, and wherever possible to encourage localized rather than central control and ownership.
Continue reading
The recent round of debate over China's state and private economy has fundamentally touched upon whether or not China should abandon or strengthen the socialist elements within the market economy. In this paper, we argue that the debate is, in essence, a continued class struggle in the political and ideological superstructure. Then we discuss the foreseeable future of stateowned enterprises (SOEs) under current political and economic conditions. We will further propose the necessary reforms for the SOEs to move towards a truly socialist form of public ownership.
As the year 2011 wore on, protest banners asserted a thread of commonality that also runs across its offerings: "Arab Spring, European Summer, American Fall." Symposium editors Ian J. Seda-Irizarry and Maliha Safri collect pieces touching on events that transfixed the world and excited radical activists and theorists. We cannot help but think of Marx's writings on 1848 as we struggle to make sense of the contagious revolts of 2011. In the 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte and the often-neglected Revolution and Counterrevolution, or Germany in 1848, Marx undertakes a different mode of analysis situating class struggle in historically specific and detailed terms, generating an influential model of scholarship for subsequent generations. Ultimately, he argues that counterrevolutionary forces usurped the final outcomes both times, despite the genuinely radical revolutionary potential of France during the "June Days," of Germany and Italy in 1848, and later, of the Paris Commune in 1871. In the same vein, each of the symposium's authors seeks to analyze the specific class struggles that have culminated in the Arab Spring, Occupy Wall Street, and the Spanish revolt of the Indignados, always keeping in mind that counterrevolutionary forces are actively seeking to reverse any progress made.
The repercussions of the 2008 financial crisis, which began in the USA, were felt around the world: credit markets froze, consumer demand collapsed, and major banks and industries required government money to avoid bankruptcy. Given the severity of the crisis and the American Government's unprecedented intervention in the economy, the financial crisis presents an ideal case for a critical reassessment of major theories of empire. There are three prominent, yet distinct, views of empire that will be examined in this article. The first is the Empire offered by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. The second theory of empire is that of Leo Panitch and Sam Gindin. Finally, there is David Harvey's 'new imperialism'. The purpose of this article is to challenge several limitations in each theory of empire, and to conclude that Harvey's 'new imperialism' provides the greatest insight into the USA's immediate responses to the economic crisis.
Rethinking Marxism is pleased to present the symposium ''Sexuality between State and Class,'' edited by Suzanne Bergeron and Jyoti Puri. And as a way of thinking about this symposium, let us start with the commissioned art contribution by Robert Sember, ''White People's Stories (based on what I have been told by women I know),'' which undertakes an Althusserian symptomatic analysis. Althusser (Althusser andBalibar 1997) focused on sight: ''Thus Marx makes us see blanks in the texts of classical economics' answer, but that is merely to make us see what the classical text itself says while not saying it, does not say while saying it.'' Read more in the attached PDF:
Introduction: In December 2008, after the current economic crisis erupted, Walden Bello speculated that capitalist elites might respond with a new political project: global social democracy.[1] By injecting into global governance a greater concern for equity and sustainability, global social democracy could avoid the evident failure of neoliberal policies.
All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind.
—Karl Marx, Communist Manifesto
Right wing populism has typically consisted of anti-statist/elitist mobilizations by the 'common people' opposed to government policies and/or various out-groups. Such cycles of contention, typically prompted by various social changes and/or crises, have long been an essential feature of American society. The Tea Party (Parties) appeared in 2009 as a response to economic stagnation and crisis, secular challenges to traditional religious identities and the election of an African American president. The Tea Partiers were generally highly conservative, highly religious, rural/suburban, lower middle class Republicans. Such movements might be best understood as reactionary 'resistance movements' that attempt to defend and retain traditional identities and statuses based on race, patriarchy and hetero-normativity that have been under assault by late modern 'network' society. Such movements, prompted by anger, rage and ressentiment may garner attention and even wider support, but if/when they gain power, they foster 'buyer's remorse' and eventually wane.
Check out the special issue (38:4) on the Tea Party at : http://crs.sagepub.com/content/current
Forty-two years after the Hard Riot of May 1970, organized labor seems to have embraced the goals of a new social movement, Occupy Wall Street (OWS). Both movements have benefited from mutual association, with labor finding new vitality in its connection with a mobilized social movement. And OWS has been able to dismiss the charge that this is a counterculture movement, by connecting itself with labor. Labor helped mobilize a successful action in Wall Street on May 12, 2011, which anticipated OWS.
We open with a symposium on a jointly authored book by the first two editors of our journal, David F. Ruccio and Jack Amariglio. The symposium is long in the making because Postmodern Moments in Modern Economics was published in 2003 and the commentators finalized their pieces prior to the 2008 crash. Yet, at the same time, the context of the dual crises of the capitalist world economy and modern economics suddenly gave the book and, along with it, the symposium a new meaning.
The class and social structure of developing nations has undergone profound transformation in recent decades as each nation has incorporated into an increasingly integrated global production and financial system. National elites have experienced a new fractionation. Emergent transnationally-oriented elites grounded in globalized circuits of accumulation compete with older nationally-oriented elites grounded in more protected and often state-guided national and regional circuits. Nationally-oriented elites are often dependent on the social reproduction of at least a portion of the popular and working classes for the reproduction of their own status, and therefore on local development processes however so defined, whereas transnationally-oriented elites are less dependent on such local social reproduction. The shift in dominant power relations from nationally- to transnationally-oriented elites is reflected in a concomitant shift to a discourse from one that defines development as national industrialization and expanded consumption to one that defines it in terms of global market integration.
Throughout the twentieth century, most progressive scholars have argued against the utility of a Marxist perspective in analyzing racial oppression in the United States. These scholars and critics reject the Marxist notions that racial oppression is undergirded by exploitative and oppressive economic arrangements, that the dominant class plays a major role in the construction of racial oppression, and that racial conflict in the United States is masked class conflict. Moreover, these critics of Marxism claim that historical materialism puts too much blame on the dominant class, adheres too naively to a form of economic determinism, and pays too little attention to human agency. They insist that the most fervent racists were not the capitalists or members of the dominant class, but the white working or lower class. They argue that racial conflicts cut across class lines. Scholars rejecting the utility of a Marxist approach include not just nationalists, but progressives such as W.E.B. Du Bois, C. Vann Woodward and William Julius Wilson. The views of these scholars have become the conventional wisdom.
The European Union presents itself to the world as an example for others to follow, a model of 'good governance' and democracy, and an ethical player on the world stage. Much of the academic debate surrounding it revolves around the question of whether the EU can be seen as a 'normative power', an idea promoted and regularly revised and discussed by the political scientist Ian Manners, his admirers and critics.[1] Fewer and fewer progressive-minded people who live within its borders, however, maintain the view, once far more widespread, that the Union represents some sort of radical departure from the traditional behaviour of nation states as they confront each other on the international stage. Enthusiasm for the EU amongst working people has never been widespread, but there has always been a coterie of 'left' intellectuals, centred around most of the continent's Green parties and the remnants of 'Eurocommunism' (in groups such as Greece's Synaspismos and the rump of the PCI[2]) who have seen the EU as a potentially unifying force for the labour movement.[3]
This issue of Rethinking Marxism opens with Andriana Vlachou's timely and trenchant "The Greek Economy in Turmoil." As Europe deals with the consequences of neoliberal monetary policies—among them a crippling debt crisis threatening the viability of the European Monetary Union, Greece finds itself facing the prospect of devastating austerity measures that will produce long-lasting personal hardships as well as exacerbate economic and political uncertainty.
The April 2012 issue of Science & Society is a Special Issue, "Designing Socialism: Visions, Projections, Models." This entry combines four items from the issue: "Editorial Perspectives," by S&S Editor David Laibman; "Introduction," by Guest Editor Al Campbell; the set of five Questions regarding socialism that each participant in the issue was asked to address; and the list of participants, or Contributors.
The unraveling of the Washington Consensus in Latin America is part of a broader decline of US hegemony in the region and beyond. Four distinct approaches by Latin American analysts from Argentina, Chile, Mexico, and Cuba are introduced that examine different aspects of this decline.
This special issue of Cultural Logic on "Culture and Crisis" appears at an exciting
juncture, at a moment when the relationship between these two terms – Culture. Crisis –
is shifting and shaking before our very eyes and feet. The long suppressed is breaking
Capitalism would have us believe we need our bosses. Envisioning a post-Capitalist society implies challenging this proposition. This volume, edited by Immanuel Ness and Dario Azzellini, reveals the history of workers who dare to disagree.
This special issue of Rethinking Marxism, on Marxism and nationalism, has been planned with the hope of starting a series of reflections coming to terms with nations,nationalism, and their relation to capitalism, with a view to exploring the possibilities Marxism can open for political transformation. The authors' individual takes onnationalism and its relation to Marxism are in part overlapping and in part not, if not contrary to one another. We think, however, that it is this kind of very open discussionwith multiple perspectives that is needed for a rejuvenation of Marxism and a furthering of its fortunes.
The terror attacks of September 11, 2001, have been a recurrent theme — sometimes implicit, often front and center — of U.S. politics throughout the past decade. How to interpret and understand them has been a crucial question. In the tragedy's immediate aftermath, the George W. Bush administration struck a theme that resonated with the American public: the attacks constituted an out- of- the- blue declaration of war against an unsuspecting and entirely innocent victim, namely, the United States. "America was targeted for attack because we're the brightest beacon for freedom and opportunity in the world," the president told the nation on the evening of the attacks, as he promised a "war against terrorism."1 This initial historicizing of the 9/11 attacks soon became embedded in other official speeches and documents and in the public mind. It possessed not only a congenial explanatory power but also an enormous power to mobilize. It fueled a war in Afghanistan and subsequently, with leaps of logic, the invasion and occupation of Iraq.
Continue reading: http://rhr.dukejournals.org/content/2011/111/5.full.pdf+html
Enclosure, like capital, is a term that is physically precise, even technical (hedge, fence, wall), and expressive of concepts of unfreedom (incarceration, imprisonment, immurement). In our time it has been an important interpretative idea for understanding neoliberalism, the historical suppression of women as in Silvia Federici, the carceral archipelago as in Michel Foucault's great confinement, or capitalist amassment as in David Harvey's accumulation by dispossession.1 In our time it has also been an important empirical fact. On the one hand, the fall of the Berlin Wall marked the beginning of the current moment; on the other hand, the vain security fence between Mexico and the United States, and the hideous gigantism of the Israeli wall immuring Palestine, also define the current moment.
Continue reading: http://rhr.dukejournals.org/content/2010/108/11.full.pdf+html
This pamphlet was produced by the Public Sector Campaign of the Greater Toronto Workers' Assembly, September 2011.
"The Great Recession – the product of government incompetence and corporate greed – should have lit a fire under workers everywhere. It hasn't. Politicians should be on the defensive. They aren't. We are. Employers should be making concessions. They don't. We do. Their lawyers should be grovelling. Instead, our leaders are cowering. Their silk ties should feel tighter. Instead, our boots feel heavier. Their nights should be sleepless. Instead, our dreams are crushed.
"The Great Recession – the product of government incompetence and corporate greed – should have lit a fire under workers everywhere. It hasn't. Politicians should be on the defensive. They aren't. We are. Employers should be making concessions. They don't. We do. Their lawyers should be grovelling. Instead, our leaders are cowering. Their silk ties should feel tighter. Instead, our boots feel heavier. Their nights should be sleepless. Instead, our dreams are crushed.
Completely unexpected, 2011 has emerged as a year of revolt against neoliberalism and austerity, from Tahrir Square in Cairo to Plaça de Catalunya of the indignados to Zuccotti Park of Occupy Wall Street. The overthrow of long-standing authoritarian regimes in the Arab world re-asserted the moral and organizational capacities of workers and popular movements to transform the world.
Capitalism is not the only form of economy. Alternative economies—people's economies—exist in which human needs and relationships are more important than competition and profit.
Forms of solidarity economy built on the principles and values of cooperation, equality, self-determination and democracy, exist and are taking shape in many parts of the world. These forms include household economies, barter economies, collective economies including cooperatives, worker-controlled economies, subsistence market economies, community budgeting, participatory budgeting, community-based local currency exchange systems, and ethical trading, among others. Labor organizations have also provided spaces for building capacities in the struggle to defy capitalism.
The paper aims to contribute to the discourse on alternatives to capitalism. We go about by first examining recent works dealing with the issue of alternatives to capitalism (and neoliberalism). We define `alternative' as an on-going multi-dimensional, non-deterministic process of people's economic and political struggle beyond the capitalist logic, whether macro, meso or micro, to change their circumstances and simultaneously transform themselves in the process. Full development of human potential based on equality, solidarity and sustainability through democratic participatory processes is at the core of an alternative. Then, we look at how various forms of peoples' solidarity economies and state-initiated democratic participatory schemes become spaces or provide spaces for the development of counter-consciousness (outside the capitalist `common sense') and concomitantly build capacities for the development of projects, initiatives and economies beyond the capitalist logic. By addressing changes in the mode of production and the labor process within their spaces, we argue that many of these organizations, projects and initiatives, are the 'materialization' or actual
manifestation of non-capitalist alternatives.
A common response of the left to the financial crisis that broke out in the USA in 2007-08 was often a kind of Michael Moore-type populist one: Why are you bailing the banks out? Let them go under. This kind of response was, of course, utterly irresponsible, with no thought given to what would happen to the savings of workers, let alone to the paychecks deposited into their bank accounts, or even to the fact that what was at stake was the roofs over their heads. On the other hand, the even more common response was all about asserting state responsibility: This crisis is the result of the government not having done its duty: governments are supposed to regulate capital, and they didn't do so. But this response was in fact fundamentally misleading. The United States has the most regulated financial system in the world by far if you measure it in terms of the number of statutes on the books, the number of pages of administrative regulation, the amount of time and effort and staff that is engaged in the supervision of the financial system. But that system is organized in such a way as to facilitate the financialization of capitalism, not only in the U.S. itself, but in fact around the world. Without this, the globalization of capitalism in recent decades would not have been possible.
Contrary to a well-known English dictum, stoical if self-exonerating, all political lives do not end in failure. In postwar Europe, it is enough to think of Adenauer or De Gasperi, or perhaps even more impressively, Franco. But it is true that, in democratic conditions, to be more popular at the close than at the outset of a prolonged period in office is rare. Rarer still – indeed, virtually unheard of – is for such popularity to reflect, not appeasement or moderation, but a radicalisation in government. Today, there is only one ruler in the world who can claim this achievement, the former worker who in January stepped down as president of Brazil, enjoying the approval of 80 per cent of its citizens. By any criterion, Luiz Inácio da Silva is the most successful politician of his time.
Given the overwhelming harm being done to the world's environment and to its people, it is essential today to consider how we might organize a truly ecological civilization—one that exists in harmony with natural systems—instead of trying to overwhelm and dominate nature.
Edited and introduced by Maliha Safri, the twin origins of this exchange—Safri's activist and scholarly work on class analyses of worker cooperatives undertaken in conjunction with the U.S. Social Forum, and, concurrently, the conversations among various members of the Association for Economic and Social Analysis around the analysis done by J. K. Gibson-Graham on worker cooperatives—offer some insight into the stakes of this discussion. As Safri tells us, these exchanges began to take a more public form at last year's Left Forum and produced the collection of essays presented here.
The current political conjuncture is dominated by enduring struggles and new dilemmas for the Left trying to stop the bleeding. The enduring financial crisis has posed the matter starkly: is neoliberalism in terminal crisis and over, or are the ruling classes intensifying its distributive norms and its political form? The outcome of the May Federal election revealed some of the same patterns: an historical consolidation of the hard Right Conservative government of Stephen Harper, and an unprecedented electoral surge for the social democratic NDP (and however harsh one is on the nature of contemporary social democracy, it is the first time that any political party in North America who has its ideological roots in socialism has captured such a significant part of the electorate and emerged as the second party).
David Harvey and the co-authors of the new book, The Rights of Nature , discuss how to transform our relationship with the environment to address climate change and related problems like natural disasters.
This research note examines whether the status of EU-U.S. military relations confirms the increasingly popular notion of a transnational capitalist class, integrated on a global scale and accompanied by the cessation of interimperialist rivalry. It focuses on two cases: formation of the European Security and Defense Policy and the setting-up of an EU armaments policy as well as the respective transatlantic struggles over the nature of these two policies. It concludes by highlighting empirical inconsistencies in the transnationalist argument, as demonstrated by the continuation of transatlantic competition over the formation of a separate EU military-industrial identity.
This event was a book party for the publication of Climbin' Jacob's Ladder: The Black Freedom Movement Writings of Jack O'Dell edited by NikHil Pal Singh.
Jack O'Dell is a legendary strategist and organizer, whose career spans the National Maritime Union in the 1940s, the underground left in the South in the 1950s, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and Freedomways in the 1960s, and the Rainbow/PUSH campaigns of the 1970s and 80s.
We open the issue with "Under the Dome: The Ethics and Politics of Reading Capital," a special symposium devoted to readings of Capital by graduate students at Notre Dame. As David Ruccio writes in his introduction, "It's one thing to read about Capital, or to listen to lectures on the Marxian method. It's something else entirely to read the text of Capital and develop an understanding of Marx's method in action." Taken together, the symposium's contributors demonstrate the value of open-ended, aleatory readings of Capital.
We are trapped in a state of limbo, neither one thing nor the other. For more than two years, the world has been wracked by a series of interrelated crises, and they show no sign of being resolved anytime soon. The unshakable certainties of neoliberalism, which held us fast for so long, have collapsed. Yet we seem unable to move on. Anger and protest have erupted around different aspects of the crises, but no common or consistent reaction has seemed able to cohere. A general sense of frustration marks the attempts to break free from the morass of a failing world.
Once upon a time, being labeled an affiliate of the state was a nasty indictment in radical movements. Today some of the movement's best and brightest openly and proudly claim membership in organizations whose link to the state—either through direct public funding or mere tax-reporting—are unambiguous and well-documented.
Both scholars and activists have tended to periodize the feminist movement into the so-called first, second, and third waves of feminism. The "first wave" is characterized by the white suffragette movement; the "second wave" is characterized by the formation of the National Organization for Women, abortion rights politics, and the fight for the Equal Rights Amendments.
1. Where did parecon come from? What is its history?
Participatory economics, or parecon, came mainly from the cumulative struggles of diverse populations trying to win liberation from capitalism. Parecon owes, in particular, to the anarchist and the libertarian socialist heritage, to the most recent experiences of the New Left of the Sixties, but also to every historical uprising and project aimed at eliminating class rule from the beginning to the present. It has learned from successes and from failures.
This forum took place on September 19, 2010 at the Brecht Forum in New York City.
There is a widespread belief that capitalism is responsible for the huge improvements in health that have occurred over the last century and a quarter. Capitalism is seen as the supreme engine of growth, and growth is seen as the crucial condition for health improvement. But it is not. Poor countries can and sometimes do have better health than rich ones. The US is held up as a 'world leader' in medicine when it is really a world leader in healthcare market failure, spending almost a fifth of its huge national income to produce overall health outcomes little better, and in some respects worse, than those of neighbouring Cuba, with a per capita income barely a twentieth as large. 'Breakthroughs' in health science and technology – in nuclear medicine, genetic medicine, or nanotechnology – are treated as triumphs of capitalist investment in research. But most innovative medical research is actually done in state-funded medical schools and research laboratories.
What's happening is a renovation of left-wing thought. The ideas of revolutions that we used to defend in the 1970s and 1980s, in practice, have not materialized. So, left-wing thought has had to open itself up to new realities and search for new interpretations. It has had to develop more flexibility in order to understand that revolutionary processes, for example, can begin by simply winning administrative power.
We are overdue for a new strategy. Labor and the Left are at low points in long declines. One cause has been adherence to a failed strategy. We need to acknowledge that reality and answer two linked questions. First, what part of getting into this situation was our own doing? Second, what changes in labor's and the Left's strategy could revive the two groups and rebuild their coalition into a powerful political force? To answer the first question: labor's and the Left's strategic attitude toward capitalism undermined both partners and their coalition. To answer the second: changing their attitude toward capitalism could, I believe, revive them significantly in the near future.
Despite the revival of interest in Marx since the economic crisis hit, some important ideological and conceptual barriers continue to block what would be a very positive step, returning to Marx as the primary source of leftist critique of capitalist modernity as a whole, and as providing the theoretical ground for its overcoming [Aufhebung].
The end of 2008 marked the ten-year anniversary of Hugo Chávez's first electoral victory (December 6, 1998), which initiated a new period marked by the emergence of progressive and left governments in South America.
Paul Krugman, stuck in the old Keynesian rut amidst its blinders. The recession would be over, he says, if only the government ran more and bigger deficits to provide the needed fiscal boost. If only the Obama people and those crazy Republicans were less afraid of such bold government action, less befuddled by ideology, and less ignorant of economics.
This review article appeared in Science & Society, Fall 2009.
A talk given at the World Social Forum 2010, Porto Alegre
The historical geography of capitalist development is at a key inflexion point in which the geographical configurations of power are rapidly shifting at the very moment when the temporal dynamic is facing very serious constraints. Three percent compound growth (generally considered the minimum satisfactory growth rate for a healthy capitalist economy) is becoming less and less feasible to sustain without resort to all manner of fictions (such as those that have characterized asset markets and financial affairs over the last two decades).
Part I
Steve Brier: This is obviously a time of great insecurity and distress both emotionally and physically and of great confusion politically and ideologically across the globe. The realities we confront are imposed by a world capitalism that is at the same time vigorous and expansionist and in decline and crisis. How do we understand this current moment and the profound distress it is creating across the globe? How do we understand it and relate to it?
by Van Gosse
The Huffington Post, May 27, 2010
Almost every day I get a message from Republican National Committee Chairman Michael Steele denouncing President Obama's "radical socialist" policies. Fox News relentlessly sounds this chorus, and some Americans agree, rallying with posters featuring hammer-and-sickle drawings and pictures of Stalin next to our elected leader. For the rest of the world, this sounds pretty silly: they know what socialism looks like, and we have nothing like it.


text:
Love these keys on a ring! I love brass too, so there's lots of options for using these either separately or all together!
I've been looking for this size for a long time. They're really perfect for card-making, in my opinion.
The keys are longer for art projects that don't need a charm size key. The thickness of the barrel of the key was thinner than expected.
You must be logged in to comment. Please click here to log in.