text:
In the fall of 1971, a Yale Law School student named Greg Craig sublet his apartment, on Edgewood Avenue, in New Haven, to his classmate Hillary Rodham and her boyfriend, Bill Clinton, for seventy-five dollars a month. Over the following decades, Craig and the Clintons continued to cross paths. Craig, who became a partner at the blue-chip law firm Williams & Connolly, in Washington, D.C., received regular invitations to White House Christmas parties, where Hillary always remembered to ask about his five children. In the fall of 1998, President Clinton asked him to lead the defense team that the White House was assembling for the impeachment battle. On a bookshelf in Craig's large corner office are several photographs of him with one or both Clintons, including a snapshot of the President and his lawyers—their arms folded victoriously across their chests—taken after Craig's successful presentation during the Senate trial. An inscription reads, "To Greg. We struck the right pose—and you struck the right chords! Thanks—Bill Clinton, 2/99."
In spite of his long history with the Clintons, Craig is an adviser to Barack Obama's campaign. "Ninety-five per cent of it is because of my enthusiasm for Obama," he said last month, at his law office. "I really regard him as a fresh and exciting voice in American politics that has not been in my life since Robert Kennedy." In 1968, Craig, who is sixty-two, was campaigning for Eugene McCarthy when he heard a Bobby Kennedy speech at the University of Nebraska, and became a believer on the spot. Since then, Craig has not been inspired by any American President. As for the prospect of another Clinton Presidency, he said, "I don't discount the possibility of her being able to inspire me. But she hasn't in the past, and Obama has."
Inspiration is an underexamined part of political life and Presidential leadership. In its lowest, most common form, inspiration is simple charisma that becomes magnified by the media, as with Ronald Reagan or Bill Clinton. On rare occasions, however, a leader can become the object of an intensely personal, almost spiritual desire for cleansing, community, renewal—for what Hillary, in a 1969 commencement speech at Wellesley, called "more immediate, ecstatic, and penetrating modes of living." Somewhere between the merely great communicators and the secular saints are the exceptional politicians who, as Hillary put it then, "practice politics as the art of making what appears to be impossible possible."
Robert B. Reich, the Secretary of Labor in Clinton's first term, who now teaches at Berkeley, told me that he believes political inspiration to be "the legitimizing of social movements and social change, the empowering of all sorts of people and groups to act as remarkable change agents." Reich was once a close friend of both Clintons—he met Hillary when they were undergraduates, and began a Rhodes Scholarship the same year as Bill—but he has not endorsed a candidate, and he seems drawn to Obama, for the same reasons that attracted Craig. "Obama is to me very analogous to Robert Kennedy," Reich said. "The closer you got to him, the more you realized that his magic lay in his effect on others rather than in any specific policies. But he became a very important vehicle. He got young people very excited. He was transformative in the sense of just who he was. And a few things he said about social justice licensed people. Obama does all that, almost effortlessly."
The alternatives facing Democratic voters have been characterized variously as a choice between experience and change, between an insider and an outsider, and between two firsts—a woman and a black man. But perhaps the most important difference between these two politicians—whose policy views, after all, are almost indistinguishable—lies in their rival conceptions of the Presidency. Obama offers himself as a catalyst by which disenchanted Americans can overcome two decades of vicious partisanship, energize our democracy, and restore faith in government. Clinton presents politics as the art of the possible, with change coming incrementally through good governance, a skill that she has honed in her career as advocate, First Lady, and senator. This is the real meaning of the remark she made during one of the New Hampshire debates: "Dr. King's dream began to be realized when President Lyndon Johnson passed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, when he was able to get through Congress something that President Kennedy was hopeful to do—the President before had not even tried—but it took a President to get it done."
In the overheated atmosphere of a closely fought primary, this historically sound statement set off a chain reaction of accusations, declarations of offense, and media hysteria, and for a few days the Democratic Party seemed poised to descend into a self-destructive frenzy of identity politics. The Times editorial page scolded Clinton for playing racial politics and choosing a bizarre role model in Johnson; the columnist Bob Herbert accused her of taking "cheap shots" at King. But Clinton was simply expressing her belief that the Presidency is more about pushing difficult legislation through a fractious Congress than it is about transforming society. In the recent debate before the Nevada caucus, Obama, who confessed to being disorganized, said that the Presidency has little to do with running an efficient office: "It involves having a vision for where the country needs to go . . . and then being able to mobilize and inspire the American people to get behind that agenda for change." In reply, Clinton likened the job of President to that of a "chief executive officer" who has "to be able to manage and run the bureaucracy."
Similarly, if this campaign is, among other things, a referendum on the current occupant of the White House—as elections at the end of failed Presidencies inevitably are—then its outcome will be determined partly by whether voters find George W. Bush guilty of incompetence or of demeaning American politics. Clinton is presenting herself as the candidate who is tough and knowledgeable enough to fix the broken systems of government: the intelligence agencies, the Justice Department, the legislative process, the White House itself. Last week, speaking on the phone from California, she said that a President allows advisers to oversee the running of government at his or her peril. "Otherwise, you cede too much authority, and although it may not be immediately apparent to the public, the government picks up on those signals," she said. "What we now know about how Dick Cheney basically controlled the information going to Bush means that we'll never really know how much responsibility Bush should be assumed to have taken with respect to serious decisions. The water will flow downstream, and often pool in great reservoirs of power that will then be taken advantage of by those who have been smart enough to figure out how to pull the levers. And I know from my own experience, and certainly watching how deeply involved Bill was in those areas that he thought were important, what it takes to try to get the government to respond. It's not easy. We're talking about this massive bureaucracy . . . and you have to be prepared on Day One to basically wrest the power away in order to realize the goals and vision that you have for the country."
Although Clinton didn't utter her chief rival's name, Obama seemed to be the subtext of many of her remarks, such as when she mentioned reading Michael Korda's recent biography of Eisenhower, and compared the portraits of Ike and Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery—"who was given great marks for being so brilliant and inspiring of his men, but often had a difficult time making a tough decision, often dithered about it, and claimed he needed yet more information before he could pull the trigger." If elected President, Clinton acknowledged, she would have to use unifying rhetoric and reach across partisan lines. But Clinton is less sanguine than Obama is about the possibilities of such efforts; she is readier to march ahead and let those who will follow do so. "It's also important to say, 'Look, there are certain things we have to do as a country. You may not agree, but let me explain why, and let me try to persuade you. But if I can't persuade you, we have to go forward anyway.' And I think that that kind of understanding of the combination of using the bully pulpit but also producing results—managing the government so it doesn't manage you, so it does act as an instrument of the policies you're actually implementing—will give proof to what it is I'm saying."
These rival conceptions of the Presidency—Clinton as executive, Obama as visionary—reflect a deeper difference in how the two candidates analyze what ails the country. Obama's diagnosis is more fundamental: for him, the illness precedes the Bush years and the partisan deadlock in Washington, originating in a basic failure of politicians to bring Americans together. A strong hand on the wheel won't make a difference if your car is stuck in the mud; a good leader has to persuade enough people to get out and push. Whereas Clinton echoes Churchill, who proclaimed, "Give us the tools and we will finish the job," Obama invokes Lincoln, who said, "As our case is new, so we must think anew, and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our country."
Sidney Blumenthal, a former staff writer at this magazine, who was a senior adviser to Bill Clinton and is now a senior adviser on Hillary Clinton's campaign, describes the 2008 election as a chance to secure progressive government for years to come. "It's not a question of transcending partisanship," he said. "It's a question of fulfilling it. If we can win and govern well while handling multiple crises at the same time and the Congress, then we can move the country out of this Republican era and into a progressive Democratic era, for a long period of time."
Peter Wehner served in the Bush White House until August, 2007, working for Karl Rove, the Administration's chief strategist. Wehner, who is now a senior fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center, in Washington, said that, as a candidate, Hillary Clinton would provide a "much more target-rich environment" than Obama. Republicans wouldn't need to uncover new scandals; they would simply remind voters of the not so distant Clinton wars. "Certain regions of your brain are latent," Wehner said. "But if there's a word or a sound or a memory that you hear, that region of your brain lights up again. And I have a feeling that, with Bill and Hillary Clinton, there are latent regions of the brain that will light up, and, if the Democrats don't light it up, the Republicans will. And that is going to be Clinton fatigue." As for Obama, Wehner's only complaint is that he's a liberal: "I find him to be very impressive. He would be much more difficult for Republicans to handle. He has much more breakout potential."
Advisers to Clinton told me that there is something naïve, even potentially fatal, in Obama's vision of leading the country out of its current political battles. The advisers seemed to be saying that Obama considers civility and nonpartisanship to be amulets that can stop bullets. In this view, Obama will be annihilated by what members of the Clinton campaign call "the Republican attack machine." Neera Tanden, the campaign's policy director, expressed admiration for Obama but cautioned that the general election will be brutal. "You cannot let your guard down with these guys," she said of right-wing politicians. "They take people's strengths and make them weaknesses; if you give them an inch, they'll take a mile. They're not ready to give up. They're not ready to lose the Congress and the Presidency. I don't think Grover Norquist"—the conservative lobbyist—"is sitting around thinking that's going to be great for him. His salary depends on it, at the very least. Both of the Clintons have been through it and won before. But if we don't think that the Democratic nominee, whoever it is, is going to have high negatives by the end of this process, then we're crazy."
Late last year, as the Democratic race was tightening, there was an argument within the Clinton camp over whether to go on the attack against Obama—an argument won by the proponents. When I described to Greg Craig the Clinton campaign's skepticism toward the idea of transcending partisanship, he said, "You're getting to that five per cent of Hillary that I don't like—which is to see in every corner a conspiracy or an opponent that must be crushed. Look at her comment 'Now the fun part starts' "—Clinton's announcement in Iowa that she would begin attacking Obama's record. "There is a quality of playing the embattled, beleaguered victim that I find unappealing and depressing." He added, "I want a President who is looking to move the country with positive inspirational ideas rather than to fight off the bad guys and proclaim victory by defeating the forces of reaction. I would like us to inspire the forces of reaction to join us in treating people better, and lifting more vulnerable people and people in jeopardy out of their vulnerability and jeopardy."
Of course, as Craig learned during the impeachment effort—which he denounced as "a gross abuse of power"—the Republicans in Congress have shown little interest in making peace with Democrats. "Yes, but the way in which you beat them, the way in which you make progress in this country, is not by further polarizing and further dividing," Craig said. "It's by building the consensus around the positions that make sense—say, the position that we should not have forty-seven million Americans uninsured. You don't win national health insurance by turning Republicans against you. You've got to get them to join you."
Clinton's admirers counter that, as a member of the U.S. Senate, she has learned the art of compromise. In just seven years, she has mastered the power relationships and legislative labyrinths of this most difficult club. "Hillary believes in governing," Neera Tanden said. When Tanden worked as her legislative director, Clinton would call again and again from the Senate floor to gauge the effect that a new amendment would have on a bill. Such attention to minutiae is rare in a legislator. The question, though, is whether her indisputable virtues—hard work, intellectual acuity, a command of policy—are ideally suited for the White House. A senator must convince fifty to sixty fellow-politicians; a President must rouse three hundred million fellow-citizens.
In the nineteen-nineties, Republicans, taking aim at an all-too-human Democratic President, liked to say "character matters"—a phrase that has been bitterly reprised by Democrats during the Bush years. If there's a flaw in Hillary Clinton's character which could keep her from becoming a successful President, or President at all, it is what Carl Bernstein, her best biographer, described to me as a tendency toward "subterfuge and eliding." In the deep and sympathetic portrait "A Woman in Charge," Bernstein's recent biography of Clinton, a constant theme is her fear of humiliation; as the daughter of a harsh, often cruel father, she learned early to conceal any weakness and, ultimately, to protect her very humanity from exposure. In the recent Las Vegas debate, when Clinton was asked to name a weakness, all she could come up with was her impatience to get things done.
"In her personal life, she's always seemed like she had something to hide," Dee Dee Myers, who was a top adviser on Bill Clinton's 1992 campaign, and who served as White House press secretary for the first two years of his Presidency, said. "She had a difficult father, and she spent a lot of time trying to create an image of a functional family when she could have just said, 'It's my family.' The burden of perfection was upon her, and she carried it into her marriage. There's always this fear of letting people see what they already know."
In "A Woman in Charge," Bernstein writes of Clinton, "Almost always, something holds her back from telling the whole story, as if she doesn't trust the reader, listener, friend, interviewer, constituent—or perhaps herself—to understand the true significance of events." A former Clinton Administration official explained his decision to support Obama by urging me to read the two candidates' autobiographies side by side. Obama's "Dreams from My Father," unlike Clinton's "Living History," he said, reveals a narrator who has struggled through difficult questions of identity and resolved them, and who, as a result, is comfortable not just with himself but with the complexity and contradiction of the world. "When I'm with her, I feel she wants to impress me," the former official said. "When I'm with him, I feel he wants to know what I have to offer him."
In numerous conversations, friends of both Clintons expressed a preference for Hillary, upending the public perception that Bill is the warmer and more likable of the two. He talks; she listens, with a talent for banter that can be disarming and even whimsical. Shortly after Lissa Muscatine, a close adviser of Hillary Clinton's, went to work as a White House speechwriter, in 1993, she tried to catch the First Lady's attention as Clinton was hurrying along a corridor. "Stop—stop!" Muscatine called out. Clinton wheeled around. "Stop! in the name of love," she sang out, breaking into a boogie in the West Wing hallway. Clinton's aides are famously loyal, staying with her far longer than most staffs at the highest level of politics. Tanden, who was in her twenties when she joined Clinton's staff, in 1997, and "sort of grew up working for her," found that Clinton really wanted to know what a mid-level aide thought about policy issues. "She asks questions, and she has a very high b.s. detector on people," Tanden said. "You get in her foxhole, she gets in your foxhole." In 1999, when Muscatine underwent surgery in order to determine if she had breast cancer, the First Lady asked her to telephone as soon as she had a diagnosis. The tumor was malignant, and Muscatine was too overwhelmed by the news to call, as they had agreed. Clinton phoned her and said, "If it's O.K., I want to check back every few days. But, if you don't want to come to the phone, that's fine." Muscatine told me, "She gave me not only her support but the license not to talk to someone of her stature. That meant the world to me." Richard Holbrooke, who served as Clinton's envoy on Bosnia and as Ambassador to the United Nations, is now a foreign-policy adviser to Hillary Clinton's campaign. (He is sometimes spoken of as a potential Secretary of State.) He said of Clinton, "I like her because she's human. She has a vulnerable side. She's fighting for things she really believes in."
Several friends also describe Clinton as more committed to using power for social change than her husband—for example, during the health-care reform effort of 1993-94, she insisted on universal coverage even after President Clinton became willing to drop it. (Her intransigence, of course, helped doom the entire effort.) John Danner, who worked for Clinton during his first term as governor of Arkansas, said, "Bill's policy wonkishness, in my judgment at least, was an application of his insatiable curiosity. People confuse that with a deep caring about actually getting anything done with the political power that he'd got. Hillary has always had a tenacity and a toughness that Bill never had. In that sense, she has cared more about getting stuff done." Danner's wife, Nancy Pietrafesa, who attended Wellesley with Hillary, also worked for Bill Clinton in Arkansas. (The two couples had a falling out after Danner and Pietrafesa were fired.) Pietrafesa said that Hillary's fear of public exposure was connected to those early years in Arkansas. "To be so humiliated, and ruthlessly," Pietrafesa said. "In Arkansas, she went to a place she wasn't welcomed, big time. Everything was wrong with her. She didn't paint her toenails when she wore sandals, she didn't look like a cocktail waitress when she dressed up. Everybody really felt they could insult her with impunity."
Clinton's instinct to fight back was honed in the rough world of Arkansas politics. Once, when the two couples were talking about policy matters, Danner proposed a way to offer retail discounts to Arkansas's substantial elderly population. To the astonishment of Danner and Pietrafesa, Hillary responded, "The last thing we need to do right now is something for folks who didn't vote for Bill." She had, Danner remembered, "this binary view of the world, a little like Bush's comment 'You're with us or you're against us.' " In Pietrafesa's opinion, "Hillary needs enemies."
During the tumultuous early years of her husband's Presidency, Clinton's ambitious political goals were too often stymied by her penchant for secrecy and combativeness. In one controversy after another—Whitewater, the travel-office scandal, the Paula Jones lawsuit—she refused to compromise or be forthcoming, and allowed what might have been temporary embarrassments to become part of an endless battle that helped derail the progressive reforms on which the Clintons had campaigned, including health-care legislation.
In early 1995, not long after the Republicans' sweeping win in the midterm elections, Hillary Clinton met with a dozen advisers in the White House residence to discuss how to handle the new political reality, which would include congressional investigations on Whitewater and other matters. One argument—the one that she had always made—was to "batten down the hatches, fight to the death," in the words of an adviser who attended the meeting; another was to defuse the opposition as much as possible through openness. At one point, almost as if she were thinking aloud, Clinton suddenly said, "I need people like the people J.F.K. had around him." The adviser described the moment as "existential" for Clinton: she was saying that she wanted "people who were strong, tough, loyal, who play to win but do it in the smart, strategic way." Clinton's way had not been smart or strategic. Afterward, she grudgingly began to change her approach, withdrawing from the front lines of political battles and, as some of her aides had urged, using her platform more symbolically rather than always trying to achieve concrete results.
That year, Clinton began writing a book about children and society called "It Takes a Village." The thing that Washington insiders remember best about the book is Hillary's failure to thank Barbara Feinman, the writer hired by Simon & Schuster, the publisher, as a collaborator. The truth, though, is more complicated, and shows Hillary to be less a Machiavellian liar than a woman whose guardedness leads to self-sabotage.
Editors at Simon & Schuster reacted to early chapters with dismay, and worried about the quality of Feinman's contributions, but they kept their reactions private. Over the summer, a manuscript emerged, but neither the publisher nor Clinton's aides—nor, especially, Hillary herself—were pleased with it. When Feinman left for vacation, Clinton, a Simon & Schuster editor, and a few key aides, working on their own time, continued on the book without her. (Feinman fulfilled the terms of her contract, and was never told by the publisher that her work was unsatisfactory.) In November, the Simon & Schuster editor spent three weeks at the White House, working intensively to expand and refine the material with the aides and with Clinton, who filled yellow legal pads with incorrigibly wonky prose, in "round, schoolgirlish handwriting," the editor told me. In private, Clinton was strikingly relaxed, padding around the Book Room and Solarium in sweatpants and Coke-bottle glasses, the editor said, calling her "buttercup." Clinton's personality, the editor found, "is refreshingly sharp and clear—but she can't show it."__
"It Takes a Village" appeared in January, 1996, with an acknowledgments page that mentioned nobody. Clinton had apparently given in to the urge to pay her ghostwriter back (as had Simon & Schuster, which considered withholding the last portion of Feinman's hundred-and-twenty-thousand-dollar fee but quickly relented). Clinton's omission aroused the enmity of powerful friends of Feinman's at the Washington Post, and journalists began covering the slight, their suspicions roused by Clinton's explanation that she had forgone names in the acknowledgments for fear of leaving someone out. Hillary's triumphant return to the public eye became another embarrassment. As with so many other Clinton scandals, the press framed the story in the worst possible light, and got its essence wrong, suggesting that Feinman had written the whole book and that Clinton had stolen the credit. Instead, Clinton had micromanaged every aspect of the book's development. The episode captures her habit of undermining herself, when the worst might have been averted by a little candor and grace—a tendency that has reappeared in the past few weeks, as her campaign has responded to the shock of Obama's challenge.
In the Senate, Clinton seems to have taken the hard lessons of the White House years to heart, and become a far better politician. The majority of her legislative achievements, for the most part under Republican control of Congress, have been modest, and geared toward constituent service. Richard Holbrooke pointed out that Fort Drum, outside Watertown, New York, stayed open and was even expanded during a period of base closures, and said, "To her, it's one of her most important achievements. She's incredibly proud of it." A senior Democrat on the Senate staff, who declined to be named, pointed out that Clinton's focus on New York was necessary to win over her colleagues: "She demonstrated that she was a workhorse, not a show horse." Clinton has surprised Republicans by coöperating with erstwhile enemies of her husband's Administration, such as Lindsey Graham, of South Carolina, who was a House impeachment manager in 1998, and Trent Lott, of Mississippi, who in 2000 expressed a hope that lightning might strike Clinton before her first day in the Senate. And she has surprised the military by becoming an expert on defense policy, as New York's first member of the Senate Armed Services Committee.
A member of Clinton's campaign told me that Obama has not held a single hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee's subcommittee on European Affairs, which he chairs, implying that he is a less serious senator than she is. In fact, according to the Boston Globe, Obama has presided over appointment hearings, but nothing more substantive: he took over the subcommittee just as the Presidential campaign began, and all the candidates have been AWOL since then. As for the challenge to Obama's seriousness, the Senate staff member disputed it, describing him as a deeply thoughtful, well-prepared member of the committee who asks good questions and never tries to score cheap points. In the staff member's words, Obama can see all sides of an issue, whereas Clinton would be formidable across the negotiating table from, say, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
In the Senate, Clinton has gone a long way toward neutralizing skeptics and antagonists by working hard, deferring to seniority, and deploying her underappreciated personal charm. At the same time, she became a Democratic leader in the Senate in part because she understood the powers of the Presidency and the need for an overarching strategy in any major conflict with the executive branch—for example, Neera Tanden said, during the fight to prevent Social Security from being privatized. Presumably, she would turn her knowledge of Congress to her advantage should she return to the White House.
"Her Senate years are when she learned," Holbrooke said. "How could she conceivably have been such a successful, bipartisan, reach-out senator, collaborating even with impeachment managers, if she hadn't learned something?" In Holbrooke's chronicle, her Senate career has instructed her in congressional power and filled the last conceivable holes in her résumé, leaving her perfectly poised for the Presidency. "Here's my view of the arc of her story," he said. "The so-called 'soft issues,' which are not soft at all—women's empowerment, H.I.V./AIDS, micro-credit, global health, foreign assistance—are things she mastered as First Lady. Her national-security qualifications are based on her five years as a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee."
There is another view of her years in the Senate, one suggested by a few associates who have grown wary of Clinton the politician: that she's learned the lessons of the nineties all too well and become the same careful centrist that electoral setbacks led her husband to become. " 'Caution' is the operative word," Robert Reich said. "Essentially, Bill Clinton's agenda ended at the start of 1995, when Republicans took over Congress. What resumed in the White House was a management operation to stay relevant and to keep the Republican Congress at bay." Clinton associates expressed concern that Hillary's chief strategist and pollster was Mark Penn, the author of "Microtrends," who is closely associated with triangulation—the cynical adoption of ideas from both sides of the political divide. And some of her actions in the Senate have had an air of opportunism; in 2005, for example, she co-sponsored a bill to criminalize flag-burning. The burden of Clinton's long and intensely public political career is that she can be faulted for both excessive caution and excessive zeal. A Clinton associate put it this way to Carl Bernstein: "I'm not sure I want the circus back in town."
Two nights before the New Hampshire primary, Clinton was more than ninety minutes late for a rally at Winnacunnet High School, in Hampton, and the energy was rapidly seeping out of the cafeteria. The recorded-music track was on its third or fourth round of "Every Little Thing She Does Is Magic," and the standing crowd of six hundred people (with a slightly larger number in an adjacent auditorium) was no longer amused by a campaign worker tossing out "Hillary" T-shirts like a game-show host. The fearsome Clinton machine appeared to be close to breakdown. "If you're on the fence, this isn't such a good thing," a man next to me said.
Ruth Keene, a small woman of seventy-one years who wore a big blue parka, kept telling the people around us that the candidate would appear any moment. I mentioned to her that a nurse I'd met at a John McCain town-hall meeting had called Clinton "bitchy." Why did so many people dislike her so much? "Strong woman," Keene said. "I'm a bitch and proud of it. I can't talk about her with some of my friends, or it would end the friendship." As for Obama, she liked him fine, but "the Republicans would chew him up."
When Clinton finally appeared, in a black pants suit and a bright-pink blouse, there was a surge of excitement, and I noticed how many people in the room were not just female but girls. One who could not have been more than ten held a placard that said, "Hillary 2008, Sophia 2040." "I apologize for running late," Clinton said. After the loss to Obama in the Iowa caucus, she told me, New Hampshire was a matter of "do or die," and, perhaps for that reason, she almost immediately opened the floor to questions, something that she had rarely done earlier in the campaign. Whatever question the crowd threw at her, she had an informed answer, often accompanied by a multi-point plan: immigration, health care, global warming, student loans, small business, animal rights, Cuba. For well over an hour, she projected her voice across the room in the same tone, the same semi-shout, regardless of the question—even when a girl near the stage asked how her third-grade class could become more challenging. "That is really touching," Clinton said, laughing, but within half a minute she had turned away from the girl and was declaring, "We live in a much more personalized, customized world, but education is still on an industrial model."
It occurred to me that Clinton is a familiar kind of Democrat—the earnest policy junkie, like Michael Dukakis, Al Gore, or John Kerry—except that this is a wonk with a killer instinct and a passionate temperament under wraps. In our conversation, Clinton seemed to admit that she does not inspire through rhetoric and emotion. "You can also inspire through deeds," she said. "You can demonstrate determination and willingness to make difficult choices, to show backbone and courage, to confront adversity calmly and skillfully. A President, no matter how rhetorically inspiring, still has to show strength and effectiveness in the day-to-day handling of the job, because people are counting on that. So, yes, words are critically important, but they're not enough. You have to act. In my own experience, sometimes it's putting one foot in front of the other day after day." She cited her efforts on behalf of the health of workers at Ground Zero. "It's important to realize that, once the lights are off and the cheering crowds are gone, you still have to go back to the Oval Office and figure out how to solve these problems. It really does mean that the buck stops there. You can't delegate it, you can't outsource it."
In the New Hampshire cafeteria, Clinton couldn't quite make an individual connection, even when listening sympathetically to a woman in the crowd who said that she held down two jobs and still had trouble paying for her asthma medicine. When a man declared himself appalled by the Democrats' weak statements about terrorism at a televised debate, Clinton snapped, "I'm sorry you were appalled by it," and moved on. She wouldn't risk the loss of control that it might take to energize the room with humor or anger or argument, or the sort of spontaneous human touch that everyone who spends private time with her notices and likes. A number of people drifted away before she had finished.
The next morning, Obama was scheduled to appear before an overflow crowd at the opera house in Lebanon. When he walked onto the stage, which was framed by giant vertical banners proclaiming "HOPE," his liquid stride and handshake-hugs suggested a man completely at ease.
"I decided to run because of you," he told the crowd. "I'm betting on you. I think the American people are honest and generous and less divided than our politics suggests." He mocked the response to his campaign from "Washington," which everyone in the room understood to be Clinton, who had warned in the debate two nights before against "false hopes": "No, no, no! You can't do that, you're not allowed. Obama may be inspiring to you, but here's the problem—Obama has not been in Washington enough. He needs to be stewed and seasoned a little more, we need to boil the hope out of him until he sounds like us—then he will be ready."
The opera house exploded in laughter. "We love you," a woman shouted.
"I love you back," he said, feeding off the adoration that he had summoned without breaking a sweat. "This change thing is catching on, because everybody's talking about change. 'I'm for change.' 'Put me down for change.' 'I'm a change person, too.' "
It was the day before the primary, and Obama began to improvise a theme, almost too much in the manner of Martin Luther King: "In one day's time." It carried him through health care, schools, executive salaries, Iraq—everything that Clinton had invoked, except that this was music. Then came the peroration: "If you know who you are, who you're fighting for, what your values are, you can afford to reach out to people across the aisle. If you start off with an agreeable manner, you might be able to pick off a few folks, recruit some independents into the fold, recruit even some Republicans into the fold. If you've got the votes, you will beat them and do it with a smile on your face." It was a summons to reasonableness, yet Obama made it sound thrilling. "False hopes? There's no such thing. This country was built on hope," he cried. "We don't need leaders to tell us what we can't do—we need leaders to inspire us. Some are thinking about our constraints, and others are thinking about limitless possibility." At times, Obama almost seems to be trying to escape history, presenting himself as the conduit through which people's yearnings for national transformation can be realized.
Obama spoke for only twenty-five minutes and took no questions; he had figured out how to leave an audience at the peak of its emotion, craving more. As he was ending, I walked outside and found five hundred people standing on the sidewalk and the front steps of the opera house, listening to his last words in silence, as if news of victory in the Pacific were coming over the loudspeakers. Within minutes, I couldn't recall a single thing that he had said, and the speech dissolved into pure feeling, which stayed with me for days.
In June of 1992, when Bill Clinton was running third behind President George H. W. Bush and Ross Perot, his advisers were faced with the problem of reconciling his support of the middle class with his character and biography, which, until then, the public associated with Oxford, Yale, womanizing, draft dodging, and marijuana. Their "Manhattan Project"—an effort to introduce Clinton to the country as the hardworking product of a broken family and a rough childhood—helped put him into the lead and culminated in a hugely successful campaign film shown at the Democratic Convention in New York, "The Man from Hope."
"Hillary Clinton needs something like that," Dee Dee Myers, who worked on the Manhattan Project, said. "Too often, all we see is ambition."
Ambition, of course, is the politician's currency. "Politics has ever been about advancing yourself," Richard Holbrooke said. "The question is: Is ambition harnessed to a purpose? She has the goals to advance the national purpose, she's articulated them, she's tried to lay them out."
Blame it on the media, or blame it on the voters, but American politics requires something more. A few hours before Clinton's rally in Hampton, I watched John McCain's masterly presentation before a packed middle-school gym in Salem, which included many skeptics and independents. An accountant challenged him on his willingness to make Bush's tax cuts permanent while claiming to be a deficit hawk, telling McCain, "You're in Purgatory." The candidate shot back playfully, "Thank you very much. It's a step up from where I was last summer." He was witty, combative, humble, and blunt (while embracing Republican orthodoxy on almost every position). Unlike Clinton, he engaged questioners in lengthy back-and-forths that showed he was capable of a respectful disagreement. After hearing Clinton that evening, I thought that she might have a hard time beating McCain in November.
"I'm more reserved than people realize or accept of someone who's in the public eye, especially in the times in which we live," Clinton told me. "I think that the world is only beginning to recognize that women should be permitted the same range of leadership styles that we permit men." She went on, "I followed with great interest the election of Angela Merkel as Germany's first woman Chancellor. Many of the things that were said about her would certainly sound familiar." She laughed. Her determination to prove that a woman could be a plausible Commander-in-Chief had led her to restrain her displays of feeling, perhaps for too long. "I wasn't quite sensitive to that," she said. "Voters were saying, 'O.K., now I can look at more personal traits.' " She went on, "My friends, starting in November or December, said, 'You're not telling your story very well.' "
The day before the New Hampshire primary, Clinton, campaigning on three hours of sleep a night, spoke before undecided voters at a coffee shop in Portsmouth. Her eyes welling with tears, she said of the gruelling campaign, "It's not easy, and I couldn't do it if I just didn't, you know, passionately believe it was the right thing to do. . . . I just don't want us to fall backwards." Many voters responded warmly to this candid moment. As Myers put it, "There was a flash in New Hampshire—that there's another reason that drives her, a desire to help other people." Since then, Myers said, Clinton has made the mistake of continuing to tell the public what she feels rather than showing it. During the debate in Las Vegas, she tried to explain her commitment to social change by talking about herself, not about the people she wants to help: "It is really my life's work. It is something that comes out of my own experience, both in my family and in my church—that, you know, I've been blessed." Her response displayed the awkwardness that comes from a lifelong habit of self-concealment in the face of exposure, and toughness in the face of hurt. It's a little sad and painful that this enormously accomplished and capable woman, in her sixty-first year, had to bring her mother and daughter on a "likability tour" in the days before the Iowa caucus, and found her voice—as she put it—only on the night of her upset win in New Hampshire.
"Hillary needs to connect two things," Myers said. "What's in her heart and what she wants to accomplish and why. There are many reasons to think she'd be a good President. She knows what she wants to do, she understands how the process works, she's shown an ability to work with Congress, she's become more incrementalist. But the Presidency isn't all that powerful, except as the bully pulpit. It comes down to your ability to get people to follow you, to inspire. You have to lead. Can she get people to come together, or does she remain such a polarizing figure? That's what the campaign will be about." In other words, winning the Presidency might require Clinton to transcend her own history. ♦


text:
Ah, the Great Outdoors—how I loathe your Wi-Fi-less expanses. But if I must be forced to bask in your natural beauty, you can be damn well sure I'll be doing it with a laptop in my hand.
REI Kingdom 4 Tent
Me. Sleep out under the stars. You must be out your got-damn mind. The REI Kingdom 4 has two private rooms (one for sleeping, one as a home-tent-office), high walls to maximize interior space, and multiple organizer pockets to hold my cables, peripherals, and Abba-Zabbas. $350
Therm-a-Rest NeoAir
I live in the First World. I have First World problems. Sleeping on the ground is not one of them—until I go camping. The Therm-A-Rest sleeping pad is not only the world's lightest sleeping pad, its heat-reflecting barrier keeps me three times warmer than uninsulated pads. I'll take five. $170
Big Agnes Cabin Creek Double Sleeping Bag
I ain't dragging my pale ass out to the middle of a forest just to sleep by my damn self. The Cabin Creek is a sleeping bag built for two. It's got an integrated pad sleeve so you never roll off and is long enough to accommodate my 6'2" frame as well as that of one (or more) lady-friends. $240
The Ground Control Football BGAN Terminal
It's a portable satellite internet connection. Ok, so it's like this. Think of somewhere, anywhere on the face of the Earth. The answer is yes—you can download porn there at broadband speeds. $13,733
Camp Chef Yukon 2 Burner Stove
Do I look photosynthetic? I need food and—more importantly—coffee. Like now. Luckily, the Yukon 2 stove from Camp Chef has a 448-square inch cooking surface and two 30,000 BTU burners, so my lady can whip me up a feast in a flash. Maybe start paying me back for the best night of her life. Maybe put a deposit down on the upcoming evening in the form of bacon. $222
Black Diamond Titan Lantern
You know what I hate? Suffocating in my sleep from Carbon Monoxide poisoning because jackass (*raises hand*) decided it'd be a good idea to leave a gas-burning lantern on in the tent. The Black Diamond Titan Lantern pumps out 250-lumen from its LEDs (sans the Carbon Monoxide) and burns for up to 168 hours on 4 D-batteries. Plus it's got variable brightness settings. You know, for mood lighting. $80
Exotac Nanostryker
Just because I hate the woods doesn't mean I don't love starting fires. Because I do. And when I want to get old-school on my fire (put the bow drill down son, we ain't going that far back) the Exotac Nanostryker sparks...my fancy? (YEEEEAAAAHHHH!) And yes there are more ferrocerium fire starters on the market than there are trolls on the Internet but this one is the smallest at just 85mm in length. And it's an all-in-one system so I can drag the included striker, instead of my my blade, across the ferrocerium rod to spark it. $27
Advanced Elements 5 Gallon Summer Shower
Do bears shit in the woods? Of course they do, how else would you explain that constant, overwhelming stench that seems to follow me? Oh right, haven't showered in a week...that would make sense. The Advanced Elements 5-Gallon Summer Shower holds—you guessed it—five gallons of water and heats to a toasty 105° after 2.5 hours in the sun. $31
Mombasa Mosquito Net Body Suit
Yeah, I may look utterly ridiculous wearing a full-body mosquito net suit but we'll see who's laughing when you catch Malaria. Whaddya mean Malaria isn't prevalent in Northern California? $25
You can keep up with Andrew Tarantola, the author of this post, on Twitter, Facebook, or Google+.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
One of Britain's enduring legacies of the cold war will end a year earlier than expected when the last British troops leave German soil in 2019.
The government this week announced a speeding up of Britain's withdrawal from Germany together with a reorganizing of domestic Army bases to deal with a changing military landscape.
Defense Secretary Philip Hammond said all of Britain's 20,000 troops will be gone by 2019 instead of 2020, while 70 percent will return by the end of 2015 compared to the previous plan of half. Around 4,000 soldiers and their families have already returned to UK bases in a project that will cost £1.8 billion ($2.7 billion) but save a projected £240 million ($361 million) a year at a time of continued cost-cutting in the UK.
Initially the force served to shore up western Europe's defenses during the cold war from the threat of Soviet expansion. After the Soviet collapse, the deployment became a useful training mission for the British and a reassurance to western Europe at a time when shaky governments in the east were still finding their footing.
"The return of the British Army from Germany marks the end of an era and I want to put on record the huge debt of gratitude we owe to the German government and the German people for the support, both moral and material, they have shown our Armed Forces over more than six decades," Mr. Hammond told Britain's Parliament.
Robert Fleming, a curator at the National Army Museum in London, says the main legacy of the standing Army was deterrence. "By the time the British soldiers leave, the Army will have been there nearly 70 years. At first there was animosity towards them from some of the German population because there had been two world wars but as civilian government took hold, they were welcomed as the bringer of stability.
"At its peak in the early '80s there were around 70,000 British soldiers in the northern sector. They've seen through the Berlin Air Lift, Cuban missile crisis, the collapse of the Soviet Union and communist regimes in Eastern Europe. Some people might wonder why troops weren't brought back then, but there was the threat of instability before an expanded EU and democracies in the east although there's still a question mark over the future of NATO.
"British troops helped act as a deterrent and the German people understood that and welcomed them. Although soldiers are trained to fight, the fact that they didn't but kept the peace is viewed as a success."
Peter Quentin, a research fellow at the Royal United Services Institute who also served in the British Army including Germany, says the withdrawal and re-organization was a bigger issue in Britain than Germany.
"The biggest legacy is peace in Europe. A lot of people say it's the formation and growth of the EU that's kept the peace but it's not – it's having soldiers on the ground to counter the Soviet threat. Without that show of force, there would have not been a deterrent," he says.
"I've spoken to a guy in Germany this morning and what's interesting is that there's no clamor for the British Army to leave but equally no clamor for them to stay. A few local politicians are talking about the loss of revenue, but there's no real debate about them leaving.
"In the past they've seen the French leave, the Russians leave, and now it's the British. Training-wise, Germany is a good place to be and I think if it wasn't for budgetary pressures, the Army would probably want to stay."


text:
Living in Colorado
Helping with your home buying & selling needs in Denver and surrounding communities.
Bed , Bath, 0 sqft, $/sqft
- Status:
- Bedrooms:
- Bathrooms:
- Total Sqft: 0 sqft
- Finished Sqft: 0 sqft
- Basement Sqft: 0 sqft
- Lot size: 0 sqft (0.00 acres)
- On Market: 0 days
- County:
- Neighborhood:
- View:
- Type:
- Structure:
- Parking:
Structure / Features:
- Year Built:
- Builder:
- Heat:
- Cooling:
- Fireplaces:
- Roof:
- Flooring:
- Interior Features:
- Litchen Appliances:
- Exterior Features:
- District:
- Elementary:
- Junior High:
- High School:
Listing by
- This publication is designed to provide information with regard to the subject matter covered. It is displayed with the understanding that the publisher and authors are not engaged in rendering real estate, legal, accounting, tax, or other professional services and that the publisher and authors are not offering such advice in this publication. If real estate, legal, or other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent, professional person should be sought.
- The information contained in this publication is subject to change without notice. METROLIST, INC., DBA RECOLORADO MAKES NO WARRANTY OF ANY KIND WITH REGARD TO THIS MATERIAL, INCLUDING, BUT NOT LIMITED TO, THE IMPLIED WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY AND FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE. METROLIST, INC., DBA RECOLORADO SHALL NOT BE LIABLE FOR ERRORS CONTAINED HEREIN OR FOR ANY DAMAGES IN CONNECTION WITH THE FURNISHING, PERFORMANCE, OR USE OF THIS MATERIAL.
All real estate advertised herein is subject to the Federal Fair Housing Act and the Colorado Fair Housing Act, which Acts make it illegal to make or publish any advertisement that indicates any preference, limitation, or discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, handicap, familial status, or national origin.
METROLIST, INC., DBA RECOLORADO will not knowingly accept any advertising for real estate that is in violation of the law. All persons are hereby informed that all dwellings advertised are available on an equal opportunity basis.
© 2020 METROLIST, INC., DBA RECOLORADO® – All Rights Reserved
6455 S. Yosemite St., Suite 500
Greenwood Village, CO 80111 USA
- ALL RIGHTS RESERVED WORLDWIDE. No part of this publication may be reproduced, adapted, translated, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. The information contained herein including but not limited to all text, photographs, digital images, virtual tours, may be seeded and monitored for protection and tracking.


text:
Biscuit Cornbread Dressing
"This mouthwatering and slightly sweet recipe was my mother's, so it has to be at least 65-70 years old," writes Karen Andrews from Arlington, Texas. "It's just not Christmas at our house without this favorite dressing...and it goes great with goose, too," Karen adds.
Total TimePrep: 45 min. + standing Bake: 1 hour
Makes8-10 servings
- 1 package (8-1/2 ounces) cornbread/muffin mix
- 1 tube (7-1/2 ounces) refrigerated buttermilk biscuits
- 2 medium onions, chopped
- 4 celery ribs with leaves, chopped
- 1/4 cup butter
- 1/2 teaspoon salt
- 1/4 teaspoon pepper
- 1/4 teaspoon curry powder
- 1/4 teaspoon dried basil
- 1/4 teaspoon dried thyme
- 1 can (14-1/2 ounces) chicken broth
- 1/2 cup water
- 3/4 cup egg substitute
- Prepare cornbread according to package directions; cool on a wire rack. Crumble into a large bowl. Prepare biscuits according to package directions; cool on a wire rack. Crumble biscuits over cornbread; stir gently to combine.
- In a large skillet, saute onions and celery in butter. Stir in the salt, pepper, curry powder, basil and thyme. Add to cornbread mixture. Stir in broth and water (mixture should be the consistency of cornbread batter). Let stand for 1 hour.
- Stir in egg substitute. Pour into a greased shallow 2-qt. baking dish. Bake, uncovered, at 350° for 1 hour or until golden brown and a knife inserted in the center comes out clean.


text:
If you like what you see here and would like to contribute, you can do so by snail mail, or you use paypal or a credit/debit card just by hitting the "Donate" button below. Credit/debit cards are processed through paypal.
All contributions are most appreciated, trust me.
My mailing address is:
Kenny Lane
PO Box 712
Lafayette, TN
Checks, money orders and cash gladly accepted. I'd appreciate it if you hold off on the anthrax though.
My paypal address is email@example.com or you can hit the donate button below.
All contributions are much appreciated.
Be patient if I don't get back to you right away. I get a ton of email.
This site contains images obtained from the internet under the Fair Use Act. If you are the owner of an image seen here and object to its use on this site, please contact me at email@example.com for immediate removal.


text:
Our core purpose at Karl Hager Limb & Brace and The Knee Centre is to enrich lives through solutions to maximize physical potential. Through what we do, we want to provide you the freedom to move with confidence. Since 1979 we have been providing complimentary assessments for specialized bracing for the entire body. We specialize in lower extremity bracing including knee bracing, foot orthotics, and leg bracing (AFO and KAFO designs). All custom items are hand crafted in house by our specially trained technicians. Call and make your appointment with one of our board certified professionals to see how we can help.
Foot Orthotics
For many people, foot discomfort can be a debilitating experience affecting their every day activities. In general the feet are very complicated structures consisting of numerous bones, muscles, and other tissues that constantly handle shock-absorbing requirements while moving us from one place to the next.
Ankle Foot Orthoses
With a wide range of options available for designs and materials, the function of each AFO can be finely tuned to meet the individual needs of each user. Although the requirements of each individual may differ, providing an AFO that facilitates the safest and most energy efficient movement pattern is the primary goal.
Pediatric Bracing
Working alongside the rehabilitation team from the Stollery Children's Hospital Clubfoot Clinic, we are pleased to provide follow up care once the casting and other procedures are completed. If you would like to meet one of our Orthotists and discuss the treatment plan for your son or daughter please do not hesitate to book a no charge consultation.
O.A. Knee Bracing
The Neutralizer is for the person with medial or lateral Osteoarthritis. The Neutralizer corrects the knee alignment to a "neutral" position preventing bone on bone contact that creates pain in the knee. This alternative is a great solution when surgery is not yet an option or will be a long wait.


text:
Roll Practice
- Title:
- Roll Practice
- When:
- Tue, 5. December 2017, 7:15pm - 9:00pm
- Category:
- Misc.
- Created by:
- Les Case
Roll Practice YMCA Pool, Irmo, SC Fall 2017
Limited to 15 boaters each session; reservations required.
$7 for Palmetto Paddlers members or $12 for non-members
You can join Palmetto Paddlers for annual dues of $20 ($25 family).
Required equipment: kayak or canoe, spray skirt, paddle, and correct change, please. A towel and dry clothes for afterwards are suggested. Showers and lockers are available. Bring your own padlock.
We will meet at the Irmo YMCA at 1501 Kennerly Road at 7:00 PM. See map link below. Sign in at the front desk, which is also our meeting point.
Map to Irmo YMCA
VERY IMPORTANT: All boats must be completely clean inside and out—we will inspect and provide additional cleaning of all boats before they are brought into the pool area. Remove all float bags and equipment from your boat (throw bags, first aid kits, old sandwiches, etc.)
Instruction may be available if willing instructors show up. The primary purpose of these sessions is practice.


text:
Big cock shemale enjoying deep self suck and huge self facial in her mouth and face from her own amaing cock.
Please submit your own favorite shemale movies on the site, if you post your own recordings you can also join our "become a model" program which pays you for good private recorded shemale, tranny or ladyboy movies with you jerking your cock, fucking your boy or friend and it ends with a nice cumshot. Read more about this here
At www.hardtranny.com we like exclusive content and we review all movies before posted to insure that you only get the best and sexiest movies on the internet.
Create a profile here at https://www.hardtranny.com and view our own produced ladyboy amature movies as soon as we launch. Soon we will post our own hardcore ladyboy movies with hot ladyboys from Asia, stroking cock, getting fucked, fucking guys and cumming in their own pretty faces.
View all our fantastic movies and categories here or go direct to your preferred catagori.
Amature shemale, Asian Ladyboy, ass to mouth shemale, bareback shemale, big cock shemale, blowjob, shemale compilation, crossdresser, shemale cum, cum in mouth, shemale cumshot, ebony shemale, shemale frottage, shemale gangbang, guy fuck shemale, japan ladyboy, ladyboy, shemale masturbation, mature shemale, shemale self facial, shemale self sucking, shemale fuck girl, shemale fuck guy, shemale fuck shemale, solo shemale, thai ladyboy, webcam shemale
At Hardtranny.com we also offer a selection of live webcam with Shemales from all over the world, watch them for free and chat 100% free. Also visit Chaturbate with is great shemale live cam.


text:
Elvin: Community college or Wall Street?
When I began working at Colorado Mountain College, we were so short of money that we shared Resucci-Annies by shipping them back-and-forth between Breckenridge and Leadville to use in our First Aid classes.Things have certainly changed! Let's say you work for someone and they don't like your work, they may even ask you to resign, but to soften the blow, to make them feel better about letting you go, they write you a check for half a million dollars. Is this a small community college or Wall Street? The CMC Board of Trustees have used taxpayer money to end a relationship with the current president. Out of the last three presidents of the college they have bought off two of them, for a cost of over $800,000. That is your money we are talking about. As I remember, half the money to operate our college comes from a mill levy on property owned within the CMC district. That is all property between the Eisenhower Tunnel and Battlement Mesa to the west, from half of Routt County and Steamboat Springs to Aspen and Leadville and everything in between. It is outrageous! If the board wants to pay for this kind of irresponsible financial behavior itself, go ahead, but do not use the limited amount the taxpayers have to cover your supposed debts. Plus, do you really think it is necessary to pay the president of CMC with salary and benefits equal to $250,000 per year? I don't. They are not the president of Harvard or CU. The college sees great financial benefits from the huge number of second-home owners within the district and maybe they think they are invisible to any oversight, they need to be accountable.
Start a dialogue, stay on topic and be civil.
If you don't follow the rules, your comment may be deleted.


text:
The Mystery of Randolph Shewan
Over the years I have inherited a lot of old photos. In some cases I know who is in them and in some cases I do not. And then there are those where the people are identified and I still don't know how they connect to the family. Randolph Shewan falls into the latter category. I have a copy of an 1880 photograph of this handsome fellow, but who is he? His age is about right to be a younger brother or cousin of Mary Elizabeth Shewan, the first wife of my grandfather's first cousin James A. Buchanan. And the photo was passed down through the descendants of Mary Elizabeth Shewan, which indicates that there is a connection.
At familysearch.org I find him in multiple US census records as an adult. But who were his parents?
I did some more searching for Randolph Shewan, born 1861 in Utah.
This 1870 census record includes a Shewan family that seems to fit our Shewans.
Note: M.E. Shewan who is born in Pennsylvania in 1856 is probably Mary Elizabeth, who is already known to be born in that time and place, and a J.R. Shewan is shown as born in Utah in 1861, which matches Randolph's known year and place of birth.
Wm Shewan M 45y England
M E Shewan F 41y England
Eliza Shewan F 16y England
M E Shewan F 14y Pennsylvania
J R Shewan M 9y Utah
W H Shewan M 6y Utah
Annie Shewan F 2y Nevada
And Randolph's death certificate gives his father's name as William W Shewan, which matches the 1870 census:
name: Randolph Shewan
death date: 09 Apr 1934
death place: Seattle, King, Washington
gender: Male
race (displayed on form):
age at death: 71 years 8 months 22 days
estimated birth year: 1863
birth date: [It calculates to 18 Jul 1862.]
birth place:
marital status: Married
spouse's name: Mary Shewan
father's name: William W. Shewan
father's birth place:
mother's name: Unknown
I also found the death of John R. Shewan, which lists his parents as John R. Shewan and Parthenia Smith.
I found the marriage record for Randolph Shewan and Porthena Smith in 1883. California, County Marriages https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.1.1/XLHY-8LF
Randolph was a widower when he married Mary Shumacher Shill on 20 Jan 1910 in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada. https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.1.1/JDD3-TQ6
At that time he identified his father as William Shewan and his mother as Mary Taylor.


text:
An illustrated how-to, an instructional video, tournament rules, a flyer you can print out and game rules!
Our newest products are featured here.
These products are our top 100 best sellers
There are currently 1 users browsing this forum. (0 members & 1 guests)
Use this control to limit the display of threads to those newer than the specified time frame.
Allows you to choose the data by which the thread list will be sorted.
Order threads in...
Note: when sorting by date, 'descending order' will show the newest results first.
Reproduction of any portion of this website, including images, design or content,
by any means, is prohibited without express written permission from LandOfMarbles.com © LandOfMarbles.com, all rights reserved. Development by ADS


text:
- Room Size Heats Over 20m² Remove This Item
- RRP From: £713.56
Our Price From: £449.99 inc. VAT
Heats from 7 - 27m²Sizes Available 5Wattages 500w - 2000wwarranty 15 Year
- High Quality German Engineering
- Exceptional Heat Retention
- WiFi Heating Control
- RRP From: £1174.28
Our Price From: £699.99 inc. VAT
Heats from 24m²warranty 15 Year
- High Quality German Engineering
- Exceptional Heat Retention
- WiFi Heating Control
- Our Price £599.99 inc. VAT
Heats from 24m²warranty 15 Year
- Exceptional Heat Retention
- WiFi Heating Control
- Amazon Alexa & Google Home Compatible
- Our Price £649.99 inc. VAT
Heats from 32m²warranty 15 Year
- High Quality German Engineering
- Exceptional Heat Retention
- WiFi Heating Control
- Our Price £699.99 inc. VAT
Heats from 24m²warranty 15 Year
- High Quality German Engineering
- Exceptional Heat Retention
- WiFi Heating Control
7 Item(s)
How do I connect my wifi controlled electric radiators to the internet?1
Connecting wifi controllable electric radiators to the internet is a quick and easy job that requires no technical know-how.
If you are using Haverland SmartWave electric radiators you will need to purchase your radiators with a SmartBox. The SmartBox has a range of 60m through solid walls and can be used to connect an unlimited number of radiators, so you should only ever need one SmartBox per houseful of radiators. The SmartBox is mains powered and plugs into the side of your router. Linking your radiators up to the SmartBox is a simple matter of pressing a combination of buttons on the control panel of each individual radiator.
The final step is to download the Haverland heating app onto your laptop, phone or tablet. You can connect as many SmartBoxes to the app as you like, which can be useful if you own multiple properties – for instance if you let out multiple holiday cottages. Once you have linked the app to the SmartBox you can add every radiator in your home, giving you precision control of your entire heating system from one easy-access location.
What features can I control with the Haverland heating app?1
The Haverland heating app is intuitive, easy to use and gives you complete control over every aspect of your heating. With the app you can:
• Programme your radiators
• Switch radiators on or off remotely
• Change the current heating mode of any of your radiators
• Set the temperature level for comfort and economy mode in different rooms
• Choose your heating priority for self-learning mode (i.e. prioritise comfort or prioritise economy)
• Set or change date and time
Will controlling my radiators over the internet use up my bandwidth?1
Controlling your radiators over the internet will use some of your bandwidth. If you are using Haverland SmartWave Electric Radiators, the Haverland SmartBox will use internet in just the same way as a phone or laptop uses the internet, where any additional device using the internet must share the available bandwidth. You will need to make sure your internet connection has sufficient bandwidth to supply the SmartBox alongside your other gadgets. However, the number of SmartWave radiators linked up to the SmartBox will not affect the speed of your internet because their connection is funnelled through the SmartBox.
Do I have to be at home to control my radiators over the internet?1
No. The beauty of wifi-controlled heating is that you can control your radiators from anywhere in the world – as long as you have a wifi connection and a phone, tablet or computer with the Haverland app.
Do I need a smart phone to control my heating over the internet?1
No. The Haverland app works equally well on tablets, laptops, smart phones and any other device commonly used to access the internet.
Will my wifi controlled electric radiators stop working if my broadband cuts out?1
No. If your broadband stops working, or you switch your router off at night to save energy, your radiators will continue to run using your customised programmes. However, you will be unable to make changes to your radiators' heating programmes until the broadband comes back on.
How do I install wifi electric radiators?1
Wifi controllable electric radiators are easy to install. Just like the rest of our electric radiators, they are suitable for DIY installation. All you have to do is screw them to the wall and plug them into the nearest socket. Alternatively they can be hardwired into the wall by a qualified electrician. Follow the instructions above to quickly and easily connect the radiators to your home broadband.


text:
Are you interested in joining our team?
Headquartered in Herndon, Virginia, SCORE has a team of roughly 30 individuals that support the nationwide organization. Learn about our current job and volunteer openings. You can also contact your local chapter to learn more about opportunities in your community.
Meet Our Leadership Team
Bridget Weston, Acting CEO
Bridget Weston is the Acting CEO of the SCORE Association, where she provides executive leadership and works directly and collaboratively with the Board of Directors to establish the vision and direction of SCORE. In her 10 years with the organization, she has developed an in-depth understanding of the needs and challenges of our volunteers and has established significant relationships on the Hill. Through her unwavering commitment and passion for SCORE's success, Ms. Weston motivates, directs and provides guidance to SCORE's staff, its 300+ chapters and over 10,000 volunteers.
During her 10 years at SCORE, Ms. Weston has been involved in every aspect of the organization. Not only has she led the Marketing & Communications team, but she has been the change management leader for both Centralized Accounting and Engage, has overseen the Help Desk after the former VP of Technology departed and has been integrally involved in nearly every major Foundation partner project. Additionally, she has served as a member of the Futures task force that created SCORE's Vision for 2025 and has been a leader on the FY2020 tactical plan for SCORE.
She has publicly represented SCORE on numerous occasions including testifying in front of the House Small Business Committee and appearing on MSNBC's "Your Business." Ms. Weston earned her Master of Business Administration from Temple University and a Bachelor of Science in Economics from the Wharton School at the University of Pennsylvania.
John Fuqua, Vice President of Finance
John Fuqua brings over two decades of financial management experience to SCORE as Vice President of Finance. Most recently, John has served as a consultant to Washington, DC area businesses as a specialist in corporate oversight and business strategy.
Previously, John served as the Chief Financial Officer for the D.C. Children & Youth Investment Trust Corporation which combined both public and private funds to offer programmatic support for DC youth. Earlier in his career, John was the Chief Financial Officer of Savant Corporation, a software company in Bethesda, and oversaw financial aspects of their merger and acquisition activities. He was also a financial controller for Collier, Shannon, Rill & Scott. John, a displaced Floridian, has an MBA from The George Washington University and enjoys participating in outdoor sports.
Doug Nohe, Acting Vice President of Field Operations
Douglas Nohe is the Acting Vice President of Field Operations and is responsible for managing the national operations of SCORE's 300 chapters and 10,000 volunteers as well as overseeing the headquarters field staff. He leads the organization's efforts to serve SCORE clients at the chapter level and assist with the implementation of the strategic plan at all levels in the field.
Prior to joining SCORE, Doug served as CEO, President and Board of Directors member of two subsidiaries of Magic Software Enterprises, LTD, led three venture capital start-up companies in physician practice management and healthcare technology management, as well as served in various sales management, marketing, and training and development with Fortune 500 companies.
Candice Stennett, Vice President of Marketing
Candice Stennett is the Vice President of Marketing at SCORE. In this role, she manages the organization's marketing strategy and new product development, including SCORE's Startup Roadmap and virtual conferences. She also helps support SCORE's network of 10,000 volunteers across the nation in their goal of helping small businesses start and grow.
Candice's prior experience includes working as a Branch Manager for Taskforce Staffing, a small business in the staffing industry and Marketing Specialist at KSWT TV. She has her Master's of Business Administration and Bachelor's of Science in International Business and Marketing from Indiana University of Pennsylvania.
Betsy Dougert, Vice President of External Relations
Betsy Dougert currently serves as Vice President of External Relations for SCORE, where she is responsible for national public relations, government relations and sponsors. Her ten years of experience in marketing and communications have focused on building brand awareness and engaging stakeholders through storytelling at educational institutions and non-profits. She earned her master's degree in strategic communications with a certificate in public relations from Villanova University, and a bachelor's degree from the College of William and Mary.
Amanda Capozio, Vice President of Technology
Amanda Capozio is the Vice President of Technology for SCORE and is responsible for all aspects of the organization's information technology and systems. She provides vision and leadership for technology initiatives that advance the mission of SCORE and is a chief spokesperson and liaison with SCORE's volunteers, leaders and headquarters staff on all matters related to technology. She has a Bachelor of Science in Economics from George Mason University.


text:
In laser highbeam mode, BMW Laserlight illuminates a range of up to 600 metres − nearly twice as far as that of conventional headlights. With the use of this new headlight technology, BMW Laserlight improves safety with better nighttime visibility.
The equipment includes LED lowbeam headlights and LED highbeams with a laser module. The extremely bright BMW Laserlight has a light intensity substantially higher than that of conventional light sources. Headlights with BMW Laserlight feature blue design accents, as well as "BMW Laserlight" lettering, which differentiate them visually. BMW Laserlight also includes LED parking lights, LED daytime running lights, LED indicators, LED cornering lights, Adaptive headlights and BMW Selective Beam (dazzle-free High-beam assistant).
The BMW Touch Command is a tablet with 7'' display integrated into the centre armrest in the rear. It is connected to the car's systems and offers comprehensive operation and setting options.
Using the tablet, the rear seats and front passenger seat can be adjusted, for example. Air conditioning, ventilation and seat heating in the rear can be operated, as well as the interior lighting with Ambient light, the blinds for the glass sunroof and the roller sunblinds. For example, the entertainment functions can be controlled and desired media (such as movies) can be played on the displays in the rear.
The portable BMW Touch Command can be conveniently charged from the snap-in adapter.
With BMW Gesture Control, selected functions can be operated by means of defined hand movements. Simple gestures such as 'swiping' or 'pointing' are identified in the recognition area above the centre console and trigger functions such as accepting or rejecting an incoming telephone call, proceeding or cancelling navigation as well as starting and ending voice recordings. Volume can be adjusted by circular motions of the index finger. Gesture Control complements the existing control systems such as the iDrive Touch Controller.
Active available gestures are displayed on the Control Display, to help the driver or passenger use them. In addition, the system gives an immediate audible and visual response to the gestures.
Wellbeing & Comfort.
Navigation system Professional with Touch Display
The Navigation system Professional features a sleek design and a superior range of services: it delivers a simple and easy-to-use navigation system that is seamlessly integrated into the BMW, incl. the iDrive operating concept with iDrive Touch Controller and Touch Display. The system comprises Voice control, radio BMW Professional with DVD drive, as well as 20 GB of memory for audio files. It also facilitates the use of Real Time Traffic Information (RTTI). The built-in 10.25" LCD colour display with split screen function (main and supplementary windows) is designed for optimal readability and overview.
The operation allows for seamless switching between input options with the iDrive Touch Controller, whose touch-sensitive surface allows destinations to be entered into the navigation system easily using handwriting, via the display with touch screen function, via Gesture Control or Voice control, as well as by means of seven bookmarks.
The system automatically updates its maps up to four times a year for three years in selected European countries as part of BMW ConnectedDrive in the domestic market.
The Remote Control Parking function allows the driver to conveniently get out of the vehicle before parking it via remote control by moving it forward into, or reversing out of, a tight parking space or garage. The Remote Control Parking function is activated by the driver once outside the car, with the aid of the BMW display key.
The entire parking procedure is monitored by Park Distance Control (PDC), the Parking assistant and the Surround View sensors. In order to use Remote Control Parking, the vehicle must be facing forwards and positioned straight, directly in front of the parking space or garage. The driver can also brake the car during the parking process if necessary.
Once parked, the engine can be switched off via the key. And when it is time to leave, the engine can also be restarted via the key. During remote-controlled pulling out of a parking space, the vehicle autonomously reverses out of the parking space or garage.
The BMW display key shows various information about the vehicle's status and allows selected functions to be controlled via the integrated touch display.
The time can be displayed, along with remaining fuel and current range, service notifications, as well as the current status of the central locking system, the windows and the glass roof. In addition, the following equipment can be operated via the BMW display key: Remote Control Parking and Auxiliary heating.
The BMW display key can be charged wirelessly, or with the included USB cable.
Telephony with wireless charging incorporates a wireless charging dock and an integrated warning system in case the phone
is forgotten. In addition, two fully functional USB ports are available, each with up to two amperes of charge current for quickly charging mobile devices. The technical capacity for a WiFi hotspot allows for the fee-based use of a service provider's hotspot plan with LTE-standard.
A connection to the roof antenna creates improved cellular reception and a second microphone ensures better hands-free voice quality for driver and front passenger. The second microphone also effectively cancels out any interfering noise from the front and rear passenger areas.
Two mobile phones and a mobile audio player can be connected simultaneously via Bluetooth. The telephony package includes Bluetooth Office with access to the calendar, SMS and email functions for compatible smartphones.
Adaptive Mode is an intelligent and interactive function in Driving Experience Control. The Adaptive Mode influences the Dynamic Damper Control, the steering and Steptronic transmission, and it continually adapts the settings to suit the current driving situation. When in Adaptive Mode, the system takes account of numerous indicators such as kickdown, steering wheel movements and cruise control, along with the driver's individual style of driving. Furthermore, the system also relies on interaction with real-time navigation to shift into the correct gear in preparation for bends. In addition to Adaptive Mode, the driver can also select the SPORT, COMFORT or ECO PRO modes.
Fuel consumption and CO2 emissions for the BMW 7 Series models with petrol or diesel engine:
Fuel consumption in l/100 km (combined): 13.0
CO2 emissions in g/km (combined): 298
Fuel consumption, CO2 emissions for the BMW 7 Series iPerformance models:
Fuel consumption in l/100 km (combined): 2.5 to 2.0
CO2 emissions in g/km (combined): 56 to 45
Power consumption in kWh/100 km (combined): 13.2 to 12.5
Fuel consumption and CO2 emissions for the BMW 750Li xDrive:
Fuel consumption in l/100 km (combined): 8.6
CO2 emissions in g/km (combined): 200
The figures for fuel consumption, CO2 emissions and power consumption depend on the wheel and tyre sizes selected.
Further information about the official fuel consumption and the official specific CO2 emissions for new passenger automobiles can be found in the 'New Passenger Vehicle Fuel Consumption and CO2 Emission Guidelines', which are available free of charge at all sales outlets and from DAT Deutsche Automobil Treuhand GmbH, Hellmuth-Hirth-Str. 1, 73760 Ostfildern, Germany.


text:
Grants are need-based aid that does that do not have to be repaid. To apply for the federal grants you must complete the Free Application for Federal Student Aid.
Available to undergraduate students with no prior bachelor's or professional degree. The maximum award for the current academic year (2018-19) is $6,095. The amount of each Federal Pell Grant depends on your financial need, cost of education, and your enrollment status. The amount reported on your award letter is based on full time enrollment. If you are enrolled for less than full-time, your award will be adjusted accordingly (6-8 credits = 1/2 Pell, 9-11 credits = 3/4 Pell and 12+ credits = full-time Pell).
Available to Pell-eligible undergraduate students with exceptional financial need. The amount awarded is determined by the student's need and the availability of funds at the university. To apply for the grant, complete a Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) by the University of South Dakota's priority deadline of April 1. This grant is awarded on a priority basis based on the FAFSA receipt date and based on the availability of funds.


text:
Vancouver is not a city known for its sartorial sense, unless you're counting us taking the cake as the world's third worst dressed city (thank you, Ms. Song.) A look around and it seems that our big claim to fashion fame can be found in yoga wear, which as comfortable as that may be, pretty much puts us in the "hot mess" category in the fashion world. But a different fashion story is emerging in this city nestled in mountains, water and fresh air, and that story took centre stage this week at Eco Fashion Week.
I trekked down to Robson Square to check out the work of fellow eco and conscious fashion designers this season (the show's fourth). And lest you think eco fashion is just about using sustainable fabrics, here were some of the highlights:
Day one kicked off with a runway show featuring vintage clothes sponsored by Value Village and styled by Sarah La Greca, Deanna Palkowski and Eco Fashion Week founder Myriam Laroche -- because frankly, recycling is one of the best ways to do fashion good. And as for creating conscious fashion itself, designers ranged from Indigenous, a cozy and stylish fair trade knitwear brand using organic materials and employing artisans from Peru, to Kreati-ka, a Seattle-based and Paris-bred high-end label of cocktail dresses and luxe evening wear, with a focus on minimizing fabric waste. Fellow Vancouverite Standing Armed showed a luxurious silk and wool collection, made fresh for fall with colours, textures and patterns. With all pieces made to order from Vancouver, the designer prides herself on designing pieces with longevity and quality in mind, moving away from a throwaway fashion mindset. Recycling showed up again in a very different way with Arm Candy's collection of handbags made from yup, you guessed it -- candy wrappers. And crowd favorite Prophetik was the last designer to take the stage with its dramatic gowns made of organic and naturally dyed fabrics. With a design ethos that focuses 100 per cent on conscious design, Prophetik made a fine closing statement to prove the point that sustainable fashion ranges the entire spectrum, a far cry from the beige potato sack dresses many of us still associate with eco fashion (unless you're counting the ones worn by models showing off some serious Arm Candy -- see above).
As with any event, there is room for improvement. For example, I would've loved to hear, before each designer took the stage, what went behind the design process and philosophy. (And from what I could tell, those around me who were audibly wondering what made each collection "eco" would've appreciated the same.) Because eco fashion is about so much more than just the clothes. And there are amazing stories behind the clothes as well.
But a statement was made: it's about time we as creators and consumers make more responsible choices with what we wear. I like how Myriam Laroche put it: "Instead of 'eco' I want to bring in the words 'conscious' and 'responsible.'" Because isn't that how we all aspire to live our lives? With awareness, we would see that the choice is ours whether to support or hinder the well-being of the environment, people, and economy. (And sure, a great runway show helps get the message out there in a more fashion crowd-friendly way.) With the many faces of conscious fashion available to suit all tastes, budgets and values, our values can co-exist with our style habits. But it's our values that move us forward together to create a more conscious and responsible world, wearing whatever floats our sartorial boats.
And though Vancouver certainly can't take the credit for conscious fashion, we were definitely there to witness it. It's a fashion story I'm proud to be a part of (sorry, yoga pants).
Congratulations to the Eco Fashion Week team -- can't wait for next season.
To view images from Eco Fashion Week F/W 2012, check out the Facebook page.


text:
Originally Posted by WD-40
The RSPB and its partners were granted £83,700 from the Heritage Lottery Fund (HLF) for a new Oxford 'Swift City'.
Originally Posted by rolf
And he's still around, must be five or more now, looking good.
Originally Posted by rolf
Reading and Basingstoke Ringing hosted an excellent demonstration morning, being both fun and informative. Tim and colleagues provided a running commentary on the ringing, identifying key recognition points, explaining handling and ringing techniques and topped it off with the odd amusing anecdote.
The weather was dry and mostly sunny, with perhaps a slightly higher breeze than is ideal, this prompted an excellent turnout and it was nice to see some children plainly enjoying the
Originally Posted by rolf
For those members of TVB local to Berkshire, the Reading and Basingstoke Ringing Group are holding a demonstration at Hosehill Lake, Theale, Just along from the Sand Martin Wall.
I went to the Padworth Common demo last year and had a very enjoyable and informative morning, see the forum thread: http://www.thamesvalleybirds.co.uk/f...light=padworth
If you can make it along, say so in
Took quite a while to capture this bird the other Sunday afternoon at Lavell's Lake, my knees were locking up and it was proving difficult to hold the Bigma lens steady when mounted on the monopod for good shots, but managed a couple of reasonable ones.
Click here for more about this