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Browse FAQs
Video: Data Center Expert | How do I delete old data?
Published date: 21 May 2018
Browse FAQs
|Begin Purge
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Efforts against drug trafficking have so far fallen flat. If they want to tackle drugs, governments will have to engage civil society organisations and mobilise public opinion.
The rise of powerful and wealthy organised crime syndicates now illicitly trafficking narcotics across West Africa has thrown yet another poison into the 'toxic brew' of threats plaguing the region. The rise in drug trafficking, including an increase in local drug production and consumption, is fast becoming a major challenge in the pursuit of peace, stability and security.
It is a challenge that requires a coordinated and multi-pronged solution, as well as the active involvement of civil society actors across the region.
Reaching a new high
In late January, Ghana's Vice-President Kwesi Amissah-Arthur inaugurated the West Africa Commission on Drugs. Convened by former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan, and chaired by the former Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo, the commission plans to examine ways and means of combating drug trafficking and its effects. The establishment of the commission is certainly welcomed, and its inauguration timely.
Trans-shipment of illicit narcotics from Latin America through to West Africa and onwards to Europe has increased significantly in recent years. Since 2008, the volume of cocaine transiting through West Africa was roughly 50 tons a year and its annual worth estimated at $2 billion. Nearly 50% of all non-US-bound cocaine, or about 13% of all global flows, is now believed to be smuggled through West Africa. Just six hours away from Europe, and about 1,600 miles across the Atlantic from Latin America, West Africa's geographical proximity to European markets make it strategically well-located for drug-smuggling purposes.
West Africa is not only a trans-shipment zone; local production and consumption is also on the rise - especially among its burgeoning youth population. Over 70% of the sub-region's estimated 300 million people are under the age of 35. The vast majority have limited education and are unemployed or working in the informal sector. Lack of employment opportunities or reliable income put youth in precarious positions where they may be vulnerable to involvement in the drug trade and drug use itself. In desperate circumstances, drugs offer a means of escaping the harsh realities of everyday life.
Apart from the damaging effects of drug use on West Africa's peoples, related offences such as corruption and money-laundering have also had a severe impact on the socio-economic development and governance of the region.
Drug-related corruption and money-laundering exacerbate the chronic poverty in many West African states by disrupting effective economic governance. In a number of countries, the profits from trafficked drugs exceed the gross national income. Rampant drug trafficking empowers criminal elements operating outside the law, undermines governance, weakens state institutions, and perverts the criminal justice system by bribing prosecutors, police officers, and judges. Drug traffickers do not simply undermine governments; they also use illicit money to buy, and in some cases seize, political and economic power and then wield such power in the most outrageous and scandalous manner.
Finding a fix
A lot of time and resources have been invested in trying to combat this scourge. At the regional level, the African Union (AU) has just developed its fourth revised plan of action. This new 2013-2017 policy on drug control seeks to strengthen continental and international cooperation and further integrate drug control issues into national legal and institutional frameworks.
At a sub-regional level, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) issued a declaration in 1998 entitled "Community Flame Ceremony: the fight against drugs". That same year, the bloc set up a regional fund for financing drug control activities in West Africa. Ten years later, in 2008, ECOWAS adopted the Praia Plan of Action and the Abuja Declaration to address the security threats posed by drug trafficking in the sub-region. Unfortunately, all of these initiatives have so far had very limited success.
At the national level, almost all ECOWAS states have adopted National Integrated Programmes (NIPs). Many states have amended their drug trafficking and consumption legislations, empowered their judicial authorities, established new drug enforcement agencies and imposed stiffer penalties for offenders.
But these have fared no better than the regional efforts, and the obvious question remains: why have these plans and policies continued to fall short?
A shot in the arm for CSOs needed
Many factors may help explain continued shortcomings. Poor implementation, lack of funding, and singularly focusing on toughening punitive measures are all reasons to consider. Most policies have narrowly focused on one dimension instead of employing a multi-pronged approach. Apart from the absence of political will and a clear vision from West Africa's leaders, there has been a failure, or inability, to mobilise a critical mass of the population to actively participate in the full length of the process - from inception to implementation, through to monitoring and review.
At the regional and national levels, the dual failures to build alliances with civil society, non-governmental and community-based organisations, or to educate the populace, have been major missing elements in the fight against narcotics trafficking and use. Most governments continue to treat the drug problem as the exclusive domain of the state. Mere lip service is paid to engaging civil society.
But civil society organisations, including NGOs and community-based organisations, have an important role in raising awareness and educating citizens. So far, only token efforts have been made to provide information about the health, socioeconomic, and security problems associated with drug trafficking and consumption. In many countries, citizens unaware of the harmful impact of drugs continue to idolise drug-lords and dream of amassing their vast wealth, cruising around in flashy 'Hummers' as so many drug barons do.
Most civil society groups currently lack the necessary expertise to make a meaningful contribution to the fight. There is an ardent need to strengthen the capacity of civil society to monitor and report on drug trafficking and other related crimes and to help implement the various regional and national action plans. Civil society groups can engage the public - including influential religious and traditional leaders - and help facilitate public debate. Both steps can make a huge difference in educating people about the impact of drugs.
In most instances, policies have been driven by external considerations. Civil society can help reverse this trend and ensure that local perspectives are heard and that initiatives are locally owned.
The new West Africa Commission on Drugs has set as one of its key objectives to mobilise public opinion and catalyse political support for further action at national, regional and international levels before drug-fuelled problems become totally unmanageable. In other parts of the world, civil society-led efforts have helped overturn social norms. It can be done in West Africa too.

subset: commoncrawl


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- Home
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- Instruments & Bows
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- Core Academy Student Viola 16"
Core Academy Student Viola 16"
Product Description
Here's a great student viola. You'll be very happy with the quality of this instrument - especially at such a great price! This instrument is factory adjusted and strung up with D'Addario Prelude Strings. The purfling is real and properly inlaid, and the fingerboard, saddle, end button, nut, and pegs are all of pure ebony. It also comes with a standard Glasser tailpiece, chinrest, and a quality French bridge. You'll appreciate the great set-up of this viola above most cheaper student models that you can find. You'll also love the beautiful natural-look wood used on the sides and back and the beautifully varnished top. Great for your young, beginning violist.


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irythee wrote:Hi all, may i know how do you guys update your history data? I've a problem with that.
Example i have export history data from 1 Jan 2015 to 31 Dec 2015 to my MT4.
And i want to add a new data that's from 1 Jan 2016 to 31 Jan 2016, so that i can have history data from 1 Jan 2015 to 31 Jan 2016.
But after i export the new data to MT4, my old data 1 Jan 2015 to 31 Dec2015 is missing.
Do i really need to export from 1 Jan 2015 everytime i want to update my history data?
knockroe wrote:I used the link that came with my purchase but it says Tickstory_v1.7.4.zip (Not Available)
Please help
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Mosca (pictured) and Leiviska will represent Harvard in both the 1- and 3-meter dives this week.
CAMBRIDGE, Mass. – Junior Mike Mosca and freshman Elina Leiviska of Harvard's swimming and diving teams will participate in the NCAA Zone A Diving Meet this week held at the Christiansburg Aquatic Center in Christiansburg, Va. Mosca, who was a repeat Ivy League champion this season, and Leiviska have qualified for the zone meet based on results achieved during the 2013-14 swimming and diving season.
What's at Stake?
Five men and six women will earn spots in their respective NCAA championship meets through performances at this weekend's zone qualifier on the campus of Virginia Tech. The winner of each event will get a bid to the NCAA championships, while the remaining spots are determined through a system based on last year's results in the NCAA championships by zone 'A' participants.
Follow From Home
Live results from the meet will be available throughout the three-day qualifier. Also, follow @HarvardCrimson, @HarvardSwim on Twitter for more information on Harvard Athletics and the swimming and diving programs. Live results can be found here.
Event Formats
Both Mosca and Leiviska will compete in the 1-meter and 3-meter competitions at the qualifier. Mosca is one of 45 entries in the 1-meter and 44 entries in the 3-meter, while Leiviska will represent Harvard as one of 52 divers in the 1-meter and 50 in the 3-meter.
Each diver will perform six non-repeating dives, after which the field will be cut to 18 finalists with all scores being carried over to the next segment. In the final, the order of divers, which is determined by random selection before the final, will remain the same.
Leiviska will dive in the 1-meter on Monday, before Mosca will challenge for a 3-meter spot that afternoon. The two events will switch on Tuesday, as Mosca will participate in the 1-meter, before Leiviska dives in the 3-meter to close out the day.
Mosca in 2013-14
Mike Mosca enters the zone qualifier as the reigning two-time Ivy League champion on both the one- and three-meter boards. Mosca successfully defended his 1-meter title for the second year in a row with a finals score of 369.45, before taking down a Blodgett pool record in the 3-meter with his score of 409.85. Mosca is the school record holder on both boards in his storied campaign in Cambridge. The junior holds the 1-meter Harvard record of 387.05, and the 3-meter record of 412.42.
Mosca Last Year
Last season, Mosca earned a trip to the NCAA Swimming and Diving Championships in the Zone Qualifier, finishing second in the 1-meter event with 677.60 points and fourth on the 3-meter boards with a score of 704.55. Last season, the Tenefly, N.J., native took 28th in the NCAA Championships on the 3-meter and 32nd in the 1-meter, his first appearance in both events on the national stage.
Leiviska in 2013-14
In her first year in Cambridge, freshman Elina Leiviska performed consistently well all season for the Crimson on the boards. In the Ivy League Championships on the campus of Brown University, Leiviska took second in the 1-meter (288.45) and fourth in the 3-meter (285.20) in the highly competitive events.
This season, Leiviska has not finished worse than second place in any event she has competed in, on both boards, sweeping the Columbia dual and Cornell and Dartmouth tri-meet in the process. The Helsinki, Finland, native captured her season best in the 1-meter in the Ivy Championships, while combining for a career-best 306.35 in the Cornell and Dartmouth tri-meet earlier in the season.
Up Next
The NCAA Division I Women's Swimming and Diving Championships will be held March 20-22, while the NCAA Division I Men's Swimming and Diving Championships are slated for March 27-29. Both meets will be held in the University of Texas' Lee and Joe Jamail Texas Swimming Center in Austin, Texas.


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- Details
- New GREEN patented foam product
- Made from 60% recycled and 40% virgin polyester fiber
- Safer for environment than other foams
- 100% toxin and latex free
- Mold and mildew proof
- 18 oz. PVC coated vinyl covering - Fire retardant California 117 T.B.
- 2' panels and 2' folds
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Warranty : 1 Year
Every item is guaranteed to be free of defects in workmanship or materials for one year from the original date of delivery when installed and maintained properly. We agree to repair or replace without charge, at our choice, any product judged defective for either of these reasons and to return the item (or its replacement) freight prepaid. Products that do not have a special guarantee carry up to a one-year guarantee which is honored only when the product is inspected and found to have experienced normal use.
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Ask me to know me.
Hi Resarare
Welcome to the EC. It is very nice to meet you.You are now among thousands of our kind and are no longer alone. Who you are is an empath, a person with expanded senses,and this is our oasis in this world. One of the challenges you will face is realizing that you are no longer alone. Here you can talk very openly about all that is on your mind knowing that you will always be treated with respect, kindness, compassion and, most importantly, LOVE. We are you; we are one.
Drop by and visit the Library of Inspiration. I am including some links from the Library that will help you begin to understand more about us and yourself.
Has Anyone Told You
I AM Awake
(Dead URL) http://empathcommunity.eliselebeau.com/group/libraryofinspiration/forum/topics/i-am-awake/a>
On Being an Empath
(Dead URL) http://empathcommunity.eliselebeau.com/group/libraryofinspiration/forum/topics/on-being-an-empath/a>
I Deserve / Be the Light
(Dead URL) http://empathcommunity.eliselebeau.com/group/libraryofinspiration/forum/topics/i-deserve/a>
Dolores Cannon The Three Waves of Volunteers
Dolores has been a regression hypnotherapist for almost half a century and has written over 17 books. This will help you understand why you are here.
11:11 / Lightworker
The following link is all about helping others on a daily basis and costs you nothing other than 30 seconds each day.
Take 30 Seconds and Change the World
When you visit the Library look up the topic "Indigo and Crystal People".
Once again welcome to the EC. Welcome HOME.
Throw some love into the wind


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Williams Sonoma Potato Masher
- Only at Williams Sonoma
- Exclusive
Easy, hassle-free returns online and in-store for eligible items.Learn More
Earn 5% Back in rewards4 plus free standard shipping3every day when you shop with your Williams Sonoma credit card at Williams Sonoma.Apply Now Learn More
- Summary
We designed and developed our exclusive line of stainless-steel kitchen tools by drawing upon more than fifty years of culinary experience. The professional-quality utensils are crafted of heavy-gauge stainless steel and ergonomically shaped for excellent balance and control—for a difference you can really feel in your hand. This potato masher is designed with a curved head that reaches into most pans and bowls for thorough mashing.
- Designed and developed by Williams Sonoma, and exclusively ours.
- Made of nonreactive 18/10 stainless steel with a polished finish.
- Efficiently mashes cooked potatoes and other soft ingredients.
- Weighted, ergonomic handle offers optimal balance and comfort and will not bend.
- Handle is designed to be comfortable to hold when gripped from multiple angles.
- Dishwasher safe.
- Dimensions & More Info
- 10 1/2" long.
- Made in China.
- Use & Care
- Dishwasher safe.
- Shipping
Shipping Information
UPS can deliver most in-stock items within 3–5 business days. UPS is unable to deliver to P.O. boxes.
Shipping Rates
The shipping rate varies depending on your order total and shipping destination. View Shipping Options and Charges.
Next Day Delivery
For an additional charge of $26 per address, we can expedite delivery to most destinations. This service is not available for some oversize items, items shipped directly from the supplier (including perishable and custom-manufactured items), out-of-stock items and items to be shipped outside the contiguous 48 states.
Orders received by 9:00 p.m. ET Monday through Thursday will arrive the next business day; orders placed Friday through Sunday will arrive on the following Tuesday.
Return Policy
At Williams Sonoma, we take great pride in the quality and craftsmanship of our products. Attention to design, materials, safety and construction are our priority. Upon receipt, please inspect your purchase and notify us of any damage; we will arrange for a prompt replacement.
If within 30 days, you are dissatisfied for any reason, you may return your purchase for a refund of the merchandise value. An original receipt or gift receipt is required for all returns and exchanges. Returns with a gift receipt will be refunded in the form of a Merchandise Credit for the amount indicated on the gift receipt. Returns with original receipt will be refunded in the original form of payment, cash and check refunds over $100 will be issued as a company check (may take 14 business days from time of request).
For all cutlery returns (knife sets, single knives, cutting boards, knife sharpeners and knife storage), please contact us at 888.922.4108 to initiate the return.
We cannot accept returns on monogrammed, personalized, special-order items, custom upholstery, food, items shipped direct from the vendor or on items damaged through normal wear and tear. Final sale items ending in .97 or .99 cannot be returned.
Made to Order and Final Sale Furniture items are non-returnable and cannot be cancelled once the order is placed.
For returns of items purchased from your Williams Sonoma Gift Registry, we will gladly provide a refund or exchange for the merchandise within 90 days of your event or within 90 days of purchase, whichever date is later. View Full Returns Policy.
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Rated 5 out of 5 by ChefDeJour from Mr. Potato Masher Loves It The official mashed potato maker in our household loves it. He use to use a ricer but was constantly fussing about cleaning it. Decided to purchase this for him. He says it is even better than the ricer and of course much easier to clean, very comfortable in his hand. Having had his mashed potatoes, I'd agree. Excellent results and better than the ricer.Date published: 2019-06-21Rated 5 out of 5 by Kristin72 from Great masher I bought this masher a few months ago and absolutely love it. It is heavy duty and works phenomenal on all kinds of potatoes. Clean up is so easy, nothing seems to stock to it.Date published: 2017-12-23Rated 2 out of 5 by PMacW from Wish it was available in silicone. This is another one of the tools that WS does not provide a silicone counterpart. Yes, I could use this in another bowl, but I like the option of mashing potatoes in the pot. I love WS tools, and like everything to match, so I wish they had a safe option for non-stick.Date published: 2016-01-20Rated 4 out of 5 by HannahMary from Handy kitchen tool Best of two worlds: hand held potato masher to use right in the pot and texture of a ricer. Does the job very nicely.Date published: 2015-01-21Rated 4 out of 5 by KayLeo from Very comfortable. Mashing potatoes can be strenuous task, especially if you're making them in bulk. The ergonomic handle is very comfortable to hold and makes mashing potatoes a little bit easier. However, I like to make my mashed potatoes with a little bit more texture. The small holes in this masher gives the mashed potatoes a little smoother, velvety texture. If that is how you like your mashed potatoes, great! This will be perfect for you. If you are like me and prefer it to be a little chunky with more texture, stick to the old fashioned stuff with the grill-looking masher.Date published: 2014-06-09Rated 5 out of 5 by LavenderBlue from Great Design, Durable I have been looking for a potato masher that is very durable (won't bend) and is all stainless steel (no breakable plastic) with a waffle head. (And one that is easy to clean). This W.S. meets those expectations and is 18/10 durable/quality stainless steel so it won't rust either. It mashes nicely and is comfortable to use! I also purchased the Rosle potato masher that is almost identical, but Williams Sonoma wins this time in design. Below the handle, the "prongs" that support the waffle head are sturdier/thicker on the W.S. and the waffle head itself is a bit thicker/sturdier than the head on the Rosle. So, I returned the Rosle masher and kept the W.S. masher. (I do have the Rosle all stainless steel can opener, garlic press and nut cracker (again NO breakable plastic parts on any) and am extremely pleased with those Rosle items).Date published: 2014-02-24


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Aphrodite Park Residence is a new project of 64 apartments over 8 storeys ALL with Sea and Mountain views. Only 400m from the sea it offers a seaside lifestyle and access to all the facilities at Aphrodite Beachfront Village including Water Sports and Spa.
Park Residence has communal roof top pool, gym and bar and a further communal pool on the ground level with cafe / bar. Many different apartment types are available from Studio to 2 bedroom duplex penthouse, with a wide price range. Please check our other property listings for more details or contact us to discuss your requirements.
Great rental income returns from 7% – 11% based on actual income figures from the last 3 seasons in our on site fully managed rental programme partnered with Booking.com
Projected capital appreciation of 40 – 50% at completion of project
Great potential capital growth over time due to;
Substantial investment in the region
A growing interest from international markets
The upcoming solution between the North and the South of Cyprus
The design gives every apartment a sea view
The apartments benefit from:
Direct access to the sea
Access to all Aphrodite Beachfront facilities
The Aphrodite Surf Club
Only 20 minutes from Lefke University
Aphrodite Park Residence - Gaziveren, Λευκωσία - Lefkoşa, Kuzey Kıbrıs, Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti
Aphrodite Park Residence - Gaziveren, Λευκωσία - Lefkoşa, Kuzey Kıbrıs, Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti


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This might seem like a bit of a biased and illogical arguement but just an observation. I have been playing cricket for all my life now. I learnt how to play baseball a while ago aroun 6 years ago and have watched baseball occassionally. Frankly if any American calls test cricket boring, they have GUTS because baseball is ten times worse (I told you this is a biased opinion). Baseball is just a weird form of cricket and rounders combined. Quite frankly I do not know what the Americans see in baseball. It is too one-dimensional a sport and has absolutely no strategy as compared to cricket. The beauty of cricket lies in the strategy and the battle and face it - no sport can be discussed for so long and in as many details and aspects of it than cricket (As you all know!!)
My point being is it really fair?
MLB (Major League Baseball) players get more than 20 times the amount international cricketers get.
Cricket is probably twice as popular in terms of fan following yet Baseball & Softball are Olympic sports??
Wherever I go in the world, everyone has heard of baseball but in many countries cricket is unheard of amongst the locals??
Any comments people.


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Nouns get all the good parts—potato, macaca, the Appalachian Trail—but this winter, in Paris, a jobbing three-syllable adjective set off a political scandal. Minable, meaning "pathetic" or "shabby," débuted on the breakfast show "Télématin" on December 12th. The host asked the French Prime Minister, Jean-Marc Ayrault, what he thought of Gérard Depardieu's decision to establish residency in Néchin, a Belgian village of two thousand souls, and nearly as many beet fields, in order to escape a seventy-five-per-cent tax that the French government had promised to impose on income exceeding a million euros. The normally urbane Ayrault replied, "Je trouve ça assez minable."
Minable had previously appeared in such phrases as "Minable le Pingouin" (a children's book about a wayward bird) and "clown minable" (after a "Simpsons" episode in which Sophie, Krusty's estranged daughter, tells him, "I typed 'pathetic clown' into a search engine, and your name popped right up"). But, coming from the mouth of the second-most-powerful man in France—from state to citizen, administrator to artist—it drew particular notice. According to the newsweekly Le Nouvel Observateur, minable was "a punch in the mouth"—"one word, by itself," that roused all of Depardieu's insecurities, transforming him from a national treasure back into Pétarou (Little Firecracker), the son of "an illiterate prole" from the boondocks of Châteauroux, with "his farts, his head-butts, his petty hustles." The magazine continued, " 'Minable.' It was to ignore all that he had built, alone, by his own hand, his hundred and seventy films and masterpieces; his constantly growing empire of real estate, statues, artwork, vineyards, shops, bistros. . . . It was to forget, above all, what underpins it all, his culture, forged from his raving hunger for reading, his passionate friendships with Barbara, Jean Carmet, Françoise Sagan, Marguerite Duras, and André Mandouze, the Latinist, who made him discover St. Augustine."
France's economic situation is dismal. Unemployment is at 10.6 per cent; Standard & Poor's has downgraded the country's credit rating; manufacturing is dying. Ever since a recent cover of The Economist featured a bundle of French bread, topped with a lit fuse, there has been talk of a "baguette bomb." The most pressing challenge facing President François Hollande is the budget deficit, which, at four and a half per cent, hovers stubbornly above the European Union limit of three per cent. Hollande, who campaigned on an anti-austerity platform, has promised to conjure thirty billion euros with a mixture of cuts and taxes. The government, like the Knights Who Say "Ni," had demanded a shrubbery, and Depardieu had declined to furnish it. Minable was Ayrault's magic curse.
Ayrault had intended to give a lesson. But Gégé, as Depardieu is known, proved a feral scapegoat. He was a student of history, his generation's greatest interpreter of Cyrano and Danton. Conscious of the French ambivalence toward wealth, and perhaps in thrall to it, he had long presented himself, in spite of his business successes, as a man of nature. In 1988, he published a short memoir called "Stolen Letters." In a chapter devoted to "Money," he wrote, "In analysis, money is shit. I was truly in the shit, pal! Money, for me, had become completely abstract. It's a thing that's necessary to get used to quick, before it eats your head." (It should not be lost to history that, after a rattling encounter with a dog, in 1978, Depardieu had three sessions with Jacques Lacan.) In "My Cookbook," he counted his pleasures: the tang of wild mint, the squelch of wet earth between his toes, the lingering musk of a fox. He had grown up poor, but free, and meat remained for him the avatar of prosperity. He was a Rabelaisian sensualist, not a Balzacian crook. "I have an acute sense of hearing," he wrote. "Sometimes it is enough just to hear part of a story for me to imagine the rest—the rustle of dry leaves in the hedgerow as a small animal scuttles back to its burrow; a bird turning over the soft earth in search of a juicy worm."
Depardieu heard minable, and endeavored not to become Ayrault's breakfast. On December 16th, Le Journal du Dimanche, the Sunday newspaper, carried an open letter from him to the Prime Minister. "Pathetic, you said 'pathetic'?" it began, alluding to a line from the 1937 film "Drôle de Drame," in which a mystery writer suffers the persecutions of a nosy and moralizing bishop. "It is, indeed, pathetic." Depardieu announced that he was surrendering his passport, because he was a citizen of the world, who had been disrespected. "I am to be neither pitied nor praised, but I reject the word 'pathetic,' " he concluded.
His cri de coeur wasn't really meant to be read; it was meant to be heard. It was an oration, appealing to ethos ("I was born in 1948, I began working at fourteen as a printer, a warehouse worker, and then as a dramatic artist"); logos ("I have paid a hundred and forty-five million euros in taxes over forty-five years"); and pathos ("No one who has left France has been injured as I have"). It was a eulogy for himself, a departed citizen. The Académie Française, keeper of the mother tongue, defines minable as connoting "an appearance that betrays poverty." Ayrault had committed a one-word larceny: he had called a rich man poor.
The first anyone heard of the seventy-five-per-cent "supertax" was in February of last year, when Hollande, then the Socialist candidate for President, declared in a television interview that France's cats were getting too fat. Hollande was in the midst of a tight race against the incumbent, Nicolas Sarkozy, of the center-right Union for a Popular Movement, who, even by many of those who appreciated his pro-business policies, was seen as a vulgarian. Moreover, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, the leader of the Left Front—a resurgent coalition of Communists, Trotskyists, Socialists, students, and environmentalists—was running high in the polls, siphoning off the hard-left vote with promises to ban profitable companies from firing workers and to seize incomes that exceeded three hundred thousand euros. A former teacher, who called himself "the sound and the fury," Mélenchon presented a radical alternative to the Anglo-Saxon capitalism that, he argued, had crippled France's economy and corroded its culture. "If Europe is a volcano, then France is the revolutionary crater!" he thundered at rallies. (One of them, held at the Bastille, drew a hundred thousand people.) His campaign posters read, "Make Banks Pay, Not the People," rendering Hollande's "Change Is Now" the model of ideological impotence.
"My enemy is the world of finance," Hollande had proclaimed earlier in the campaign, but his mention of the supertax caught his advisers off guard. "You're questioning me about a proposal I haven't heard of," Jérôme Cahuzac, who became Hollande's Budget Minister, admitted to a reporter. If the tax, which represented a seventy-per-cent increase for France's richest citizens, was surprising to Hollande's advisers, it was tantalizing to the French public, sixty per cent of which approves of a supertax. Along with other changes to the tax code—higher levies on capital gains, higher rates for the upper middle class—the supertax drew on the republican ideal of taxation as an institution that would foster social cohesion. Americans insist that the poor do better; the French insist that the rich do worse. As the French economists Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez have argued, high taxes on the rich are an effective way of reducing income inequality, which remains relatively low in France. Piketty, whom Hollande has cited as an influence, pitched the candidate as "the next Roosevelt." He told Reuters, "Hollande's seventy-five-per-cent tax plan is the right response to the Occupy movement. The irony is that the street movement is happening in the United States, while the political response is coming in France."
Even the Socialists acknowledged that the supertax was largely symbolic. It was meant to last only two years, bringing in revenue of several hundred million euros—a speck of flour in the nation's exploding baguette. (It brought to mind the joke in which a French politician asks, "Yes, it works in practice, but does it work in theory?") But France had a tradition of taxes designed, essentially, to raise morale. L'impôt de solidarité sur la fortune (the "solidarity tax on wealth"), for instance, costs, by some counts, more to collect than it raises.
"The symbol is important for us," Yann Galut, a Socialist député, said, when I visited him in January at the National Assembly. "It means telling the French people that everyone will contribute to the national effort, but the richest ones will have to contribute more." Galut, a buzzy forty-six-year-old from the heartland of Cher, had a soul patch and wire-rimmed glasses. Several weeks earlier, he had proclaimed that Depardieu, and other tax exiles, should be stripped of their French citizenship. "Nobody is indispensable," he later told the newspaper Sud Ouest. "Depardieu has benefitted from France," Galut continued that day in his office. "Without France, he wouldn't exist."
Depardieu, in his letter to Ayrault, had written that he was leaving France "because you believe success, creation, talent, anything different, to be grounds for sanction."
"We make talent possible!" Galut said. "We permit the blooming of talent, but, in turn, we ask for solidarity. It's obscene to refuse to help your country when it's going through a terrible situation, and is asking for help for two years, that's all. What shocked me is that Depardieu said, 'I don't give a shit what you think of me in France.' "
The Socialists' argument was a strange blend of philanthropic appeal and confiscatory threat. Nicolas Delalande, a historian of the French tax system at the Institut d'Études Politiques de Paris, explained that, after 1789, the term "tax" was replaced by "contribution," reflecting the notion that tax-paying, or contribution-making, was a civic honor rather than a duty. Still, the conversation recalled a conjugation table. Were the rich expected to increase their contributions because they could, because they should, or because they must? Was the supertax a charity benefit or a holdup?
The second week of l'affaire Depardieu opened with another letter, published in the left-leaning newspaper Libération by the actor Philippe Torreton. Titled "Alors Gérard, T'as les Boules?" ("So, Gérard, Now You're Pissed?"), it was written in a streetwise voice that could have been that of Jean-Claude, from "Going Places," heckling a bloated big shot. "You don't want to be French anymore?" the letter began. "You're abandoning the French ship in the middle of the storm? You sell your property and leave with your loot for a neighboring country with sunnier skies for the rich like you?" Torreton, a stalwart of the left, continued, "But, Gérard, did you think we would approve? What were you expecting? A medal?" He felt that Depardieu ought to be left alone in Belgium with his "booze binges" and his chickens.
Depardieu's brute eroticism—he's "both earth and spirit," Pauline Kael once wrote—had been his genius. I recently heard the novelist Hilary Mantel deliver a brilliant lecture at the British Museum, in which she asserted that, at the time of the French Revolution, the scandal of the monarchy "focussed the rays of misogyny" upon a single body, that of Marie Antoinette. (The lecture, "Undressing Anne Boleyn," has been published in The London Review of Books, which commissioned it.) In a similar manner, the country's anxieties about money had coalesced in the person of Depardieu—"a bulimic travelling salesman," as L'Express called him, the perspiring consort of hucksters and strongmen, with the cut-off sleeves and the bowl cut. French stars had become tax exiles before, but none had caused the commotion of Depardieu's departure. Real-estate agents and British politicians made their usual noises, but it seemed unlikely that Depardieu constituted the vanguard of a mass exodus. (Only about three thousand people, according to government estimates, would be affected by the supertax.) The drama, more moral than material, stemmed from the apostasy of a former figure of emancipation. Depardieu's desire for more than his portion seemed to represent the rapacity of the times. If meat was his money, his stomach was the bank.
Libération had owned the story since early last fall, when it ran a now famous front page featuring Bernard Arnault, the C.E.O. of the fashion conglomerate L.V.M.H. Arnault, France's richest man, had recently applied for Belgian nationality. The headline read, "Casse-Toi, Riche Con!" (roughly, "Get Lost, Rich Asshole!"), a play on a gaffe by Sarkozy, who once dismissed a heckler at an agricultural fair by saying, "Casse-toi, pauvre con." (Arnault is suing Libération for "extreme vulgarity and violence." He has said that he will continue to reside in France and pay taxes there.) Another cover pictured Depardieu, in a sort of contrapposto position, as "Le Manneken Fisc." This united, in a single pun, tax exile; the Manneken-Pis, a Brussels fountain with a urinating cherub; and a 2011 incident in which Depardieu soiled the carpet of an Air France jet.
Sylvain Bourmeau, the man who came up with the two covers, said, "Arnault and Depardieu are similar in that they both made a fortune out of French savoir-faire." Bourmeau, a deputy editor at Libération, said that Depardieu's departure had especially stung. "In France, provocations by artists are sometimes seen well, when they are done with grace. But Depardieu's was the opposite. He came off as a lout." Soon after we spoke, Libération reported that Arnault had been quietly transferring billions of euros' worth of assets to a series of Belgian holding companies. The editorial read, "A priori nothing illegal: just the banal ingenuity of the masters of globalization, who ignore the borders and seem to forget the country that made them kings." (Arnault has said that his goal is to protect the company in case of his death.)
On the ninth day, the actress Catherine Deneuve, in a sort of epistolary round-robin, squared off against Torreton. With regal condescension, she admonished him for attacking Depardieu, his better. "You speak of his physique! His talent! 'This mess,' of which you speak. By what right, what democratic concern, do you make your filthy condemnation?" Deneuve wrote. "What you would have done in 1789, my body still trembles." The next day: a tweet from Gad Elmaleh, a popular comedian. He, too, was Team Depardieu. Whether out of conviction or out of corporate solidarity, a host of other entertainers joined the chorus. They included the singer Michel Sardou, who pointed out that Depardieu, stuck in Néchin, would be "as bored as a rat."
Christmas came, and the volleys continued. (On December 29th, France's constitutional council ruled that the supertax was illegal, for technical reasons, but Hollande vowed to amend the proposal.) As the culture magazine Les Inrockuptibles later wrote, it was all "very 'zizanie dans le village Gaulois' "—an "Astérix" reference, suggesting crazy domestic squabbling—until the film producer Vincent Maraval "dropped a bomb," confessing, in Le Monde, that French actors were ridiculously overpaid. Maraval's piece revealed to the public what people in the French film industry had long attempted to keep quiet: that their budgets, thanks to the government's generous system of subsidies—l'exception culturelle—were often even more overblown than those of many of their American counterparts. (According to Maraval, Benicio del Toro made less for "Che" than François-Xavier Demaison made for "whichever of his films in which he plays.") So, Maraval asked, "why is Depardieu the bastard?," when he had often volunteered his services so that independent talents, crowded out by overpaid celebrities, could get their films made. Yann Galut, the Socialist deputy, had said that Depardieu couldn't exist without the French cinema, but Depardieu's supporters claimed the opposite. This helped explain Depardieu's sense of injustice. He thought that he had been working on a barter system, and the government had presented him with a bill.
The pigeons appeared in the fall. They swarmed Twitter and Facebook. They had their own hashtag, "#geonpi," which was "pigeon" rendered in verlan, the French slang that splits a word in half and inverts the parts. "Pigeon" connoted a sucker or a chump. The pigeons wrote letters, too. One was delivered on YouTube by an animated bird, who warbled sadly from the pavement against a backdrop of commuters' calves. "Monsieur le Président," he sang, "It's been years now / that I've worked like an ass / to augment my wealth / that I didn't steal / Unlike the others who have left / I had confidence / I stayed in France / and you betrayed me." Tomorrow morning, he was flying away.
"I discovered the political world last year," Jean-David Chamboredon, who inadvertently started the pigeons movement, said recently. On September 28th, Chamboredon, the chief executive of ISAI, a venture-capital fund that invests in French Internet companies, published an opinion piece in the business newspaper La Tribune. Chamboredon, an engineer by training, had spent much of the nineties in Silicon Valley, and returned to France to nurture a start-up scene. When he got wind of Hollande's budget for 2013, he was astonished. Owing to the government's desire to tax capital gains at the same rates as earned income, the marginal tax rate for an entrepreneur selling a business would, in some cases, rise from thirty-two to sixty per cent. The entrepreneurs, understandably, felt that the government had failed to take into account their willingness to shoulder years of hard work, often with little pay and significant exposure to risk. "We are here in the anti-capitalist, anti-economic dogma, the breaking of dreams, the quasi-sadistic demotivation," Chamboredon wrote.
La Tribune published the article on a Friday morning. That evening, Carlos Diaz and Fabien Cohen, two French entrepreneurs, got in touch with Chamboredon. "They created this Facebook page, and then they pinged me—they said, 'Are you with us?' " he recalled. "I said, 'I'm with you.' I was the thirteenth person to join the Facebook group. Forty-eight hours later, there were twenty thousand."
Balzac wrote, "The secret of great wealth with no apparent source is some forgotten crime, forgotten because it was done neatly." The conversations I had about the financial climate in France began almost uniformly: "You are aware that money is a taboo subject in this country?" Yes, I would reply, but France isn't Denmark. Inequality exists. There are plenty of grand houses, sumptuous clothes, people buying expensive paintings. "There's a very egalitarian idea of what society should be, whatever hypocrisy it entails," Christine Ockrent, the veteran journalist, told me. "It dates back to the French Revolution, which, by the way, was a very bourgeois revolution. The myth of equality is something which strangles any discussion about income."
In America, a politician should not appear too literate; in France, he should not appear overly interested in sums. A sort of spiritual innumeracy is required to prove that he is a serious person. "Economics is considered an obstacle to ideology, a constraint politicians prefer to avoid if they can," Chamboredon said. Politicians in France speak to "citizens," not to "taxpayers."
It had become advantageous in France, as elsewhere, to be seen as an avenger of capitalism. The Web site of Jérôme Cahuzac, the Budget Minister, featured a quote attributed to Thomas Jefferson: "I believe that banking institutions are more dangerous to our liberties than standing armies." (Cahuzac, who, amusingly, called the loss of Depardieu a "big win for Belgian cinema," is under investigation for allegations that he maintained secret bank accounts in Singapore and Switzerland. He has denied the claims.) In October, ArcelorMittal, the Indian-backed steel company, announced plans to close two blast furnaces in France, employing several hundred workers; Arnaud Montebourg, the Minister for Industry, threatened to nationalize one of its factories. "We don't want Mittal in France, because it hasn't respected France," he said, sounding more like a minister against industry. This was a stylish move, but rash, as ArcelorMittal employs twenty thousand people in France. After Lakshmi Mittal, the company's C.E.O., communicated his displeasure, Montebourg revised his position. Meanwhile, London's mayor, Boris Johnson, declared, "I see the sansculottes appear to have captured the government in Paris . . . I have no hesitation or embarrassment in saying to everyone here, 'Venez à Londres, mes amis.' "
Despite the rhetoric, Hollande, the first Socialist President in seventeen years, had pursued a moderate economic course. He had negotiated an employment accord that the bosses' union praised; he had swallowed some austerity measures. Budget constraints insured that an early-retirement package he proposed was a diluted affair.
"On every issue he made promises about, he's had to compromise," Frédéric Lefebvre, who served as Sarkozy's Trade Minister (and, unofficially, as his porte-flingue, or hatchet man), said recently. "Hollande couldn't do what he said he would do in the campaign, so he's left with two symbols—gay marriage and the seventy-five-per-cent tax." Lefebvre characterized the supertax as a "cynical" bit of demagoguery that would suck away the country's dynamism. "The situation is very grave," he said. "It's not like 1981, when many French decided to go abroad after the election of Mitterrand. Now it's not only the rich people who will go—it's the people who want to be rich. François Hollande is drinking the blood of France."
One day, I went to the U.M.P. headquarters to meet Nadine Morano, who served as Sarkozy's Minister for Apprenticeship and Professional Formation. It was morning, and I watched the luminaries of the Party file in, each of them passing by a lone leftover poster of the former President. "Together We Prepare the Reconquest," another poster read. A flyer warned that Hollande was "stigmatizing investors and businessmen." Morano, a reliable font of aggression (she was once filmed harassing a Senegalese-born street vender, telling him, "We can't welcome all the Senegalese"), is lampooned in the French media as a poissonnière, or fishwife. She had taken to Twitter to defend Depardieu. "Hollande is on a rich-hunt," she told me. "And, for him, 'rich' is when you earn four thousand euros a month!" She continued, "We're now in a country where we are not allowed to dream of success, as though it's shameful."
At his office, Chamboredon, a gentle presence in a brown fleece, criticized the "stupid, dangerous, and abrupt" manner in which the capital-gains tax had been formulated, but suggested that it had perhaps been unintentional. Most people in France assumed that, if you were making quick money, you must be a thief. People doubted that his job was a real job. "If you inherited from your father, it's more legitimate than building a business," he said. In the midst of the pigeons protest, officials at the Ministry for Industry had arranged a summit with Chamboredon and other entrepreneurs. Chamboredon recalled, "I told them that V.C.s and angels are investing in loss-making companies. They said, 'Oh, O.K., really? We didn't know that.' This political class is mainly professional politicians, and clearly there is a gap in knowledge."
The government soon softened the capital-gains provision. "I think, now, that they didn't want to kill the start-ups," Chamboredon said. "They didn't know they were killing the start-ups." He had opened a window and lighted a cigarette. "The reality is that we are now in a global economy. I'm not sure that the majority of the French understand or accept that our economy is governed by capitalism."
Le Président de la République spent New Year's Day attempting to make peace. Hollande and Depardieu, Le Figaro reported, spoke on the phone for half an hour, discussing politics and poetry. In 2008, when Depardieu's son Guillaume died, at the age of thirty-seven, of pneumonia—he had problems with drugs, and had suffered bad health since a 1995 motorcycle crash—the nation had gathered around Depardieu. (Guillaume, also an actor, had published a memoir in which he depicted his father as a needy coward, but the two eventually reconciled.) According to Depardieu's intimates, he was now inconsolable at the outpouring of ill will from his compatriots. "Here's someone who left because he lacked attention, love," his ex-wife, Élisabeth, said on the radio. In "Depardieu," an authorized biography, Paul Chutkow wrote, "He is a man of cascading moods and humors, with an emotional palette that ranges from timidity to flamboyance, from innocence to cunning, from an almost feminine delicacy to a blind, animal-like brutality." (This was part of a paragraph that described how, after a Vogue photo shoot, Depardieu calmed his nerves with "a steak big enough for three, a huge slab of Roquefort, and two bottles of young red wine from his château.") Hervé Temime, Depardieu's lawyer, told me, of his client's state of mind, "He has a real strength, but also he is sensitive to this massive demolition process that he doesn't understand."
Hollande's gesture did not assuage the situation. On January 3rd, the affair entered its Baroque period, as Depardieu confirmed that he had chosen to take President Vladimir Putin, of Russia, up on his offer of a passport. (The next day, Brigitte Bardot swore that she would move to Russia, too, if a French court did not forestall plans to euthanize two tubercular elephants.) One of the less convincing theories about the spat was that the government had gone after Depardieu as a form of payback for his friendship with Sarkozy, whom he had supported during the election. In fact, Depardieu had been equally chummy with Mitterrand; he once described being in the late President's presence as "an almost amorous exchange." Depardieu's portfolio of powerful friends ranged from Castro (he once called an apple compote, seasoned with a drop of old rum from a bottle that Castro had given him, "God in velvet underwear") to the Chechen ruler Ramzan Kadyrov (at his thirty-fifth-birthday party, in 2011, Depardieu took the stage and yelled, "Glory to Kadyrov!").
On January 5th, Depardieu dropped in on Putin at his vacation home in Sochi, a resort on the Black Sea. The passport was ready. (The Russian authorities had apparently downloaded an old photograph of Depardieu from the Internet, giving the document the look of a freshman's fake I.D.) Hours later, Depardieu touched down in Mordovia, the site of some of Russia's harshest penal colonies. He flirted with folk dancers. He modelled a traditional embroidered shirt. He received two kittens, a pair of felt boots, and an offer to become Mordovia's culture minister. Depardieu called Russia "a great democracy, and not a country where the prime minister gets to call one of its citizens 'pathetic.' " He was already well known as a pitchman. Now he had scored a new endorsement deal: ketchup, pasta, credit cards, Vladimir Putin.
While Depardieu was flying around, a curious music video appeared, entitled "Nebo Molchit" ("The Sky Is Keeping Silent"). It was a duet between Depardieu and Gulnara Karimova, the slinky forty-year-old daughter of Uzbekistan's dictator, Islam Karimov. "Googoosha," as she styled herself, was once described in a diplomatic cable as "the single most-hated person in the country." Now she wanted to be a pop star. She and Depardieu had met in the fall, when Depardieu was in Tashkent to discuss playing a monk in a film about the Silk Road that Googoosha had co-written. Apparently, Depardieu had admired a book that Googoosha, also a poet, had published, and offered to recite part of it as a spoken-word interlude in the song. The result resembled a karaoke party in a private room.
Depardieu sightings took on an air of sport. Monday, he was in Zurich with Sepp Blatter, the authoritarian leader of international soccer. Tuesday, he blew off a court date in Paris—for driving a scooter while impaired—to hang out in Montenegro with some people in black leather jackets. As a domestic tiff descended into global farce, Corinne Lepage, a French delegate to the European Parliament, wrote, in the French Huffington Post, "How is it possible that a country blessed by the gods with respect to its culture, cuisine, scenery, which is the first tourist destination in the world, a country that many believe to be an El Dorado, has been transformed within a few weeks into a scarecrow?"
A few days later, Depardieu was in Azerbaijan. In an untucked shirt and slipping bifocals, he gave an interview to the Russian TV channel Rossiya 1. When he denounced Pussy Riot ("Imagine if these girls entered a mosque. They wouldn't have come out alive"), even his defenders were at a loss. That week, Les Inrockuptibles published a suite of articles considering "le point Gégé." Depardieu, the magazine wrote, was the incarnation of a new form of "anarchopoujadisme"; he had morphed from a valiant of the cinema into "a hunted animal." Serge Kaganski, a writer at the magazine, told me, "We wanted to show that the Depardieu we loved is dead." The cover was a soulful black-and-white portrait of the actor in his prime: "1948-2013, c'était Depardieu."
Jean-Luc Mélenchon sat in the front seat of a minivan, talking about the cancer of capitalism. Sarkozy once said that he would strive to "moralize" capitalism; Mélenchon, who received four million votes in the Presidential election, hoped to re-demonize it. He had an appropriately wicked look: arched brows, bags under handsome hooded eyes. "The financial sector is devouring the real economy, the production and exchange of goods," he said. "The financial sphere just turns on itself with no connection whatsoever to reality."
I asked if there was a place for capitalism in France.
"That's a metaphysical question," he said.
Mélenchon, a member of the European Parliament, spoke as the minivan sputtered toward the suburb of La Courneuve, where he was attending an open house. "We consider unlimited accumulation immoral," he said. "Even if you give generously, it's still immoral. We don't want charity. We don't want to live off the bread crumbs that fall off the rich man's table." For a Robespierre, Mélenchon was good company. "Be careful, we're contagious," he said, turning around to face me in the minivan. "You could leave with the egalitarian virus."
Mélenchon's popularity stems from his ability to romanticize the abstruse dilemmas of economics. He is an artist of logical fallacies and forced choices, turning the quantitative qualitative. Last year, in an interview with the Guardian, he made the only argument against the European Central Bank that has ever managed to hold my attention: "What if we can't pay back our debts? It's not a big deal. . . . The Americans erase their debts all the time. . . . A little bit of inflation? What do you prefer: a little inflation or death?"
Mélenchon felt that the cancer was essentially a colonial disease, foisted upon Europe by American elements. He wanted a France that privileged work above capital. "We're not much attached to the general health of capital; as long as factories are producing things, we're happy," he proclaimed. This left me wondering: If Mélenchon had his way and eliminated high incomes, who would buy the things—Louis Vuitton handbags, for instance—that France produces? At first, he told me that the Russians and the Chinese could buy the bags. Then he revised his opinion: "You can still buy a Louis Vuitton bag on three hundred thousand euros a year. It's far from misery." As a sort of economic creationist, Mélenchon is immune to data. He segued into psychobabble: "I've never dreamed of money but once. You dream of love, you have nightmares, but you don't actually dream of the check." Real misery, he said, was living "in those Anglo-Saxon hells. Money isn't the only problem in life."
Néchin wasn't the rathole that people made it out to be. It is part of the commune of Estaimpuis, a collection of seven villages about ten miles northeast of Lille. On a recent Saturday morning, winter sun battled fitful rain. A rooster crossed the road. On the other side was a bar, which boasted Foosball, air hockey, darts, a rabbit, and two parrots named Jacot and Lolotte. A bulletin board inside the town hall advertised a number of activities, including a party for the local table-tennis team. "Do you have an artistic passion?" a notice read. "Come share it! Pottery, modelling, papier-mâché, mosaic-making."
Since Depardieu had announced his plan to settle in Néchin, Daniel Senesael, the mayor of Estaimpuis, had become a minor sensation in Francophone quarters. An irrepressible booster of the region, he once took off his pants at a gathering for local civil servants and belted out a song called "Naked and Tanned All Over." When Depardieu called to say that he wanted to buy a house in Néchin, Senesael thought it was a joke. But soon he had embraced the prospect. He delivered his New Year's address—which he posted on the Web—as Astérix, in a fake mustache and winged helmet.
Senesael—wearing a suit with plaid cuffs, a plaid pocket square, a watch with a purple-and-pink lizard-skin band, and red glasses—welcomed me into his office. Outside was a poster of Buddha. Inside was a large framed photograph of a naked woman, sitting on the banks of the Estaimpuis canal.
"When Depardieu comes here, he can go to the restaurants, he can go see the mechanic for his scooter," Senesael said. "What's in it for him is that he can escape the urban life style and have a moment of tranquillity."
Senesael led the way to his car—a red Suzuki emblazoned with decals of him, wearing a white disco suit with red lapels. We zoomed around a geometric landscape, fields bisected with hedges and gates. The car, at one point, was half in France and half in Belgium.
The scooter mechanic, when the New York Times came to town, had said, "Jealousy is France's national disease." But Senesael, a Socialist, thought that the supertax was actually a decent idea. What was not reasonable was that the seventeen nations of the euro zone had not harmonized their fiscal policy. (The rising euro has diminished France's competitiveness in recent weeks, adding to its economic woes.) He had a point: imagine if New Yorkers could save seventy per cent on their taxes by moving to Connecticut.
Two thousand French citizens, including around twenty members of the Mulliez family, founders of one of Europe's largest supermarket chains, already live in Estaimpuis. Senesael said that the villagers did not resent the influx, because it had happened gradually, over the thirty years since Mitterrand revamped France's tax code. Many of the French exiles had bought and renovated antiquated properties, enabling the locals to build new houses.
A silver Mercedes pulled onto the road.
"Voilà, Mme. Mulliez!" Senesael said, waving.
Senesael drove to the area's main attraction, a sprawling estate called Château Poullet. He had been keeping the location of Depardieu's house a secret, but when he passed by a smaller mansion—it was beautiful, with a faded pink façade, covered with vines—he gave a wink.
"During the season, there's a little tram that goes around the village," he said. "We could name it the Depardieu. Hopefully, he will give us permission to show his house." In the boucherie, where Depardieu had bought sausages when he visited, a newspaper clipping was taped to the cash register: "GÉGÉ PLANS A SUMMER BARBECUE."
Depardieu had been lying low since his Russian escapades. A few days before I visited Néchin, his lawyer, Hervé Temime, had received me in a grand office on the Rue de Rivoli. Temime, who also represented Roman Polanski, sat at a desk, in front of spectacular windows framed by bright-yellow velour curtains. His printer was filled with bright-yellow paper. Depardieu, he said, had been wounded by the fracas. "He thinks that the public reactions are disproportionate. He did not commit any infraction, he did not do anything illegal, he is a free man."
Temime promised that Depardieu would "come back in better shape than ever." Now he was resting. "We don't know the end of this movie, and we can't rule out some very good surprises," Temime said. We do know that Depardieu has agreed to play the leading role in a film about Dominique Strauss-Kahn. ♦


text:
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{{noldor infobox
{{noldor infobox
| image=[[Image:Anna Lee - Maedhros.jpg|
| image=[[Image:Anna Lee - Maedhros.jpg|]]
| name=Maedhros
| name=Maedhros
| quenya=[[fn]] ''Nelyafinwë'' ([[mn]] ''Maitimo''; also ''Russandol'')
| quenya=[[fn]] ''Nelyafinwë'' ([[mn]] ''Maitimo''; also ''Russandol'')
| titles=Eldest of the [[Sons of Fëanor]], the Tall
| titles=Eldest of the [[Sons of Fëanor]], the Tall
| birth=c.
| birth=c. [[]], [[Tirion]]
| realm=[[March of Maedhros]]
| realm=[[March of Maedhros]]
| death=[[
| death=[[583]]
| age=3100+
| age=3100+
| parentage=[[Fëanor]] + [[Nerdanel]]
| parentage=[[Fëanor]] + [[Nerdanel]]
|Line 15:
|Line 15:
| ref=''[[The Shibboleth of Fëanor]]'', ''[[The Silmarillion]]''
| ref=''[[The Shibboleth of Fëanor]]'', ''[[The Silmarillion]]''
'''Maedhros''' was one of the princes of the [[Noldor]] and was eldest of the [[Sons of Fëanor]].
After the banishment of [[Fëanor]] from [[Tirion]] in [[Valinor]] he went with his father to [[Formenos]]. When [[Morgoth]] killed Finwë and stole Fëanor's beloved [[Silmarils]], Maedhros was the first son to take the terrible [[Oath of Fëanor]] to recover the holy jewels.
After the banishment of [[Fëanor]] from [[Tirion]] in [[Valinor]] he went with his father to [[Formenos]]. When [[Morgoth]] killed Finwë and stole Fëanor's beloved [[Silmarils]], Maedhros was the first son to take the terrible [[Oath of Fëanor]] to recover the holy jewels.
Revision as of 21:21, 8 December 2007
|Biographical Information
|Eldest of the Sons of Fëanor, the Tall
|c. Y.T. 1234, Tirion
|F.A. 583 (aged 3100+)
|Fëanor + Nerdanel
|Physical Description
|Hair color
|(Dark) red
|Images of Maedhros
Maedhros was one of the princes of the Noldor and was eldest of the Sons of Fëanor.
After the banishment of Fëanor from Tirion in Valinor he went with his father to Formenos. When Morgoth killed Finwë and stole Fëanor's beloved Silmarils, Maedhros was the first son to take the terrible Oath of Fëanor to recover the holy jewels.
The Oath took Maedhros, his father and his brothers to Middle-earth during the First Age where they established realms in exile, waged war against the armies of Morgoth, fought their own Elvish kind, and eventually brought ruin upon their House.
Shortly after the Dagor-nuin-Giliath in which Fëanor was killed, Maedhros was captured by Morgoth and hung by the wrist of his right hand upon the face of a precipice of Thangorodrim. In a daring rescue, his cousin Fingon, helped by Thorondor the King of Eagles, saved him from torment but he had to cut off Maedhros's hand to release him from the shackle. In gratitude for this, and in atonement for Feanor's desertion of Fingon's house, Maedhros relenquished all claim as the heir of Finwë and made his uncle Fingolfin, Fingon's father, High King of the Noldor, something his brothers did not like.
Seeing that his brothers were likely to cause feuds with their kinsmen, Maedhros moved them out of Hithlum, and later ruled the lands around the Hill of Himring, which became known as the March of Maedhros. Allied with Fingolfin, he won the battle of Dagor Aglareb, and, thanks to his daring deeds during the Dagor Bragollach, Himring stood while many other elven realms fell.
Hearing words of deeds of Beren and Lúthien, he took hope and gathered his brothers and united with other Elven Houses to create the Union of Maedhros, an alliance to lay siege to Morgoth's fortress of Angband. The Union and the siege was utterly broken after the defeat in the Nirnaeth Arnoediad. Himring was garrisoned by Orcs.
Maedhros had learned that Elwing of Doriath, granddaughter of Lúthien and Beren, had inherited the Silmaril that they had recovered from Morgoth. Still driven by the Oath, he allowed his brother Celegorm to convince him to attack Doriath. Celegorm, Caranthir, and Curufin were slain by Beren's son, Dior Eluchíl, the King of Doriath, who was in-turn slain by them. Dior's sons, Eluréd and Elurín, were captured and abandoned by Celegorm's servants in the forest, leading Maedhros to search for the innocent youths. After learning that Elwing had survived, he and his surviving brothers descended with an army upon the remnants of the people of Doriath living in the Havens of Sirion. The Noldorin princes killed many Elves and captured Elwing's sons Elrond and Elros in the sack, but she and her husband Eärendil escaped to the West with the jewel.
After the War of Wrath, he and his last surviving brother, Maglor stole the two remaining Silmarils taken by the Valar from Morgoth. But because of the evil deeds committed by the brothers to regain the jewels, they burned in Maglor's and Maedhros's hands. Unable to bear the suffering, Maedhros cast himself and the Silmaril he carried into a fiery chasm in the Earth.
Maedhros' father-name was Nelyafinwë ("Finwë the Third"; shorter form Nelyo), as his grandfather and father both shared the name Finwë. His mother-name was Maitimo ("Well-shaped One"), for he was noted for his comeliness. He was also called Russandol ("Copper-top"), referring to the dark red hair he inherited from his grandfather Mahtan. The name Maedhros is Sindarin but was never fully translated by Tolkien.
Finwë = Míriel | | Fëanor = Nerdanel | _________________|________________________________________________ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | MAEDHROS Maglor Celegorm Caranthir Curufin Amrod Amras | | Celebrimbor


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ELLIS — Pheasants Forever has named Tony Jacobs of Wichita as the organization's new regional representative for western Kansas. Jacobs will raise funds for wildlife habitat and conservation education working with local, state, and federal natural resources agencies on behalf of Kansas Pheasants Forever and Quail Forever chapters.
Jacobs looks to grow Pheasants Forever's presence in Kansas, which is currently home to more than 50 Pheasants Forever and Quail Forever chapters and nearly 7,000 Pheasants Forever and/or Quail Forever members. Due in part to strides made by Pheasants Forever, Quail Forever, and their partners, Kansas is recognized as a national leader in upland hunting opportunities. Jacobs, a lifelong pheasant hunter, wants to continue this trend by working with regional and national partners to improve and increase the amount of quality habitat for both upland birds and upland hunters.
"This state has such a great hunting heritage, so it's important that we get out on the ground and provide more high-quality habitat for pheasants and quail populations," Jacobs says. "It's an uphill battle in a lot of the country, but here in Kansas we have the opportunity to showcase what is possible when time, talent, and resources are dedicated to wildlife and habitat conservation. I am very proud to be a part of the nation's leading upland conservation organization, and I look forward to fostering, promoting, and growing the Pheasants Forever and Quail Forever mission."
Pheasants Forever empowers county and local chapters with the responsibility to determine how 100 percent of their locally-raised conservation funds will be spent. As a result, chapter volunteers are able to see the fruits of their efforts locally while belonging to a larger national organization with a voice in federal and state conservation policy.
Jacobs earned a B.S. in hospitality management from Kansas State University and a master's degree in business administration from Friends University. He will work out of his office in Ellis and can be reached at 785-764-6240.


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In the field of web development, is it good practice to do a POST/Redirect/GET when fields in a form submission are invalid, as well?
Typically, no sensitive transaction would have taken place, in this event. However, can an argument be made that, nonetheless, it is still good practice to utilize the POST/Redirect/GET pattern?


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Girl Code Articles
Girls looking after the best interests of girls.
Vanity Fair and the Swift Sisterhood
The interview with Vanity Fair happened in London a few weeks ago, well before Nicki Minaj gave her some real talk on Twitter. At the time, if you recall, she was girl squading all over her stage. Serena Williams was there. Cara Delevingne and the model crew were there. At the time, Taylor was untouchable. Full Story
Will Taylor forgive?
Selena Gomez is dating DJ Zedd. Or at least that's what she wants us (and Justin Bieber) to think. Nothing's been confirmed but they're all over each other's social media and he tweeted this photo the other day of her in studio with him so for all intents and gossip purposes, it's on. Full Story
Ian, Nina, Nikki
Bauer, Alberto E. Rodriguez/ Ethan Miller/ Rich Polk/ Getty
Duana's the name expert. And she's always on about how she prefers that siblings be named consistently. Like if you're going to call your son Brody, maybe a classic Esther for your daughter isn't a great fit. Something like that. I'm sure she has a better example. This post is not about naming siblings. Full Story
Nikki, Ian, and The Code
FameFlynet, AKM-GSI / Splash
Nikki Reed and Ian Somerhalder were out together this weekend at the Farmers Market looking very close. He had his face in her neck. He had his arms around her. At one point they hooked up with another woman and Ian appeared to be rather tactile with her too. It could be that they are tight, like friends tight, affectionate friends tight. Full Story
Wiig & Fab's first year
SWAP/ Splash
Kristen Wiig and Fabrizio Moretti hooked up towards the end of 2011. So it's just over a year now. Here they are walking around New York on Sunday. Fabrizio's ex-girlfriend and Kristen's maybe ex-friend Drew Barrymore is on the cover of the current issue of ALLURE -- did you read her comments about their relationship? "It all seems so wacky and incestuous, but that's kind of how life works. Full Story


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For our wedding in Seaside (click here to see some of the photos from our wedding!), my Mom and I put these gift bags together for our guests when they arrived. I love how they turned out. Each bag contained 2 mini Prosecco bottles, a bag of homemade cookies, a bag of snack mix, an agenda for the weekend and a list of the names of everyone's cottages.
What you'll need per bag :
1 large Cello Bag
2 small Cello Bags
6 cookies
1 cup of snack mix (homemade or store bought)
2 circle stickers from Paper Source
1 sheet of card stock (8.5 x 11) (I used Luxe White Cover from Paper-Source)
2 ft. ribbon (I used Paper-Souce cream satin)
I printed the "Welcome" folded bag topper on half of the card stock sheet. On the other half, I printed the agenda with the cottage assignments on the other side.
Resources :
Circle Labels
Cellophane Bags
Verdi Mini Champagnes
Click here to see some of the photos from our wedding


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City Council Adoption of Fossil Fuel Terminal Zoning Amendments
The ordinance was adopted and went into effect on December 18, 2019.Read More…
General Information: 503-823-4000
E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.com
1221 SW 4th Avenue, Room 110, Portland, OR 97204
The Portland City Council will hold a public hearing on the Barbur Concept Plan on April 24, 2013. The Concept Plan identifies seven catalytic focus areas along the six-mile-long boulevard — places where there is a community desire for change — and establishes a unifying vision for this historic transportation corridor as a more accessible, vibrant place.
On Feb. 26, after hearing from the community, the Portland Planning and Sustainability Commission (PSC) voted unanimously to forward the recommended Concept Plan to City Council. The Commission also heard a compelling story about the vision for this important corridor.
That vision takes advantage of existing strengths in each area, situated in four unique segments (Lair Hill, The Woods, Historic Highway and Far Southwest) and proposes several innovative ideas to enhance each unique area and promote public and private investment (see page 26 of the Concept Plan).
The vision is supported by an economic analysis of what the market would support and when. The report's key finding is that future high capacity transit (HCT) is a necessary ingredient to making the vision real. Public investments in high capacity transit (light rail or bus rapid transit) have been shown to stimulate redevelopment. High capacity transit would be a key piece to realizing many of the changes envisioned in the Concept Plan.
Barbur was first a railroad route that was converted to an auto boulevard in the 1920s, linking downtown to other parts of Southwest Portland. When Barbur became part of the state highway system (99W), early commercial development was tailored to the automobile and traveler services. When I-5 was built in the 1950s, Barbur continued to serve regional traffic — but without the funding and attention that a standalone highway might receive. Consequently, the southwest neighborhoods continue to advocate for basic pedestrian and bicycle safety improvements. With Metro's SW Corridor Plan underway, the time is right to consider how to complete this roadway's transformation from a rail line, to a highway, and now to a civic corridor that offers an enjoyable place for people to live, work, play and learn.
A week after the hearing, the City Council will vote on the plan by resolution as non-binding City policy. The plan identifies future actions that will need to correspond to future regional decisions about HCT and other major infrastructure investments in the corridor. This will ensure that Barbur, the adjoining neighborhoods and the City can take advantage of opportunities when they arise to move the community's shared vision forward.
A copy of the recommended concept plan is now available for the public to review.
Your comments are appreciated in person or via:
Email: firstname.lastname@example.com
Fax: (503) 823-4571 (attn Council Clerk)
Mail: 1221 SW 4th Ave, Room 140, Portland, OR 97204.
Metro is leading a comprehensive planning effort to create livable and sustainable communities along the corridor between Portland, Tigard and Sherwood through integrated community investments in land use and transportation. A major component of this effort is to determine the mode of transit (e.g. light rail, bus rapid transit) and alignment (e.g. Barbur or I-5). Metro is in the early stages of evaluating alternatives and is expecting to narrow the wide range of alternatives into a handful by this summer. For more information, please visit www.swcorridorplan.org.
The project team is working to schedule the following events and public involvement tools. Once confirmed, the events will be added to the project calendar on the SW Corridor website www.swcorridorplan.org.


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In an effort to reduce duplication, this page displays only a selection of the products we offer in this category. Please click on a subcategory in the list on the left to view a complete list of the products we offer in that specific subcategory.
|© John Neal Bookseller · 1833 Spring Garden Street, First Floor · Greensboro · NC 27403 · USA


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Hi, I am new to programming, and trying to learn by making a few simple programs.
My problem involves passing a reference between classes.
I learned how to pass references via constructors, but now I have run into a dilemma. I want to pass a reference of two objects to each other, but have run into the problem that one must be created before the other in order to reference it. it's kind of a chicken and egg situation.
TimerPanel timer = new TimerPanel(input); InputPanel input = new InputPanel(control); panel.add (timer); panel.add (input);
The constructors of each class will accept a reference of the other, but obviously, with this code, when I try to pass the variable input to the new TimerPanel, it cannot find input because it hasn't been created yet, and tells me the symbol cannot be found.
Does anyone know how to fix this? Any help would be greatly appreciated. Thanks!


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Grains finished stronger today as weather is still the main driving force. December corn finished 6 ½ cents higher, November soybeans up 3 cents, and December wheat down 14 ½ cents.
We have had little change to the 2 week forecast. The latest forecast is calling for a weaker ridge in the later part of next week.
Where is the market headed in the next couple of weeks? This still highly depends on how the weather plays out. From Saturday into the 11-16 day forecast there is a potential for Northwesterly winds coming in. The question also is do we get up and stay into the 100 degree temps next week or are we really looking at low 90's? This can obviously can vary quite a bit when it is all said and done so we like buying short term options (August corn calls/September bean calls) to help mitigate some of the upside risk for this timeframe.
There were really no headlines to influence the market today besides some outside market reports like CPI and consumer confidence which ended up being non events. We will have to see what weather does over the weekend for direction, as well as crop conditions on Monday. We want to remain with the current hedge recommendations.
Please call your broker Monday if you have any questions. Have a great weekend!
Best Regards,
For a free trial of EHedger services including the morning automated phone call, daily afternoon market commentary, and/or a free consultation, please contact EHedger at 866-433-4371. You can also visit us at www.EHedger.com.
Trading commodity futures and options involves substantial risk of loss and may not be suitable for all investors. You should carefully consider whether trading is suitable for you in light of your circumstances, knowledge, and financial resources. The market information contained in this message has been obtained from sources believed to be reliable, but is not guaranteed as to its accuracy or completeness. Market information may not be consistent with current or future market positions of EHedger LLC, its affiliates, officers, directors, employees, or agents.
More Farmland Sales In Excess of $11,000/a in Central Corn Belt
Old Fashioned Weather Market


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- Sydney
- Sylvania
- Sylvania Waters
- Tamarama
- Taren Point
- Telopea
- Tempe
- Tennyson Point
- Thornleigh
- Toongabbie
- Turramurra
- Turrella
- Ultimo
- Vaucluse
- Villawood
- Wahroonga
- Waitara
- Wakeley
- Wareemba
- Warrawee
- Waterloo
- Watsons Bay
- Wattle Grove
- Waverley
- Waverton
- Wentworthville
- West Hoxton
- West Pymble
- West Ryde
- Westmead
- Wetherill Park
- Wiley Park
- Willoughby
- Winston Hills
- Wolli Creek
- Wollstonecraft
- Woodpark
- Woollahra
- Woolloomooloo
- Woolwich
- Yagoona
- Yagoona West
- Yennora
- Yowie Bay
- Zetland


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Community Events GuidelinesCommunity Events ApplicationCommunity Events Insurance and Indemnity AgreementRoad Closure Permit ApplicationParade Permit ApplicationEncroachment Permit GuidelinesEncroachment Permit
Temporary Sign PermitVendor Permit / Temporary Business LicenseSound Permit ApplicationView current Permit Fees here.
You may download the applications online or pick them up in person. All applications must be submitted in person at the Central Permit Center, located at:
City Hall555 Santa Clara StreetSecond FloorVallejo, CA 94590Phone: (707) 648-4328


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This page (together with our Privacy Policy, Terms of Website Use, Acceptable Use Policy, Cookie Policy) tells you information about us and contains the legal terms and conditions on which we sell any of the Products to you.(For full information please go to our desktop site).
These Terms will apply to any contract between us for the sale of Products to you. Please read these Terms carefully and make sure that you understand them, before ordering any Products from our Site.
Please note that by ordering any of our Products, you agree to be bound by these Terms and the other documents expressly referred to in it.
You should print and keep copy of these Terms for future reference.
Please click on the button marked "Proceed to Payment" at the point of payment if you accept these Terms . If you refuse to accept these Terms, you must not order any Products from our Site.
Please note that, from time to time, we may amend the Terms as per clause 7 below. Every time you submit an order to us, please check these Terms to ensure you understand the Terms which will apply at the time you place your order.
These Terms, and any Contract between us, are in the English language only .
When the following words with capital letters are used in these Terms and the introduction (above), this is what they will mean:
Contract the individually legally binding contract formed between you and us when you place an order which we accept according to the provisions of clause 6;
Dispatch Confirmation the email we send to you to confirm that the Products have been dispatched;
Event Outside Our Control is defined in clause 15.2 below;
International Delivery Destinations is defined in clause 11.1 below;
Personal Information means 'personal data' as defined in the Data Protection Act 1998;
Products the products listed on our Site;
Site the website that operates at www.penhaligons.com;
Terms the terms and conditions on which we supply to you the Products.


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Zoning Code - Development standards for Residentially Zoned properties, including setbacks, building heights, fences, etc. (Chapter 15.17)
Standard Construction Drawings - City-approved standard drawings for patio covers, block walls, etc.
Residential Building Permit Fees
Affordable or Special-Needs Housing
Housing Division - Rehab loans and assistance programs.
Code Enforcement - Report substandard housing conditions.