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An acorn rests on the desk beneath the computer monitor, beside the mother-of-pearl souvenir cup from a trip to Washington DC.
The acorn is perfectly shaped, green and smooth, topped by rough tan cap punctuated with a short wood pom-pom. The acorn is not unusual; it's typical squirrel food, free for the finding, one of millions littering the ground this time of year. They fall from the trees in wild abundance, ping, ping, ping.
So why save this one?
Like the souvenir cup, the acorn represents the memory of a journey—yesterday afternoon's sunshine-and-breeze-filled walk.
What beauty do you bring home from your travels?


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Settle is an award winning charity that supports vulnerable young people moving into their first home. Our mission is to break the cycle of youth homelessness by equipping young people with the life skills and confidence they need to thrive.
Since launching in 2015 we've supported hundreds of young people across London. As a result of our positive impact, we've been shortlisted for the Guardian Public Services Award 2019, picked as a Big Issue Top 100 Changemaker in 2019 and voted 'Best Tenant Support Service' at the 2016 National Housing Excellence Awards.. We've been consolidating our work over the last few years, working with partners including Nesta, Hyde Housing and JP Morgan, and we're now ready to take things to the next level. We are a deeply committed team of 6 supported by a brilliant board of 5 trustees who help us achieve our social mission.
The charity was founded in 2015 by Rich Grahame and Katie Slee after working in homeless hostels and seeing first-hand that a lot of young people become trapped in a cycle of homelessness because they haven't had the chance to learn and practice the essential skills needed to sustain a tenancy.

subset: commoncrawl


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Mother's Corn Baby Feeding Spoon Step 1
Mothers Corn delivers most natural, safe and high quality products because your baby deserves the best! Mothers Corn knows what mothers want for their babies; Mother's corn products are made from natural and biodegradable material called PLA which is extracted from corn and free of environmental hormones and harmful substances, and biodegradable by microorganisms in the soil once being discarded after use. Mothers Corn is committed to preserving nature, not only for your little ones, but also the generations to come. Already very popular in Asia as well as USA, France, Bulgaria and Turkey, Mothers Corn is safe for children and offers excellent durability as strong as conventional plastics.
The Mother's Corn Baby Feeding Spoon has the right depth and size for any baby who's starting on solids. It also has a special curved base to minimise spills.
Your browser does not support the video tag.


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More Money = More Freedom
Hi. My name is Keira.
If you want a source of income that allows you to earn money when you're not working -- that gives you more freedom to do what you want to do, when you want to do it -- then I have a gift for you.
It's my free PDF report called "Digital Treasures: How to Earn Money While Doing No Work."
This report is a guide that explains how you can receive a steady income (even if it's just an extra $100/month) by selling products that:
don't need to be shipped.
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To get your free copy of the report, all you have to do is click on the download button below.
Tip: If you're using Firefox, the report might not load in the browser window after you click on the "Download the Report Now" button. If it doesn't load, try to open it and download it using Google Chrome.
Note: Since it's a PDF file, you need to have Adobe Acrobat Reader installed on your computer or mobile device to view it. If it isn't already on your device, you can go to get.adobe.com/reader to download it for free.


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G. Allen L. Eckert, died February 18, 2017 at the age of 87 from an accident. He was preceded in death by his wife, Dolores Rineer Eckert after 62 years of marriage. He was born in Lancaster Township in 1930.
Al lived in Manor Township, Lancaster City, and most recently resided in Manheim Township.
He attended Reynolds Jr. High School and graduated from J.P. McCaskey High School in 1947. After graduating from Millersville State Teachers College in 1951 with a Bachelor of Science degree in Social Studies, he continued his education at Temple University where he received his Master's degree.
He is survived by his son, Lee A., husband of Tammy Eckert; four grandsons, Eric, husband of Lisa Eckert and Patrick, Austin, and Lee, (Jr.) Eckert; two great-grandchildren, Bradyn and Emma; and two sisters, Janet Lloyd and Beverly, wife of Bill Scaff. He was the son of the late George and Edna Snyder Eckert.
Al played football and ran track at McCaskey. He was a member of the Mile District Relay Team. While at Millersville, he was on the track team for 1 year, and for 3 years he played on the varsity baseball team. He enjoyed playing on the American Legion baseball team for 5 years. In 1948, he had a batting average of 557; one of the highest ever. He also played and coached many baseball teams in Lancaster County. He was elected into the Lancaster County Hall of Fame, and was a member of the Oldtimers Baseball Group. He also played basketball at the Y.M.C.A. and was president of the group for 15 years. Al also enjoyed bowling and golf and was proud to have had a "hole in one" at the Host Resort. He participated in the Senior Games for 20+ years. He was an avid fan of Penn State's, Millersville's, Temple's and Elizabethtown's sports, and enjoyed following the Philadelphia teams.
Al coached at various levels for many years. He started at Salisbury Township (grades 9-11), coaching soccer and basketball, and baseball for 2 years. The school merged with Paradise, and many of the players took part in the Pequea Valley School teams. He was the varsity baseball coach for 5 years. They were Lancaster County champions in 1957 and 1960. He served as athletic director from 1960-61 and was elected into the Pequea Valley Hall of Fame.
He became part of the McCaskey staff in 1961 and became the J.V. baseball coach in 1963 for 12 years. From 1974-76 he was the Varsity coach, having successful teams in the Lancaster Lebanon League. He became the Cross Country coach in 1972, and had an undefeated team and County Championship in 1973. He coached many teams in baseball at the adult, legion, midget teams in Lancaster and Hempfield.
Al was a Democratic committeeman and District leader in Lancaster Township.
He was a member of the Lancaster Leiderkrantz, AmVets and American Legion post #34. He was a member and president of Lancaster Teachers and Pequea Valley Teachers Associations. He was a member of the retired teachers groups. A licensed Realtor, he also served on the Real Estate Board, working at Colonial Realty. He worked as a visitor's consultant for 15 years at the Visitors Center.
Al was an active long-time member of Unitarian Universalist Church; attending for 55 years and served on various committees. He served in the United States Army from 1951-52.
A Memorial Service will be held on Thursday, February 23, at 11:00 A.M. at the Unitarian Universalist Church, 538 W. Chestnut St, Lancaster, PA Friends may visit with the family at the church on Thursday from 10:00 A.M. until the time of the service. Interment will be private and held at the convenience of the family in Conestoga Memorial Park. In lieu of flowers, contributions in Al's memory may be made to Millersville University Baseball, P.O. Box 1002, Millersville, PA 17551.


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Appeals court rules against President Trump on DACA immigrant policy
SAN FRANCISCO – A U.S. appeals court won't immediately let President Donald Trump end an Obama-era program shielding young immigrants from deportation.
A three-judge panel of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals on Thursday decided to keep in place an injunction blocking Trump's decision to phase out the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program.
Lawsuits by California and others challenging the Trump administration's decision will continue in federal court while the injunction remains in place.
DACA has protected some 700,000 people who were brought to the U.S. illegally as children or came with families that overstayed visas.
In January, U.S. District Judge William Alsup rejected the argument that then-President Barack Obama had exceeded his power in creating DACA.
The Trump administration has said it moved last year to end the program because Texas and other states threatened to sue, raising the prospect of a chaotic end to DACA.
Copyright 2018 by WKMG ClickOrlando. The Associated Press contributed to this report. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.


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I was very interested in taking a Silversea Expedition cruise because I am an adventure traveler from way back. My travel adventures have included mountain climbing, rafting, backpacking, bicycling, canoeing and more. When I am traveling ... Read More
I was very interested in taking a Silversea Expedition cruise because I am an adventure traveler from way back. My travel adventures have included mountain climbing, rafting, backpacking, bicycling, canoeing and more. When I am traveling the world, I want to see or do something that is unique and different. Silversea Expeditions is a different type of cruising that takes guests on an adventure not to be forgotten. This cruise hit all the right buttons for me. A Silversea expedition cruise offers guests access to the world's most remote destinations while traveling aboard the world's most luxurious expedition ships. Guests enjoy all of Silversea's signature indulgences: all ocean view suites, butler services, superb dining and culinary excellence, open bar and a staff that is passionate about service and caring. There is no difference in the level of service between a Silversea traditional cruise and an expedition cruise. Dining aboard the Discoverer was a food-lovers delight. When chefs are preparing meals for less than 100 guests, they have got the time to amp up the WOW factor. A formal dinner was available every evening in the dining room. Breakfast and lunch were served buffet style. When I am in my morning mood, prefer to have my breakfast served to me, and the staff indulged my service preference every morning with out hesitation. I come back with the advice that an expedition cruise is for the curious traveler who delights in visiting the most remote regions of the world in the company of a team of expert naturalists, geologists, biologists and historians. One day you will be boarding a Zodiac for a snorkeling trip to a reef and the next day attending a Kava Ceremony in a remote village. Silversea will immerse you immediately in your destination. Silversea's complimentary activities bring guests to see unique flora and fauna with the insight and passion of your expert guides who are always at hand. Some of this may sound strenuous, but only as much as you want it to be. If you can play a round of golf, climb a flight of stairs, laugh and smile if you get a little wet or dirty, then you have what it takes to enjoy an expedition cruise. You will be traveling with a group of people who enjoy meeting new friends and sharing a walk to a remote village, beach or glacier. A typical day usually begins with a briefing before dinner on the previous day. Your expedition leader will tell you what excursions and activities are planned for the next day. A show of hands is the tool used to know how many guests would like to do what - it is that casual. Your expedition leaders may also talk about the geology, biology or history of your destination. Very often, couples will split up to do different activities and this is one reason expedition cruising is good for single travelers. Friendships form along common interests on expedition cruises, and the activities (like getting on a Zodiac with grace) act as an icebreaker between travelers. Destinations will be very unique at times. We visited Palmerston Atoll in the Cook Islands during our trip. There are only 63 people living on Palmerston and they represent the descendants of one Englishman, William Marsters, and his three wives. Cargo ships visit Palmerston once in a while, but we were the first visitors to have arrived in the past year. School was cancelled for the day so the children would get to meet the unusual guests from the Silver Discoverer. We were treated to music, food and a tour of the island. We all left there in true amazement of meeting these very special islanders. The Silver Discoverer is a small ship about the length of a football field. She holds up to 120 guests and her shallow draft allows the ship to navigate close to shore. Activities usually begin from the fleet of Zodiacs that are boarded at the rear of the ship with relative ease. All suites are ocean-view and some have balconies. As is true with all small ships, the motion of the ocean is evident at most times, and on rare and delightful moments, a light mist from breaking waves can be felt when up on deck. If you are like me, this is an awesome advantage since I love being on the ocean. Life onboard is laid back and casual. Deck shoes and comfortable clothes would be about all one needs to have a good time. Guests onboard are happy that dressing up means elegant casual clothes. Evening entertainment is an after dinner drink while talking with new friends in the piano bar or by the pool enjoying the breeze, the ocean and gazing at the stars. Being young at heart is the only age restriction with adult guests of all ages on our sailing. Read Less
Sail Date October 2015


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1 2 Introduction: The War on PoliceRevolutionary radicalism did not disappear after the Sixties. Instead, it relocated.Scores of former political activists entered academia and continued spreadingthe twin gospels of revolution and collectivism under the guise of critical theoryand race and gender studies. Many became law professors or achievedpositions of authority in K-12 education schools, thus ensuring an influentialplace for their ideas in classrooms and courtrooms. Entire academic disciplineswere transformed into taxpayer-subsidized platforms for proselytizing againstcapitalism and against America itself.
By the late 1980s, one consequence of the radicals flight to academia becomeclear as a new direct action movement awoke. Young people who had beeneducated in classrooms awash with nostalgia for the Sixties took to the streets.Weaned on textbook Marxism and exposed since infancy to apocalypticpredictions of ecological collapse, these self-defined anarchist, eco-extremist,anti-capitalist, anti-corporate globalists attacked animal research laboratoriesand sabotaged logging sites in the Pacific Northwest.
For nearly a decade, this new movement remained on the margins of the newscycle, and thus, public consciousness. Then, in 1999, a loose confederation ofgroups calling itself the Direct Action Network temporarily shut down a G-8meeting in Seattle, causing millions of dollars in property damage and attractingnational attention.
Seattle authorities were caught off guard when hundreds of anarchists and otherradicals executed a sophisticated blockade of city streets. Wearing bandannasto conceal their identities, they vandalized businesses and rioted. The anarchistsrepresented only a fraction of the G-8 protesters, but they exploited the presenceof 45,000 other activists to provide cover for targeted strikes and tacticalblockades. The final price tag for the city was at least $3 million in additionalpublic costs and $20 million in loss and damages for Seattle businesses.1
None of this bodes well for law enforcement. Today, as in the Sixties, police(including prison guards) constitute a special target of the Left. Inciting clasheswith law enforcement is still both a primary strategy and a means to an end forMarxists and leftists. In important ways, it works better today than it did in the1960s, when elected officials and other establishment figures, as well asmajorities of the public unambiguously sided with police. In the currentenvironment, in which cops have fewer allies and more powerful enemies, theleaders of the Occupy movement have managed to rack up even unlikely publicrelations victories simply by asserting they are locked in a battle with volatilepolice forces that threaten to victimize them.
The mainstream media is also complicit in failing to properly investigate the tiesof the Occupy movement to radical, anti-police activist groups such as ANSWER,Critical Resistance, CopWatch, the Ella Baker Center, the Midnight Special LawCollective, The Ruckus Society, the Jericho Movement, the new SDS and BlackPanthers, and Anarchist, Socialist, and Communist splinter groups.
Yet even as members of the media eagerly report each new arrest or scuffle,they have remained entirely incurious about the existence of anti-police trainingseminars at Occupy camps and the activist networks that are training protestersin these methods.
4 Many Occupy street encampments have been shuttered, but other types ofactions perfected at G-8, squatters rights, and anti-foreclosure demonstrationsare emerging. Ominously, Adbusters magazine, which announced the beginningof the Occupy movement last September, has just instructed Occupy protestersto start making their way to Chicago to lay the groundwork for the biggestoccupation to date: a mass blockade and shutdown of the historic, back-to-back G-8 and NATO conferences being hosted by the city in May, thanks to themachinations of Mayor Rahm Emmanuel, President Obamas former Chief ofStaff.3
If police are unable to contain the chaos Occupy leaders are clearly planning tounleash on the streets of Chicago, the threat to social order is grave. Howclearly are Occupiers planning this? In the tradition of the Chicago 8, theAdbusters poster reads, the words superimposed on a photograph of a helmetedChicago cop swinging a billyclub at a fleeing protester.
From Adbusters:
On May 1, 50,000 people from all over the world will flock to Chicago, set up tents, kitchens, peaceful barricades and #OCCUPYCHICAGO for a month. With a bit of luck, well pull off the biggest multinational occupation of a summit meeting the world has ever seen.
And this time around were not going to put up with the kind of police repression that happened during the Democratic National Convention protests in Chicago, 1968 nor will we abide by any phony restrictions the City of Chicago may want to impose on our first amendment rights. Well go there with our heads held high and assemble for a month-long peoples summit well march and chant and sing and shout and 5 exercise our right to tell our elected representatives what we want the constitution will be our guide.
And when the G8 and NATO meet behind closed doors on May 19, well be ready with our demands: a Robin Hood Tax a ban on high frequency flash trading a binding climate change accord a three strikes and youre out law for corporate criminals an all out initiative for a nuclear- free Middle East whatever we decide in our general assemblies and in our global internet brainstorm we the people will set the agenda for the next few years and demand our leaders carry it out.
And if they dont listen if they ignore us and put our demands on the back burner like theyve done so many times before then, with Gandhian ferocity, well flashmob the streets, shut down stock exchanges, campuses, corporate headquarters and cities across the globe well make the price of doing business as usual too much to bear.
Jammers, pack your tents, muster up your courage and prepare for a big bang in Chicago this Spring. If we dont stand up now and fight now for a different kind of future we may not have much of a future so lets live without dead time for a month in May and see what happen4
Occupy Chicago also announced that they will be endorsing the so-called St.Paul Principles for the Chicago occupation, which means that all groups mustagree to work in solidarity, even those who dont approve of the violent tactics ofothers. The adoption of the St. Paul Principles suggests that the most radicalactivists are already in charge. It also means, though this wont beacknowledged, that nobody participating in these protests may honestly claimignorance of the potential for violence, nor claim that such violence is not beingdone in their name. Ironically, Occupy Chicago is re-naming the St. PaulPrinciples, calling them The Chicago Principles, thus slyly echoing The ChicagoWay, an infamous political slur referencing Chicagos legendary corruption.5
In recent months, the media has not been alone in its failure to interrogate theOccupy movements radical goals and radical anti-police agenda. Politicians andother civil leaders have abdicated responsibilities to the law enforcement officersthey employ and entrust with public safety. Loyalty for police has been thin onthe ground in cities as diverse as New York, Washington D.C., Oakland, andAtlanta. Politicians in each of these cities carelessly (or strategically) setprecedents for selectively excusing lawbreaking by Occupy protestors, thus
6 stripping law enforcement of its authority and encouraging spectacles whereprotestors negotiated regarding which laws they planned to obey and which theyplanned to continue violating, a recipe for disaster.
The protestors thus created a low-stakes game for themselves and a high-stakesgame for everyone else, and still, there was little urgency precisely because itwas police they were targeting. This is an indication of a War on Cops extendingfar beyond the Occupy Wall Street movement. If the Occupy protestors behavedwith such callous disregard for the lives of any other group of people incontemporary society -- if they carried posters and signs celebrating individualswho had murdered soldiers, or judges, or politicians -- they would immediatelylose the reservoir of goodwill granted to them by an inattentive public. But theircelebration of cop-killers is given a pass.
The fact that law enforcement has professionalized itself and dramaticallydiversified its ranks over the past half-century is meaningless to activistsscreaming epithets in policemens faces. Despite the presence of women, blacks,Hispanics, Asians, and gay officers in the ranks and serving at the highest levelsof police command, Racist Pigs remains an epithet of choice for protestors.Instead, the professionalization of policing has resulted in police forcesexcruciatingly responsive to even false claims of police misconduct, while on theother side, the professionalization of radical activism has given activists multiplenew outlets for claiming police brutality and demanding recourse.
Meanwhile, private funding for anti-police activist groups has grown exponentially,as did capacity-building, networking, and new means for electroniccommunication, all of which give protesters and activists advantages that couldnot have been imagined in 1968, the last time well-heeled (well-sandaled) anti-police radicals converged on Chicago, hunting police. The Occupy movement isonly one manifestation of the multiplier effect of such new, new organizing, asenthusiast and Northeastern University professor Jeffrey Juris calls it.6 Thesuper-coalition driving the recent California prison strikes is another example.This is movement astro-turfing on a new scale, notched up from individuals, toorganizations, to organizations of organizations. The sophistication, rolodexes,and wealth of the current activist networks are unprecedented.
And where police could once rely on Congress or the Department of Justice tohold hearings on public safety subjects of general concern, such as rioting, or therise of radical activist groups, today such inquiries would be dismissed out ofhand as relics of the red-baiting era, even when contemporary activistsbroadcast that they are using red strategies and communist street tactics. In
7 one of many strange ironies of the current zeitgeist, politicians dont dare criticizeactivist groups that are literally espousing revolutionary communism, out of fearof appearing to be red-baiting. In contrast, organizations such as the A.C.L.U.not only have the ability to demand action against police in the courts: theypossess similar powers through other administrative outlets, from municipalcommunity review boards stacked with their hand-picked representatives, to thecurrent Justice Administrations activist Civil Rights division, and even, somedaysoon, if the campaign by former Weather Underground terrorist Bernadine Dohrnand others succeeds, through direct appeal to the United Nations Human RightsCouncil as well.
Coming full circle, the radicals who entered academia back in the 1970s afterparticipating in violent clashes with the police are now embarking on a vast re-writing of the last forty years of rioting and other anti-police violence. Academicconferences and publications rethinking Attica, Chicago 68, the Kent State andRodney King riots, the 1999 Battle of Seattle, and even the nascent Occupymovement (already the subject of several pending conferences) are proliferating.Tenured radicals paint rioters as non-violent heroes and police as the soleinstigators and cause of violence. Such biased rewriting of history is a growingfield in university grievance-studies departments, from where it will inexorablytrickle down through K-12 curricula. These days, neither the historical record,nor kindergarteners are safe from activist, anti-police messages.
It is far past time to look beyond the motley street theater of the Occupymovement and to study and understand the nihilistic intentions and violent plansof its founders. If we permit Occupy protestors and other activists to continuedemonizing the police while the majority of Americans stand by silently, we areguaranteeing increasing chaos in the streets.
And if we permit protestors and politicians alike to keep chipping away at thepolices authority to maintain public order, then we are delegitimizing the lawitself. Unfortunately, as this report will show, there are many forces working to dojust that including willing participants within the justice system itself.
8 Whos Really Watching the Police? CopWatch and Anti-Police ActivistsCop-watching is frequently depicted in the media as the act of an individual whosees wrongdoing by one or more police officers and records it in order todocument the injustice. The classic example is the citizen who videotaped policebeating Rodney King in 1991. Many people do not realize that cop watching isalso part of an organized movement which has the express purpose of incitingand documenting incidents of purported police brutality in order to further a leftistagenda.
Among the general public, support runs high for the idea that individuals ought tobe able to record police in public places. Recently, courts have ruled in favor ofthe right to videotape police actions, and, despite a handful of highly publicizedincidents in which an officer took away someones camcorder or cell-phone,police are actually adjusting rapidly to the new consensus. In fact, many lawenforcement officers feel positively about trends towards recording theirinteractions with the public. Such recordings educate the public about therealities of police work. They also turn out to prove that the vast majority of
9 people who complain about being mistreated by police are lying. One studycommissioned by the Department of Justice and conducted by the InternationalAssociation of Chiefs of Police found that in 96.2% of cases, the recording of theevent exonerated the officer of the allegation or complaint.7
Believing in the right to videotape an officer is not the same as believing, as cop-watchers do, that all policing is racist and fascist and that we live in a policestate that requires radical transformation. Cop-watchers seek to capture policecommitting acts of brutality or racial profiling. They assert that such brutality andprofiling by police are common enough to be captured in even randomencounters. Another presumption guiding the CopWatch movement is thatwhenever police investigate or stop and search minorities, it is prima facieevidence of racial profiling.
Police abolition is the real goal of CopWatch. Police abolition literally meanscreating a society without police. On the website of the Rose City, Portland,Copwatch, activists explain: Copwatch works to eliminate or radically changepolice institutions . . . We want to reduce police violence, and disrupt the policesability to enforce race and class lines.10 Policing only exists, such activistsargue, as a conspiracy to keep classes and races (and even genders) separated.
10 libertarian prankster Peter Eyre, is a rare but significant example.14 WhileEyres politics could not be more different from those of most cop-watchers, heshares their angry and personal animosity toward the institution of policing. CliffKincaid describes Eyres group, CopBlock, as an anti-police organization whichdepicts police officers as demonic figures with blood on their hands and batons.
Eyres animus for police may have something to do with the fact that heobtained an undergraduate degree in law enforcement but was then turned downfor jobs in various police departments, Kincaid observes.15 However it is thatanti-police activists arrive at their views, they all seem to end up susceptible to anextremism that necessitates denying the problem of crime, or the culpability ofany criminal, unless he is the one-in-a-million violent offender wearing a badge.
One might reasonably ask: who will deal with criminals, once police are nomore? The answer from the CopWatch movement is that crime will wither awaywith the elimination of private property, border control, racism, bullying, hetero-normativity, and, of course, police. Until this revolution arrives, they offer ahodgepodge of alternative policing strategies, some of which surfaced inOccupy encampments, to the confusion and surprise of many observers.
Call a friend, not the cops, recommends Critical Resistance, the Angela Davisgroup (they further suggest: choose someone who can arrive quickly). Otherproposals to replace policing include:
rely on rape crisis activists to address rape, but only crisis workers who have not been co-opted by accepting state money publish lists of bad dates, so sex workers know which potential clients to avoid create Sex Offenders Anonymous support groups for offenders to learn self control, rather than being incarcerated
11 expand the safe space movement beyond college campuses to reduce violence against gays and minorities encourage truces between gangs such as the Crips and Bloods implement restorative justice and dispute resolution establish street committees like the ones formed in South Africa under apartheid, so communities may police themselves.16
In other words: vigilantism (which will work perfectly this time, cop-watchers say,because it will be accompanied by political analyses of oppression performed bygang members, sex offenders, and entire communities). It is tempting to dismissthe seriousness of CopWatch simply because they articulate such utopianlongings. But the movement has many allies and is far from powerless.
For example, in 2005, Rose City CopWatch held a fundraiser titled TheLanguage of Swine and Freedom. The previous year, they distributed postersoffering a reward of $40 in groceries to the first person to provide a verifiablephotograph of killer cop Scott McCollister. Kristian Williams, CopWatch memberand author of Our Enemies in Blue, coyly called the posters a photographycontest aimed at puncturing the veil of anonymity protecting killer cops.17 Theshooting death McCollister was involved in was deemed justified, but CopWatchbelieved, doubtlessly because of McCollisters skin color, that it was not.
ARISSA, another Portland CopWatch group, distributed posters that read: Thepigs are getting away with murder: what are we going to do about it? Its abouttime we put an end to these pigs, their brutality, their murders. A reporter whoconfronted ARISSA founder Craig Rosenbraugh about the posters observed:Rosebraugh . . . claims it is a little bit of a misstatement to say his poster callsfor killing cops. He claims it merely says that people in the community need to
12 stand up for themselves, and if we don't, we're going to keep planning morefunerals. Yeah, right, the reporter added.
Jason Sery quit the Portland police force. Rose City CopWatch still features bothof their police wanted posters on its website, under the heading: Shaming thePolice.
Its more like threatening police officers lives. Such expressions of hatred, andintimations of violence are common on CopWatch websites. The Committee toConnect the Dots, a Portland anti-police coalition, advocates rioting againstpolice violence, and hosts Off the Pigs parties.18 West Denver CopWatch foundgreat amusement in a burglary at a police officers home: On the brighter side, 13 they wrote, [a]ccording to the Denver Post, some brave souls stole twohandguns and a tazer from a Pig$ house in Boulder.19
Graffiti artist Shepard Fairey, who invented the Obama Hope poster, along with45 other artists, created a Police Brutality Coloring Book depicting police as pigsand Nazis. One particularly crude rendering shows a female pig with extendedteats torturing a Winnie-the-Pooh-like protester.20 The hate-filled rhetoric of theDays of Rage and the Weather Underground are alive again in the CopWatchmovement.
Its a deal for all involved: the cop-watchers act out angrily and encourage othersto go even further, and their legal advocates turn their confrontational behaviorand accusations of racial profiling into lawsuits in the courts while remaining
14 ready to provide the legal defense for anyone who goes further and injures orkills a police officer.
[W]e observed you barbarically (sic) pepper spray wildly into the group of kettled women. We were shocked and disgusted by your 15 behavior. You know who the innocent women were, now they will have the chance to know who you are. Before you commit atrocities against innocent people, think twice. WE ARE WATCHING!!! Expect Us!
Cop watching has recently grown in scale from its origin as an underground,subculture activity. Recent coordination of CopWatch groups in different citiescan be traced to the George Soros-funded Center for Constitutional Rights,which provides marketing and coalition-building resources for ever-expandingactivist networks, including The October 22 Coalition to Stop Police Brutality, TheMalcolm X Grassroots Movement, and the Peoples Justice Coalition. Thesegroups claim to be grassroots, activist-driven organizations, but the intensivenetworking, similar web pages, and replication of events and promotionalmaterials in different cities suggests otherwise.
16 The Center for Constitutional Rights, which was founded in 1966 by WilliamKunstler, acknowledges providing coordination between activist groups throughits Movement Support initiative:
Under the CCR umbrella, CopWatch groups form partnerships with olderprisoner rights and anti-incarceration organizations with CCR ties, such as theJericho Movement. They also participate in new, high-powered coalitions, suchas the Pelican Bay Prison Hunger Strike Solidarity group, which boasts morethan 150 participating organizations, including the New Afrikan Black Panthers,the Anarchist Black Cross, Rethinking Schools (which provides leftist curricularmaterials for K-12 students), the United Methodist Church, the WomensInternational League for Peace and Freedom, and no fewer than three groupsdedicated to freeing cop-killer Mumia Abu Jamal.24
The A.C.L.U. and the National Lawyers Guild also partner with CopWatch,providing training and legal services and sharing in the publicity that comes withlawsuits arising from CopWatchs clashes with police. Staff attorneys at theA.C.L.U. also use footage filmed by CopWatch activists in lawsuits accusingpolice of a variety of injustices, while using these lawsuits to lobby the JusticeDepartment for oversight of city police departments. It is a sophisticated strategythat seems to have eluded scrutiny, not least because the national media hasbeen willing to represent cop-watchers as self-motivated civil liberties activistsand earnest reformers.
In one coordinated effort to bring down Arizona Sheriff Joe Arpiao and overturnArizonas SB1070, the A.C.L.U. and CopWatch in Arizona trained scores ofvolunteers to monitor Maricopa County police for evidence of racial profiling.These CopWatch groups do not limit themselves to accusing individual police ofacts of brutality: instead, they shadow crime sweeps and send out advancewarnings of police activity.
17 messaged their respective networks. At the same time, Guzman contacted lawyers, social workers and elected officials to be at the ready to help. "It spiderwebs out," she says. "Before you know it my text tree spreads out to thousands of people."25
With the assistance of the A.C.L.U. and the CCR, CopWatch in Arizona is literallyengaging in tactical strikes against law enforcement. Their efforts doubtlesslyhelped bring Justice Department pressure to bear on Sheriff Arpaio, even asviolent crime rates soared in Maricopa County. In a letter warning Arpaio of itsintentions to investigate racial profiling in his office, the Justice Departmentacknowledged that violent crime in his county rose by 69% between 2004 and2007, including a 166% increase in homicides.26 So how many of thesemurderers and other criminals eluded capture after being alerted to police actionsby CopWatchers pumped up with A.C.L.U. representation, CCR activist networks,and Soros money? This is a question nobody bothered to ask.
On May 12, 2011, police in Rochester, New York, arrested 28-year old Goodafter she attempted to videotape the officers searching a car they had stoppedoutside her home. A misdemeanor charge of obstruction of governmentaladministration was quickly dropped. But the video Good made of herconfrontation with the police went viral, and she quickly became the latest posterchild for an ongoing campaign to promote the rights of citizens to video andaudiotape police. Civil-rights lawyers, newspaper columnists, and evenconservatives and libertarians wrote and blogged in her defense. She appearedon CNN and attended court to hear the dismissal of her case, surrounded by acrowd of supporters.
With a soft voice, long skirts, and a face sweetly reminiscent of a Doonesburycharacter, Emily Good seemed like some harmless hippy from the local healthfood collective, a woman naively caught up in events beyond her control.Throughout her fifteen minutes of fame, that is precisely the image she promoted.Im just passionate about trying to make the world a more just place, she toldone reporter.
18 Emily Good Loading Donations for a Ministry
In interviews about the night she was arrested, Good described herself as aconcerned citizen who had gotten out of bed when she saw flashing police lightsand then became worried that what she was witnessing through her living roomwindow was racial profiling, because, she claimed, she had recently read anarticle about profiling in the newspaper.
My friend Ryan was over, Good told a reporter, we peeked outside, saw that itwas a case (sic) of several white officers, and they had pulled over a black man.I think that week or the week before there was an article in the newspaper sayingracial profiling is hard to prove, and I grabbed the iPod that I had and we steppedoutside to tape it.27
How does one detect racial profiling by looking out a window and seeing policestanding beside a stopped vehicle? The media didnt ask. Nor did they inquiretoo deeply into Goods four prior arrests resulting from staged confrontations withpolice officers, or evidence of other, even more troubling activism that quicklydisappeared from Goods Facebook page. In the Rochester media market,reporters treated Goods prior arrests with kid gloves; the national media simplyignored them. Nor did anyone report that Ryan Acuff, the friend Ryan who waswith Good the night of her arrest, was the leader of a group called RochesterCopWatch. In post-arrest interviews, Acuff was identified merely as a witness oras Goods friend.
19 The media was so busy not noticing things that they didnt even notice whenEmily Good showed up for one interview about her accidental brush with thepolice wearing a t-shirt for Food Not Bombs, a self-described revolutionaryinternational socialist organization that participates in anti-police activities andconducts CopWatch training seminars.28
Reporters in Rochester must have known more about Emily Good than they leton in published reports: there was no way they could not know. She had recentlybeen in the news in another activist cause clbre and another highly publicizedscuffle with police. But they minimized that story in their coverage of Goodslatest arrest. In truth, they did not have to try very hard to present Good as acredible and objective critic of police behavior to the national press, because thatwas what the national press was looking for anyway.
None of those things were considered. In the end, the story of Emily Good is astory of the power of the media to confirm their own prejudices. Police: racistand brutal. Liberal activism: good. Evidence to the contrary: irrelevant. The factthat Emily Good and Ryan Acuff got away with pretending to the national mediathat they were just citizens concerned about the possibility that a black motoristwas being mistreated by police says everything about the lengths reporters willgo to in order to get the precisely story theyre looking for.30
Otherwise, the failure of the media and the punditry to investigate Emily Goodsties to a radical anti-police movement would just be baffling. Good showed up forone Rochester Democrat interview wearing a tee shirt for an organization thathad sponsored an anti-police, CopWatch training, yet the subject did not comeup during the interview. The Rochester Democrat and Chronicle eventually didask Good about her work as an activist, but the reporter did not challenge herwhen she denied any history of anti-police activism. "I'm really passionate,Good says in the interview, I follow a lot of issues . . . I have never agitateddirectly against the police. I wouldn't say I'm an activist against the police at all."31
20 Talk about cognitive dissonance. Food Not Bombs, whose tee shirt Good waswearing during this interview, is a leftist organization that, among other activities,provides vegan food to the homeless while making grandiose claims aboutstarvation in America. In 2006, along with Rochester Indymedia and theRochester Anarchist Forum, Food Not Bombs co-hosted a Screening, Speak-out,and Open Mic against Police Brutality and State Repression, titled, Support ThePolice: Beat Yourself Up.
Goods tee shirt was not the only clue that she was lying when she said, Iwouldnt say Im an activist against the police at all. There is footage fromRochester in late March showing her violently breaking through a police line andcollapsing in studied hysteria as officers restrained her at a foreclosure protestorchestrated by Good and Ryan Acuff group, Take Back the Land, yet anothergrassroots groups supported by the Center for Constitutional Rights MovementSupport project.
I spent an entire afternoon scrolling back through her Facebook and found awealth of information on other rallies where she instigated police and cheered onothers instigating the police, 12iggymoms wrote. She also bragged on pushingan Olympic torch runner to the ground. While mainstream journalists and otherbloggers credulously repeated Goods claims of nonviolence, 12iggymomswatched as Emily Good erased the record of her radical politics. As I scrolledback further, it looks as though a lot has already been 'scrubbed,' as the pageswent from tons of entries of Emilys activities, to just who she had 'friended', shesaid.33
The picture of Emily Good that emerges from the few pages 12iggymoms savedis neither flattering nor peaceful. In one, Good plans a flash-mob targeting a mall,but the mall corporation found out and foiled our plans. The next time, Goodwrites, id . . . set the flag on fire, and . . . reconsider the lorax leotard.
21 Far worse, in a violent 2009 protest in Ontario, Good and a handful of otherprotesters attacked the female jogger carrying the Olympic torch. They created aconfrontation that resulted in the torch-carrier being knocked over and nearly liton fire, then blamed police for causing the melee. Good wrote gleefully of thenear-tragic event: The runner actually tripped over all of her security people whowere frantically shoving us out of the way. Anyway, the torch went down! Hitlerstarted that tradition for the nazi olympics time to extinguish it! Peace and love,indeed.
In August 2011, the Rochester Democrat and Chronicle finally ran a feature storydetailing some, though obviously not the worst, of Emily Goods radical past.
22 She had been arrested four times prior to her May 12, 2011 arrest, twice at theSchool of the Americas in Fort Benning, Georgia; once in 2009 when sheclimbed a tree during a protest in Rochester and had to be dragged down bypolice, and once in March 2011 when she and other activists broke throughpolice lines and blockaded an eviction for take Back the Land.
This is how activists in Greece oppose the banks: take great care to blow them up without hurting anyone. People may gripe about this being "violence" but I would disagree. US wars throughout the world are truly violent. The big banks are actually killing people. Stopping them is necessary. The EA activists are on trial right now: best wishes to them.36
Activist Emily Good was the last protestor arrested early Saturday morning. She refusedto remove her hat, which she said represents the voiceless animals on this planet thisplanet. 37
23 Occupy Wall Street and the Media: Selling Out the Police We dont need a million activists to jumpstart this revolution. We just need an influential minority that smells the blood, seizes the moment and pulls off a set of well-coordinated strategic moves. Kalle Lasn, 201038
Before the first tent went up in New Yorks Zuccotti Park last September, a pricewas already on police officers heads. The architects of Occupy Wall Street wereveterans of more than two decades of sophisticated and sometimes violentdirect action protests. They were people who knew how to shut down acorporate shareholder meeting using superglue and bicycle locks, or performreconnaissance on city streets. But most important was their knowledge that inorder to sustain the medias interest in occupations that might stretch weeks ormonths, they would need something more than giant paper mache puppets andhandwritten signs. They would need headline-grabbing confrontations with thepolice.
So while most people spent the summer and autumn of 2011 worrying about theeconomic downturn, the editors of Adbusters magazine were energized by it.They designed the Occupy logo, set the date for the first occupation, andpenned essays gleefully envisioning hand-to-hand warfare with law enforcementas cities and capitalism crumbled.
The fact that the hand-to-hand warfare with police part of the Adbustersmessage didnt raise more eyebrows or more questions in newsrooms -- isevidence of a serious societal breakdown. The media did not ignore signs thatprotesters were planning to break laws: they anticipated it eagerly, like a sportingevent. They had an arsenal of techniques for blaming police and excusingprotesters. And when the first waves of civil disobedience turned into clasheswith police, reporters sat back and judged the police response. In city after city,protesters thus succeeded in turning their behavior into referendum on policeresponse.
24 The Occupy protests are a complicated game rigged against cops. The fact thatnobody will acknowledge this is a complicated residual of the Sixties and of those,like reporters, who have intense nostalgia for the protest culture of 1968. Thisnever went away, even as much of the rest of the world changed. Kalle Lassngets this. But in order to understand the threat posed by Occupy, you have tounderstand the movement he represents, and the role of police in his vision ofthe world.
Like many of its mask-wearing adherents, the Occupy movement has twofaces. Its public, official one is that of non-violent protesters engaging inspontaneous and leaderless actions to oppose the greed of the financialindustry and the wealthiest 1% of Americans. In its desperate wish for thehoodied squatters of Occupy to morph into a left-wing Tea Party, the media hasaccepted this image as fact and repeats its talking points. Thus, Occupyprotesters are non-violent even when engaging in brazen lawbreaking andleaderless despite the presence of experienced organizers orchestrating theirevery move. They are spontaneous even when they dispatch tactical advanceteams and materialize on location en masse, toting sleeping bags and tents andchecking their twitter feed for further instructions.
Consider the three activists widely credited with starting the Occupy movement:Kalle Lasn and Micah White of Adbusters magazine, and David Graeber, ananthropology professor at the University of London. All three men are anarchists,by which they mean, literally, that they support the goal of eradicatinggovernment itself and returning to extremely localized communal living in theshell of what will be left of society. The three eagerly anticipate a period ofinsurrectionary revolution during which all existing socio-political arrangements,from national sovereignty and industrialism to banking and private property rights,will be challenged and then toppled. They view the Occupy movement as a test-run for putting these ideas into action, one city block at a time.
So they say, in blog posts and articles and even entire books. But you would notknow this about Occupys founders by reading recent news stories about them.Instead of exploring the implications of their politics, reporters focus on the menspersonal eccentricities, or chat with them about the minutiae of Occupy camp life,or, at most, slip in a quote about Lasn cheerfully anticipating the apocalypse ashe publishes his art magazine. But there seems to be little cognizance that hemeans what he says.
25 A New Yorker profile is typical: the reporter expends so much energy observingLasn and Whites daily routines that a discussion between the two about plansfor the next phase of Occupy activism is merely mentioned in passing.40 Lasnspeaks of impending surprise attacks that will be more intense and visceral.But rather than asking whether visceral means violent and violent againstwhom, the reporter seems distracted by the fact that Lasn is saying these thingswhile sitting in a bathtub.
And so it goes with the movement itself. The novelty of the general assembly,where adults who are trespassing and defecating in city parks pretend that theyare scrupulously obeying noise ordinances by shouting other peoples words inunison seems to have short-circuited appropriate media inquiries. Months afterthe start of Occupy, the public has been thoroughly instructed in consensus-based leadership versus hierarchy, finger fluttering, and mic-checks, but theycontinue to be told that nobody has managed to ascertain what the Occupiersultimately want, not even the Occupiers themselves. Such incoherence is asuccess for the leaders of Occupy: the street theater component of the protestsare performing as planned, garnering media attention while creating a bufferzone for more radical activism.
Even activists with the most radical pedigrees are being depicted by the mediaas benign players on the Occupy stage. Lisa Fithian, a legendary agitator whospecializes in fomenting conflicts with police, invading buildings, and destroyingprivate property,41 is described in the New Yorker merely as a fifty-year oldorganizer who worked on the nineteen-seventies anti-nuclear campaign and theW.T.O. protests in Seattle. That is akin to calling Barack Obama a collegeinstructor who got a job in Washington. The presence of Fithian at Occupy WallStreet should have raised serious questions about the movements allegedlynon-violent nature. But it didnt.
The first sign of the medias willful naivety regarding Occupy Wall Street wastheir response to the movements logo, an image of a ballerina dancing on theback of the Wall Street Bull. Reporters expounded on the cleverness of theimage and wondered at its caption. But they studiously ignored the logosbackdrop: crowds of marauding, stick-wielding rioters in gas masks emergingfrom a fog.
In a typical story, William Yardley of the New York Times described the image asmerely that of a ballerina dancing on the back of the muscular sculptured bull.42So, what were the Clockwork Orange-looking thugs doing in the background?Who were they charging at, waving sticks and clubs? Nobody in the mainstreammedia bothered to ask. Amazingly, the unsubtle implication that Occupy WallStreet was merely a smokescreen for Seattle-style rioting and warfare againstthe police passed entirely unnoticed.43
26 After the novelty of Occupy Wall Streets impromptu tent cities wore thin,protesters in New York City, Oakland, Atlanta, and elsewhere struck out fromtheir tents to occupy other targets in actions strategically designed to elicitresponses from the police, and thus attention from the media. Armed withcamera phones and accompanied by legal observers from the A.C.L.U. and theNational Lawyers Guild, they swarmed streets and bridges and tried to invadebuildings and shipping ports. Then they acted outraged and denounced policebrutality when they were stopped at the front of a building, dispersed from busyintersections, or kettled, a method of crowd control in which police corralprotesters into contained spaces to prevent the spread of mayhem.
The media was mostly delighted by these spectacles, which offered good copyand opportunities for grandstanding when one of their own got arrested by someofficer who failed to pause in the midst of chaos to scrutinize a press pass. Forthe protesters, there was the excitement of organizing into formations andprobably no small amount of relief in taking a break from the endless generalassembly meetings. But for the police, any misstep during these confrontationscould spell the end of a career. In the age of Anonymous, the anti-policehacking group, clashing with protesters could even lead to threats against theirown families.
And this was precisely the point. Protesters might say they had no goal, or thegoal of economic justice, or mortgage fairness, or jobs, or student loan relief, butsomehow, their response to each of these disparate goals was the same -- starta fight with the police. And when a movement is populated with activists whobelieve that the law is illegitimate and those who enforce it are fascist pigs,nobody should be surprised, as the media seemed surprised, when thingsdeteriorate very quickly, from protesters seizing public land, to defecating onpolice cars, to seeking ever-more aggressive stand-offs with the police.
27 the mayor could be magnanimous or scolding, but it was the officers whoabsorbed the reactions of protesters being denied special privileges, privilegesthey had already claimed as rights.
The police also went to work every day aware that activists eager to turn anyincident, however trivial, into a civil rights case were recording every step theytook. And only police had to be present under such conditions: reporters,politicians, celebrity visitors, and even protest leaders could and did come and go,as police were left to cope with the addicted and mentally ill homeless whoflocked to Zuccotti Park for food and excitement and also committed crimes andtargeted less streetwise campers.
Within days, the Occupiers upped the ante, moving out of the camp to blockadestreets and try to invade buildings. For all their talk about the economy,Occupiers focused their energy almost exclusively on such cat-and-mousestratagems against the police. They blockaded streets: the police cleared them.They tried to blockade the Brooklyn Bridge, and police kettled or containedthem behind fencing, giving rise to complaints that kettling itself was inhumaneand then the inevitable class-action lawsuit against the NYPD.
28 The Times later updated the story, suggesting that there was perhaps anotherversion of events. But their update was hardly a retraction: it was carefullyworded to avoid reporting that many witnesses said the incident was completelystaged:
Under these circumstances, to say that a leg winds up under an officers motorscooter is a dishonest effort to avoid saying that many people were accusing theman of putting his leg there. The Times then dropped the story, rather thanattempting to investigate further, an investigation that would have necessitatedacknowledging that they had leapt to accuse police. By doing so, they alsoavoided acknowledging that CopWatch activists, of whom the NLG legalobserver was one, train people to drop to the ground and feign severe injury atthe hands of the police.
Months later, the Times has still not bothered to investigate their own explosiveaccusations of literal torture by police, and those accusations continue to 29 ricochet across the internet, feeding dangerous anti-police hatred. At least theygot the ricochet part right.
Not reporting details that revealed Occupiers violence towards police becamethe pattern in nearly every city with an Occupy encampment. In Atlanta, afterweeks of intensive coverage of Occupy Atlantas allegedly more peacefulactions, the news stations, daily paper, and weekly alternative press managed tocollectively not notice when Occupiers blocked the entrance to a hospitalemergency room in a surprise attempt to storm the hospital, which they absurdlyaccused of racism towards black men and of sabotaging a highly controversialhomeless shelter.
The only people who reported the emergency room blockade were conservativecommentator Mary Grabar, who happened to be interviewing protesters, onewriter for an online-only neighborhood paper, and a college student writing forher schools paper. Grabar, who is my colleague, found herself trapped in thecrowd and wrote in Pajamas Media:
[A]n ambulance and then a few seconds later, a fire truck, needed to get through the traffic. With the narrow street congested with marchers the emergency vehicles had to stop and blare their horns. I could see frustration in the firemens faces in the stopped truck . . . three young men in orange Cop Watch t-shirts, who were walking on the opposite sidewalk, had video cameras zeroed in on this policeman heroically getting emergency vehicles past marchers and traffic . . . the crowd soon crossed the street to the hospital. Still shouting and drumming, they rushed and blocked the hospital entrance. A security guards orders to leave, as bewildered hospital visitors pulled up, did not seem to have much effect, nor did a single policemans orders. When about a dozen police officers showed up and notified the marchers that they were on private property, the crowd slowly made its way across the street, drumming out a chant about private property being public property. The police officers stood across the street from the crowd, and so did the Cop Watchers, holding video cameras in policemens faces.46
A few days later, with the public still uninformed about what had happened at thehospital, Atlanta Mayor Kasim Reed announced that he would be permitting theOccupiers to continue to stay in a downtown park. I think there is a very realproblem . . . when you make a decision to arrest large numbers of people forengaging in an act of civil disobedience while at the exact same time youre onthe mall of Washington honoring Martin Luther King, who practiced civildisobedience, Reed said. The Mayor did not mention the raucous hospitalprotest; the cognitive dissonance of comparing such behavior to the civil rightsprotests of the early 1960s was simply concealed from the public.
30 For its part, the Atlanta Journal Constitution merely ran another puff piece on thegood intentions of the Occupy movement, titled Its Not Just A Bunch of HippiesPlaying Bongos and inexplicably illustrated the piece with a photo of a bongo-less young hippy.
The papers reporters behaved as if the hospital confrontation had not occurred.It is hard to imagine that they would have done so if the police pictured abovehad so much as pushed back against the protesters who were waving middlefingers and cameras in their faces. Then the story would have been policebrutality, and it would have made national news.
The failure of the mainstream (and even alternative) media to cover the AtlantaOccupy hospital raid raises questions about what else is not being reported.Throughout the autumn occupations, the professional activists leading theOccupy movement relied on such selective reporting to conceal their extremeanti-cop agenda. They insisted that they were engaging in peaceful civildisobedience while training people to incite and escalate confrontations withpolice and working to make false accusations of police brutality stick. In anincident that should have led to some discussion about anti-cop strategies beingdeployed nationwide, East Atlanta CopWatch and Occupy Atlanta accused amotorcycle officer of running down a protester who clearly lunged towards theofficer instead, knocking him to the ground.48
31 But instead of scrutinizing such events, reporters maintained an unspoken policy:the protesters could say anything, do anything, and act out against the policewith no consequences. Incidents would only rise to the level of beingnewsworthy if police reacted in a way for which they could be criticized forbrutality or for violating protesters free speech or civil rights. The activistsdirecting the OWS movement know how to use first amendment law. Usingthreats of litigation, they are busy creating new norms in which protesters mayscream epithets in police officers faces, but if the police are captured on video somuch as swearing back, they might face discipline or civil rights charges.
In a manual titled Fighting Police Abuse, the A.C.L.U. advises activists on waysto file charges against police for police problems including verbal abuse, andespecially, of course, racist, sexist, and homophobic slurs.49 Legal observersfrom the A.C.L.U. and the National Lawyers Guild attend every Occupy action,on the alert to detect so-called hate speech only from the police, not directed atthem, of course. CopWatch activists hold workshops for Occupy protesters onthe history of police brutality and discussions about whether police are workingclass or working class traitors. Occupiers name their camps after cop-killers andhold events honoring Mumia Abu Jamal and Troy Davis -- honoring thembecause they killed police, while simultaneously complaining about the slightestinsensitivity on the part of the officers being forced to patrol camps where thenames of cop-killers are displayed on signs.
32 ConclusionAs this report is being finalized, in January 2012, the extremely liberal mayor ofOakland, Jean Quan, is experiencing the weighty hangover of her previousleniency towards Occupy protesters lawbreaking. She is facing a citydevastated by a weekend of violent protests. Hundreds of 911 calls for help weredelayed and five homicides were committed as police had their hands full playingcat-and-mouse games with protesters who stormed and vandalized OaklandsCity Hall, attacked officers with an elaborate shield made of corrugated metal,and threw bottles at them.
Now Quan is talking tough, for her at least, by threatening at least somerepercussions where there had been few, or none. She wants restorative justicefrom the rioters, for instance, a trendy term for picking up garbage while feigningresponsibility for ones behavior instead of going to prison.
But ideas like substituting restorative justice for actually punishment is what gotMayor Quan, and Oakland, into this mess.
The Occupiers response to Quans weak effort to locate her inner Giuliani istelling. They howled that the 400 weekend arrests of protesters were illegalbecause protesters werent given enough time to disperse before beingarrested, one of the many rules of engagement apparently ceded to thempreviously which will now doubtless spawn endless lawsuits on the grounds ofthat precedent.
How doubtless? The Occupiers put it in writing, while throwing a tantrum at thecity for daring to arrest them for attacking police, destroying property, and rioting.Incidentally, the New York Times reports that police were pelted with bottles,metal pipe, rocks, spray cans, improvised explosive devices, and burningflares.50
Here is the Occupy statement on the arrests, from the Los Angeles Times:
With all the problems in our city, should preventing activists from putting a vacant building to better use be their highest priority? the group asked. Was it worth the hundreds of thousands of dollars they spent?"51
33 Such language seems to belie the notion that restorative justice will do the trick.
This report has focused on the war on cops in an immediate sense, on theground, in events like the events of last night in Oakland, as well as the mediascomplicity in misreporting these events. With protesters targeting Chicago andTampa, a more dangerous phase of the war on cops lies ahead. End Notes 1 http://www.cbc.ca/news/world/story/2000/01/06/wto000106.html2 http://www.nytimes.com/2003/11/16/magazine/them-against-the-world-part-2.html?scp=1&sq=lisa fithian&st=cse3 http://www.adbusters.org/blogs/adbusters-blog/tactical-briefing-25.html4 http://www.adbusters.org/blogs/adbusters-blog/tactical-briefing-25.html5 http://occupychi.org/phpbbforum/viewtopic.php?f=10&t=22446 http://www.jeffreyjuris.com/articles/juris.annals.pdf7 http://www.policechiefmagazine.org/magazine/index.cfm?fuseaction=display&article_id=358&issue_id=820048 http://ccrjustice.org/movement-support9 http://october22-ny.org/10 http://rosecitycopwatch.wordpress.com/11 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iNSg0zWbSVQ, see also parts 2 5.12 http://rosecitycopwatch.wordpress.com/alternatives-to-police/13 http://www.copwatch.org/2personprotest.html14 http://www.copblock.org/15 http://www.aim.org/special-report/drugs-guns-and-madness-in-the-ron-paul-revolution/16 ibid.17 http://conference.winnipegcopwatch.org/sessions/copwatch-tactics18 http://razethewalls.weebly.com/19 http://westdenvercopwatch.wordpress.com/20 http://www.wired.com/underwire/2011/12/police-brutality-coloring-book/21 http://www.foxnews.com/scitech/2011/06/29/arizona-police-confirm-2nd-hack-on-officers-email/22 http://www.dnainfo.com/20110928/downtown/nypd-lauches-probe-into-pepper-spray-incident-as-new-video-surfaces23 http://ccrjustice.org/movement-support24 http://prisonerhungerstrikesolidarity.wordpress.com/statements-of-support/25 http://www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,2007858,00.html26 http://articles.latimes.com/2011/dec/15/nation/la-na-justice-sheriff-2011121627 Emily Good Talks About Her Arrest, video story by Kris Murante, Rochester Democrat andChronicle, date unknown.28 http://www.foodnotbombs.net/story.html29 http://articles.latimes.com/2011/nov/08/opinion/la-oe-turley-video-2011110830 http://articles.latimes.com/2011/nov/08/opinion/la-oe-turley-video-2011110831 Emily Good Talks About Her Arrest, video story by Kris Murante, Rochester Democrat andChronicle, date unknown. The passage quoted here appeared in the original video but not morerecent versions.32 http://a12iggymom.wordpress.com/2011/06/25/activist-and-professional-protester-goded-cops-into-arresting-her/33 http://a12iggymom.wordpress.com/2011/06/25/activist-and-professional-protester-goded-cops-into-arresting-her/34 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nf4V4TtKpUE&context=C3970ad4ADOEgsToPDskJKrS4Bvhy9XS9PkI-dfk-b35 Emily Good: The Making of an Activist, Sean Dobbin, Rochester Democrat and Chronicle(August 10, 2011).
34 36 http://www.rochestercitynewspaper.com/news/blog/2011/11/Activism-How-far-do-you-go/37 http://reportermag.com/article/11-04-2011/occupy-rochester-leads-to-arrests38 http://www.adbusters.org/magazine/91/i-revolution.html39 ibid.40 http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2011/11/28/111128fa_fact_schwartz41 http://www.nytimes.com/2003/11/16/magazine/them-against-the-world-part-2.html?scp=1&sq=lisa fithian&st=cse&pagewanted=142 http://www.nytimes.com/2011/11/28/business/media/the-branding-of-the-occupy-movement.html?pagewanted=all43 see also: http://articles.sfgate.com/2011-12-05/news/30480397_1_studies-social-movements-protesters-wall-street/244 http://cityroom.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/10/14/cleanup-of-zuccotti-park-cancelled/?scp=3&sq=national lawyer's guild observer run over&st=cse45 http://cityroom.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/10/14/video-of-protesters-leg-beneath-scooter-spurs-conflicting-accounts/?scp=1&sq=national lawyers guild observer run over&st=cse46 http://pjmedia.com/blog/the-occupations-anarchy-waiting-for-crisis/?singlepage=true47 http://www.ajc.com/news/atlanta/occupy-atlanta-its-not-1205984.html48 http://www.copwatchoea.org/content/officer-motorcycle-rams-occupy-atlanta-protesters49 http://www.aclu.org/racial-justice_prisoners-rights_drug-law-reform_immigrants-rights/fighting-police-abuse-community-ac50 http://www.nytimes.com/2012/01/30/us/occupy-oakland-protest-leads-to-hundreds-of-arrests.html?_r=1&sq=occupy oakland&st=cse&adxnnl=1&scp=1&adxnnlx=1327962016-mOcs2SWHIsaf0DuAfo6XqQ51 http://www.latimes.com/news/local/la-me-occupy-oakland-20120130,0,6365053.story?track=rss&utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+latimes%2Fnews%2Flocal+%28L.A.+Times+-+California+%7C+Local+News%29&utm_content=Google+Feedfetcher


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Alternatives Database
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The Frog Dissection App is an ethical and educative alternative to live animal dissections. Help your students learn all about frogs and their biological functions, without the messy lab work or controversial questions.
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Undergraduate USA-BLW17-2020
Business Law
Comprehend how the law affects business operations. Absorb the fundamental legal principles that affect establishing a business, entering into transactions, employees, protecting business assets and protecting proprietary rights.
$1,420 $1,728
Your upfront cost: $0
13 weeks
Study method
100% online
Available loans
Subjects may require attendance
Prior study
Not required
Study terms
- 25 Nov 2019
- 31 Aug 2020
- 30 Nov 2020
The University of South Australia, UniSA, is ranked in the top 10 universities nationally and amongst the very best young universities in the world. They offer over 200 world-class degrees that are informed by industry and delivered with a highly practical approach to teaching and learning. In fact, they are South Australia's number one university for graduate careers. They are a valuable partner with Open Universities Australia.
Times Higher Education Ranking 2020
Subject details
At the completion of this subject students will be able to:
- Identify sources of business law and explain how legal principles shape the business environment and affect business practice and decision making
- Compare legal forms of doing business
- Identify and analyse the legal requirements of commercial transactions
- Identify and discuss the legal requirements of creating and protecting proprietary rights in business assets, including goodwill and intellectual property rights
- Describe the legal requirements of an employment relationship, and identify the legal rights and duties that arise during the degree of the employment relationship
- Discuss and analyse the legal principles that businesses must comply with when dealing with consumers.
- Introduction to law and business
- The Australian legal environment
- Legal forms of doing business
- Acquiring and managing business property including premises, equipment and intellectual property
- Employing staff
- Entering into and enforcing commercial transactions
- Dealing with consumers including negligence and product liability
- Business dispute resolution
Study resources
Instructional methods
- Online assignment submission
- Podcasting/Lecture capture
Online materials
- Resources and Links
- Printable format materials
Equivalent subjects
You cannot enrol in this subject if you have successfully completed any of the following subject(s) because they are considered academically equivalent:
Special requirements
No special requirements
The subject aims to equip students with basic knowledge of how the law affects business decision making and operations. It does so by examining a number of fundamental legal principles that impinge upon key business areas such as establishing a business, entering into transactions, and protecting business assets. It also considers the relationship between business and regulators.
- Continuous Assessment (10%)
- Case Study 2000 words (40%)
- Invigilated Exam 2 hours (50%)
Business Law, 4th ed.
Nickolas James
Check the learning management system (LMS) of your university for textbook details.
Related degrees
undergraduate GRF-BUS-DEG-2020
Bachelor of Business
- Business Introductory Core Subjects
- Major in Human Resource Management
- Major in Management
- Major in Contemporary Marketing


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A proud member of NAADAC © – National Association for Addictions Professionals, American Psychological Association © Julian has over 18 years of experience working with co-occurring disorders, criminal offenders, and families. Specializing in addictions and mental health issues; in particular, trauma, sexuality, and family of origin.
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Treatment Alternatives4 (27 reviews) ADD YOUR REVIEW
Paying for Treatment
- Insurance is Accepted
- Financing is Available
- Medicare is not Accepted
- Medicaid is not Accepted
Treatment Insights
Treatment Alternatives is a professional, substance abuse facility located in Boca Raton, FL. With a psychiatrist, physicians, and other medical professionals on staff, Treatment Alternatives has been helping individuals celebrate recovery for over 25+ years.
Treatment Alternatives Reviews and Ratings Details
The following is based on a combination of Surveys of Alumni, Staff, Loved Ones, and Reviews and Ratings from around the web.
Reviews at a Glance
- Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing (EMDR)
EMDR is a highly specific, research-validated form of therapy that can help people overcome traumatic stress, anxiety and depression. With EMDR, a trained practitioner uses bilateral stimulation, eye movement and touch to stimulate parts of the brain as a patient recounts certain experiences and memories as a way to more thoroughly process uncomfortable, painful feelings.
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Research shows that the odds of successful, sustained recovery from addiction are far higher when family members and loved ones are involved in treatment. Drug and alcohol addiction often have genetic roots, whether related to substance abuse, mental illness or both. Family dynamics also play a role and, often, family members are the first to realize a loved one has developed an addiction. Also, it's important for family members to understand and embrace the lifestyle changes that are required to sustain recovery.
Julian Rodriguez, ED.S., M.ED., MAC, LMHC(RI), M.C.A.P., ICADC. - Clinical Director
Bill Gilliland - Director of Online Marketing/IT
Bill is uniquely qualified for his position at Treatment Alternatives. Bill has worked in Marketing and Information Technologies for over 25 years.
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For those seeking addiction treatment for themselves or a loved one, the Recovery.org helpline is a private and convenient solution.
Calls to any general helpline (non-facility specific 1-8XX numbers) for your visit will be answered by American Addiction Centers (AAC).
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Our helpline is offered at no cost to you and with no obligation to enter into treatment. Neither Recovery.org nor AAC receives any commission or other fee that is dependent upon which treatment provider a visitor may ultimately choose.
For more information on AAC's commitment to ethical marketing and treatment practices, or to learn more about how to select a treatment provider, visit our About AAC page.
If you wish to explore additional treatment options or connect with a specific rehab center, visit our homepage to browse our directory listings, or SAMHSA's treatment services locator.


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As the world's leading crowdtesting provider , Applause empowers leading brands to deliver flawless digital experiences for their customers on any device, in every location.
Applause's testing solutions ensure digital quality for websites, mobile apps, IoT products and in-store interactions in a way no other approach can – via its technology platform and our uTest brand, a managed global community of over 500,000 on-demand digital experience experts.
Thousands of companies of every size – including Google, BMW, Adidas and Renault – rely on Applause to dramatically decrease the time and cost of delivering great digital experiences for their customers.
For our EMEA office in Berlin we are currently looking for a:
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Students, have you ever tried to write a paper for Spanish on your computer, only to get frustrated with how difficult it is to put in accents, find the ñ or the ¿, or check for spelling and grammar errors? Well here are a few simple tips to make it a whole lot easier to type in Spanish on your home computer.
Enable Spanish language editing in Microsoft Word
If you're a Microsoft Word user, you can easily set up your computer to perform spelling and grammar check when you're typing in Spanish. This website can give you detailed instructions on how to add Spanish proofing capabilities to your computer: This works for a Mac as well as a PC
Use the United States-International keyboard layout
This setting allows you to easily add accents while typing, without having to know any special Alt+# codes or copy and paste from the character map, or any of those other rather time-consuming methods. For help in enabling this setting, visit this website, find your operating system, and follow the instructions:
Once you have this layout enabled, your keyboard will behave a little differently. To type é now, for example, all you need to do is hit the apostrophe key, ', followed immediately by the "e". For the ñ, just type the ~ symbol (SHIFT + `) followed by the "n". Other helpful shortcuts then are ALT + SHIFT + / for the ¿ symbol, and ALT + CTRL + 1 for the ¡ symbol. This keyboard setting can take a little getting used to, but believe me, it's definitely worth it! For more detailed information on the new keyboard layout, check out this website: http://support.microsoft.com/kb/306560
Hint: if you're a Mac user, this won't work quite the same for you, but there are some helpful shortcuts for adding accents on a Mac listed on that first website I mentioned.
These are just some of the tips and ideas we teachers/tutors at Pacific Learning Academy research and study and bring to our sessions to help our students get the most out of their learning/homework time. Contact us at firstname.lastname@example.com or 425-562-3545 for your free consultation!


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Capgemini is a French multinational corporation that provides consulting, technology, professional, and outsourcing services. It is an information technology consulting company specializing in technology and engineering professional services.
Number of Question
Time Allocated
Quantitative Aptitude
16 Questions
50 minutes
Logical Reasoning
16 Questions
Essay writing
1 Question
30 minutes
Pseudo Coding Test
25 MCQs
25 minutes
Coding (Applicable for Senior Analyst role only)
~1 hour
There is no negative marking for the above mentioned online test while sectional cutoffs are considered.
Capgemini Campus Recruitment offers two job roles for the freshers as :
Capgemini Recruitment Process 2019 consists of 3 rounds. Capgemini conducts its online test via Cocubes platform. The latest rounds in Capgemini recruitment process this year are given below.
The online test consists of the following sections :
a. Aptitude & Logical Section
For Online Aptitude Test consists of 32 MCQs (16 Quant + 16 Reasoning) equally split between Quant and Logical Reasoning. Time allotted is 50 minutes. There are no sectional time limits but you should ensure that you are clearing the sectional cutoffs. There is no negative marking scheme.
Topics covered in Quantitative are – Time, Speed & Distance, Percentages, Profit & Loss, Time & Work, Ratios & Averages, Age-based problems, Mixtures & Allegations, Trains & Relative Speeds, Area & Perimeter, Numbers.
Logical Reasoning Section covers questions as -Blood Relations, Data Sufficiency, Graph-based Data Interpretation Questions (Pie charts, Bar charts, Line Graphs, etc.,) and other DI concepts.
b. Easy Section
In this section you will be asked to write an essay within a time limit of 10 minutes. A 300 word essay is enough for this section. Parameters to consider for the round are – Spellings, Punctuations, Grammar, Paragraphisation(Divide in 2/3 Para). Thus it is advisable to write in normal English with good grammar and spelling and punctuation.
c. Pseudo Code Section
Round 2 is a technical test pattern with 20 multiple choice questions out of which 7-8 questions are mostly based on C Programming. Time allotted is 20 minutes.
Pseudo Code is nothing but writing programming code in simple English. Pseudo Code uses short English sentences to write code for programs before you write the actual program in a specific language. In Round 2, MCQs based on Pseudo code have been asked in the following formats –
2. Technical Interview
In the technical Interview round of Cap Gemini, you will be asked basic questions from C, C++, Pseudo Code, and DBMS. Along with these, be prepared to answer questions on two more core subjects from your branch/ specialization. In most of the interviews, you will be asked about your favorite subject – in case of this, you can speak about the subjects that you have prepared for. They also ask questions from resume. They frequently ask questions about your previous projects.
3. HR Interview
In this round, you just have to take care of your communication skills and present your well. The panel questions will lead you to everything/anything related to your personality, family, education, hobbies, internships, work experience (if relevant), general knowledge, etc.


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Monthly Archives: July 2019
What is a Washington DC Life Insurance Trust?
In general, a trust is a financial entity you create in order to put money or assets aside to be managed, distributed, or invested by the person or entity overseeing the trust, known as the trustee. Individual or asset management companies can be a trustee. A life insurance trust is a trust that allows… Read More »
What to Do if Your Washington DC Business Receives a Cease and Desist Letter?
If your business has received a cease and desist letter, you are likely very concerned and wondering what to do. Take a deep breath and don't panic yet. A cease and desist letter is a warning, but it's not a lawsuit. There may be a variety of reasons your business could receive one, which… Read More »
Ways to Reduce Risk of Partnership Disputes in Washington DC
Many clients come to us once a business dispute has already materialized. This means stress levels are on the rise, and you could be facing expensive legal costs in order to resolve the matter. If you have a partnership, it's important to meet with a Washington DC business litigation attorney who can help you… Read More »
Understanding Differences Between Employees and Independent Contractors in Washington DC
When it comes to hiring an employee or an independent contractor for your business, it's important to understand the differences between them so you don't misclassify them. This could open you up to potential labor law claims. If you have questions about hiring someone for your business, it's important to speak with a Washington… Read More »


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Conventional Loan Refinance Rates RATE SEARCH: Find and Compare the Best mortgage rates. conventional loan definition. A conventional loan is a mortgage that is offered by private lenders and is not guaranteed or insured by a Government agency. Conventional loans are known as a conforming loan because they meet the criteria set by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.
How a Lease Purchase Program Works – CarsDirect – How a Lease Purchase Program Works Many people choose to lease a vehicle rather than buy it because of the relatively low upfront costs and lower monthly car payments. However, at the end of the lease you do not own the vehicle and must return it to the finance company that you leased it from.
How Does Rent to Own Work? 3 Reasons You Should Think Twice. – Additionally, rent to own homes refer to regular houses that are on the real estate market. Under most rent to own home programs, the company will work to buy houses for sale from individual sellers. How does rent to own work? In many rent to own programs, the company works with you to find a house you like and then they buy it outright.
How Does Lease Purchase Work? | John Marion – Lease Option Agreement. The lease option agreement gives the tenant buyer the option of buying a rent to own home after a certain period of time. The purchase agreement allows the buyer to exercise the option to purchase the home under the agreed upon terms. The buyer does not have to exercise the option to buy.
How does a lease to buy work – answers.com – A lease purchase is when you put some money down upfront and then maybe some of the monthly rental payment goes toward a deposit on purchasing the home.At the end of the lease purchase you have.
Top Home Mortgage Lenders Risks Of Buying A Foreclosed Home Risks and Rewards of Buying a Foreclosure Property | REW – Purchasing a foreclosure property can sometimes be a great bargain. However, many potential buyers and real estate agents are unaware of the process and risks of buying such a property. This article outlines the five steps of purchasing a foreclosure property and describes the two biggest risks of.Top mortgage companies . The best mortgage lender isn't the same for everyone. That's why we compiled a list of best mortgage lenders for first time home buyers to those looking for their second home.
Living Expenses: What Are They and How Do I Budget for Them? – Food and beverages Personal care items (i.e. shampoo, toilet paper, bandaids) Cleaning supplies Clothing: From your work clothes to. For instance, rent is higher in Los Angeles than it is in.
How Does a Lease Purchase Work – sellorbuyhouses.com – How does a Lease Purchase work in real life. We do professional Lease Purchase deals and can show you how to obtain a lease Purchase home or lease option house website for buying and selling houses, and capturing lead information.
How to Use Oracle and Tarot Cards For Deep Inner Work. – Mysterious, esoteric, and ancient in origin, tarot and oracle cards are steadily increasing in popularity. And there's a good reason for that. they work! No, I don't believe tarot and oracle cards can predict the future as the future isn't set in stone. Neither do I believe that the reason.
Doing a Lease Option/Lease Purchase Hire a real estate lawyer to draw up the documents and explain your rights, including those of possession and default consequences, if you decide to take one of these routes to home ownership or to sell your property.
Closing Costs On A Mortgage How To Buy Your First Rental Property How to buy your first rental property – Step One – How to buy your first rental property – Step One An individual needs the extra monthly cash flow from the rental property. A young couple is trying to save money for their young child's future education. Similar to example #1, here the individual requires cash in order to pay down their debt..How Much Is A Downpayment On A Home How Much Money Do You Need to Buy a House? – CreditDonkey – Besides the down payment, there are many other fees that you may not have considered. Prepare yourself for all the costs of purchasing a home.Rent To Own How To How to Rent to Own a House | Sapling.com – Rent to own properties, while more difficult to find in a hot real estate market, present a viable option for buyers with credit challenges or low down payment funds. This approach also can benefit sellers having difficulty selling a property to realize a benefit from a rent-paying tenant while moving forward on a future sale.