text:
|We share the outrage of women in Cyprus protesting against the conviction of a 19-year-old British woman who faces prison after reporting gang rape by 12 Israeli men in Ayia Napa. We welcome the UK government's concern at the unfairness of the trial. But where is the acknowledgement that rape victims in the UK also face prison if they are disbelieved?
The Cyprus police forced the woman to retract after nine hours of questioning without a lawyer; she was then charged for lying. The trial judge refused to hear evidence that the woman had been raped, stating "this is not a rape case, I will not consider whether she was raped or not."
We have worked with women in the UK who were prosecuted and imprisoned after receiving similar treatment at the hands of the British police. Some way through the investigation into their rape the police decided they did not believe them and turned the investigation against the women without even affording them any of the rights a defendant would have had, such as a lawyer.
We raised this with Keir Starmer when he was Director of Public Prosecutions (2008-13) and was overseeing a review of prosecutions of women who are disbelieved. We insisted he meet the sister of a woman sentenced to three years in prison after being attacked on her way home by two strangers: there was compelling evidence of a biased police investigation and a biased trial. We also wrote to Starmer asking for the prosecution of a woman who was repeatedly raped, again by a stranger, to be dropped. Both women had been pressurised by the police to retract their allegations. The first refused, the second retracted – it made no difference, both were prosecuted and imprisoned.
We told the DPP and his successor Alison Saunders that the policy of prosecuting rape victims who are disbelieved skews police investigations and undermines women's ability to report rape. It encourages the centuries-old institutional sexism of police and courts which has never gone away despite official pronouncements to the contrary. How else can we explain that 40 years since the birth of the modern-day anti-rape movement rape prosecutions are at an all-time low and still falling: 3% of reported rapes lead to a conviction granting rapists almost complete impunity.
Our warnings fell on deaf ears. Starmer, while claiming to stand with women against rape, refused to stand with victims once the police had disbelieved them. And so today, victims who are accused of lying face longer sentences in Britain than the woman in Cyprus does for the same 'crime' – often way longer than the average sentences given to convicted rapists.
We have helped to overturn some cases, proving how easy it is for victims to be treated as perpetrators. One woman had been raped at age 15 and charged with lying when police claimed to have found no sperm on her T-shirt where she'd said her rapist had ejaculated. Our support led to a second investigation by another police force who found the sperm and the man was prosecuted. The woman later sued the police for £20,000. Another teenage girl who reported a sexual assault had her summary fine quashed – it had been issued when police decided they didn't believe her. We don't know how many other women are charged and fined similarly, and are too scared or unable to find the help to fight these injustices.
It is not only the criminal courts that are at fault. The family courts are even worse. Mothers who disclose rape and domestic violence by violent ex-partners risk having their children taken away and handed to the father, even when he has a record for rape or DV. The government is due to report on its review of family court treatment of DV victims.
Recent decisions by police and CPS that victims must hand over their whole mobile phone and social media history, medical and counselling records, and that these must be disclosed to their attacker has led to a further drop in rape prosecutions. Like in Cyprus, in most British cases it is not the rapists that are on trial but their victims.
It has been claimed that the Israeli men were let go because Cyprus wants to protect its political and economic relations with Israel. How much do politics influence court decisions in Britain and elsewhere? We don't know. But we do know that powerful and well-connected men, like Harvey Weinstein whose trial in the US has just begun, are more likely to get away with it. On the other hand, whistle-blowers like Julian Assange whom governments want to silence because they expose rape and murder by the state, are assumed to be guilty of sexual offences even when they haven't been charged.
Women Against Rape can be contacted at 0207 482 2496 or firstname.lastname@example.com
Category Archives: False Allegations
Evidence to Home Affairs Committee on Domestic Violence from Black Women's Rape Action Project and Women Against Rape, 5 July 2018
Summary: This evidence covers five key policy areas that result in increased vulnerability to domestic violence and lack of resources to escape violent men:
- Family courts and domestic violence
- Austerity cuts and domestic violence
- Destitution – a recipe for domestic violence
- The hostile environment for victims of domestic violence in immigration and asylum procedures
- Improving the police and CPS response to domestic violence, and victims' experience of the Criminal Justice System
1. Family courts and domestic violence (DV)
1.1 We are part of the Support Not Separation Coalition – a national network of mothers, grandmothers and other kinship carers, campaigners, psychologists, social workers, academics and other professionals. Reporting DV has become a major reason children are removed from their mothers often with the excuse that they are 'at risk of future emotional harm'. It is contrary to the welfare of the child and the mother, who is usually the child's protector, for the child to be removed from her care.
1.2 Mothers' experience of family courts is that domestic violence is often not believed, they are not given the protection they need, and are in every way disadvantaged – from legal aid to cross-examination by their attacker. Their trauma as a victim of a controlling relationship is not taken into account by judges who are often sexist and expect unrealistic standards of evidence while often excluding evidence such as reports from support organisations like ourselves or refuge workers.
1.3 In our experience the relevant Practice Directions (3AA and 12J) to assist vulnerable witnesses in the family court are often not implemented, and it is too soon to know whether recent changes to 12J (2018) are helping.
1.4 Family courts cannot fundamentally improve the treatment of vulnerable witnesses until they address the shocking disbelief commonly expressed by judges and other professionals when mothers or their children report that they have been victims of rape or other violence, including coercive and controlling behaviour by the father. This bias against mothers and children has been well-documented: see Suffer the Little Children and their Mothers by Legal Action for Women 2017, and Domestic Abuse, Family Courts and Routine Failure to Protect Children by Mothers Unite UK 2017, Courts (Abuse of process) Bill 2018 presented by Liz Saville Roberts MP, Women's Aid research (May 2018). These all show that mothers still face routine disbelief and even questioning by their abuser in family courts.
1.5 In general, our experience is also that children's wishes are often disregarded and mothers' warnings about safety are disbelieved or ignored.
1.6 The family court (eg in Practice Direction 12J) recognizes that children suffer harm from witnessing DV to their mother, but in deciding to remove the child from the mother, they take no account of the harm that they will cause with that separation. In New York, the separation from the mother has been recognized in a 2002 precedent case as more traumatic to the child than witnessing DV, and courts are no longer allowed to take children from their mothers on that basis. The same principle needs to be applied in the UK.
1.7 Section 17 of the 1989 Children Act instructs local authorities to use their resources to support families so that children can stay within the family instead of being removed. But it is rarely used, especially to support mothers who are DV survivors. It's implementation must be prioritized.
1.8 Instead of support and protection, women victims of DV and children are punished. We have been involved in a number of cases where children were taken from the mother when she reported DV or when it was discovered that she was a victim, traumatizing the child who was then placed with strangers.
1.9 Women are damned if they report DV and damned if they don't. Either way, the father's violence is blamed on the mother who is accused of failing to protect the child. Why isn't the State instead acting against violent men?
1.10 Mothers who are particularly vulnerable to injustice in family courts include those who are victims of repeated rape and DV, BME mothers, migrant and immigrant mothers, those who are mentally disabled, single mothers especially those who are working class and/or on benefits, and all those who are denied legal aid.
1.11 It is outrageous that a family court judge has the power to rule in a Finding of Fact hearing whether or not a woman was raped or suffered violence. These judges are sometimes more sexist than the rape-ticketed judges in the criminal courts. Family courts have not kept pace with changes in other courts. This is largely because criminal courts are public while family courts are not, what goes on there is little known and family court judges are not publicly accountable. Some of them don't know the law on rape or DV, and others have belittled rape as insignificant and repeated DV as unlikely to have happened. The secrecy of family legal proceedings also cuts off the mother's opportunities to seek support, keeping her isolated and increasinging her vulnerability.
1.12 Many social workers are also biased against mothers – blaming the woman is easier than confronting a violent and bullish man. Budget cuts to local authorities have certainly contributed to harsher uncompassionate decision-making but merely increasing funding will not address the institutional bias in the system. Sexism, racism and class bias needs to be addressed so that mothers and kinship carers are not treated as disposable or irrelevant in their child's life, to be replaced by a foster carer, a children's home or adopted by a better off family.
1.13 We are opposed to the privatisation of children's homes and adoption services, which introduce a profit motive. There is clearly a conflict of interest if agencies which are reporting to the court on what is best for the child are making money from children being taken into care. The motivation should instead be the child's welfare, and putting resources into helping women and children escaping domestic violence, not separating them.
1.14 In some cases the children are given to the father and the mother is banned from seeing them if she continues to raise that he is a danger to them. The bias in favour of fathers even when they have a record for violence is extraordinary. Even men with previous convictions or non-molestation orders can be concealed during the family case.
1.15 We can only conclude that the courts want men – even the most violent – to have access to their children and to their former partners, whatever they may say and whatever the consequences for safety.
1.16 The hostile fathers' lobby, led by Families Need Fathers, has the support of the NSPCC and CAFCASS, and their recent campaign to get the authorities to recognize that they are victims of parental alienation is a worrying step towards misogyny.
1.17 It is well-known among mothers' networks throughout the UK that men use the family court as a vehicle through which to continue to coerce and control a female partner who has left them.
1.18 Men are using the family court to get investigations of rape and DV dropped. We know of cases where the police stopped investigating after a judge decided he didn't believe the mother. We also know of a number of cases where abusive men dared their victims to call the police as social services would come and take their children into care. The mothers were petrified and didn't report the violence as a result. Violent men are very confident – after all, they generally have the power of higher wages over women, and also the backing of the authorities which are more likely to believe them than women.
1.19 Mothers whose immigration status is dependent on staying with a violent partner are at particular risk. Women in these situations have also experienced bullying and intimidation including terrifying threats to report them as "illegal overstayers" to the Home Office if they dare report the violence. Family courts are far more likely to believe men and deport women causing untold harm to mothers and their children.
1.20 The State has to stop assuming that a man who is violent to his child or to his female partner is a good father. Children are being forced into unwanted contact with violent uncaring fathers against their will. Some children's reports are dismissed as the result of manipulation or coaching by their mother. On the other hand, we have seen cases where a child said their mum has once slap them and the child was removed from that mother, a totally disproportionate response.
1.21 None of this is in the interests of the child – a key principle that family professionals are supposed to uphold.
1.22 The government is proposing to train a wide range of professionals to spot domestic abuse. But what are they supposed to do about that abuse? Every state agency has become more intrusive and punitive while offering very little help as a result of wide-ranging funding cuts. Does spotting abuse result in more children of DV victims being taken into care? Does a mother lose her housing after DV? If she lost her job, what welfare benefits are left to support her?
1.23 Action points – We strongly recommend that the family courts should:
- End the secrecy of family court proceedings. They must be open to public scrutiny in a way that protects the child's identity (eg call the parents A and B).
- Stop forcing children into unwanted contact with violent uncaring fathers.
- Stop men using the family courts as a vehicle through which to continue to control a female partner who has left them.
- Use Section 17 to provide resources to families who are poor, rather than take their kids away.
- Reverse the privatisation of children's homes and adoption services.
- Stop taking children from mothers who report or are victims of domestic violence. They need protection not separation.
2. Austerity cuts and Domestic Violence
2.1 DV has to be viewed in the context of the life conditions of women and children and the policies that help or hinder their conditions. The government has cut women's escape routes out of DV by massively cutting benefits, social housing, legal aid, advice lines, and funding to refuges. Of the austerity cuts 86% have fallen on women.[1] Many already cannot get appropriate mental health treatments on the depleted NHS. Merely training officials to spot violence is not going to address any of this; it will instead increase state powers against women and children. In the absence of resources and help, state agents such as social workers tend to prioritise policing mothers and punitively removing their children.
2.2 Research shows that low income Black and Asian women are the poorest and pay the highest price for austerity. Camden where we are based is ranked the 15th most deprived borough in London and has one of the highest rates of child poverty – 60% of children live in low income families. Mothers risk their children being taken into care when their poverty is equated with "neglect". In 2011, 56% of Camden's residents described being of Black minority ethnic origin or non-white. The overwhelming majority of rape and DV victims who come to us for help are working class and disproportionately affected by poverty, racism and other discrimination compared to the general population.
2.3 We refer you to recent evidence to the Work and Pensions Committee by WinVisible – Women with visible and invisible disabilities, to which we contributed. Universal Credit paid to the man in the household is a recipe for DV, as is the benefit cap:
2.4 'The single monthly payment when paid to violent men is as dangerous as the total benefit cap, which is condemned by Women Against Rape for trapping women and children with violent men, and for penalising single mothers fleeing violence who rely on benefits to pay the rent in their safe accommodation. When the total benefit cap was first challenged at the Supreme Court in 2015, although the overall appeal failed, Lady Hale, currently President, stated: "The prejudicial effect of the cap is obvious and stark… This prejudicial effect has a disproportionate impact upon lone parents, the great majority of whom are women, and is also said to have such an impact upon victims of domestic violence, most of whom are also women"'(para 180, see http://www.bailii.org/uk/cases/UKSC/2015/16.html
2.5 Action points
- We support WinVisible's demands to Stop and scrap Universal Credit, to reinstate disability benefits (including for women with mental ill-health caused by the trauma of domestic rape and other violence).
- Reinstate welfare and housing benefits and end benefit sanctions
- Reinstate legal aid.
- Fund emergency and permanent housing for women fleeing violence beginning with the established network of refuges. Housing benefit is essential for refuges to survive.
- Destitution – a recipe for domestic violence
3.1 Destitution puts women at grave risk of domestic violence. Women left with no money or resources are prey to every predatory, violent, exploitative man who takes advantage of the fact that she is desperate and has no routes to escape. This includes violent and abusive husbands, boyfriends and partners. For the government to deliberately make women destitute is to encourage and promote this abuse.
3.2 Destitution was first deliberately deployed against women seeking asylum (and with other immigration applications) whose legal cases had failed and been closed. Many have already suffered domestic violence before coming to the UK. Our own and other research has found that over 70% of asylum-seeking women have fled rape in their country of origin. With the introduction of Section 55 (of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002) asylum-seekers who did not make a claim immediately on arrival in the UK were denied any support. Literally hundreds of women came to the door of the women's centre where we are based. Some were sleeping in parks, in hospital A&E units, on night buses.
3.3 The deliberate policy of destitution against asylum-seekers and other immigrants has since been rolled out against many other women, making them also more vulnerable to domestic violence. For example, benefit sanctions and the delays in paying Universal Credit, have left many women with absolutely no income, or living below the poverty line, sometimes for months on end. The Joseph Rowntree Foundation's 2018 report found 1.5 million people destitute in the UK.
3.4 Destitution among women is particularly hidden, as they are less likely to be "street homeless" because of the fear of violence. In one study, 35% of destitute homeless women asylum seekers in the UK reported being raped.[2] Instead women tend to rely on family, friends, acquaintances and strangers for a roof over their head and the basic necessities. This makes them vulnerable to sexual and domestic violence. For example, one woman in our network described fighting off attempted rape by the husband of the woman she was staying with. She couldn't risk telling his wife for fear she would end up in an even more dangerous situation on the street. Nor could she tell the authorities, for fear she would be detained and removed because she had no immigration status. Another mother who was given shelter in exchange for childcare and housework became homeless when her son was physically attacked by the male head of the household.
3.5 Even when women win their legal cases, some are denied access to public funds and remain victims of or become vulnerable to domestic violence.
3.6 A government that makes women and girls deliberately destitute cannot claim to be taking action to protect women from domestic violence.
3.7 Action points:
- Ending destitution is essential in tackling domestic violence. No-one should be left without the means to survive, least of all some of the most vulnerable women in the community – many of whom are already victims of domestic violence.
- End the No Recourse to Public Funds policy.
- The government should provide women who had fled from domestic violence to the UK with resources and protection in order to meet its Istanbul Convention obligations towards victims "irrespective of immigration status".
- The hostile environment for victims of domestic violence in immigration and asylum procedures
4.1 Women are made destitute when their immigration applications are turned down, but in our experience cases fail unjustly because women do not get the legal and other help they need. The hostile environment is deeply embedded in how asylum and immigration cases are considered.
4.2 To our knowledge no investigation or account has been taken of the impact on women's vulnerability to domestic violence by how the Home Office treats asylum and immigration cases. A callous, hostile and frequently unjust system results in women being unable to report domestic violence and rape, and uses their difficulties in speaking about these horrific experiences to disbelieve them when they do. WAR's Refuge from Rape and Destitution Campaign is highlighting how the Home Office and judges routinely flout case law and their own guidelines on how women should be treated, so that no consideration is given to the traumatic impact of rape and domestic violence.
4.3 Policies are being employed that deliberately disrupt women's ability to pursue their legal cases: the Chapter 60 policy which sets a three month "window" within which women get no further notice of removal; certification which denies the right to an in country appeal, including by holding women at fault for not reporting rape and domestic violence earlier; fast-track decisions by the enforcement team charged with meeting targets for removals rather than a fair and thorough consideration of the evidence presented. The legal aid cuts compound the injustice, leaving many victims going to appeal hearings unrepresented or in the hands of inept or even corrupt private lawyers.
4.4 Action points:
- Restore the right to legal aid for all asylum and immigration cases
- End the "deport now appeal later" procedures so all appeals can be heard in the UK.
- Withdraw the Chapter 60 "windows" policy and allow people time to access lawyers and the courts to challenge removals/deportation.
- All Home Office and Tribunal hearings must adhere to their guidance about the treatment of vulnerable victims.
- The government must recognise that severe and prolonged domestic violence is torture and that under the Convention Against Torture victims are entitled to resources and support to recover in the UK even if this took place in another country.
- The UK should ratify and implement the Istanbul Convention to help protect vulnerable immigrant women in the UK, who otherwise have little protection and may be deported if they try to report violent men.
- Improving the police & CPS response, and victims' experience of the justice system
- We do not call for any more powers to the police, as they are not using them accountably but are instead abusing them to intimidate and even arrest the women reporting violence.
- The police and CPS do not implement the existing laws against domestic violence. They must be made to do so or be sacked.
5.3 The police can't be relied on to investigate domestic violence, including domestic rape and even murder. Nothing in your paper seriously addresses the current problems in how existing domestic violence laws are applied and the appallingly low conviction rate of 6.5% (Women's Aid website 2014). Two women are still being killed every week – often after many calls to the police and police inaction. Yet no officer has ever been prosecuted or properly held to account for the bias or negligence that resulted in such deaths. Even when the police were found guilty of failing in their duty of care to victims, we are not aware that the officers responsible were demoted, sacked or prosecuted. If any have been, we would like to know.
5.4 The police already have laws and resources at their disposal if they choose to use them to protect women from rape and domestic violence. They often choose not to. In relation to rape – they seem to make up their own version of the law. The Met was sued successfully this year for refusing to investigate serial rapist John Warboys –upheld by the Supreme Court despite a £1m legal appeal by the Met and government support.
5.5 When will they be held similarly accountable for refusing to investigate DV?
5.6 We know from extensive experience over four decades that in response to reports of domestic violence, the police and CPS do not always record them properly; in many cases they don't gather, don't test, or lose forensic and witness evidence; and they do not charge appropriately.
5.7 They put pressure on women to retract, and in some cases investigate the woman for committing some kind of crime, including accusing her of lying. This has been evidenced by whistleblower PC James Patrick and other officers to the Public Administration Select Committee in November 2013, who testified that many women are bullied by police into retracting their allegations of rape.
5.8 Also, the 2014 HMIC report 'A Matter of Fact' said: "We are seriously concerned about the picture that is emerging – one of weak or absent management or supervision of crime recording and serious sexual offences not being recorded (14 rapes). Some offenders have been issued with out of court disposals where their offending history could not justify it. In some cases they should have been prosecuted." [HMIC REPORT] Little has changed according to more recent reports.
5.9 The issue of rape as a serious and common form of DV, and the additional disbelief/suspicion that comes from many professionals/officials rarely receives official acknowledgement. Every woman who 'cries rape' is suspected of lying, particularly if they have ever suffered violence before. Yet it is well known that DV is a recurrent crime and that most victims suffer many attacks before they report.
5.10 The police also need to stop investigating rape and domestic violence separately when they are committed by the same perpetrator. Rape is part of the definition of domestic violence; when they are investigated together more evidence will become available to build a case, get the CPS to charge appropriately, and more violent perpetrators can be convicted.
5.11 The CPS legal guidance on domestic violence says:
"Where a summary only offence has been committed, such as common assault, any charge(s) or information must be laid within 6 months of the date of the alleged incident. This time limit may prevent some previous cases being joined with those involving later complainants. However, the earlier victim(s)/complainant(s) may still be able to support the more recent case through the use of bad character evidence." https://www.cps.gov.uk/legal-guidance/domestic-abuse-guidelines-prosecutors
5.12 This time limit of six months is a major problem in many cases and in practice results in many cases being dropped as out of time or the number of charges heavily reduced. In court the woman victims find the history of domestic violence has been reduced to a single incident, and isolated from the pattern of other violence and threats to kill – such a representation is much less serious and convincing and less likely to result in the conviction and sentencing the crimes deserve. Domestic violence incidents such as common assault, threats to kill, or threats to harm the children, should not be prosecuted as a summary only offence.
5.13 We strongly disagree with the government's proposed new statutory definition of domestic violence which would make the law gender-neutral. The current definition does not exclude men and boys. But the proposed definition would take out gender completely thus hiding that the overwhelming majority of DV victims are women. We have found that removing gender from violence which is very gendered further reduces women's power to get protection and justice. Men who are violent and controlling feel 'entitled' to exercise power over women and are adept at portraying themselves as 'victims' when they don't get their way. A gender neutral definition would play into their hands and should not be introduced.
5.14 We have seen many cases where men call the police on their victim in order to discredit her and cast doubt on what she has to say; tragically they are often successful. Institutional sexism within the police and the criminal justice system as a whole results in women being disbelieved more than men, and facing harsher treatment.
5.15 Research by Prof Marianne Hester in 2009 'Who Does What to Whom?' found that women are disproportionally arrested for DV compared to men. Women are 3 times more likely to be arrested for DV – they are arrested every 3 incidents out of 10, whereas men are arrested every 1 incident out of 10.
5.16 More women victims of DV will be arrested and even charged if their violent partner can use this new definition as leverage to deflect blame away from themselves. This already happens and will happen even more often. More disbelief and prosecutions of women will follow, deterring even more women from reporting and seeking justice.
5.17 There is no better encouragement to women to engage with the criminal justice system than to improve the conviction rate and to robustly enforce the restrictions of movement on their attacker.
5.18 The victim should not be forced to prosecute or testify. She is in the best position to judge whether a prosecution of her attacker will protect or endanger her, or her children.
5.19 Women must be given the power, protection, resources and support to follow through with a prosecution, rather than take it out of their hands and prosecute their attacker behind their back and without their consent. It is punitive and heavy handed to prosecute a perpetrator of DV without giving his victim any police protection, and without changing the economic and other conditions in which she has been living so her and her children's survival and safety are assured.
5.20 There are too many cases where women's sexual history is still allowed in court. Evidence found sexual history to have been used in a quarter to a third of rape trials (Vera Baird: Seeing is Believing: The Northumbria Court Observers Panel. Report on 30 rape trials 2015-16., and Application of Section 41 Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999: A Survey of Independent Sexual Violence Advisers (ISVAs), by Lime Culture 2017.)
5.21 We are glad to see that Vera Baird and Harriet Harman are finally pressing for what we demanded during the formulation of the Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Bill in 1999, where we made it clear that evidence of sexual history with men other than the defendant should be excluded from trials. Worryingly, Vera Baird's evidence of breaching the current restrictions on evidence was totally dismissed by the Attorney General recently.
Contact: Black Women's Rape Action Project firstname.lastname@example.com
Women Against Rape firstname.lastname@example.com
tel 0207 482 2496
[1] Women's Budget Group
[2] Underground Lives, PAFRAS Report March 2009
Exhibition at Lush summit, 8 Feb 2017
Layla Ibrahim film interview
Support our campaign to quash Layla's conviction – like our Layla Ibrahim is Innocent page on facebook
Layla Ibrahim on Victoria Derbyshire Show, 2016
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Jail Rapists Not Rape Survivors meeting in Parliament December 2015
Jail Rapists NOT Rape Victims, 2 Dec 2014, House of Commons
Women and families affected by biased rape investigations were joined by supporters in the House of Commons on Tuesday 2nd December to discuss the campaign, led by Women Against Rape (WAR) and Black Women's Rape Action Project (BWRAP), against the prosecution and imprisonment of rape survivors.
Hosted by John McDonnell MP, the event – Jail Rapists not Rape Victims – focused on the perverse and harrowing injustices women who report sexual violence are subjected to by the police and Crown Prosecution Service (CPS).
An estimated 85,000 women are raped[1] in England and Wales each year; 90% of reported rape and domestic violence goes unprosecuted. Despite such an appalling record on achieving justice for victims, the legal system has managed to prosecute 109 women for false rape allegations in the past five years. The vast majority of these women are charged with 'perverting the course of justice', an offence that carries a maximum life sentence.
As immigration and detention practices grow increasingly severe, and shelters, legal aid, social housing, childcare and income support are restricted and shut down, women are left with few routes to escape sexual and domestic violence. To compound this with the threat of imprisonment and/or the removal of children if women are accused of lying or of being unable to protect their children, effectively leaves women trapped, and allows rapists and other abusers to continue with impunity.
BWRAP and WAR have been challenging this practice for the past seven years, and the evening threw light on the injustices they have uncovered through their campaign. They also mentioned women unable to be with us that evening due to incarceration or, as in the case of Eleanor de Freitas, suicide.
Attendees heard some of the survivors' stories firsthand. Sandra Allen talked us through the ordeal her daughter, Layla Ibrahim, has faced since she was attacked in 2009. Layla served three years in prison after she reported having been violently attacked by two strangers while on her way home after a night out. Sandra traced how the police's initial appearance of concern twisted into an investigation of Layla, rather than of her attackers: family members were contacted and told that the police suspected that Layla had inflicted her own injuries, suspects that fitted Layla's description of the men were not pursued, forensic evidence that supported her story was lost or destroyed. Layla was pressured to drop the charges and told that if she did so she would 'be dragged through the papers, but not through the courts'. She refused to "confess" to something she hadn't done. After she served her sentence, one of her suspected attackers was found guilty of raping another woman using similar techniques he had used on Layla.
An appeal against Layla's conviction is going to the Criminal Cases Review Commission this month. Sandra Allen called for the public to support her daughter's application so the investigation into the original rape can be reopened and Layla's name cleared.
Hamish McKenna, whose partner Rhiannon Brooker is serving a three and a half year sentence after reporting rape and domestic violence in a previous relationship, told a similar story. Rhiannon's decision to speak out was met with persistent mistrust, perverse logic and threats from the police. Her family and friends were investigated; Hamish himself was threatened with being charged for perverting the course of justice should he give evidence in support of Rhiannon. The police even contacted social services in a bid to remove Rhiannon and Hamish's child, who was still breastfeeding at the time – fortunately social workers saw what a loving family they are.
For Gail Sherwood, a mother of three, reporting her longtime stalker and rapist was met with laughter and suspicion. Gail was placed under surveillance, accused of planning elaborate false attacks on herself, and eventually sent to prison for two years. Whilst serving her sentence, her stalker continued to contact her in prison and since her release he has attacked her again.
We also heard from Verna Joseph, a St Lucian woman trafficked to the UK by a gang who had raped her and forced her to carry drugs into the UK. Despite an expert report submitted to the British court confirming that she had been raped and beaten by the gang and the St Lucia police telling the court that they could not protect her, Verna was sentenced to nine years in prison.
After serving five, she was released and claimed asylum, only to have her claim refused and be sent to Yarl's Wood Detention Centre. There, on hunger strike protesting racist and sexist abuse from guards and terrible conditions, Verna battled with a series of appeals – she eventually won her release and asylum along with 22 other women from Yarl's Wood.
Verna has since been raped again whilst staying at a women's hostel. The man was arrested and put on trial. But during his trial, his only witness was permitted to sit in court while others gave evidence so she could tailor her evidence to discredit Verna's story. The man was released, and Verna denied justice once again.
A further harrowing account was given by a young woman from Rotherham, who as a teenager had been taken into care and placed with her paedophile uncle. She had never spoken in public before and everyone was moved to tears.
Looking further afield, Professor Lisa Avalos compared how different countries deal with rape. She found that police disbelief, shaming and suspicion toward rape survivors is also common in other Western countries, but that the UK is exceptional in its draconian prosecution policy. She has 'not found any country that pursues these cases against women rape complainants in the way the UK does. The UK has an unusual approach and I think that approach violates human rights'.
Nigel Richardson, Layla's and Rhiannon's solicitor, commented that he had not seen the police investigate any other crime with the dogged, vindictive enthusiasm with which they pursue suspected false rape allegations: digging into women's pasts to pin stains on their character, threatening friends and family members and concocting elaborate stories in which women violently attacked themselves.
The speakers told us their stories with palpable courage, struggling through the pain of their memories and the indignities they had been forced to suffer to have their truths heard. We were reminded that these cases perpetuate trauma for victims of sexual violence, dragging their experiences long into the future as they suffer the injustices that accompany a criminal record and the pain of not being believed or achieving justice. Amongst speakers and the audience, who often gasped in shock and fury at the details of these women's stories, there was an atmosphere of care, solidarity and a resolution to move forward. Our host, John McDonnell MP, pledged his ongoing support to the campaign.
The discussion unfolded a commitment to stop these practices, and to connect this struggle to others: one person reminded us of institutionalised abuse of disabled people that went unaddressed; another of police and politicians' negligence and complicity in widespread child abuse in Rotherham and elsewhere; the galling hypocrisy of police that claim to have neglected rape investigations out of fear of being called racist when they continue to harass, criminalise and sometimes kill people of colour was highlighted; sex workers complained about police turning out en masse to dispossess them in Soho under the guise of tackling sex trafficking while refusing to investigate attacks against them.
As Verna Joseph concluded for us: 'Everywhere our stories of survival are coming out. We won't be silenced. We'll keep on fighting and we will have justice in the end, all of us.'
Help us win justice for rape survivors. Support the campaign to clear Layla Ibrahim's name.


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How would the first ISA assembly drive solar rich nations towards the global renewable energy goal?
It is an opportunity to set high standards for ISA's working methods. Adopting clear, transparent and efficient procedures and work programmes is a prerequisite for meeting the ambitious goal of the alliance: mobilising $1,000 billion and installing 1 TW (terrawatt) by 2030.
How would France contribute towards it?
As President Emmanuel Macron announced last March, the French Development Agency has pledged to invest more than 1 billion euros in solar energy projects in ISA countries between 2016 and 2022. To date, more than 800 million euros have already been committed for 34 projects in 23 countries.
Are the current Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) pledges under the Paris Agreement enough to face the challenges of climate change?
NDC pledges under the Paris Agreement are clearly not sufficient to meet the 2°C target as they would lead to an increase of mean temperature of 3 to 4°C. That is why the Paris Agreement anticipates the necessity for each review of NDC to enhance the ambition.
What more can be done to keep the global temperature rise within 2°C and make efforts towards 1.5°C goal as pledged under the Paris Agreement?
Once the electricity sector is fully decarbonised, essentially two key emitting sectors will remain: transportation and agriculture. It will require major technological breakthrough to make zero-emission vehicles affordable and profound changes in the farming process.
Has the US move to withdraw from the Paris Agreement affected its implementation?
The US withdrawal could have blocked the progress of some countries and critically undermines our collective ability to reach its goal. Action and massive redirection of financial flows toward low-carbon opportunities are the best answer to preserve the 2015 Paris Agreement momentum.
Pre-2020 actions of developed countries and their low financial contribution under GCF are sticking points. Do you think countries will finalise the rules for implementation of Paris Agreement without resolving those issues?
Action against climate change is required urgently. That is why the EU and its member states have exceeded their 2020 target and intend to increase their efforts. Financing for climate action is crucial. It is essential that the GCF succeeds and that its next board in October approves new projects, paving the way to its replenishment. As for the rules of implementation of the Paris Agreement, they will enable us to fully implement the agreement and guide our action. We must therefore adopt them at COP24. We have to fight on all fronts at the same time: action, finance, and rules.

subset: commoncrawl


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WCDR Events, MNM Event, and Stuff of Goodness…My September Cornucopia Mash-Up Blog Post
So much going on of late! The fall is always a busy time when it comes to a writer's life. A writer with an orbit in the Durham Region in Ontario, anyway. The Writers' Community of Durh…
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Your mind and body are connected in countless ways, and some are more mysterious than others. Discover how your mind and body sometimes work together like the best of friends-and how they sometimes betray each other like the worst of enemies.
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There's no better place to spend your Eastern Washington vacation than at this two-story villa in Sunbanks Resort. There's enough space for a small group to relax after a long day at Banks Lake, either in front of the wood-burning fireplace or watching the sun set on the private balcony. This no-frills cabin has everything you need to enjoy all of what Electric City has to offer.
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Central A/C
*Please note that ticket pricing is automatically rolled into rates during the Sunbanks Blues Festival (May 14-18, 2020), as tickets are required to stay at the resort during this time.
Photos depict a standard two bedroom home


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Sajha Sawal is the program which is based on the negotiations with the issues that are relevant to general interest. The program effectively talks about the issues of marginalised and grass rooted people who are unprivileged in the societies. In the present episode the program has talked about the issue of the problems of the municipality.
The program is shot in Ramecchap before the earthquake and the people have talked about the problems that they felt after it is declared municipality. But the people in this area are still suffering from the infrastructures. The program is participated by 200 people. One of the members say that people are not getting water facilities despite they pay an amount of Rs. 100. In addition to that they are not getting water facilities. They are suffering but the concerned stakeholders have not paid any concern. The constitution assembly member Aangtang Sherpa, Eastern Local Development Minister Urmila Aryal and Local Development Ministry Co- Secretary Gopi Krishma Khanal are welcomed in the program.


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Halloween is over and the temperatures are starting to go down. Before you know it, there will be a blanket of white covering the ground.
Is your yard ready for the winter? If not, don't fret. The Hastings Star Gazette spoke with Joby Nolan with Precision Landscaping and Construction about how you can best prepare your yard for the cold months to come.
Fall yard care:
• First things first - make sure to winterize your irrigation system before the ground freezes. You can do it yourself or have a professional do it, but it is important to get it done to reduce the risk of breaking pipes when the temperatures drop.
• Aerate and overseed your lawn. This will help fill in thin spots and thicken up the turf. When spring comes around, this will help block out weeds.
• Apply one last round of fertilizer. Although grass growth slows down at the surface, the root system will continue to grow until temperatures drop below 40 degrees. "A high phosphorus fertilizer can help the lawn to green up quicker in the spring," Nolan said.
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• For young plants, it is a good idea to add 2 to 4 inches of mulch or chopped up leaves to insulate and help them retain moisture. "You can also wrap any plants that are susceptible to winter kill with a light fabric or burlap to keep them protected," Nolan said.
• Prune back shrubbery and cut any dead limbs. Make sure to get anything that may touch the house or that is blocking any vents or air intakes.
• Clean out gutters and downspouts. This step helps prevent ice buildup in the winter.


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Black Dahlia, Red Rose
By Piu Eatwell
Liveright. 350 pp. $26.95
Reviewed by James Lileks
nolead ends After investigating the details, the police cleared Woody Guthrie of the Black Dahlia murder. They moved on to . . .
"Hold on," you say. "Woody Guthrie was a suspect?"
Yes. And he had copious company.
The murder of Elizabeth Short - the newspapers, following a vogue for ascribing floral names to heinous crimes, called her the Black Dahlia - is the most famous cold case of the 20th century. Short's doomed allure has never quite dimmed, and every few years another book appears on the subject. Do we need this one?
Yes. Piu Eatwell tells the story like a novel, but she notes in her foreword that every quote was taken from "a letter, memoir, or other written sources." She takes her chapter titles from noir movies. The prose is forthright, with occasional nods to the hard-boiled conventions and the romantic tone of Raymond Chandler.
This recount of the search for Short's killer isn't a police procedural. It's an account of postwar Los Angeles, before the freeways were carved into the land, before seedy Bunker Hill was razed. Before TV, before Miranda. As for the LAPD, think L.A. Confidential, not upright, stolid Dragnet. Bad cops, ethically questionable reporters, the demimonde of Hollywood - it's worse than you might think.
Eatwell changes tone at the end of the book, when her own investigations require a switch to first person. She revisits the motel, still standing in 2016, where the murder possibly occurred. She dispatches rival theories with brisk efficiency, particularly Steve Hodel's insistence that his father did it. (Hodel didn't help his case by writing another book about how his father was also the zodiac killer.)
There will be other books. There will be other theories. They'll have to meet the Eatwell standard. She didn't find some mysterious suspect or Shocking New Evidence. She simply went through everything that could be read and announced a conclusion that feels correct. The cops had the right guy all along, and they let the Dahlia's killer free.
At the end, Eatwell tracks down the man's daughter, and though she learns nothing new about the case, she learns something about the suspect.
He named his daughter Elizabeth.
This review originally appeared in the Minneapolis Star Tribune.


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Social Responsibility (SR) is about businesses acting as citizens, behaving responsibly towards their employees, society and the environment. It is a valuable way for businesses to strengthen their company whilst contributing toward society through involvement with a charity.
why visyon?
Visyon is a mental health charity that supports children and young people when they need it most. We provide support to over 1500 children and young people in Cheshire and North Staffordshire every year, offering one-to-one therapy, group work, family support, creative activities, mentoring, teacher training and peer support groups.
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Your business' involvement with Visyon's SR scheme will help you create a positive public image. Consumers are increasingly aware of ethical business practice, and research shows that consumers are more likely to engage with, and remain loyal to, businesses that can demonstrate that they care about local causes.
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By Sanders Marble
In King of conflict: Artillery in global conflict I, a uncommon array of authors examines the centrepiece of conflict within the nice conflict: artillery. Going past the standard tables of calibres and levels, the participants think of the association and expertise of artillery, in addition to current elements of teaching, doctrine, and different nationwide idiosyncrasies. Artillery ruled the battlefields of global battle I, and endlessly replaced the army doctrine of warfare. No state that had participated in major flooring wrestle may blithely imagine that morale may perhaps ever change firepower. The essays integrated during this quantity clarify how twelve nations, together with all of the significant fighters, dealt with artillery and the way it affected the nice War.
Contributors contain Filippo Cappellano, Boyd Dastrup, Edward J. Erickson, Bruce Gudmundsson, James Lyon, Sanders Marble, Janice E. McKenney, Dmitre Minchev, Andrey Pavlov, Kaushik Roy, Cornel and Ioan Scafes, John Schindler, and David Zabecki.
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Additional info for King of Battle: Artillery in World War I
Sample text
S. 6. 3kg 43° 43° 35° 290m/s 290m/s 350m/s Landing Guns 32 Landing guns were artillery pieces that were designed for use by naval landing parties. The largest of these were light field guns that had been slightly modified to facilitate storage aboard ship, rapid disembarkation, and movement by means of drag ropes. S. 33 Smaller landing guns had much in common with mountain guns and howitzers. The Russian Army possessed a weapon that had much in common with contemporary landing guns, but was used for a very different purpose.
See Marble, "The Infantry Cannot Do With a Gun Less," chapter 6. The British Artillery in World War I 41 pre-planned. In March a 'barrage' was fired at Neuve Chapelle as a barrier (the literal meaning in French of barrage) to German reserves, and in June a barrage was fired on German trenches; it was time-tabled to hit successive trenches just ahead of the advancing infantry to suppress the German fire. This was so obviously a good idea that it was used widely by the BEF. At Loos, some divisions had their artillery gradually increase their range across the ground between German trenches, what would become the 'creeping' barrage.
These weapons were rifled breach-loaders that fired the same shells as contemporary field guns, thereby simplifying the supply of ammunition. Such shells, however, were poorly suited to high angle fire. For one thing, they carried far too little explosive to have much of an impact on their targets. 37 Thus, few weapons of this class entered serial production. Of these, most had been withdrawn from service well before the outbreak of war. 8kg 8kg 54kg 97kg 183m/s 200m/s 180m/s 87m/s 73m/s 2,670m 3,200m 2,600m 563m 768m 37 38 W.
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by Brian


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Endpoint security management is a policy-based approach to network security that requires endpoint devices to comply with specific criteria before they are granted access to network resources.
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Dell unveils endpoint security portfolio with CrowdStrike, Secureworks
Dell announced its partnership with CrowdStrike and Secureworks to launch SafeGuard and Response, an endpoint security portfolio designed to prevent, detect and respond to threats facing enterprises — especially midmarket companies.
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People who think mobile security is ______________ could be in for a rude awakening.
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- Forum >
- Sujet : English >
- "Ils parlent pendant quatre-v…
"Ils parlent pendant quatre-vingt-dix minutes."
Traduction :They talk for ninety minutes.
13 commentaires
On ne peut pas utiliser "during" devant une donnée chiffrée. En effet, "during" désigne une période de temps à l'intérieur de laquelle on se situe. Exemple "during his childhood": "pendant son enfance".
Un moyen simple de savoir quand utiliser "during" : on l'utilise quand on peut remplacer "pendant" par "au cours de".
"To speak" et to "talk" sont interchangeables. Cependant, "speak" est parfois un peu plus formel. We say that someone gives a speech when it's more formal, gives a talk when it's less formal.
"CalifJim: I wouldn't consider this really a grammar question, but more of a question of usage. That aside, "speak" and "talk" are often interchangeable, that's true. Nevertheless, "speak" is a bit more formal than "talk". The President speaks before Congress. I talk to my friends on the phone.
We say that someone gives a speech when it's more formal, gives a talk when it's less formal.
When speaking we don't expect to be interrupted, conversational style, as much as when we are talking. In the more formal world of medicine, we may be diagnosed with a disease which impedes our ability to speak. In the less formal world of everyday conversation, we may say we can't talk too long, there are other things we have to do.
Also informally we can say that we talked the night away (were up all night talking), but it would be odd to hear that someone spoke the night away!
In phrasal verbs there are distinct differences. "speak up" is to speak louder or to stand up for what you believe in. "talk up" is completely different. It means to talk about the advantages of something in order to sway opinion in its favor. "
J'ai écrit : " they talk during ninety minutes
Pourquoi utilise-t-on dans cette phrase le mot "for" ? à la place de "during" ?
Pas de réponse à cette même question speak during. ... ne marche pas ... c'est bizarre


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Food retail is a key setting that influences the diets and health of children and families. The healthfulness of foods and beverages found in retail food stores differs widely across the United States, both by location of the store as well as by store type. Food retail outlets include supercenters/big box stores, supermarkets, grocery stores, corner stores, bodegas/tiendas, convenience stores, farmers' markets, dollar stores, drug stores, restaurants, and online food shopping. Research in this area focuses on investigating strategies to improve the availability, accessibility, affordability, and demand for healthier products.
Fast Fact
retailers nationwide participate in SNAP
Food Retail
Research & Publications
August 2019
Does Point-of-Sale Nutrition Information Improve the Nutritional Quality of Food Choices?
Point-of-sale nutrition information has been adopted by numerous grocery stores to respond to the demand for easy-to-understand nutrition labeling by consumers. Although there is conflicting evidence regarding the effectiveness of providing nutrition information, previous research indicates simplified shelf nutrition labels may lead to healthier choices. However, these studies have not … More
July 2019
The Impact of NuVal Shelf Nutrition Labels on Food Purchase
Summary shelf nutrition labels are one of a handful of practical strategies that hold the promise of improving nutrition and public health. Researchers used a difference-in-differences approach to estimate the effect of the NuVal shelf label—an interpretive numeric score, now defunct, that rated the overall nutrition of foods from one … More
April 2019
The Role of Chain Pharmacies to Promote Healthy Food Retail: Current Trends, Legal Limits, and Policy Opportunities
Chain drug stores have increased their health care role through expanded pharmacy services and retail health clinics. They also are major food retailers. This creates a tension between health promotion and sales of unhealthy foods and beverages to pharmacy customers. This article explores opportunities to improve the nutritional quality of … More
February 2019
Studying the Impact of Financial Incentives at Point of Purchase on Low-Income Consumers' Purchase of Healthy Food and, Subsequently, on Family Health
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The joint exhibition of Michelangelo Buonarroti and Bill Viola at the Royal Academy is, at first glance, an extremely improbable…
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Deans are a strange breed. Growing up in the Church of England, I met a wide range, their cultural tastes…
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Leading project budget from project and resource plans, managing project through development and implementation stages according to budget.
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Contact Info
Cadmax Corp
11 Chartley Park Rd
Tel: 410-526-0490
Fax: 410-526-0848
Website: http://www.cadmax.com
Update this listing
About Cadmax Corp
Offering Oriental Carpets & Rugs, the Reisterstown based company Cadmax Corp can be contacted on 410-526-0490 or visited at 11 Chartley Park Rd, Reisterstown, Maryland.
Message from their website
To be the leading provider of CAD software over the internet in the mechanical design market, by satisfying our customer's needs, providing technically superior products and outstanding customer support. CADMAX Corporation develops and markets production CAD software for WindowsA(r) XP/7, which it delivers across the Internet. CADMAX products are available for purchase over the Internet at prices that are less than a quarter of the competition, making it affordable for every engineer.
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Spring Boot for PAM7 does not provide application configuration for Oracle DBMS.
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