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Department of AnthropologvSchool of Culture, Historv and LanguageAustralian National UniversitvAbstract: Chinese migrants now constitute the largest group oI registered Ioreigners` in Japan, with over 600,000 documented in 2006. This is the result oI an intersection between the Chinese government`s drive Ior educational and economic success, and Japan`s fexible student visa labour system. It is the product oI a normalization` oI mobility amongst young mobile Chinese. Based on 20 months feldwork in Tokyo, Japan, I explore the ways in which the decision to move is experienced as mundane, and how it is negotiated as a Iorm oI everyday practice.` Through this lens, this article posits multiple relationships between mobility, its limits and how this relates to mobile people`s sense oI place in the world. Keywords: Japan, China, voung mobilitv, evervdav practice.Contemporary movements between China and Japan deIy simple classifcation. Like other Iorms oI mobility, the boundaries between categories oI movement such as tourist, student and migrant are blurred. Moreover, the visas which defne people`s movements between China and Japan do not necessarily encompass what they actually do. Tourist, student and work-related visas act merely as channels Ior a range oI aspirations that do not necessarily ft the visa category selected. Furthermore, the restrictive limitations imposed on Chinese tourist visas mean that many Chinese people with touristic` aspirations choose other visas which aIIord greater mobility. As such, mobility is the primary marker oI these people rather than classifcatory terms such as migrant, tourist, student or labourer. The purpose oI this article is to demonstrate how the experiences oI young mobile Chinese in Japan collapse simplistic distinctions oI necessity and Universitv of Bucharest, Februarv 2013 !"#$!%"&'!%( $#*&#+ ,- .'/&%( $#.#%$/0 & &$.$
e-mail: Jamie.Coatesanu.ed.au. Jamie Coates is Phd candidate at Dept. oI Anthropology, CHL, College oI Asia and the Pacifc, Australian National University.desire Ior movement, and to show how this experience oI mobility is akin to other mundane realities Ior many. Mobility involves complex relations between the hopes an individual`s Iamilies have Ior them and the hopes they have Ior themselves. Rather than the common assumption that mobility is a sign oI fexibility or success, this paper interprets mobility as the result oI both successes and Iailures. It involves tactical and strategic reactions to the options available and the Iorces which create these limitations. In this sense, mobility is best interpreted as a continuation oI everyday practice` in China rather than something exceptional or successIul (De Certeau 1984). Young mobile Chinese in Japan narrate their mobility as everyday` and mundane; as a practical choice made within a range oI options which are created by wider institutional Iorms in both countries. This can be seen as normalization,` where the institutional and discursive encouragement oI migration between China and Japan becomes internalized as a normative` act Ior many mobile Chinese, despite overseas movements being only available to a small proportion oI China`s population. This paper argues that an everyday practice` approach to mobility allows us to acknowledge the ways Chinese mobile subjects are Iormed by these institutional Iorces, without dismissing individuals` own sense oI the practicality in their movements.Young mobile Chinese in Japan are subject to many obstacles in securing visas, passports and access to mobile liIestyles. However, the precarity oI their situation is not limited to securing mobility, but also in trying to limit mobility. Once, mobile, young Chinese in Japan oIten fnd the everyday realities oI a mobile liIe disorienting and diIfcult. They are unable to remain indefnitely in Japan, but also fnd it diIfcult to return to China. In particular, the diIfcult choices presented by a mobile liIe were described as less an issue oI choice than as a general experience oI foating.` This draws attention to what Franke Pieke calls the mundane realities oI liIe beyond what is immediately policy relevant` (Pieke 2007: 82) and shows how, through the lens oI everyday practice,` mobility itselI can become an obstacle Ior mobile Chinese youths. From China to 1apanAIter the death oI Mao Zedong in 1976 a period oI rapid economic growth and social change emerged in China. Since this period oI open` policies (CHN: gaige kaifang)1 , there has been a large emphasis on growth in China. This period saw the transIormation oI a once solely state run economy into a hybrid market economy, and an opening oI diplomatic and migratory relations with countries shut oII Irom the PRC during Mao`s rule, such as Japan. These changes were particularly notable in the 14 prescribed special economic zones` (SEZs) along China`s eastern coastal cities, but have also spread generally throughout the urban centres oI China.This new emphasis on economic growth was accompanied by educational reIorms. Studying overseas became popular and prestigious aIter June 1978, when Deng Xiaoping 8 , IRSR Jolume 3, Issue 1, Februarv 2013instructed education departments to expand the scale oI people travelling overseas Ior studies. Since then China has become the world`s largest exporter oI international students. In 2006 there were 343,126 recorded Chinese international students, constituting 14 oI the total international student population and amounting to three times the total oI the second largest exporter, India (UNESCO 2006). This drive Ior international study has become a major means Ior legal overseas travel Irom China. OI the total number oI Chinese students travelling, 89,000 Chinese students went to the USA and 79,000 to Japan. However, due to special vocational (15,000 students) and pre-university language student (30,000 students) visa arrangements between China and Japan, Japan arguably constitutes the largest recipient oI educationally-channelled Chinese migrants. For example, Liu-Farrer has calculated the total oI educationally channelled Chinese migrants in Japan to be 120,176 Ior 2006 (UNESCO 2006; Liu-Farrer 2007; Liu-Farrer 2011).Educational travel is one oI the most reliable means Ior young Chinese citizens to travel overseas. Legal overseas migration has been encouraged by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the reIorm era as part oI the developmental imaginaries oI the nation (Nyiri 2001; Xiang 2003; Fong 2004; Fong 2007; Xiang 2007; Nyiri 2010; Fong 2011). In particular, overseas study has Ieatured prominently in this promotion, as the CCP attempts to create broad international networks oI economic and cultural development (Nyiri 2001). A particularly indicative example oI this is Iound in a 1992 State Council report on the principles oI overseas study policy. These principles were to support study abroad, promote return, |uphold| Ireedom oI movement,` and to promote overseas individuals to serve the country,` with serve the county` (CHN: wei guo fuwu) becoming the standard slogan Ior overseas students (Nyiri 2001; Cheng 2003).In her research amongst students in the reIorm era, Vanessa Fong has argued that images oI China`s place in the world are embedded in a broader notion oI modernising` China that is subject to the perceived need Ior China to modernise (Fong 2004; Fong 2007; Fong 2011). The students Fong interviewed oIten voiced disappointment with the rate oI progress in China, and the perceived inIeriority oI Chinese standards oI living. Hence, they Ielt it necessary to go overseas to develop themselves. At the same time, they Iramed this desire in terms oI flial duty to the nation by cultivating themselves overseas and returning at a later date.By the 1990s, China`s new emphasis on overseas study and migration coincided with Japan`s own social developments. Japan`s ageing population, labour shortage, and the hesitation oI the domestic population to engage in certain kinds oI employment, created a new labour market Ior temporary migration (Liu-Farrer 2007). These developments were the catalyst Ior several migratory fows into Japan. For example, Brazilian citizens with Japanese ancestry were granted a special visa entitlement to work and live in Japan (Roth 2002). Similarly, young Southeast Asian women were attracted to Japan via Jamie Coates Evervdav Mobilitv , 9entertainment visas and trainee visas. Entertainment visas were promoted as a cultural exchange visa, although they were predominantly used within Japan`s adult entertainment industry (Hisada 1992; Douglass and Roberts 2000). Trainee visas were designed as a Iorm oI on the job training` but have been widely criticised as an exploitative and short sighted scheme to bring cheap labour into the care industry (Terasawa 2000).According to my own research, as well as that oI other scholars, young mobile Chinese predominantly come to Japan on educational visas (Tajima 2003; Liu-Farrer 2011). The relative ease in attaining one oI the several types oI student visas and the part-time work arrangements permitted under the various educational visa categories has ensured that student visas have become a proxy channel Ior labour migration. Liu-Farrer has noted that the possible combination oI work and education via student visas in Japan has ensured that a variety oI diIIerent aspirations Ior social mobility and economic success fow through similar migratory channels. My own research mirrors much oI the current sociological research in regards to educational visas and mobility (Cheng 2001; Tajima 2003; Liu-Farrer 2007; Pieke 2007; Liu-Farrer 2011; Liu-Farrer 2012; Cheng 2003). The diIIerences between the educational and economic aspirations oI mobile Chinese are not as distinct as one might assume. Educational and economic migration is inseparable in the context oI moving to Japan, with mobile aspirations and plans shiIting depending on opportunities and experience. Many language students originally intending to enter a university in Japan opt to work instead and, vice versa, those originally trying to earn money end up attempting some Iorm oI education due to the advantages it brings. Moreover, the possibility oI becoming more cosmopolitan through touristic` experiences abroad also play a role in young mobile Chinese lives in Japan. In this way, mobile Chinese people living in Japan rarely ft a simple classifcatory migration model. This is due to the high living costs associated with living in Japan and the desire Ior mobile liIe trajectories. Studying mobile people: method and positionalityMy research is based on 20 months oI ethnographic feldwork in Ikebukuro, Tokyo. Ikebukuro is situated on the northwestern corner oI Tokyo`s central ring line. It is the major transIer hub Ior the residential areas surrounding Tokyo (such as Saitama) and has become a popular entertainment area Ior businessmen and various youth sub-cultures, such as rotten girls` (Galbraith 2011). Due to its low rents, vibrant entertainment area and central location it is a convenient space to live cheaply whilst still being able to fnd work and study. Consequently, Ikebukuro has also become a popular destination Ior recently-arrived Chinese nationals in Japan, oIten reIerred to as Chinese Newcomers` by scholars such as Junko Tajima (Tajima 2003). Over the past twenty years, this area has attracted a signifcant number oI Chinese small business owners, which has also increased Ikebukuro`s appeal to many new arrivals. The growing number oI 10 , IRSR Jolume 3, Issue 1, Februarv 2013Chinese in Ikebukuro has culminated in over 200 Chinese-owned businesses on the western side oI Ikebukuro train station and is now seen to be a thriving hub oI Chinese sociality.My reaction to my interlocutors is related to my own experience as a mobile subject and surprise at the increasing number oI Chinese people in Japan. I entered university as a China studies undergraduate and consequently spent several years living in both Beijing and Taiwan. Whilst living there, I came to make several Japanese Iriends; when I went to visit a Iriend in Tokyo, I came across the prevalence oI Chinese students at Japanese universities. It was 2004, and a series oI violent anti-Japan protests had ignited earlier that year in Beijing, sparked by several events during the Asian Cup, a region-wide Iootball championship. My experiences living in China gave me a strong sense oI the prevalence oI anti-Japan sentiments in China. I was thus surprised to fnd Chinese students to be the largest group oI international students in Japan. I tried to fnd out more about this group, but at that time there was little ethnographic scholarship on Chinese people in Japan.It was only later, when I Iound Iunding to conduct feldwork in Japan as part oI my PhD, that I was able to pursue my initial interest in this topic. I was perhaps naively too Iocused on the question Why are Chinese people moving to Japan?` when I frst started my research. I was attracted to an area oI Tokyo known as Ikebukuro aIter several Iailed attempts to Iollow the busy networks oI Chinese students who, although Iriendly, lived a busy liIe which moved between purposeIul isolation, several part-time jobs and study. Their busy lives leIt me with a rich sense oI the everyday nature oI mobility Ior young Chinese people Irom major urban centers along China`s east coast. It also revealed the limitations oI participant observation in such hectic mobile lives. Young mobile Chinese living in Tokyo juggle hectic schedules between study and work, needing to attend classes to Iulfll their visa requirements while earning money to cover their living costs. This leaves little time Ior social interaction with classmates and co-workers, let alone a nosy anthropologist. What is more, even when invited into people`s lives, my feldwork mainly involved short interviews with young mobile Chinese in their dorm rooms. I was not allowed to Iollow them to work, lest I cause trouble with their employers, and my eIIorts to Iollow them in other parts oI their lives meant I was always Iocusing on one interlocutor at the expense oI another. All oI these problems gave me the Ieeling that my feldwork was increasingly becoming centered on my relationship with several oI my interlocutors, and was vastly altering the schedules oI the young mobile Chinese I knew.Several small businesses in Ikebukuro had petitioned the local government to have the northern gate area oI the station re-labeled Tokyo Chinatown` (For a detailed account see Yamashita 2010). Disappointed by my inability to Iollow young mobile Chinese across Tokyo, I decided to pick a particular space Irom which to try and document their lives. I lived in an illegal Chinese dormitory, spent hours in small businesses such as hair salons and restaurants, and fnally Jamie Coates Evervdav Mobilitv , 11established a network oI interlocutors that started to create an ethnographic picture. All together, I had regular contact with over 250 interlocutors and conducted repeated unstructured interviews with a core group oI 30 interviewees. All oI my interlocutors were between the age oI 18 and 35 and came Irom a range oI socio-economic backgrounds. They had all lived in Japan Ior less than 10 years, and came Irom major urban centres, mostly Irom Northeast China. Although my interlocutors shared their Iamily backgrounds with me, many were hard to veriIy and oIten my interviewees said they did not know the incomes oI their Iamilies. For my interlocutors who were children oI small enterprise businesses (CHN: getihu) in Dalian or Shenyang a parents income could fuctuate dramatically, Irom as little as 1000 RMB (roughly 160 USD) to 10000 RMB (1600 USD) a month, depending on their parents sales. In the case oI those whose parents had government positions, their parent`s meagre incomes (1500-2000RMB/ month) were oIIset by the accommodation provided through their parent`s employment unit, as well as a range oI commercial activities undertaken to supplement their incomes. For example, one oI my interlocutor`s parents, who worked within a local government unit, also imported small shipments oI iPad covers to sell to market stall owners. My remaining interlocutors were reticent to discuss their parents` incomes, oIten using simple terms designed to defect my questions (such as wealthy` or still able to eat`). My general observation was also that students` determination to selI-support while living in Japan (even though it was oIten impossible) meant that their economic background bore only some infuence on their liIestyles in Japan. Young mobile Chinese living in Ikebukuro were rarely Irom elite backgrounds but at the same time they were not Irom China`s poorer western regions. Japan is easy to reach Irom China, with the cheapest option being an overnight Ierry Irom Tianjin or Qingdao at roughly 1600-2000 RMB (200-300 USD). It also provides the most fexible work-study visa arrangements. Consequently, my interlocutors came Irom varied strata oI socially mobile Chinese urbanites who although not necessarily wealthy, could pursue their ambitions and those oI their Iamily. Within this paper I will use small ethnographic vignettes and interview excerpts to highlight the experiences oI these young people living in Ikebukuro.The normality of studying overseasXiaochen and I sat in the kitchen together on small makeshiIt plastic stools, sharing a pack oI cigarettes Irom China, which she`d tricked her Iather into sending over to Japan as a giIt Ior her Iriends. They were in Iact Ior her.This kitchen was the common space I shared with 9 Chinese students in a small dormitory in Ikebukuro. The dormitory was a cramped space on the fIth foor oI an oIfce block that was intended Ior small businesses rather than residential living. Each room was barely a metre wide and close to 3 metres deep, and although they were advertised as private 12 , IRSR Jolume 3, Issue 1, Februarv 2013quarters, gaps in construction and paper thin walls made it private in name alone. Nonetheless, it was not much worse than other Iorms oI student living common in Tokyo, and it was located only fve minutes` walk Irom the heart oI the major station in the north-west oI Tokyo, Ikebukuro. Xiaochen, like me, had been introduced to it through an inIormal contact. Xiaochen and I slowly enjoyed the aroma oI Panda brand cigarettes, discussing the nostalgia that the thick, strong and un-contaminated favour oI Chinese cigarettes brought. Xiaochen commented that though Chinese cigarettes are strong, they`re more natural, unlike the chemically stripped and weaker cigarettes popular in Japan. As we discussed this nostalgia however, Xiaochen paused and said:You know, I don`t really know how I ended up like this.`I responded, Addicted to cigarettes?`No. In Japan. I`d never really thought much about it, yet here I am.` I quickly asked her to hold that thought and took out an audio recorder, saying That`s really interesting, is it ok iI we talk about it and I record it Ior my research?` She nodded.I asked, What do you mean when you say, you never thought much about it`?`Well, I`d oIten gone to help Iriends buy things beIore leaving the country and I`d always thought it was strange actually. Everyone seemed to be doing it but I was pretty happy at home. So I`d never thought that one day I could be like them and go overseas.`Why`s that?`I had no interest, no motivation` (JPN: yaruki)`So tell me the story oI how you got here.`The year beIore last I fnished high school. At that time I`d intended to attempt the entrance examinations at the local technical college (CHN: dazhuan), but my grades weren`t that good. I talked to one oI the lecturers there and he said that there are more and more people with diplomas (CHN: wenping) now, and that even though they have them they can`t fnd work. So I started to think that maybe I should just work, that diplomas have no use in the end. My mother said to me that they still wanted me to study, and suggested I go to Japan instead. So that year I started at a language school in Fuzhou. Around July.`Why do you think they chose Japan?`It`s closer, the visa`s easier and they`d seen a Iew people go there beIore, I guess`And why`d you agree`Hmm, I thought that Japan is still a place Ior Asians (CHN: yazhouren), that it`d be easier than English because oI the writing system, and it just didn`t seem as Iar away.`So what else did you do then?`Well I studied there Ior halI a year and organised the Iormalities (CHN: banle shouxu).`What did you have to do?`Some things my parents organised, like getting a passport. But I had to do some oI the things to apply Ior the visa. The pre-Jamie Coates Evervdav Mobilitv , 13college student (CHN: jiuxue) visa is pretty easy though. You get a year in Japan no questions asked (CHN: meiwenti le).`You just need a language school?`Yeah, yeah (CHN: dui dui dui..)`Xiaochen described the procedures her parents carried out to get her to Japan with a no-nonsense obviousness, listing the various stages she went through. It is diIfcult to capture in written Iorm, but what struck me about this conversation with Xiaochen was her disinterested tone. Rather than the result oI a particular personal desire, Xiaochen explained her mobility as merely a strategic choice made by her and her Iamily. I would ask her and my other dorm mates whether there had been any other infuences that had directed them to Japan. I asked whether they had had dreams oI moving to Japan, perhaps infuenced by Japanese popular culture fows to China, and was always met with a short no.` This blunt reIusal surprised me to some extent as other students I knew Irom southeast Asia, Europe and America oIten cited Japanese pop culture as a major infuence in their decision to move to Japan. My interlocutors` responses suggested to me that they had very little desire to move to Japan in particular, and that the need to move was seen as an everyday` strategy infuenced by the various institutional and Iamilial Iactors that normalized` their movements. This normalization` is understood both in terms oI the experience oI moving, and in terms oI my interlocutors` reports oI how their Iamily and Iriends Ielt about it.My interlocutors` responses ft into the state-approved discourses in China which encourage movement overseas (Nyiri, 2001; Nyiri, 2010). These discourses resulted in what was popularly reIerred to as leaving Iever` (CHN: chuguore) (For example see Ong, 1997; Ong, 1999). The term Iever` is commonly used to describe any kind oI popular craze in China;Ior example, David Palmer, in his research on Chinese body cultivation practices known as Qigong, has discussed Iever` as a kind oI collective eIIervescence which occurs when oIfcial policies and inIormal signals sent Irom above correspond with, open space Ior, and ampliIy popular desire` (Palmer, 2007: 278). This leaving Iever` has been accompanied by a rhetorical drive Ior educational success in China (Kipnis, 2011), which is internalised in parents` own hopes Ior their children (Fong 2004; Fong, 2007; Brandstadter and Santos 2009; Fong, 2011; Kipnis, 2011). These various Iorces contribute to what Pal Nyiri has called a mobility regime` which insists that it is essential Ior the modern Chinese subject to be mobile` (Nyiri, 2010: 164-165). This is not to say that all Chinese subjects are necessarily mobile, but rather it is a popularly held social Iact in China that mobility is desirable. Indeed, Julie Y. Chu has shown that the Iailure to be mobile is a source oI anxiety Ior many oI the villagers she researched in Fuzhou, China (Chu, 2010).My interlocutors` strategic choice oI Japan as destination fts well with current scholarly work on students` choices when leaving China. In Fong`s research on young Chinese` aspirations to move overseas, she Iollowed a group oI participants whom she had previously interviewed at high school age (Fong, 2011). The 14 , IRSR Jolume 3, Issue 1, Februarv 2013interviewees were originally Irom the Chinese city Dalian, but had moved to various countries, such as Ireland, Japan, America, Britain and Australia. Despite voicing a desire to go to America or Britain, the majority oI Fong`s inIormants ended up spending a signifcant period oI time in either Ireland or Japan. This was due to the fexible visa and work systems in these countries, and in particular, the relative ease oI getting a Japanese student visa. Fong shows that although mobile Chinese have preIerences Ior certain countries, the most signifcant distinction was whether they were considered developed.` Fong`s inIormants dreamed oI going to a developed country` (CHN: fadaguofia), which was envisioned as a general category in their dream rather than in reIerence to a specifc country. These countries were reIerred to as a paradise` (CHN: tiantang), and although it was considered the less prestigious silver path` (CHN: vinse), 42 oI her inIormants had spent at least 6 months in Japan; making it the most signifcant mediator in the goals oI young Chinese to move overseas.However, while Fong`s students spoke oI overseas as a paradise,` my own interlocutors spoke oI Japan in more sombre tones. In Iact, one interlocutor sardonically made a pun on the term paradise` by calling Japan a consumption paradise` (CHN: xiaofei tiantang). They then Iollowed to joke about how this paradise` wasn`t in the grasp oI busy and poor Chinese students. It was, they said, like being invited to a banquet but not allowed to eat. This joke refects a broader sense I Iound among young mobile Chinese in Japan that Japan was merely seen as an optional destination, rather than a paradise.` The stories oI overseas travel amongst my interlocutors, and the motivations Ior leaving China were Iar more practical than aspirational. For Xiaochen, the decision to move to Japan was mainly motivated by her Iailure to get into a well-respected university, and diIfculty in fnding work aIter completing a short diploma in early age child care. The decision was also not Iully her own, her parents` hopes Ior their only child being a larger Iactor than her own aspirations. As Xiaochen said, she didn`t know how she ended up` in Japan, her travel being largely infuenced and arranged by her Iamily.Many oI my interlocutors told similar stories to Xiaochen`s.My parents suggested I apply when I fnished high school because my sister had moved over here, but I was rejected by the embassy during the interview Ior my application. I didn`t really want to go in all honesty, but when I was rejected, I Ielt leIt out and became determined to come here. I applied three more times beIore I was accepted. By then I was 28.` (32 yr old, male, Irom Liaoning, Takushita University student)BeIore the moment I sat down on the plane, I`d never thought about coming to Japan. I didn`t do well in school, and aIter spending a year looking Ior work, my mother said she`d support me. At that time (2002) everyone was leaving the country. I didn`t think oI where I was going, just that I had nothing to do in China. It was a coincidental opportunity (CHN: ouran de jihui).` (27yr old, male, Irom Harbin, electronics dealer)Jamie Coates Evervdav Mobilitv , 15Xiaochen and my other interlocutors` comments suggest that the experience oI Chinese transnational migration is neither liberating nor oppressive. Key works within literature on Chinese migration have oIten emphasized transnational mobility as a source oI Ireedom. Aihwa Ong`s notion oI fexible citizenship` Ior example, celebrated the strategic and fexible way Chinese entrepreneurs move between diIIerent economically advantageous countries (Ong, 1998). She describes these fexible citizens` as bastions oI China`s new economic growth, and a model Ior successIul Chinese subjects (Nyiri 2010). However, Barak Kalir is critical oI this emphasis on fuidity` in much oI the literature on transnational mobility (Kalir, 2012). He Iollowed Chinese labourers between Israel and China, noting the ways capital accumulation and state discourses intersect with the everyday imperatives oI mobile Chinese people. Further, he noted that although Chinese labourers oIten beneft Irom their work in Israel, their successes by no means outshone their peers who never leIt China. In line with Kalir`s observations, my interlocutors` stories demonstrate that the era oI the transnational Chinese subject as the epitome oI success is in decline. Moving overseas can be a reaction to Iailure as much as a drive Ior success. What is more, although Chinese state discourses encourage mobility as a sign oI being a good modern Chinese subject, mobility in itselI is not experienced as such. My interlocutors described it more as an everyday practice that is experienced as normal,` shaped by their Iamilies, Iriends and personal attempts to negotiate Iailures and successes. The Everyday Practice of MovingIn many ways there is little new to my fndings about the shape and Iorm oI young mobile Chinese in Japan. Like other researchers on Chinese migration to Japan, I Iound their movements to be distinctly transnational, creating links and networks between Japan and China (Tajima, 2003; Liu-Farrer, 2007; Liu-Farrer, 2011). The shape oI this transnationalism is not dissimilar to other migratory patterns elsewhere in the world. Peggy Levitt`s work on Dominicans in Boston (Levitt, 2001) and Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo`s work on transnational migration between Mexico and the United states (Hondagneu-Sotelo 2001) show similar patterns oI movements back and Iorth between host country and home. These movements create networks between the two spaces which aIIect migrants` sense oI place in the world. They also create networks which Iacilitate Iuture movements along similar lines. Rather than Iocus on the shape and Iorm oI transnational migration however, I take inspiration Irom the banal tone oI my interlocutors` migration stories. Hence, instead oI using migration and transnationalism as the primary lens to interrogate their experiences, I preIer a broader concept oI mobility and everyday practice` (De Certeau ,1984) which utilises Bourdieu`s sense oI the semi-conscious and practical strategizing that comes Irom habituated social liIe (Bourdieu 1998).In his book The Practice of Evervdav Life, Michel De Certeau draws attention to ways oI operating` that are considered everyday` (1984: xi). A collection oI essays, his work highlights the strategic and tactical 16 , IRSR Jolume 3, Issue 1, Februarv 2013nature oI practices such as walking through the city, consumption and telling stories about oneselI. From these examples, De Certeau provides several useIul tools to explore people`s attempts to negotiate wider contexts. De Certeau emphasizes innovation and negotiation, arguing that agents are unrecognised producers, poets oI their own acts, silent discoverers oI their own paths in the jungle oI Iunctionalist rationality` (1984: xvii). People`s liIe trajectories are thus shaped by their cultures, which determine the elements used, but not the phrasing` produced by the bricolage (the artisan-like inventiveness)` Iound within each step oI their lived experiences. He oIten reIers to this process as simply making do` (1984: xvii). Each oI my interlocutors` stories shared much in common; 90 had initially moved to Japan on a student visa, and parental infuence in the decision-making process was very common. On the other hand, each oI their stories had a unique phrasing` and trajectory` which demonstrates the teller`s own role in making sense oI wider Iorces.An Inner-Mongolian couple`s tale oI how they came to Japan exemplifes the process oI making do` while engaging with these Iorces. Despite growing up together as children, the desire to study had drawn them away Irom each other since they were 17. The wiIe, Non, had not grown up speaking Mandarin, and had only learnt standardised modern Chinese (CHN: Putonghua) when she started her later years in primary school. She said that linguistic diIfculties had always made her Ieel out oI place within the urban centres oI China, and so, at 17 when an opportunity to study in Japan arose she took it without thinking. She said that Mongolian is grammatically similar to Japanese, and that she thought that she might ft in more in Japan due to a perceived commonality between Mongolians and Japanese people. Her move as a student would later channel her husband`s move to Japan. He described his tale as Iollows:The biggest reason |I came to Japan| is that I met my wiIe (CHN: laopo missus`) back where we come Irom. We got along really well aIter not having seen each other since we were kids and we started to date (CHN: tanlianai). However, she was going to go to Japan, and I thought Not a problem. it could only be around a year right?` But she didn`t come back.aIter that, she got a job and our lives were stable (CHN: wending le)... I know you probably want me to give a really sentimental reason like I came here just Ior her, blah blah` but it really wasn`t like that. I really just thought try studying abroad` (CHN: liuxue bei). See iI I can get used to it here, see what it`s like you know.`I include this couple`s tale to show how even when mobile people take the same institutional path (student visas), their trajectories have unique aspects. Unlike Xiaochen`s story, the husband within this couple had a stable` liIe in China as a relatively successIul small business owner. He did not have prestigious qualifcations (he owned a hair salon), nor did he see this as a Iailing. Further, his parents held little sway over his liIe. As a young boy he had moved oIten between distant relatives and Ielt little bond to his Jamie Coates Evervdav Mobilitv , 17mother and Iather. What is more, they rarely intervened in his liIe decisions. His tale oI mobility is an example oI how we make do` with opportunities and imperatives presented to us in the everyday.` His tale is not merely a romantic story oI Iollowing his wiIe. Much like Xiaochen he told this story with a gruII, pragmatic tone, trying to downplay its romantic aspects. This could be interpreted as an attempt to avoid the gender hierarchy inversion that oIten comes when women migrate frst (Sheba 2005). However, I do not Ieel this entirely explains his tone. AIter living in Japan Ior three years he had established a relatively successIul hair salon in Ikebukuro which catered to local Chinese-speaking customers. Throughout my feldwork with him, he never showed a sense oI emasculation or resentment about Iollowing his wiIe. He also never mentioned a desire Ior education or social mobility. Rather, he would imply he was more interested in living well` (CHN: guohaori:i); oIten using the phrase as long as I`m happy` (CHN: kaixin fiu hao le). These stories and others demonstrate an absence oI ambition in decisions to become mobile lacking Irom current discourses on mobility.Disjunctures and obstacles in navigating everyday mobilityDe Certeau recognises the habituating power oI wider Iorces while showing reservations about researchers` abilities to accurately account Ior what these are (Buchanan, 2001: 18). I fnd this useIul when considering the congruence between my interlocutors` decisions to move to Japan and China`s wider discourse oI the mobile Chinese subject. Focusing on mobility as an everyday practice` which involves the process oI making do` is hermeneutically useIul. It allows us to incorporate the normalization` oI institutional Iorces in the experience oI moving without treating those institutional Iorces as deterministic. For Xiaochen and many others, their parents` internalisation oI the Chinese government`s encouragement oI mobility was a deciding Iactor in sending them overseas. This created a matter-oI-Iact reality to the interpretation oI moving as desirable, even iI taken as a second choice aIter Iailures at home. As one oI my interlocutors said, the mundane sense oI Chinese mobility regimes now means the question is no longer why move?` but rather why not?`The concept oI making do` has much in common with Henrik Vigh`s suggested use oI the term navigation` when discussing mobile subjects` attempts to negotiate a mobile world (Vigh, 2009). In using the term navigation` (literally to sail) Vigh takes inspiration Irom the fuid metaphors that have proliIerated in studies oI globalization and transnationalism, while highlighting some oI their limitations. Vigh argues that the emphasis on fows and other fuid metaphors has made it diIfcult to incorporate what people do into the wider Iorces they contend with. At the same time he notes that metaphors within practice theory, such as Bourdieu`s feld` (1976), oIten lack a dynamic sense oI the interactional movements oI people and the contexts which situate them.Navigation. highlights motion within motion; it is the act oI moving 18 , IRSR Jolume 3, Issue 1, Februarv 2013in an environment that is wavering and unsettled, and when used to illuminate social liIe it directs our attention to the Iact that we move in social environments oI actors and actants, individuals and institutions, that engage and move us as we move along`. (Vign, 2009: 420)The metaphor oI navigation` is a useIul addition to a broader understanding oI mobile people`s attempts to make do.` It allows us to acknowledge the changing nature oI situations people make do` in. Navigation` also allows Ior a recognition oI diIfcult situations that may arise unexpectedly, like a storm at sea. Despite the narration oI moving to Japan as normal,` mobile Chinese in Japan still Iaced many diIfculties. Unexpected circumstances would arise that dramatically changed their imagined trajectory. This could also disrupt their perception oI moving as normal and desirable. Chinese newcomers in Tokyo oIten Ielt anxiety about their lack oI a place in the world. None oI my interlocutors aspired to remain in Japan indefnitely, but at the same time those who tried to return to the PRC would soon fnd themselves drawn back to Japan. They were transnational in terms oI embodied mobility, and oIten moved in coherence with the regimes oI mobility between China and Japan. However, their thwarted attempts to make sense oI their place in the world oIten made it diIfcult Ior them to imagine Iuture trajectories. The limits put on movement bear a burden on people trying to move. This was experienced by many oI my interlocutors in their eIIorts to secure passports and in their Iailures to gain access to more prestigious destinations abroad. However, once mobile these limitations also become a burden on people`s desire to stay in one place. In many senses, once mobile, young Chinese people in Japan are IorceIully made transnational; unable to cease the multiple mobilities they negotiate. Caught in the tides that encouraged them to go overseas, they return to China only to fnd themselves leIt behind by those that have stayed. Many Chinese people in this situation fnd it necessary to leave China again, maintaining a mobile and at times precarious liIe. This conundrum is epitomised in the use oI two popular Chinese terms to reIer to returnees. SuccessIul returnees are reIerred to as sea turtles` (CHN: haigui) which is a homophonic word play on another term that means to return Irom overseas.` This resonates nicely with Vigh`s navigation` as sea turtles` can skilIully manoeuvre through rough waters with purpose and ambition. In contrast, a term that reIers to the unsuccessIul returnees has emerged. Seaweed` (CHN: haidai), a wordplay on the Iormer metaphor, implies the opposite. Like the green aquatic weed, unsuccessIul returnees are seen as being spat back onto shore Irom the sea. Many oI my interlocutors would make jokes about becoming seaweed` iI they return to China, Ieeling unsure about their Iuture prospects. Their Iutures in Japan were equally uncertain however, as the limitations on Japan`s immigration system weighed heavily on their minds. As mentioned above, the Japanese visa system has ensured that Chinese people enter and continue to live in Japan in increasingly Jamie Coates Evervdav Mobilitv , 19convenient and legal ways. At the same time, migrants on these temporary visas have Iew symbolic or political rights. Similarly, permanent and long-term resident visa holders have no right to engage in local politics and fnd it extremely diIfcult to gain nationality due to Japan`s requirement oI descent Ior citizenship (ius sanguinius). For most people, this is not a concern, however many oI my interlocutors would cite this example as a cynical reason Ior not staying in Japan longer. Consequently, it is very rare to fnd a naturalized citizen amongst the Chinese people living in Ikebukuro, even amongst those who have lived there Ior 25 years. According to my interlocutors` understanding, this is because you must change your name to a Japanese one, give up Chinese citizenship and register permanently with a municipal government in order to gain Japanese citizenship. In actuality these conditions have not been part oI the oIfcial regulations since 1985, but are maintained as a convention within many oI the local government oIfces that administer the municipal registration system (JPN: koseki ) (Morris-Suzuki 2002; Morris-Suzuki 2010). In this way, institutional Iorces or the threat oI now-deIunct institutional practices can keep a subject mobile past their desire to remain so.The inability to remain in Japan permanently, and the Iear oI being seaweed` in China, place many mobile Chinese people in a diIfcult position. They are Iaced with the socio-economic obstacles oI mobility, while also no longer being able to cease being mobile. The uncertainties associated with this kind oI liIestyle were oIten described as a foating` (CHN: piao), and also occasionally foating/wandering` (CHN: fuvou). Vanessa Fong`s research on young Chinese abroad has also noted the common use oI the term.Transnational Chinese students oIten describe their sojourns in developed countries as conditions oI foating (piao), a concept associated with instability, transience, uncertainty, and a lack oI rootedness.` (Fong, 2011: 98) In general foating` has a negative connotation, constituted by a lack oI agency and sense oI indeterminacy. The story oI Laoliu` demonstrates the personal tensions Iound within negotiations oI place, with its associated diasporic imaginaries and liIe projects. Moreover, it demonstrates how the normalized Iantasy oI mobility as a means to personal betterment popular in China conficts with the everyday imperatives oI embodied mobility and the liIe choices presented therein. I frst met Laoliu whilst watching a billiards game with a group oI my inIormants. They held a weekly match on Wednesdays to play Ior small amounts oI money and blow oII steam Irom their otherwise hectic work and study lives. I sat on a couch near the tables discussing my research question with a new Iriend I had been introduced to when Laoliu approached us. He wore a grey pinstriped suit and had his hair slicked back in a Iashion almost reminiscent oI pop culture images oI Japanese mafa. He oIten spoke to me weaving Japanese nouns and adjectives into otherwise Chinese sentence structures, and occasionally using the Chinese pronunciation oI a Japanese character 20 , IRSR Jolume 3, Issue 1, Februarv 2013compound. He described Japan as a benri` (JPN: convenient) place where everyone`s suzhi` (CHN: qualitv) was high. In particular, he talked oI how he wanted to learn the Japanese approach to service` (CHN: fuwu) as he thought it was decidedly lacking in Northeast China. Amongst the people I had met so Iar, he was the most enthusiastic about his liIe in Japan. He also suggested applying Ior Japanese citizenship.Over the course oI my feldwork, Laoliu and I became very close, and I discovered things about his liIe that brought many nuances to his original perIormance oI aIfuence and enthusiasm. In contrast to his initial display oI certainty about his liIe project in Japan, perhaps a year aIter our initial meeting he came to a crossroads that made him question many things. I received a phone call Irom him at around 2am in the morning. He was tentative and sounded concerned, eventually asking me Ior advice. He explained to me that his Japanese boss had oIIered him a signifcant promotion, but that he didn`t know whether he wanted to take it.Despite Laoliu`s excitement about Japan, when Iaced with the actuality oI living there Ior another fve years (the contract Ior the promotion), he became incredibly distressed. He discussed with me at length how he wanted to get married but could never marry a Japanese woman; how he wanted to take care oI his Iamily but that they could never come to Japan; how he could make more money elsewhere in China perhaps, but that he didn`t have any connections. Finally he said that most importantly this isn`t my home.` I asked iI he`d like me to meet him and suggested that we call some oI his Iriends, but he declined. Despite repeated phone calls he remained withdrawn Ior the next month, until he fnally got back in touch and told me he had decided not to take the promotion but remain in his current job, waiting to see iI he had a change oI heart. He then said he`d just foat` in Japan (CHN: piao :ai riben).The distress experienced by Laoliu due to the tensions between his desires to be a successIul mobile subject, take care oI his Iamily and be in a place he Ielt he belonged is but one example oI the disruptions contemporary regimes oI mobility bring Ior young mobile Chinese. Amongst my interlocutors the sense oI being unsure was incredibly common. The tensions between places and liIe projects created this alienation. Laoliu did not simply wish to belong in Japan, nor did he just wish to return home. The movement between places has leIt him vulnerable to his sense oI simultaneous uncertainty and obligation. In this sense, the normalization oI regimes oI mobility within and Irom China has not produced Chinese subjects that perIectly ft into it. Despite the oIfcial encouragement oI certain kinds oI mobility between China and Japan, mobility still presents conficting imperatives and diIfculties Ior young mobile Chinese people.Laoliu`s reaction to his uncertainty was not hapless. It demonstrated a distinct sense oI navigation; even iI only a short term strategy. It was diIfcult to fnd out more about Laoliu`s motivations, as he did not want to talk about it. However, his reaction suggests a tactical navigation oI the mobile Iorces and options presented to him. Rather than choose a particular certainty (to take the promotion or Jamie Coates Evervdav Mobilitv , 21return to China), Laoliu opted to Iorego any immediate outcomes. He rejected both immobility and mobility, fnding a solution more akin to foating` than voluntary movement. He kept his options open Ior the Ioreseeable Iuture by keeping multiple liIe trajectories and mobilities open.An everyday practice approach is useIul in understanding Laoliu`s attempts to negotiate the limitations oI mobility. In discussing everyday practice, De Certeau suggests we distinguish between tactics` and strategies.` Strategies are more purposeIully political and oIten reIer to attempts to change socio-cultural and spatial orders. In contrast, tactics` are ways oI operating that oIten undercut wider Iorces without necessarily changing them. They are what makes up much oI everyday practice.Many everyday practices (talking, reading, moving about, shopping, cooking etc.) are tactical in character. And so are, more generally, many ways oI operating`: victories oI the weak` over the strong` (whether the strength be that oI powerIul people or the violence oI things or oI an imposed order etc.), clever tricks, maneuvers, polymorphic simulations, poetic as well as warlike (de Certeau 1998)Vigh also applies De Certeau`s dichotomy oI tactics and strategies to his concept oI navigation (2009).`Coupling the idea oI navigation with a conceptual dichotomy Irom De Certeau (1988), we can say that strategy is the process oI demarcating and constituting space and tactics the process oI navigating it.` (Vigh, 2009: 424)Rather than portraying Laoliu as totally distraught, I would suggest his decision to foat` was a tactical one. Unable to change the wider regimes that shaped the options presented to him he opted to drop his sails and stop navigating Ior a while. This suggests the tactical uses oI immobility and foating` in young mobile Chinese attempts to negotiate the disruptions and disjuncture Iound within wider regimes oI mobility.ConclusionRefecting on his research on international Lebanese migrants, Ghassan Hage states, it is a mistake to think that iI people move across national borders, this movement is necessarily the most signifcant and defning element in their lives` (Hage, 2005: 459). Critical oI mi-gration literature`s tendency to overemphasize the importance oI imagined communities` and mobility as the defning aspects oI migration, he argues Ior more careIul ethnographic attention to what is symbolically signifcant in people`s actual lives. To highlight what is signifcant in peoples` lives however, we must also take note oI the insignifcant.` This paper has taken the banal tone oI Chinese migrants` narratives oI mobility in Tokyo as a sign that the act oI movement does not stand out as the most exceptional aspect oI their lives. Rather, it is a tactic` that fts into wider regimes oI mobility Iound between China`s drive Ior educational and economic success, and Japan`s own visa system which acts as a proxy labour migration scheme. The signifcant elements that motivate young Chinese moving to Japan are not the act oI migration itselI, but rather a 22 , IRSR Jolume 3, Issue 1, Februarv 2013wide range oI everyday imperatives. For many young people like Xiaochen, it was the Iailure to get into a good university. For others it was the desire to be with loved ones. Finally, some oI my interlocutors simply Iound it hard to justiIy not moving to Japan when an opportunity arose. These Iactors are the fux oI the everyday` which constitute the wider mobilities we navigate. They are perhaps smaller eddies, currents and whirlpools than the wider transnational fows between China and Japan, but on the experiential level, they appeared to be what counted Ior my interlocutors.An approach which emphasizes mobility as an everyday practice,` with navigation` and making do` as its Iocal point, is a useIul interpretive tool. It allows us to explore the contours oI what Noel B Salazar and Allen Smart call the embodied practices oI mobility and world-shaping meanings oI mobility , which can be interpreted as the imaginaries associated with mobility versus the act oI moving (Salazar and Smart 2011: 594). Indeed, Salazar has also noted that imaginaries are a dynamic mobile phenomena in themselves (Salazar 2011). In the context oI Chinese migration to Japan, the world-shaping meanings oI mobility` are produced by a governmental drive Ior educational and economic success, which are then internalised within parents` hopes and desires Ior their children and a more general valuing oI the selI as a modern Chinese subject` (Nyiri, 2010). These meanings intersect with the imaginaries which shape the place oI Ioreigners in Japan. Over the past twenty years they have been treated as an instrumental fx to economic problems with very Iew discourses oI multiculturalism Iorming around Chinese migrants to create new world-making meanings` that place them in Japan long term. In this sense, they are almost IorceIully made transnational due to the meanings which situate them.The embodied practice oI moving articulates with these wider meanings in several ways. It demonstrates not only obstacles to movement, but also how individuals struggle to control certain mobilities. For Xiaochen and others, the meanings generated Irom China`s regimes oI mobility normalize the experience oI moving to Japan. It is experienced as uneventIul, and is described as merely a tactical` option taken due to other imperatives. It was described by many young Chinese in Japan as only partly their own choice, suggesting the choice between multiple mobilities as an obstacle in itselI. As Laoliu`s story shows the embodied Iact oI being mobile means new imaginaries are presented. However, this is not necessarily liberating. For Laoliu, an oIIer to take a promotion and remain in Japan, triggered several other conficting hopes and desires he had Ior the Iuture, some oI which longed Ior a less mobile liIestyle. As in Vigh`s argument that the embodied practice oI mobility always takes place in a world that is also changing and in motion, Laoliu Iound himselI contending with possible mobilities that disrupted his sense oI place in the world. Although he originally Ielt like a mobile modern Chinese subject, new options revealed his uncertain Ieelings. Overwhelmed by the options presented to him, he asserted himselI through his everyday practice`; tactically choosing to be immobile, or at least foating` rather than navigating`.Jamie Coates Evervdav Mobilitv , 2324 , IRSR Jolume 3, Issue 1, Februarv 2013Mobility is neither liberating nor oppressive. It is not indicative oI subjects situated as victims oI global capital nor as Iree agents. Rather, mobility is a constant Ieature oI our social worlds and is expressed by agents as a part oI everyday practice. Although movement overseas is statistically exceptional, it is not experienced as such by young mobile Chinese living in Ikebukuro, Tokyo. Their experiences remind us that it is not their status as migrants or students that merit anthropological attention, but their lives as an example oI being human, which mobility is an important part oI. The term foating` used by young mobile Chinese draws our attention to the ways in which mobility and fuidity serve as useIul metaphors Ior people in their daily lives. Through the metaphor oI foating` the transience oI the everyday takes on new meanings that are refected in the fuid metaphors oI mobility scholars. However, it is important to distinguish between mobility as an etic theoretical interest, and mobile metaphors used by our interlocutors themselves. For many, the language oI mobility is not concerned with the act oI moving but the inertia oI everyday liIe. For them, everyday liIe is already moving, and the imperative to navigate this is what defnes their daily practice.ReferencesBourdieu, P. (1998). Practical Reason. On the Theorv of Action. StanIord, StanIord University Press.Brandstadter, S. and G. D. Santos, eds. (2009). Chinese Kinship. Contemporarv anthropological perspectives. Routledge Contemporary China series. New York and Oxon, Routledge.Buchanan, I. (2001). Michel De Certeau. Cultural Theorist. London, Sage Publications.Cheng, T.-S. (2001). Kafin Diasupora. Kasho no Nettowaku to Iidentitii Tokyo, Akashi Shoten.Cheng, X. ( 2003). Non-remaining and Non-returning` Globali:ing Chinese Migration. trends in Europe and Asia. P. Nyiri and I. Saveliev. Aldershot Ashgate publishing.Chu, J. Y. (2010). Cosmologies of Credit. Transnational Mobilitv and the Politics of Destination in China. New York, Duke University Press.De Certeau, M. (1984). The Practice of Evervdav Life Berkeley, University oI CaliIornia Press.Douglass, M. and G. Roberts (2000). Japan and Global Migration. Honolulu, University oI Hawai`i Press.Fong, V. (2004). Filial nationalism among Chinese teenagers with global identities.` American Ethnologist 31(4).Fong, V. (2007). Morality, Cosmopolitanism, or Academic Attainment? Discourses on Quality` and Urban Chinese-Only-Children`s Claims to Ideal Personhood.` Citv & Societv 19(1).Fong, V. (2011). Paradsie redehned. Transnational Chinese Students and the Quest for Flexible Citi:enship in the Developed World. StanIord, CaliIornia, StanIord University Press.Galbraith, P. (2011). Fujoshi: Fantasy Play and Transgressive Intimacy among Rotten Girls` in Contemporary Japan.` Signs 37 (1)Hage, G. (2005). A not so multi-sited ethnography oI a not so imagined community.` Anthropological Theorv 5(463-475).Hisada, M. (1992). Firipina wo Aishita Otokotachi. Tokyo, Bunshun Bunko.Hondagneu-Sotelo, P. (2001). Domestica. Immigrant Workers Cleaning and Caring in the Shadows of Afuence, University oI CaliIornia Press.Kalir, B. (2012) Moving Subjects, Stagnant Paradigms: Can the 'mobilities paradigm transcend methodological nationalism? Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 39 (2): 1-17.Kipnis, A. (2011). Governing educational desire. culture, politics, and schooling in China. Chicago, University oI Chicago Press.Levitt, P. (2001). Transnational Jillagers, University oI CaliIornia Pres.Liu-Farrer, G. (2007). Educationallv Channeled Labour Migration. Post-1978 student mobilitv from China to Japan. Department oI Sociology. Illinois, Chicago University. Doctor oI Philosophy Dissertation.Liu-Farrer, G. (2011). Labour Migration from China to Japan International students, transnational migrants. London, Routledge.Liu-Farrer, G. (2012). To leave or not to leave: that`s the question` Chinese migrants in Japan aIter 3.11. Migrant Communities in Japan in the Aftermath of the Tohoku Earthquake. Sophia University.Morris-Suzuki, T. (2002). Immigration and Citizenship in Contemporary Japan. Japan. Change and Continuitv. J. Maswood, J. Graham and H. Miyajima, Routledge Curzon: 163-178.Morris-Suzuki, T. (2010). Borderline Japan. Foreigners and frontier controls in the Post-war era. Cambridge,UK, Cambridge University Press.Nyiri, P. (2001). Expatriating is patriotic? The discourse on new migrants` in the People`s Republic oI China and identity construction among recent migrants Irom the PRC.` Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies October.Nyiri, P. (2010). Mobilitv and cultural authoritv in contemporarv China. Seattle and London, University oI Washington Press.Ong, A. (1999). Flexible citi:enship. the cultural logics of transnationalitv. Durham & London, Duke University Press.Ong, A. a. N., D (1997). Ungrounded Empires. the cultural politics of Modern Chinese Transnationalism. New York, Routledge.Palmer, D. (2007). Qigong Fever. Bodv, Science and Utopia in China. New York, Columbia University Press.Pieke, F. (2007). Editorial Introduction: Community and Identity in the New Chinese Migration Order.` Population, Space and place 13.Roth, J. H. (2002). Brokered Homeland. Japanese Bra:ilian Migrants in Japan. New York, Cornell University Press.Salazar, N. (2011). The Power oI Imagination in Transnational Mobilities.` Identities. Global Studies in Culture and Power 18(6).Jamie Coates Evervdav Mobilitv , 25Salazar, N. and A. Smart (2011). Anthropological Takes on (Im)Mobility.` Identities. Global Studies in Culture and Power 18(6).Sheba, M. G. (2005). When Women Come First. Gender and Class in Transnational Migration, University oI CaliIornia Press.Tajima, J. (2003). Chinese Newcomers in the Global City Tokyo: Social Networks and Settlement Tendencies International Journal of Japanese Sociologv 12.Terasawa, K. (2000). Migration in Law Practice. Japan and Global Migration. M. Douglass and G. Roberts. Honolulu, University oI Hawai`i Press.UNESCO. (2006). Global Educational Digest 2006. comparing education statistics across the world. Irom http://www.uis.unesco.org/TEMPLATE/pdI/ged/2006/GED2006.pdI.Vigh, H. (2009). Motion squared : A second look at the concept oI social navigation.` Anthropological Theorv 9.Xiang, B. (2003). Emigration Irom China: a sending country perspective.` International Migration 41(3).Xiang, B. (2007). A New Mobility Regime in the Making: What Does a Mobile China Mean to the World. Idees pour le debat N10/2007. Global Governance. Paris: Institut du developpement durable et des relations internationales.Yamashita, K. (2010). Ikebukuro Chainataun. tonai saidai no shinkakvogai no fitsu:ou ni semaru. Tokyo, Yousen Publishing.26 , IRSR Jolume 3, Issue 1, Februarv 2013


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By Autumn Waite, Snohomish County Fire District 7 Public Information Officer.
From December 1st – 15th, 2013, Snohomish County Fire District 7 responded to 238 calls, 66 of which were in Mill Creek.
- Fire related: 34
- Medical Aid: 147
- Motor Vehicle Collisions: 12
- Service Calls: 45
- Total = 238
Did you know?
December is the peak month for home candle fires. Follow these safety tips to prevent a tragedy:
- Keep candles at least 12" away from anything that can burn, and remember to blow them out when you leave the room or go to bed.
- Use candle holders that are sturdy, won't tip over and are placed on uncluttered surfaces. Avoid using candles in the bedroom, where more than one third of home candle fires begin, or other areas where people may fall asleep.
- Never leave a child alone in a room with a burning candle.
- Consider using flameless candles, which look and smell like real candles.
Fire District's Purpose :
The goal, purpose and objective of Snohomish County Fire District No.7 is to provide fire protection and emergency medical services for all its citizens in a cost efficient and effective manner.
We currently support a population of about 70,000 citizens in a sixty square mile area including the city of Mill Creek. All patients who require transport to a hospital or medical facility receive emergency care and transport to their hospital of choice or the hospital that is most appropriate for their condition.
We offer this service from stations located throughout the fire district and the city of Mill Creek.
For more information on Fire District 7, visit www.firedistrict7.com, or contact Public Educator Autumn Waite at firstname.lastname@example.com or 360-282-3956.


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With the finalists of the Better Business Awards now announced, The Adviser's events team discuss this year's peak event for the mortgage and finance broking community, run in partnership with principal partner NAB.
Host Annie Kane is joined by Jennifer Hardy and Jesse Maslen on this episode of Elite Broker to outline what makes an award-winning submission, provide further details of the event, and run through the key sessions and agenda of the Better Business Summit 2020.
They also reveal:
Are you interested in the issues shaping the roles of mortgage and finance brokers? Don't miss your chance to hear about all the big ideas for the year ahead, and gain the tools you need to position your business for growth and prosperity. Book your ticket to the Better Business Summit today.
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Police officer who wrote on Facebook that Ferguson cop 'did society a favor' by killing black teen Michael Brown is put on administrative leave
- Jason Lentz, a 17-year veteran of the Elgin PD in Illinois, posted 11 racially-charged or offensive messages on Facebook this year
- Above a video showing Ferguson victim Michael Brown, 18, allegedly stealing cigars he wrote: 'Innocent victim my a***. Did society a favor'
- He called a black highway patrol captain 'the enemy within' and agreed his kids should stay at home for Veterans Day if they're off for MLK day
- He has been suspended multiple times before, including for failing to turn up to testify as a witness in a rape trial because he was going on vacation
A police officer has been placed on administrative leave after writing on Facebook that the Ferguson, Missouri cop who shot dead an unarmed black teenager last month 'did society a favor'.
Jason Lentz, a 17-year veteran of the Elgin Police Department in Illinois, is under investigation after colleagues discovered he had written multiple racially-charged Facebook posts. Details of his posts have now been released to the Courier-News following a Freedom of Information request.
His suspension - the fourth in his career - comes after Ferguson cop Darren Wilson gunned down 18-year-old Michael Brown on August 9, sparking clashes between police officers and protesters.
In one online post on his personal Facebook page on August 17, Lentz posted a photo of Missouri Highway Patrol Captain Ron Johnson - who is black - with a black man and making an 'OK' hand sign.
Suspended: Elgin cop Jason Lentz, left, has been suspended after colleagues came across messages he'd posted on Facebook - including saying cop Darren Wilson 'did society a favor' for killing Michael Brown, right
'He is also in the Chicago Tribune hugging protesters. Just awesome… appears to be the enemy within,' Lentz wrote.
The post about Brown was made on August 15 above a video he shared entitled: 'Police Released surveillance footage allegedly showing Michael Brown stealing cigars befor[e].'
He wrote: 'Hmmm … Innocent victim my ass. Did society a favor.'
The Courier-News reported that after the post was seen by supervisors, Lentz was told to remove it - but he did not and simply shortened the message to read: 'Hmmm...'
In total, 11 Facebook posts made over the past year were included in his file.
In one post, he called this highway patrol captain - who is pictured making an 'OK' sign - 'the enemy within'
Controversial: In a post from last November, he also agreed that if school children have Martin Luther King Day off from school, they should also be allowed to miss Veterans Day
Another included a photo of a letter a parent had written to a school, explaining that their child would not attend school on Veterans Day until students attend school on Martin Luther King Day.
Lentz wrote: 'Hell Yeah!!! I think next year I'll keep the kids home.'
He was placed on leave after another officer brought the posts to command staff's attention. Officials have said that the posts could violate the Police Department's social media guidelines.
The officer has previously served suspensions in 2001, 2012 and June, the Courier News reported.
Among these, in 2012, he was summoned to court to appear as a witness in a case about the rape of a 74-year-old woman in 2010.
But he failed to turn up, telling a supervisor and assistant states attorney that he was not able to attend because he was flying out for vacation.
Gunned down: Unarmed 18-year-old Michael Brown, left, was shot dead by Ferguson, Missouri Police Officer Darren Wilson, right, last month, sparking protests
Earlier this year, he was also accused of sending an email on the city system that included profanity.
The investigation is expected to take a few weeks. Depending on the conclusion, he could return to work or face termination.
Other police officers have found themselves in hot water for their comments following the Ferguson incident.
Glendale Officer Matthew Pappert lost his job after he commented on his Facebook saying the protesters should be 'put down like rabid dogs'.
In another comment, he said: 'Where is a Muslim with a backpack when you need them?'
Pappert later apologized, saying he was 'deeply remorseful' for the comments.
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News: Visitor numbers go sky high, Spain´s busiest year in history
Written by Inmo Investments - 20 Feb 2017
Spanish airport operator labels 2016
as the busiest year ... ever.
According to the latest data released by AENA, the Spanish state owned airport operator, Spain enjoyed a record breaking 2016 when it came to the number of travellers visiting the country by air.
A total of 161.7 million international visitors passed through Spanish airports last year, confirming its global reputation for connectivity and accessability.
The Costa Blanca´s premier airport, Alicante-Elche, recorded historic high passenger numbers in 2016, handling the travel needs of 12.3 million people. The soaring figures represent an increase of 16.7% in passenger traffic, with 1.7 million more people travelling through Alicante-Elche airport in 2016 than in the previous year.
Almost half of the passengers travelling through Alicante-Elche originated from the UK (42%), indicating that the attraction for British tourists to the Costa Blanca remains strong.
Despite the uncertainty caused by Brexit, budget airline Jet2 announced that they plan to increase flights to Alicante-Elche by 40% between April and November this year from 9 regional airports in the UK, including London-Stansted, Edinburgh and Leeds-Bradford.
Spain enjoyed a bumper 2016 welcoming more sunseekers than ever before. 75.6 million people visited Spain in 2016 according to the latest INE data, an impressive year on year increase of 10.3%; and with Alicante-Elche airport already reporting a 15.5% increase in passengers travelling in January, 2017 looks like it´s going to be another record breaker.
Spain's real estate sector is also optimistic for another good year in 2017. The latest airport and tourism figures, combined with local sentiment means that the outlook for 2017 is positive, especially for the Costa Blanca, despite wider economic uncertainty throughout northern Europe.
Property buyers wishing to escape the political uncertainty at home, need look no further than the beautiful Orihuela Costa located within the south Costa Blanca. Despite moderate rises in Spanish property prices it is still possible to pick up a villa close to the Meditteranean beaches for less than €100,000 (approximately £86,000). Click here to take a look, or click here to start your search for a place in the sun.
Villa - New build - Ciudad Quesada
Spain - Costa Blanca South - Ciudad Quesada785.000€
Luxury modern villa in Ciudad Quesada providing 4 double bedrooms and 5 bathrooms. Built to a high standard, the property provides a spacious living/dining area with a fully fitted American style kitchen with island and breakfast bar. Outside space boasts an impressive 531.5m2 plot which includes a landscaped garden, 4x8m saltwater pool, balcony terrace and private solarium with sea and salt lake views. The villa also features a large underbuild with double garage with an area for an...331 532 4 5 Ref 5117
Apartment - Resale - Las Colinas
Spain - Costa Blanca South - Las Colinas425.000€
Luxury apartment for sale at the renowned Las Colinas Golf and Country Club . The apartment offers a ground floor location yet boasts an elevated position offering stunning pool and distant sea views, and has a spacious living area of 116m2 comprising 3 bedrooms, 2 double guest rooms and sizeable master bedroom with ensuite bathroom, further full bathroom, top of the range and unique kitchen, ample lounge/dining room with access to the impressive 82m2 sun terrace allowing panoramic views,...116 238 3 2 Ref 4518
Villa - New build - Finestrat
Spain - Costa Blanca North - Finestrat850.000€
Luxury new build detached villas for sale with private swimming pools in Sierra Cortina, Finestrat . Each property offers the choice of 3 or 4 bedrooms, 3 bathrooms. spacious lounge/dining room, modern open plan kitchen. Properties offer from 326 m² of build size dependent on model, and plots of 715 m² which boast a 5 m x 10 m private swimming pool, garden and subterranean garage. Built to an exceptional standard with plenty of design choices to make your home your very own,...326 715 3 3 Ref 4577
Apartment - New build - Guardamar del Segura
Spain - Costa Blanca South - Guardamar del Segura139.900€
New build apartments in Guardamar del Segura 7 floors with elevator, pool, parking area and green areas. Each floor has only 4 homes distributed in large living room, kitchen and two bedrooms with 2 bathrooms, one en suite. On floors 6 and 7 have 4 duplex houses with 2 bedrooms, 2 bathrooms with large terraces, where the master bedroom has a dressing room. Parking place included in the price. In an unbeatable location next to a major supermarket and a short walk from the city center and only...69 2 2 Ref 4800
Semi detached villa - New build - Doña Pepa
Spain - Costa Blanca South - Ciudad Quesada251.500€
A luxury development of 16 semi detached villas for sale . Each villa provides a spacious living and dining room with picture windows and patio doors overlooking the private garden, making the most of the natural light. An ultra-modern kitchen, a W/C and a double bedroom with fitted wardrobes and full en suite bathroom, are also located on the ground floor. Upstairs offers an additional bathroom, and two further double bedrooms with fitted wardrobes. One bedroom has patio doors to a...112 198 3 3 Ref 5533
Villa - Resale - Villamartin
Spain - Costa Blanca South - Villamartin280.000€
Traditional Spanish style villa for sale on a good size sunny plot with large private pool in El Presidente, Villamartin .The villa boasts good size light and bright lounge, glazed in terrace, new open plan kitchen, 2 double bedrooms and 1 refurbished bathroom, plus offers a self contained apartment in the under build which comprises 2 bedrooms and bathroom.The property has been fully refurbished to a high standard and is sold furnished. Set on a 400m private plot with low maintenance...120 400 4 2 Ref 7015
Apartment - Resale - Pinada Golf
Spain - Costa Blanca South - Villamartin89.950€
Top floor apartment with private roof solarium.Comprises good size lounge with,separate kitchen with separate utility room,2 bedrooms,1 family bathroom,good size balcony,private roof solarium with storage room and sea views.The property is in 1st. class condition and sold furnished.Walking distance to amenities.2 1 Ref 84855
Penthouse - New build - Las Colinas
Spain - Costa Blanca South - Las Colinas356.000€
Duplex penthouse in the prestigious residential Las Colinas Golf. The house has a living room, kitchen, 3 bedrooms, 3 bathrooms, terrace of 20m², parking and communal area with communal pool. It is located in a privileged location, overlooking the Mediterranean Sea and a forest landscape with native vegetation. The residential Las Colinas Golf offers a variety of sports. Tennis and paddle tennis plus a fully equipped gym next to the Club House, surrounded by an 18-hole golf course and a...118 3 3 Ref 5098


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Is there anything better than fresh avocado on a great rustic toast? I mean there really is no recipe here, grab a fresh avocado, I like mine still a little firm and remove the pip and slice evenly, grab your favourite bread, a wholegrain seed bread or similar rustic bread is delicious and toast, place avocado on toast and crumble a little feta and some cracked pepper…enjoy!
Or…you could add some bacon and a poached egg on top, or blistered cherry tomatoes, really want that Aussie taste? Spread a little Vegemite on the toast before adding avocado (just a smear), it adds a lovely savoury taste.
Speaks and tastes of sunshine and leisurely Sunday mornings…just add freshly squeezed OJ or freshly brewed coffee, heaven!


text:
Grow Your Own: Establishing Your Ecosystem
by Juan Jardinero
"…the care of the earth is our most ancient and most worthy and, after all, our most pleasing responsibility. To cherish what remains of it, and to foster its renewal, is our only legitimate hope."
? Wendell Berry.
The control of harmful pests can be a real challenge for any gardener who is trying to grow food organically. When we make that decision to grow food that will nurture our body and replenish the earth, we will inevitably have to face pests. Within the spectrum of organic forms of pest controls one can find a wide variety of options. You can find synthesized organic sprays or you can make your own chilly, garlic, onion concoction, which, with regular use, may control any invasion of unwelcomed bugs. However, it takes time, money, effort and energy to use these pest control measures. And with time some of them may proof ineffective as these pests become more resistant. The permaculture approach, however, is to encourage a living ecosystem.
In a garden, a living ecosystem requires a thoughtful design that favors variety and attempts to mimic nature, unlike conventional agriculture. Mother Nature herself, has for hundreds of millions of years grown every plant in existence, thriving without human intervention, without any inputs of energy other than those supplied by natural systems — so the idea is to copycat that model.
We tend to think of nature as something we must fight, conquer and control. But if we favor diversity we can obtain a self-regulating ecosystem that requires little management.
Establishing a food forest requires experimenting with design over time. But once established the natural pest controls kick in by themselves. Soon the whole garden will be swarming with ladybugs, predatory wasps, hoverflies, praying mantises, lacewings and all manner of beneficial insects. The pests then will start to disappear. Plenty of perennial plants ensures that there will be a permanent home for the beneficial insects, and an abundance of the right kind of flowers ensures that the good bugs will have an alternative food source to keep them alive after they have eated all the bad bugs. Pests don't attack healthy plants (most of the time!). Plants have evolved their own defense mechanisms against pests and diseases over the eons, and when plants are growing in the right place, with the right amount of light, water and nutrients, they grow strong and healthy.
The process to create this type of ecosystem will benefit from a true understanding of your plants needs in terms of light, water, position in the garden, quality of your soil and moisture. This does not come easily, for it is out of sheer lack of patience that many people don't succeed in creating natural ecosystems. But as gardeners we must practice observation and learn the needs of our garden and likely with time we will have created a self-seeding, self-regulating food forest.
If you're in Xela and wish to come out and help us create our food forest, contact us at email@example.com or call 30147604 for garden volunteer opportunities every Saturday and Sunday.


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Chase v. Stouffer, et al
|Warren Chase
|J. Michael Stouffer, G. Lawrence Franklin, Joh P. Galley, John A. Rowley, Richard J. Graham, Bobby Shearin, K. Daniel Northcraft, Frank B. Bishop, Maj. K. Presgraves, Mag. Mr. Mellott, Capt. Mr. Tyle, Capt. Mr. Tayler, Capt. Mr. Boher, Capt. Mr. Star, C. C. Arnold, Capt. P. Shockey, Capt. J. Painter, Capt. T. Hamilton, Capt. Russel Zang, J. R. Llewellyn, Lt. Mr. Johnson, Lt. Mr. Bell, Lt. Mr. Amezcug, Lt. Mr. Wetlock, Lt. Mr. Wolfe, Lt. Robert Fritz, Lt. Mr. Oates, G. A. Wenner and Lt. Mr. Thomas
|Case Number:
|October 19, 2011
|US District Court for the District of Maryland
|Baltimore Office
|Presiding Judge:
|Catherine C. Blake
|Nature of Suit:
|Civil Rights
|Cause of Action:
|Jury Demanded By:
Use the links below to access additional information about this case on the US Court's PACER system. A subscription to PACER is required.
Access this case on the Maryland District Court's Electronic Court Filings (ECF) System
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Disclaimer: Justia Dockets & Filings provides public litigation records from the federal appellate and district courts. These filings and docket sheets should not be considered findings of fact or liability, nor do they necessarily reflect the view of Justia.


text:
I'm not a programmer by trade, but I'm hoping to be able to use Qt to display the output of physics simulations in real time (while the simulation is running).
I am trying to learn Qt and QGraphicsView by implementing a flocking simulation that I already did in Processing.
Based on the colliding mice example, I've gotten to the point where I have 100 animated (actually just rotating) triangles ("birds") on screen. The problem is that even without antialiasing, this is much slower than the processing version that has 150 antialiased and semi-transparent triangles of the same size in a bigger window. (I only get 50% CPU usage with Processing, 100% with Qt.)
I believe that the bad performance is due to my using Qt incorrectly (and not Qt being slow). I'd appreciate it very much if you could give me some hints on how to do this properly, or what to do differently. Here's the program. (I tried to remove everything that was not essential.)
A few specific questions:
1. In Processing, all drawing is done manually, so it very clear when things are being drawn. When is a QGraphicsView redrawn? Does the re-draw happen every time an item is changed in some way (so every time I call rotate() on an item)?
2. I don't understand how timerEvent() works completely ... Is it a good idea that each bird has its own timer, like in the colliding mice example? Would it be better to have a single timer that rotates all of the birds at once? (I actually tried this and it didn't make the program faster.)
3. Is QGraphicsView at all suitable for what I'm trying to do, or is it bound to be slower than Processing? Should I try to use other means of drawing the birds (instead of QGraphicsView)?
I am new to Qt, and my understanding of it is clearly lacking, so please be gentle
P.S. I'm on Windows.


text:
Calabash Seafood Hut
7位當地人推薦 · 預估價格為2級(最高4級)
Nothing fancy, but this place has been in business for over 60 years and the food is always good.
Great Lunch specials for fried authentic "Calabash" style seafood. Just step in line by the front door it moves fast. MUST TRY!!!
Yummy, fresh, good prices... may have to wait in line a bit unless you go between meals. They have great specials!
It may not look fancy, but they give you GREAT service, food, portions at decent prices and have the BEST FRIED PIES for dessert! No Brainer!
""Goodnight, Mrs. Calabash wherever you are." Jimmy Durante Supposedly he signed of every show with this phrase and was talking to Ella. "
- 5位當地人推薦


text:
Hello and Welcome to Miami!
I have designed this website with you in mind, filling it with helpful information. Visit often to search for properties with my user-friendly real estate search solution, get details on schools all over Dade County, spend time reading my blog, or explore to find so much more!
550 South Dixie Highway
Coral Gables, FL 33146
Cell: 305-798-8685
Office: 305-960-5330
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text: Gossip Here's why Shehnaaz Gill might end up as the champion Shehnaaz Gill made a rocking entry on the premiere night time of Bigg Boss 13 addressing herself as Punjab Ki Katrina Kaif. One factor was evident the spunky gal didn't give a rattling about what individuals felt about her. She bonded immediately with Salman Khan. In her journey of 20 weeks, s Written by Wartalabs February 15, 2020February 15, 2020 Saving Bookmark this article Bookmarked