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Acta Theologica
On-line version ISSN 2309-9089
Print version ISSN 1015-8758
Acta theol. vol.34 suppl.19 Bloemfontein 2014
What happened to the Galatian Christians? Paul's legacy in Southern Galatia
Cilliers Breytenbach
Humboldt-Universität, Stellenbosch University, South Africa. E-mail address: firstname.lastname@example.com
Paul's Letter to the Galatians points to the influence of his missionary attempts in Galatia. By reconstructing the missionary journeys of Paul and his company in Asia Minor the author argues once again for the south Galatian hypothesis, according to which the apostle travelled through the south of the province of Galatia, i.e. southern Pisidia and Lycaonia, and never entered the region of Galatia proper in the north of the province. Supporting material comes from the epigraphic evidence of the apostle's name in the first four centuries. Nowhere else in the world of early Christianity the name Παύλος was used with such a high frequency as in those regions where the apostle founded the first congregations in the south of the province Galatia and in the Phrygian-Galatian borderland.
Keywords: : Paul's missionary journeys; North/South Galatian hypothesis, Epigraphical evidence: Name "Paul"
Trefwoorde: Paulus se sendingreise, Noord-/Suid-Galatehipotese, Epigrafiese Getuienis: Naam "Paulus"
Even though Barnabas and Paul were sent by the church of Antioch on the Orontes to the province Syria-Cilicia to spread the gospel on Cyprus and they then went to Asia Minor,1 it was only Paul who revisited Lycaonia (cf. Acts 16:1-5; 18:23). The epigraphical material referred to here, will illustrate that more than anyone else, Paul left his mark on Lycaonian Christianity.2 From the scant evidence available, it is clear that the Pauline letters and the First Letter to Timothy had an impact on the region. The question of the influence of Paul's Letter to the Galatians is more complex.
Can the Letter to the Galatians contribute to a study of the rise of Christianity in Lycaonia? It is a matter of dispute, whether the letter for the Galatians is addressed to churches in the south of the province of Galatia, that would be southern Pisidia and Lycaonia or to churches in the north of the province, to the region of Galatia proper (Sänger 2010). The major reasons for the dispute can be summarized briefly.3
The Letter to the Galatians was sent to the "churches of Galatia" (Gal. 1:2). In the letter, Paul addressed them as "foolish Galatians" (Gal. 3:1). Unfortunately, neither expression is specific enough. Γαλατία can refer to either the Caesarean province of Galatia or merely to the traditional land of the Galatians in the north of the province (Breytenbach 1996:150-1). Given this ambiguity, on Gal 1:2 alone the Galatian churches could be in the south or the north of the province of Galatia. Clearer is "Galatian". As an ethnic term Γαλάτης designates people of Celtic descent. Nevertheless, it does not determine the locality of the person (Freeman 2001:6-7). Galatians lived at various places in the Roman Empire.4 This is also true for Asia Minor.5 The Galatian king Amyntas reigned over the whole area from Galatian proper to the Pamphylian coast and he resided at Isaura Nea in the Taurus Mountains before he was killed by the mountain tribes in 26 B.C.E. The ruins of his fortifications are still visible in the Isaurian area at Zengibar Kalesi and on the Baş Dağ (Darbyshire, Mitchell & Vardar 2000:89). From Strabo (12.62 [568]) we know he had more than 300 flocks of sheep grazing the Lycaonian plain. It is therefore no wonder that various people of Galatian descent lived in the south of the province of Galatia6 and evidence of Galatian personal names is spread widely south of the Galatian region into Lycaonia,7 in Vetissus,8 insuyu (ancient Pilitokome),9 Philomelium,10 Loadicea Combusta,11 Iconium,12 Lystra,13 Kavak,14 Kilistra,15 Dinek,16 Salarama,17 Madensehir,18 Sidemaria,19 down to Termessus20 in Pisidia and Perge in Pamphylia.21
Since the evidence of the superscription, the praescriptio and Galatians 3:1 is thus inconclusive, a solution of the problem cannot be found without attending to the information the Acts of the Apostles gives on Paul's visits to eastern Pisidia, Lycaonia, Phrygia and Galatia.
Initially Barnabas and Paul were sent by the church in Antioch on the Orontes to proclaim the word on Cyprus. Since Barnabas was a Jew from Cyprus, they would have known how to plan the journey. In Paphos on Cyprus, as the author of Acts tells us in Acts 13:6-12, he met Sergius Paul (l) us, called in Greek ό νθύπατος, which is a usual translation for the Latin proconsul (Mason 1974: s.v. and p. 106). The text of Acts 13:7 probably refers to Lucius Sergius Paullus22 and not to a Q(uintus) Ser[gius Paullus] who might be a construct of modern epigraphy.23 The Sergii Paulii were citizens of the colony in Antioch on the Pisidian border and landowners near modern Sinanli in the region of Vetissus on the border between the Galatian Ancyra and Laodicea Combusta in western Lycaonia (Mitchell 1993:1:151-52). It is most probable that the connections between Sergius Paul(l)us in Paphos and the ruling class in Antioch influenced Paul and Barnabas' decision to go there and that it facilitated their journey (See also Mitchell 1993:2:6-7; Breytenbach 1996:42-43).
Paul's Roman citizenship might also have played a role, since he seems to have had a preference for Roman military colonies (Breytenbach & Zimmermann, forthcoming). Not only did he start his proclamation of the gospel to the gentiles in the colonies connected by the eastern branch of via Sebaste (Antioch, Iconium and Lystra). On his second missionary journey he also moved to the colony at Alexandria on the Troad (Hemer 1975), which he visited at least three times (Acts 16:8; 2 Cor. 2:12; Acts 20:1, 6-12). He often travelled via this port to Philippi and then to Corinth (Acts 16:11-12; 18:1, then 2 Cor. 2:12 and 7:5, and again Acts 20:1-6), both being Roman colonies. It was in Corinth that he planned to reach the colony at Tarraco on the east coast of the Iberian Peninsula with the help of the Christians in Rome (Rom. 15:22, 28; 16:1, 23).
Once Barnabas and Paul had left Paphos on Cyprus and reached the Roman controlled harbour in Perge in Pamphylia (Acts 13:13), the southern branch of via Sebaste could have enabled these first Christian missionaries to circumvent the insurmountable western Taurus. For their initial journey to the colony at Antioch though, the author merely mentions they passed on from Perge and arrived in the Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13:14). When they returned from Antioch through Pisidia to Attaleia (Acts 14:24-25), they could have taken the western branch of the via Sebaste through the Roman colony at Comama. Since it is stated however, that they "travelled through" Pisidia (διελθόντες τν Πισιδίαν; cf. Danker 2000: s.v. διέρχοµαι) back to Perge in Pamphylia (Acts 14:21, 24), they might rather have used the road skirting the southern edge of Lake Coralis (Mitchell 1993:1:78-80). The author states that they spoke the word in Perge, not implying that they proclaimed the gospel whilst travelling through the Pisidian Mountains.
Since the original foundation of the city Antioch on the Pisidian border in the 3rd century B.C.E. a Jewish community might have lived there.24 They must have survived the foundation of the Roman colony by Augustus in 25 B.C.E., for in Acts 13:14b-43 the author of Acts placed the speech of Paul on the Sabbath in the synagogue in Antioch. He follows his normal narrative pattern: Paul has considerable success and the local Jews stir opposition. Nevertheless, the narrative claims in Acts 13:49 that the Christian message spread through the whole territory of Antioch (διεφέρετο δ ό λόγος τουρίου δι' λς της χώρας).25 In the city's territory, the "word" was first spread in Asia Minor in a rural area. This was an area in which the local population had been Hellenized since the foundation of the Greek city. When the Augustan colony was founded, deducted veterans were settled on the territory and the legio VII Claudia was stationed here for quite a while (Breytenbach & Zimmermann, forthcoming). Such factors increased the cosmopolitan nature of the city and its territory. It was thus possible for Barnabas and Paul to use Greek to communicate with the rural population.
According to Acts 13:50, the local Jews in Antioch incited the "pious women of repute and the first men of the city" (τς σεβοµένας γυναας τς εύσχήµονας αι τος πρώτους τῆς πόλεως). It is crucial to look carefully at the terminology used here. The πρώτοι της πόλεως formed the group from which the duoviri governing the Roman colony came.26 The expression εύσχήµοναι most probably refers to women of nobility (Spicq 1994: s.v.) and translates the Latin honestae (Mason 1974: s.v). The members of the ruling class in Antioch thus expelled Barnabas and Paul from their territory (έέβαλον αύτοὺς άπὸ τῶν ὁρίων αὐτῶν),27 i.e. the territorium of the Antiochia colonia Caesarea. This definitely made it difficult for Paul and Barnabas to return to the city itself, but it would have been easier to return to the villages on the territory of the colony.
Expelled from the territory of Antioch they took the via Sebaste eastwards through the mountains to Lycaonia to establish Christian congregations in the neighbouring Roman colonies in Iconium and Lystra (Acts 13:51; 14:1, 6). It is notable that, according to Acts 14:6, they did not go to the cities only, but also to the περίχωρος, the area around these two cities. The territories of Iconium and Lystra shared a common border.28 Again Paul and Barnabas planted the seeds of Christianity in a rural area. Again this is an area where Augustus settled veterans when the colony was founded (Breytenbach & Zimmermann, forthcoming).
According to the narrative of Acts, the Jews forced Paul and Barnabas to flee from Iconium to Lystra and then further on to Derbe (Acts 14:5-6, 19-20). As the crow flies, ancient Derbe is located ca. 100 kilometres east-southeast of Lystra. In this rather small city on the route from Iconium and Lystra to the Cilician Gates (Ballance 1957:147-51), Barnabas and Paul preached the gospel and caused a relatively large number to become disciples. Hereafter they returned to Lystra, Iconium and Antioch (Acts 14:21-22). Acts 14:23 explicitly states that they appointed elders in every congregation: "with prayer and fasting they entrusted them to (the protection of) the Lord in whom they had come to believe."
After the meeting of the apostles in Jerusalem (Gal. 2:1-10; Acts 15), Paul and Silas left Antioch on the Orontes for the apostle's so called second missionary journey (Acts 15:40). From the parallel journey of Barnabas and John Mark to Cyprus, it is clear that the congregation in Antioch on the Orontes planned to strengthen the newly founded congregations and to inform the presbyters on the decisions of the meeting of the apostles. Acts 16:1 tells us that Paul came to Derbe and Lystra, visiting Derbe for a second and Lystra for a third time. In Lystra, Timothy joined Paul and Silas (Acts 16:1-2). Acts 16:4 implies that Paul also went through Iconium for a third time. Even if the remark in Acts 16:5 that the numbers of the churches increased daily may just fit in with Luke's narrative strategy, it is reasonable to accept that Paul's visit strengthened the faith of the believers. The impression that the author of Acts leaves, is that there were thriving congregations in Derbe, Lystra, and Iconium. This time Antioch on the Pisidian border is not mentioned or implied.
Turning to Acts 16:6 it is clear that Paul and his co-workers planned to go to into the Province of Asia.29 As the author of Acts expresses it, they were "hindered by the Holy Spirit". It is necessary to analyse this remark in more detail: Διῆλθον δὲ τὴν ρυγίαν αι γαλατικὴν χώραν ωλυθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύµατος λαλῆσαι τὸν λόγον έν τῆἈσίᾳ (Acts 16:6).
The first part refers to the route Paul, Silas and Timothy actually took. Both φρυγίαν and γαλατική can be adjectival30 to τὴν χώραν allowing two possible interpretations. Either they went through the Phrygian-Galatian χώρα, or through the Phrygian and through the Galatian χώρα. Interpreting χώραν as meaning "region, land" and respecting the intermediate position of the co-ordinated adjectives,31 the phrase can best be translated with "the Phrygian-Galatian land" and refers to the Phrygian-Galatian borderland beyond the western Sultan Dağlari.
It is also necessary to determine the function of the participle ωλυθέντες. Since in Greek the aorist participle lacks relative time (Blass & Debrunner 200:§339,1), its relation to the action expressed by the main verb in the aorist is determined by the context (Zerwick 1963:§264-65). Thus two different readings have been proposed for Acts 16:6: "They (sc. Paul, Silas and Timothy) went through the Phrygian-Galatian region, because they had been hindered by the Holy Spirit to proclaim the word in Asia" (Haenchen 1965:424; Schneider 1982:205 n. 14). This reading is to be preferred to the grammatically unconvincing reading "After they had gone through the Phrygian-Galatian region, they were hindered by the Holy Spirit to proclaim the word in Asia."32
What is meant by ἐν τῇ Άσίᾳ? Haenchen's (1965:424) dictum, that in this context "Asia" means the same as in the Apocalypse, and thus refers to Ephesus, needs to be revised. There are two reasons for this stance. In the first instance, for geographical reasons Acts 16:6 cannot easily be interpreted in such a way that Paul entered Asia, proceeded to Ephesus, and then had to turn back. Secondly, if the participle ωλυθέντες furnishes a reason as to why Paul and his company took the direction they did, the obvious interpretation is that Paul, Silas and Timothy were prevented from entering the major Asian cities on the route from Iconium into Asia via Apamea or even Eumeneia. Acts 16:6b rather implies that after passing north the Sultan Dağlari, they did not turn southwestwardly to enter Asia, but turned north.33
It is preferable to let the inherent ambiguity of the text of Acts 16:6 prevail and to accept the coincidence of the actions expressed by the participle and the main verb: "They went through the Phrygian-Galatian region, being hindered by the Holy Spirit to proclaim the word in Asia". The last remark is in line with the narrative concept of the author of Acts. The Holy Spirit preformatted all vital decisions of the church (cf., e.g., Acts 1:2; 13:2, 4; 15:28; 19:21).
According to the narrative of Acts, Paul, Silas and Timothy were hindered to proclaim the word in Asia. The text implies that they planned to travel into the Province Asia. This means that according to the geographical conception undergirding the narrative, from Iconium they headed northwestwardly along the Sultan Daglari to reach Asia and not directly northwards into Galatia proper.34 But they would not just have ventured aimlessly into Asia. Paul's missionary strategy required a Hellenized environment (Haenchen 1965:426-427), because he had to rely on the Greek language for communication and Greek was the lingua franca only in cities. In the villages, the vernacular prevailed. They would have taken a specific route and would have tried to enter specific cities in Asia. One may speculate which cities in Asia could have been on their itinerary. It would be a logical presumption that Paul, Silas and Timothy planned to take the central Anatolian road from Cilicia in the east.35 This major westward route into the Province of Asia ran through Apamea, Colossae and Laodicea ad Lycum. A few kilometres to the west, where the Lycus meets the Meander, it joined the Ephesian road built by M. Aquillus. This Roman road facilitated travel through Tralles and Magnesia ad Meandrum to Ephesus on the Ionian coast.36
The reader of Acts 16 it is not quite clear from which location Paul, Silas and Timothy set out to Asia, but we should take the determined τὰς πόλεις in 16:4 to refer back to the cities mentioned in 16:1-2, Lystra and Iconium.37 From Iconium Paul and Silas thus could have tried to go via Antiochia on the Pisidian border to Apamea, but since Antioch is not mentioned and the area south of the Sultan Daglari can hardly be referred to as "Phrygian-Galatian land," it is more plausible to accept that Paul and his fellow workers took the route on the northern side of the mountains via Loadicea Combustra (modern Ladik), Tyriaeum (Ilgin) and Philomelium (Aksehir). The road from Philomelium to Apamea went south of Synnada (Şuhut).38
Why did Paul deviate from this route into Asia? The narrator explained these events as the work of the Spirit. Weiser (1985:405) wisely advises us to distinguish between Luke's perspective and what might have happened to Paul. In our effort to suggest a historical explanation, we focus on the latter question. Schneider (1982:205), drawing on Galatians 4:13-15, considers the possibility that Paul fell ill. This explanation, apart from building on the Northern Galatian hypothesis, presupposes that a sick Paul ventured into less known regions. Why did he not simply recover in Philomelium or Apamea? Pesch (1986:101), Roloff (1981:241) and Jervell (1998:416) consider external obstacles and troubles.39 Which events could be probable from a historical and geographical perspective?40
Firstly, the Galatian conflict on the necessity of circumcising non-Jews when integrating them into the children of Abraham, was most probably located around the via Sebaste (Breytenbach 1996:127-147). The conflict on the circumcision of Timothy that Acts 16:1-5 refer to, was also emerging from tensions caused by the integration of uncircumcised persons into Christianity. It, too, was located in Lystra along the via Sebaste. Given the fact that on his first journey Paul had to flee from Antioch and Iconium due to Jewish intervention (Breytenbach 1996:45-52; Acts 13:50; 14:1-5), in the meantime these conflicts could easily have spilled over to Apollonia with the via Sebaste and westward to Apamea. It is highly probable that the Jewish communities in the neighbouring cities had been warned beforehand and prevented his journey.
There might be another reason, too. Since the meeting of the apostles in Jerusalem (Gal. 2:1-10; Acts 15) Paul himself was committed to preach to the uncircumcised. Were he to go down the route to Apamea or westwards to Eumeneia und Acmonia, he would enter the area in central Asia Minor where strong Jewish communities were residing.
Jewish synagogues were confined to the cities along the major routes.41 Late 1st to 2nd centuries C.E. epigraphic evidence from Apollonia shows traces of Jewish families.42 In Pauline times though, a strong community of Jews was also present at Apamea on the upper tributary of the Meander (Cicero, Pro Flacco 28.68; Mitchell 1993:2:35; Ameling 2004:380-382). The origin of these Jewish communities dates back to the times of Antiochus the Great.43 Although by the middle of the 1st century C.E. the local leaders as well as the Romans acknowledged the rights of the Jews in Laodicea on the Lycus (Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae 14.241-243), in 62 C.E. the Roman governor of Asia, L. Valerius Flaccus (Halfmann 1979:101-102), ordered the confiscation of the gold collected by the Jews for the temple in Jerusalem. The annual amount of twenty Roman pounds indicates the considerable size of the Jewish community.44 Jewish presence in the Lycus valley was by no means confined to Laodicea.45 Although the epigraphic evidence from Tralles (Ameling 2004: no. 28; Trebilco 1991:157-158) and Hierapolis46 is later, one might suggest on literary evidence that by the 1st century C.E., Jewish families lived in all the cities of the Lycus valley that had easy access to the main road leading to the Ionian coast, especially to Ephesus:47 Magnesia, Tralles, Antiochia ad Meandrum, Laodicea, Hierapolis and Colossae.48
Important cities along major routes with thriving Jewish communities49 like Apamea on the koine hodos from Ephesus to Tarsus, Eumeneia northwest of the road, and Apollonia on the via Sebaste, show no trace of Christianity in the 1st century, and for the late 2nd and 3rd centuries the influence of the local Jewish communities on the Christians is well attested (Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica 5.16, 18, 22, 24; Mitchell 1993:2:40-41). Given the location of Apollonia on the via Sebaste west of Antioch and Apamea on the koine hodos between Iconium, Laodicea Combusta, Philomelium in the east and Colossae, Laodicea ad Lycum and Hierapolis in the west, their large Jewish population and the patterns of the expansion of Christianity, it is remarkable that Christian communities emerge here only since the 2nd century. Apollonia and Apamea showed no traces of Christianity in the first hundred and fifty years of its expansion. The obvious explanation is that the Lycus valley was Christianised from Ephesus in the west.50 It is highly probable that because of local Jewish resistance towards the Pauline mission, it was initially impossible to extend the Pauline sphere of influence from Lystra and Iconium westwards along the via Sebaste beyond Antioch to Apollonia and Apamea or along the koine hodos running north of the Boz Dağ and the Sultan Dağlari down to Apamea and eventually Eumeneia. After the meeting of the Apostles, Paul had to change his direction on his so called second missionary journey (Acts 16:6). He did this after the incident concerning the circumcision of Timothy in Lystra (Acts 16:1-5). After travelling north of the Boz Dağ via Laodicea Combusta and along the Sultan Dağlari to Tyriaeum and Philomelium, he went to Troas and then to Macedonia (Acts 16:7-8). Paul might have been forced by Jewish opposition to his gospel to the uncircumcised to change his direction, but he also honoured the agreement of Jerusalem and went to the Macedonians, leaving areas where Jewish communities were known to live to Peter and the others (cf. Gal. 2:9).
On his third missionary journey, according to Acts 18:23, Paul, visiting one location after the other (αθεῆς; cf. Danker 2000: s.v.), moved through (διερχόµενος) τὴν γαλατικὴν χώραν αι Φρυγίαν. The last phrase was not translated, because its interpretation is disputed (Breytenbach 1996:114-115). As in Acts 2:10, Φρυγίαν is to be read as a name. The adjective γαλατικήν determines τὴν χώραν as Galatian. Since the expression χώρα denotes either land or an administrative region (praefectura or vicus) (Mason 1974: s.v), it is impossible to determine the exact reference of the expression in Acts 18:23. Paul came from Antioch on the Orontes. He strengthened "all the Christians" (πάντας τοὺς µαθητάς). Since Acts presuppose no other Christian communities in Galatia than those mentioned before in chapters 13-14 and 16:1-5, the most natural assumption is that Paul revisited these communities. Derbe, Lystra and Iconium, all in Lycaonia, were administered as part of the Province of Galatia (Breytenbach 1996:109-112). If one were to take γαλατικὴ χώρα to refer to the province, the phrase would make sense. From here Paul and his company went to Phrygia. Such a reading of Acts 18:23 is enhanced by the interpretation of Acts 16:6 above. Paul and his company then came from Antioch on the Orontes, passing through Derbe, Lystra and Iconium for the third time. This would make a lot of sense, since a local from Lystra, Timothy, was accompanying him. Paul would have passed on the northern side of the Sultan Dağlari, travelling for a second time through Laodicea Combusta, Tyriaeum and Philomelium.
Our overview has shown that Barnabas and Paul spread the message of Christianity in Antioch and its territory, in Lycaonia in Iconium, Lystra and surrounding areas, and in Derbe. They stayed longer in Derbe and revisited the three Roman colonies on their way back, appointing presbyters. Later Paul and Silas revisited Derbe, Lystra and Iconium and took the road north of the Sultan Dağlari through Laodicea Combusta, Tyriaeum and Philomelium. On his final journey through the area, Paul travelled again through Derbe, Lystra and Iconium Laodicea Combusta, Tyriaeum and Philomelium. This was his third visit to Derbe and the fourth one to Lystra and Iconium. For a second time he travelled via Laodicia Combusta, Tyriaeum and Philomelium. At all places, he strengthened the disciples. These visits must have had a considerable impact.
From the 3rd to the 5th centuries C.E., the name Παῦλος became by far the most used male name in funerary inscriptions from the Lycaonian region.52 Nowhere else in the world of early Christianity the name Παῦλος was used with such a high frequency as in those regions where the apostles Barnabas and Paul founded the first congregations: in the south of the province of Galatia (Iconium and Lystra) and in the Phrygian-Galatian borderland,53 areas which Paul, Silas and Timothy visited again on his second (Acts 16:1-6), and Paul, Timothy and Titus on the third missionary journey (Acts 18:23; 19:1). The name Paul became popular where the apostle Paul exerted influence in the first century. At the 5th century's council of Chalcedon, for instance, Derbe was represented by Paul, the bishop of Derbe (Destephen 2008:772-773). The epigraphical evidence from the first four centuries might be even more proving. When one maps the locations where the name Paul has been found on inscriptions, with the exception of a late example from Barata, only the south eastern rim and eastern edge of the Lycaonian plain lack evidence (cf. the map below). This Wirkungsgeschichte of the name Paul is best explained by the initial influence of the apostle himself. The evidence weakens the case of the north Galatian hypothesis considerably, according to which Paul and Silas would have gone from Iconium to Galatia proper, and would not have visited Laodicea Combusta, Tyriaeum and Philomelium. Then it becomes more difficult to explain the high frequency of the name Paul.
Anyone who would like to argue the case of the north Galatian hypothesis, should take note of the epigraphical evidence, too. It is rather unconvincing to argue that Paul did not have any success in Galatia, because one does not hear of any significant Christian communities in northern Galatia (Galatia proper) until the 4th century. It is fatal to construct the history of primitive Christianity in the 1st century when turning a blind eye to later evidence from the 2nd and the 3rd centuries. I had to confine myself referring to the epigraphical evidence. The literary evidence will enhance these findings.
What happened to the Galatian Christians? They have flourished in Lycaonia up until the Arabian conquest.
For abbreviations of epigraphic editions used in this article, cf. the list of "Bibliographic Abbreviations" in Brill's New Pauly (http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/brill-s-new-pauly/bibliographic-abbreviations-Bibliographic_Abbreviations). [ Links ]
Ameling, W. 2004. Kleinasien. Vol. 2 Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis. Tübingen: Mohr. [ Links ]
Ballance, M. 1957. The site of Derbe: A new inscription. Anatolian Studies 7:147-151. [ Links ]
Barclay, J.M.G. 1996. Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora: From Alexander to Trajan (323 BCE-117 CE). Edinburgh: T&T Clark. Hellenistic Culture and Society 33. [ Links ]
Barrett, C.K. 1998. A critical and exegetical commentary on the Acts of the Apostles. Vol. 2, Introduction and commentary on Acts XV-XXVIII. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. International Critical Commentary. [ Links ]
Blass, F. & Debrunner, A. 2001. Grammatik des neutestamentlichen Griechisch: Bearbeitet von Friedrich Rehkopf. 18th ed. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck. [ Links ]
Bloedhorn, H. et. al. 1992. Die jüdische Diaspora bis zum 7. Jahrhundert n. Chr. Map B IV 18 of Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients. Wiesbaden: Reichert. [ Links ]
Breytenbach, C. 1996. Paulus und Barnabas in der Provinz Galatien: Studien zu Apostelgeschichte 13f.; 16,6; 18,23 und den Adressaten des Galaterbriefes. Leiden: Brill. Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums 38. [ Links ]
Breytenbach, C. 2004. Probable reasons for Paul's unfruitful missionary attempts in Asia Minor (A note on Acts 16:6-7). In: C. Breytenbach & J. Schröter (eds.), Die Apostelgeschichte und die hellenistische Geschichtsschreibung: Festschrift für Eckhard Plümacher zu seinem 65. Geburtstag (Leiden: Brill, Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity 57), pp. 157-69. [ Links ]
Breytenbach, C. 2013. What's in the name 'Paul'? On early Christian inscriptions from Lycaonia. In: P.-G. Klumbies & D. du Toit (eds.), Paulus - Werk und Wirkung. Festschrift für Andreas Lindemann zum 70 Geburtstag. (Tübingen: Mohr), pp. 463-477. [ Links ]
Breytenbach, C. & Zimmermann, C. Forthcoming. Early Christianity in Lycaonia and adjacent areas. Leiden: Brill. Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity/Early Christianity in Asia Minor. [ Links ]
Conzelmann, H. 1972. Die Apostelgeschichte. 2nd ed. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck. Handbuch zum Neuen Testament 7. [ Links ]
Danker, F.W. 2000. A Greek-English lexicon of the New Testament an other early Christian literature: Based on Walter Bauer's Griechisch-deutsches Wörterbuch zu den Schriften des Neuen Testaments. 3rd ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. [ Links ]
Darbyshire, G. Mitchell, s. & Vardar, L. 2000. The Galatian settlement in Asia Minor. Anatolian Studies 50:75-97. [ Links ]
Destephen, S. 2008. Prosopographie du diocese d'Asie. Vol. 3 of Prosopographie chrétienne du Bas-Empire. Paris: Association des amis du centre d'histoire et civilisation de Byzance. [ Links ]
Dibelius, M. 1968. Aufsätze zur Apostelgeschichte. 5th ed. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck. Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments 42. [ Links ]
Freeman, P. 2001. The Galatian language: A comprehensive survey of the language of the ancient Celts in Greco-Roman Asia Minor. Lewiston: Mellen Press. [ Links ]
French, D. 1994. Acts and the Roman Roads of Asia Minor. In: D.W.J. Gill & C. Gempf (eds.), The Book of Acts in its first century setting. Vol. 2: The Book of Acts in its Graeco Roman Setting (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans), pp. 49-58. [ Links ]
Haenchen, E. 1965. Die Apostelgeschichte. 5th ed. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck. Kritischexegetischer Kommentar über das Neue Testament 3. [ Links ]
Halfmann, H. 1979. Die Senatoren aus dem östlichen Teil des Imperium Romanum bis zum Ende des 2. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck. Hypomnemata 58. [ Links ]
Hemer, C.J. 1975. Alexandria Troas. Tyndale Bulletin 26:79-92. [ Links ]
Horsley, G.H.R. 1987. New documents illustrating early Christianity: A review of the Greek inscriptions and papyri published in 1979. Vol. 4. North Ryde: Ancient History Documentary Research Centre, Macquarie University. [ Links ]
Huttner, U. 2013. Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley. Leiden: Brill. Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity 85/Early Christianity in Asia Minor 1. [ Links ]
Jervell, J. 1998. Die Apostelgeschichte. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck. Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar über das Neue Testament 3. [ Links ]
Lee, G.M. 1970. The aorist participle of subsequent action (Acts 16:6). Biblica 51:235-237. [ Links ]
Lee, G.M. 1975. The past participle of subsequent action. Novum Testamentum 17:199. [ Links ]
Levick, B. 1967. Roman colonies in southern Asia Minor. Oxford: Clarendon Press. [ Links ]
Mason, S. 1974. Greek terms for Roman institutions: A lexicon and analysis. Toronto: Hakkert. American Studies in Papyrologie 13. [ Links ]
Mitchell, S. 1993. Anatolia: Land, men and gods in Asia Minor. Vol. 1: The Celts in Anatolia and the impact of Roman rule. Vol. 2: The rise of the church. Oxford: Clarendon Press. [ Links ]
Öhler, M. 2003. Barnabas: Die historische Person und ihre Rezeption in der Apostelgeschichte. Tübingen: Mohr. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 156. [ Links ]
Pesch, R. 1986. Die Apostelgeschichte. Vol. 2: Apg 13-28. Neukirchen-Vluyn/Zurich: Neukirchener/Benziger. Evangelisch-Katholischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament 5,2. [ Links ]
Pouilloux, J. Roesch, P. & Marcillet-Jaubert, J.M. 1987. Testimonia Salaminia: Corpus épigraphique. Vol. 13 of Salamine de Chypre. Paris: De Boccard. [ Links ]
Ramsay, W. 1897. The cities and bishoprics of Phrygia: Being an essay of the local history of Phrygia from the earliest times to the Türkish conquest. Oxford: Clarendon Press. [ Links ]
Robertson, A.T. 1931. A grammar of the Greek New Testament in the light of historical research. 5th ed. New York: Hodder & Stoughton. [ Links ]
Roloff, J. 1981. Die Apostelgeschichte. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck. Neues Testament Deutsch 5. [ Links ]
Sänger, D. 2010. Die Adresse des Galaterbriefs: Neue(?) Überlegungen zu einem alten Problem. In: M. Bachmann & B. Kollmann (eds.), Umstrittener Galaterbrief: Studien zur Situierung und zur Theologie des Paulus-Schreibens (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, Biblisch-theologische Studien 106), pp. 1-56. [ Links ]
Schmithals, W. 1982. Die Apostelgeschichte des Lukas. Zurich: Theologischer Verlag. Zürcher Bibelkommentare 3,2. [ Links ]
Schneider, G. 1982. Die Apostelgeschichte. Vol. 2: Kommentar zu Kap. 9,1-28,31. Freiburg: Herder. Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament 5,2. [ Links ]
Schürer, E. 1986. The history of the Jewish people in the age of Jesus Christ (175 B.C.-A.D. 135). Vol. 3,1. Rev. ed. Edinburgh: T&T Clark. [ Links ]
Spicq, O. 1994. Theological lexicon of the New Testament. 3 vols. Peabody: Hendrickson. [ Links ]
Talbert, R.J.A. 2000. Barrington atlas of the Greek and Roman world. Princeton: Princeton University Press. [ Links ]
Trebilco, P. 1991. Jewish communities in Asia Minor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Society for New Testament Studies Manuscript Series 69. [ Links ]
Weiser, A. 1985. Die Apostelgeschichte. Vol. 2: Kapitel 13-28. Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus. Ökumenischer Taschenbuchkommentar 5,2. [ Links ]
Zerwiok, M. 1963. Biblical Greek: Illustrated by examples. Rom: Pontifical Biblical Institute. [ Links ]
1 Cf. Acts 13-14. For an historical critical and literary analysis, cf. Breytenbach (1996: Teil B).
2 Cf. Breytenbach and Zimmermann, forthcoming. This essay uses material from this publication.
3 For more detail, cf. Sänger (2010); Breytenbach (1996:99-112).
4 Cf. Pausanias 1.3.5; 10.3.4; Strabo 2.2.8 (146); 4.1.1 (176); 4.2.1 (189); 7.2.2 (293); Appian, Syria 32 (163); Iberia 1; Sib. Or. 3:509; 1 Macc 8:2; IK 15 no. 1558; IK 23 no. 75; IG 12,2 no. 516; MDAI(A) 37 (1912), 294 no. 20; SB 3 no. 7238. For abbreviations of epigraphic editions used in this essay, cf. the list of "Bibliographic Abbreviations" in Brill's New Pauly (http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/brill-s-new-pauly/bibliographic-abbreviations-Bibliographic_Abbreviations).
5 E.g., in Caria (I8 no. 275), the Troad (Pfuhl/Möbius no. 1213), Mysia (IK 18 no. 125), and Lycia (TA no. 251).
6 Cf. for Pisidia TAM 3 no. 246 (Termessos); SEG 2 no. 710 (Pednelissos); SEG 19 no. 840 (Pogla); for Lycaonia CIG nos. 3991 and 400 (both Iconium), MAMA 4 no. 197 (Apollonia), for Phrygia JRS 2 (1912), 253 no. 8). Cf. also Mitchell (1993:1:31-41, 57).
7 Cf. Mitchell (1993:1:53, 55, 57). I am indebted to Freeman (2001:23-77) for the names in the following list.
8 Cf. MAMA 7 no. 401 (Κοµινα).
9 Cf. MAMA 7 no. 532 (Κονβατιαος).
10 Cf. SEG 1 no. 463 ('Επατόριξ).
11 Cf. MAMA 1 no. 93a (Καµµα).
12 Cf. JHS 22 (1902), 123 nos. 55 (Έβουρηνός) and 56 ([Έβ]ουρηνά).
13 Cf. ETAM 15 no. 207 (Κορτερίς).
14 Cf. ETAM 15 no. 232 (Ρηγεῖνος and Μεδούσας).
15 Cf. ETAM 15 no. 214 (Τροονδας).
16 Cf. ETAM 15 no. 361 (τροονδας).
17 Cf. SEG 34 no. 1400 (Κα[µ]µάνιον).
18 Cf. ETAM 15 no. 85 (Μουσιανός).
19 Cf. ETAM 15 no. 140 (Αὐρισός).
20 Cf. TAM 3 no. 929 (Τρωονδος)
21 Cf. IK 61 no. 454 (Καιιλλία).
22 Cf. CIL 6 no. 31545 (Breytenbach 1996:180, facsimile); Mitchell (1993:2:7).
23 Cf. SEG 20 no. 302 (Breytenbach 1996:181-82, photo).
24 It is unlikely that a city bearing the king's name would not be under the important Phrygian cities mentioned by Josephus as one of the cities where Jews were settled (Antiquitates Judaicae 12.147-153). Antioch was on the border between Phyrgia and Pisidia. Acts 13:14 and 42 mention a synagogue.
25 The expression χώρα denotes either land or an administrative region of a city, or - like here - the territorium of the colony; cf. TAM 3 no. 2; also Mason (1974: s.v.) The soft hills between the natural triangle formed by the Sultan Daglari stretching diagonally from the east northwestwards, the Karakus Dagi from the west northeastwards and the Dedegöl Daglari in the south, shape the territory of ancient Antioch. It included an area of almost 1 400 km2, from modern Körküler in the northwest, Hüyüklü in the southwest, Gelendost (Dabenae) in the south-southwest to Sarkikaraağaç (Neapolis) in the south-southeast (cf. Levick 1967:44-45).
26 Cf. Mason (1974: s.v.). On the governance of the colony, cf. Levick (1967:79); Mitchell (1993:1:89-90).
27 For this sense of ἐβάλλω, cf. Danker (2000: s.v.) The personal pronoun in τῶν όρίων αὐτῶν refers to back to τοὺς πρώτους τῆς πόλεως. The subject of ἐέβαλον is thus those in charge of the colony. They had the power to expel from the territory.
28 Lystra's domain stretched in the west to the Erenler Daglari and in the south up to the banks of the Car§amba river (cf. Levick 1967:53-54).
29 Due to the topic under discussion in this essay, material published previously was abbreviated and restructured to fit the current argument in this updated version (cf. Breytenbach 2004:157-169).
30 On φρυγία as an adjective, cf. Horsley (1987:174).
31 It is thus unnecessary to explain why γαλατικήν χώραν lacks an article, pace Conzelmann (1972:97); cf. the discussion by Barrett (1998:766-68).
32 Cf. Lee (1970; 1975). Note the early critique on such a reading by Robertson (1931:632-33).
33 This latter reading seems to fit the general narrative strategy of the episode better. Paul and his company were directed towards Troas to reach Macedonia as quickly as possible (cf. Dibelius 1968:12, 69, 169). It is nowhere implied that Paul and his company spread the Gospel on this journey through the Phrygian and Galatian regions. Even Haenchen (1965:427) explicitly notes this, although his adherence to the North-Galatian hypothesis forces him to make an exception in the case of the Galatian region. Neither was there a deviation down the Lycus or Meander valleys into Asia, nor did they cross the Sündiken Daglari into Bithynia. The possible road led down the Tembris until Dorylaeum and then carried on to Troas (cf. French 1994:54).
34 This would exclude a journey into Galatia proper.
35 On this road, cf. Mitchell (1993:1:40-41).
36 Cf. French (1994). For detailed topographical maps of the Lycus and Meander valleys, see Talbert (2000:61 and 65).
37 It is not necessary to add Antioch ad Pisidiam (Yalvaç), but see Haenchen (1965:419); Schneider (1982:201, 202-04); Weiser (1985:402).
38 Here there must have been a synagogue; cf. MAMA 4 no. 90 (= Ameling 2004 no. 214).
39 Cf. Pesch (1986:101); Roloff (1981:241); Jervell (1998:416).
40 Judging Luke's motives, Schmithals (1982:147) comments that Paul is depicted to avoid the centers of later Christian heresy (cf., e.g., Marcion and 2 Tim. 1:15).
41 For cartographic overviews, cf. Bloedhorn et al. (1992:B VI 18); Mitchell (1993:2:42) and 52. From Acmonia there is evidence of a 1st century synagogue; cf. Ameling (2004 no. 168) (=MAMA 4 no. 264); Mitchell (1993:2:33-36).
42 Cf. Ameling (2004 no. 180) (=MAMA 4 no. 202); Mitchell (1993:2:35).
43 Previous summaries of the evidence by Schürer (1986:27-30), Trebilco (1991:85-103), Mitchell (1993:2:33-34), and Barclay (1996:259-281). Cf. also Ameling's introduction (2004:380-382), and the 3rd century inscription published by Ameling (2004: no. 179).
44 In Laodicea a Roman Iudex, Lucius Pedecaeus, registered the amount. In Apamea, a Roman, Sextius Caesius, weighed a little less than a hundred Roman pounds in the presence of the Praetor; cf. Cicero, Pro Flacco 28.67f.
45 For later (2nd-4th centuries C.E.) Jewish inscriptions from Laodicea, cf. Ameling (2004: nos. 212, 213).
46 Cf. Ameling (2004: nos. 189, 190, 192, 195, and 205-206 [2nd century C.E.], 191 and 201-204 [2nd-3rd], 187, 196-200, and 207-209 [3rd], 188 [3rd-4th], 194 [4th]). The late evidence implies an established community, cf. also Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica 4.27.1.
47 Here Philo, Legatio ad Gaium 315, mentions the assembly of the Jews.
48 For Magnesia, cf. Ign. Magn. 8:1; for Tralles, cf. Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae 14.242; for Antiochia ad Meandrum, cf. MAMA 4 no. 202 (late 2nd century C.E.?); for Laodicea ad Lycum, Hierapolis, and Colossae, cf. Huttner (2013).
49 Cf. Ramsay (1897:667-676); Schürer (1986:27-32); Trebilco (1991:58-103); Mitchell (1993:2:33-35).
50 For this argument, cf. Breytenbach (2004:163-164).
51 This section summarizes an argument developed by Breytenbach (2013).
52 The name Βαρνάβας is mentioned only once in Salamis, the eastern port of Cyprus. Cf. Pouilloux, Roesch and Marcillet-Jaubert (1987: no. 238C1); cf. also the mosaic from an early Byzantine church floor in Thrace (SEG 40 no. 887). On Barnabas, cf. Ohler (2003).
53 There is also 3rd century evidence on the road westwards. Cf. MAMA 7 no. 297 (Amorium); SEG 28 no. 1210 (Synnada).

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Quick Search: Choose Model and Year, then enter search topic.
Page: 238
Vehicle Identification
When ordering spare parts or making inquiries, please always quote the vehicle identification number.
Vehicle data bank
The vehicle data bank is attached to the inside of the "Maintenance" booklet.
It contains all important data about your vehicle.
This data bank cannot be re-ordered if it is lost or damaged.
This label contains the following information:
Vehicle identification number
In accordance with Federal Safety Regulations, the vehicle identification number of your car is located at the bottom left of the windshield frame and can be seen from the outside.
The vehicle identification number is in the luggage compartment under the battery cover and at the bottom left behind the windshield.
Removing the battery cover
Safety compliance sticker
The safety compliance sticker is your assurance that your new Porsche complies with all applicable Federal Motor Vehicle Safety Standards which were in effect at the time the vehicle was manufactured.


text:
1977 Dodge Pickup Embroidered Floor Mats
1977 Dodge Pickup Carpet Floor Mats 2pc Fm32f
Item #: 8718-77 | Piece Count: 2
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text:
At a recent shareholders' Q&A session, Nintendo president Satoru Iwata spoke about introducing new releases to unfamiliar gamers through automatically downloaded demos. Just like agreeing to StreetPass or SpotPass, players would confirm their interest in receiving the content, which would later show up automatically. Speaking to shareholders, Iwata explained:
At a past shareholders' meeting, we received the opinion that Nintendo should improve the design of its digital software distribution shop, and I think that we made measurable progress with Nintendo eShop. Additionally, when Nintendo would like to ask users to try a specific new game, we should deliver it to their Nintendo 3DS, and possibly Wii U, with their prior consent and recommend that they just try it and, if they like it, they can pay for it. In this way, we need to introduce users to unknown products. Consumers are likely to be convinced to pay about 5,000 yen for a well-established franchise product, but not all the people are willing to pay a certain amount of money for an innovative but unknown product. Now is the time to prepare for these situations.
How would you like the "New software has been added to the HOME Menu" message to surprise you when you open your 3DS?
[via nintendo.co.jp]


text:
Okay guys, this is an awesome drawing of a new skull for the Halloween season. Today I will be showing you "how to draw Frankenstein skull", step by step. Frankenstein is one of the most recognized monsters from lore. This half man half monster was created by a mad scientist. I'm sure all you know the story, but have you ever wanted to know just how his skull would look? Since I have made a Frankenstein in the past, I wanted to do something different for Halloween instead of the same ol same ol. I was in the mood to make another skull design but I didn't know of what. So, to celebrate one of my favorite holidays, here is what I think makes a cool looking skull. I think you will enjoy this lesson as well. I will be back because there is still more for me to upload. Adios people and have as much fun as you possibly can.
DragoArt members upload artwork and drawing tutorials! They are also allowed to leave comments on tutorials, profiles, etc. Many more features, as well; it's way better than just being a boring guest! Register Now!


text:
Information for Prospective Students from Ghana
Welcome to the country page for Ghana which contains specific information for Ghanaian students interested in studying at SOAS.
Contact Us
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Please feel free to contact the Student Recruitment Office for more information about applying to SOAS from Ghana: email@example.com
If you visiting London please do not hesitate to drop by for a chat.
Minimum Entry Requirements
The below are guidelines only and do not guarantee entry. Each application will be judged on its own merits.
Undergraduate Study
Applicants from Ghana who have completed SSCE or WAEC are required to take a one year university foundation programme. Students who have completed the International Baccaclaureate, A-Levels or AP examinations will be considered for direct entry to our undergraduate programmes.
The International Foundation Courses and English Language Studies Centre (IFCELS) at SOAS offers a preparatory year for international students seeking undergraduate degrees at British universities.
Postgraduate Study
Applicants with an upper second class (or equivalent) bachelor's degree from a good university will be considered for entry to a SOAS master's degree.
Research applicants would normally be expected to have completed a Masters qualification from a good university.
In addition you should check the individual programme of study for any specific academic requirements; please refer to the postgraduate prospects or postgraduate admissions pages.
English Language Proficiency
Applicants whose first language is not English will normally have to provide evidence of their English language proficiency. Please check the English language requirements page for detailed information. SOAS does offer English summer courses ('pre-sessionals') for those who do not meet the exact entry requirements so that students have the opportunity to improve their language skills before beginning academic study.
Foundation Courses
Those applicants who do not meet the above entry requirements or would like to improve their English language before studying for a degree, could consider applying for one of the foundation degrees offered at the SOAS IFCELS centre. Students can improve their English while studying academic courses in an area of their choice, including Development Studies, International Business, Media and Communication and International Politics.
SOAS offers a wide-range of scholarships, bursaries and awards to support students, including 11 SOAS Masters scholarships for £14, 670, which is open to any Masters student studying full-time.
A number of scholarships are also provided by the University of London, the British Government and other external organisations, for a list please visit scholarships and bursaries.
The SOAS Careers Service is part of The Careers Group, University of London, which is the biggest careers service in the country. The Careers Service provides a range of services including a careers information library, career counselling services and various events throughout the year, to help with career choice, job hunting, applications and interviews.
SOAS has alumni all over the world, if you would like to contact an alum to ask any questions then please visit the SOAS alumni website.
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Education UK is produced by the British Council to help international students interested in a UK course or qualification.
The British Council is the British Government's international organization for educational and cultural relations. Their website is designed for those seeking information and advice on education and contemporary arts in the UK.
UKCISA - The UK Council for International Students Affairs provides information on many aspects of studying overseas, including visas and working while studying.
- The UK Border Agency also has up to date information on immigration and visa requirements.
- UCAS - The Universities and Colleges Admission Service is the body through which all applications for undergraduate study must be made.
- The British High Commission in Ghana may also be able to help you with information about travelling to the UK.


text:
Something lavish, something diamond, something Hollywood—and many things new.
Such is the refrain of today's outrageous weddings, where celebrities and heirs to vast fortunes marry in over-the-top nuptials with price tags in the millions.
"This is definitely something that could be perceived as a publicity stunt," said Anja Winikka, site director at the wedding website TheKnot.com. "There's celebrity spending on nuptials as compared to average couple spending, and then there's these outrageous weddings that spend over the top amounts of money. You have to ask yourself why spend that much?"
Many times couples will rent out an entire property for their venue to ensure privacy and find a creative space.
Others spend big bucks to pull off elaborate multi-day affairs, such as the planned three-day New York celebration for 83-year old billionaire investor George Soros starting Friday that will be attended by more than 500 guests, including hedge fund titans and prominent political leaders.
These pricey celebrations stand in stark contrast to the average U.S. wedding, whose budget was $28,427, according to the latest TheKnot.com survey last year.
Winikka listed several of the top trends at these extravagant weddings, including "lots of expensive flowers covering every surface," gold, diamonds, and brides that "tend to have very pricey dresses and many of them, as well as jewelry dripping in diamonds and the like."
Click ahead to see some of the more outrageous and over-the-top weddings.
Learn more about the #SuperRich during CNBC's new primetime series "Secret Lives of the Super Rich" premiering Wednesday, September 25 at 9 PM/ET. To see a preview of the series and a celebrity party planner's race to complete a mega-wedding, click here.
—By CNBC's Katie Little. Follow her on Twitter @Katie_Little_


text:
Welcome to the Internet pages of the Faculty of Computer Science and Electrical Engineering
Computer science and electrical engineering make progress in rapid speed. They interfuse more and more areas of life and became essential especially for medical technology, pharmacy, bio technology and for the environmental protection. Everyday life can no longer be imagined without electrical engineering and computer science since the outcomes of research in these fields are to be find in cars, mobile phones, the electronic gadgets in your kitchen...
Compared to this, the amount of engineers in Germany is fairly low. However, highly qualified specialists are required in both, industry and science, to cope with prospective challenges. Especially the German economy has always been actuated by the first-rate work of engineers. We want to help remedying the lack of engineers, but in first place we want to enable an appealing course of studies with a successful termination, with which excellent occupational perspectives open up for the graduates.
On our web pages, we want to give an overview of the programmes of study that the Faculty of Computer Science and Electrical Engineering at the University of Rostock offers. We want to inform you of the changeover from the degree of diploma ("Diplom") to the degree system of Bachelor and Master, beginning with the winter term of 2007/2008. In our faculty, the doors are open to anyone in need of help or answers to yet unsettled questions. That applies to you, too!
We are looking forward to get to know you.
Dean of the Faculty of Computer Science and Electrical Engineering


text:
Maurice Taylor's days with the Knicks appear to be numbered. According to a league source, the Knicks and Taylor's representatives are trying to negotiate a buyout that would make the veteran forward a free agent.
Taylor is entering the final season of a multiyear contract and is due $9.8 million. Knicks president/coach Isiah Thomas conceivably could wait until the February trading deadline to try to deal Taylor's expiring contract, which is what the club did last season with Penny Hardaway.
But Thomas also wants to rid his roster of veteran players whose minutes will be dramatically reduced. Taylor figures to be low on the depth chart behind forwards Channing Frye, David Lee and Malik Rose. Also, newcomer Jared Jeffries can play both forward positions.
The 6-8 Taylor averaged a career-low 18.1 minutes in 67 games last season. He is averaging 9.8 points and 3.2 rebounds in eight NBA seasons.


text:
Dodgers recall Chris Withrow from Triple-A Albuquerque
LOS ANGELES - The Los Angeles Dodgers today recalled right-handed pitcher Chris Withrow from Triple-A Albuquerque.
Withrow, who will be appearing in his third stint with the Dodgers this season, was optioned on Friday and made one appearance for the Isotopes, tossing a scoreless inning of relief on Sunday at New Orleans. On the season, the right-hander went 4-0 with a 1.71 ERA (5 ER/26.1 IP), while striking out 33 and walking 13 in 25 games at Albuquerque. In 17 appearances with the Dodgers this season, Withrow has posted a 2-0 record with a 3.38 ERA (9 ER/24.0 IP).
Read More: Los Angeles Dodgers


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text:
Integrate the search head cluster with an indexer cluster
To integrate a search head cluster with an indexer cluster, configure each member of the search head cluster as a search head on the indexer cluster. Once you do that, the search heads get their list of search peers from the master node of the indexer cluster.
You can integrate search head clusters with either single-site or multisite indexer clusters.
In this diagram, a search head cluster performs searches across a single-site indexer cluster:
Integrate with a single-site indexer cluster
Configure each search head cluster member as a search head on the indexer cluster. Use the CLI
splunk edit cluster-config command. For example:
splunk edit cluster-config -mode searchhead -master_uri https://10.152.31.202:8089 -secret newsecret123 splunk restart
You must run this CLI command on each member of the search head cluster.
This example specifies:
- The instance is a search head in an indexer cluster.
- The master node of the indexer cluster resides at
- The secret key is "newsecret123".
The secret key that you set here is the indexer cluster secret key (which is stored in
pass4SymmKey under the
[clustering] stanza of
server.conf), not the search head cluster secret key (which is stored in
pass4SymmKey under the
[shclustering] stanza of
For a search head cluster to serve as the search tier of an indexer cluster, you must set both types of keys on each of the search head cluster members, because the members are serving both as nodes of the indexer cluster and as members of the search head cluster. Presumably, if you have already set up the search head cluster, you have set the search head cluster key before you get to this step.
Each key type must be identical on all nodes of its respective cluster. That is, the indexer cluster key must be identical on all nodes of the indexer cluster, while the search head cluster key must be identical on all search cluster members. It is recommended, however, that the indexer cluster key be different from the search head cluster key.
This is all you need for the basic configuration. The search heads now run their searches against the peer nodes in the indexer cluster.
Integrate with a multisite indexer cluster
In a multisite indexer cluster, each search head and indexer has an assigned site. Multisite indexer clustering promotes disaster recovery, because data is allocated across multiple sites. For example, you might configure two sites, one in Boston and another in New York. If one site fails, the data remains accessible through the other site. See Multisite indexer clusters in Managing Indexers and Clusters of Indexers.
Note: Although a search head cluster can participate in a multisite indexer cluster, the search head cluster itself does not have site awareness. See Deploy a search head cluster in a multisite environment.
Configure members
To integrate search head cluster members with a multisite indexer cluster, configure each member as a search head on the indexer cluster, as in the single-site example. See Integrate with a single-site indexer.
The only difference from a single-site indexer cluster is that you must also specify the site for each member. This should ordinarily be "site0", so that all search heads in the cluster perform their searches across the same set of indexers. For example:
splunk edit cluster-config -mode searchhead -site site0 -master_uri https://10.152.31.202:8089 -secret newsecret123 splunk restart
Migrate members from a single-site indexer cluster to a multisite indexer cluster
If the search head cluster members are already integrated into a single-site indexer cluster and you want to migrate that cluster to multisite, you must edit each search head's configuration to identify its site.
On each search head, specify its master node and its site. For example:
splunk edit cluster-master https://10.160.31.200:8089 -site site0
For complete details on migrating a single-site indexer cluster to multisite, see Migrate an indexer cluster from single-site to multisite in Managing Indexers and Clusters of Indexers.
For more information
For more information on configuration of search heads on indexer clusters, see the chapter Configure the search head in the Managing Indexers and Clusters of Indexers manual. That chapter also includes configuration for more complex scenarios, such as hybrid searching, where the search heads search across both indexer clusters and non-clustered indexers.
Deploy a search head cluster
Connect the search heads in clusters to search peers
This documentation applies to the following versions of Splunk® Enterprise: 6.3.0, 6.3.1, 6.3.2, 6.3.3, 6.3.4, 6.3.5, 6.3.6, 6.3.7, 6.3.8, 6.3.9, 6.3.10, 6.3.11, 6.3.12, 6.3.13, 6.3.14, 6.4.0, 6.4.1, 6.4.2, 6.4.3, 6.4.4, 6.4.5, 6.4.6, 6.4.7, 6.4.8, 6.4.9, 6.4.10, 6.4.11, 6.5.0, 6.5.1, 6.5.1612 (Splunk Cloud only), 6.5.2, 6.5.3, 6.5.4, 6.5.5, 6.5.6, 6.5.7, 6.5.8, 6.5.9, 6.5.10, 6.6.0, 6.6.1, 6.6.2, 6.6.3, 6.6.4, 6.6.5, 6.6.6, 6.6.7, 6.6.8, 6.6.9, 6.6.10, 6.6.11, 6.6.12, 7.0.0, 7.0.1, 7.0.2, 7.0.3, 7.0.4, 7.0.5, 7.0.6, 7.0.7, 7.0.8, 7.0.9, 7.0.10, 7.0.11, 7.0.13, 7.1.0, 7.1.1, 7.1.2, 7.1.3, 7.1.4, 7.1.5, 7.1.6, 7.1.7, 7.1.8, 7.1.9, 7.1.10, 7.2.0, 7.2.1, 7.2.2, 7.2.3, 7.2.4, 7.2.5, 7.2.6, 7.2.7, 7.2.8, 7.2.9, 7.3.0, 7.3.1, 7.3.2, 7.3.3, 7.3.4, 8.0.0, 8.0.1, 8.0.2
Mattlucas719 - You do, in fact, need to set the indexer clustering secret key (pass4SymmKey under the [clustering] stanza) to be identical across all nodes of an indexer cluster, including the search head nodes. So, when a search head cluster is serving as the search tier for an indexer cluster, you must configure its members to use the indexer cluster's secret key, as the text in this topic explains. The CLI command provided above accomplishes that goal.
However, the search head cluster has its own set of internal communications that also need to be protected by a secret key. This secret resides under the [shclustering], not the [clustering], stanza. That secret can (and, as you suggest, should) be different from the secret used for the indexer clustering communications .I think that these dual requirements might have caused the confusion expressed in your comment.
I will add some material to this topic to clarify the need to configure two types of secret keys.
The secret key is "newsecret123". You must use the same secret key across all nodes in both the indexer cluster and the search head cluster.
^ that is incorrect, the pass4symmkey can be different on the indexer cluster and the search head cluster and will work fine. In fact there can be security arguments for them to be different.
-master_uri https://10.152.31.202:8089
^ this is the cluster master URI and can be DNS or IP here.
The secret is simply used to authenticate against the cluster master and the rest of the peers.


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When it released Windows 8 last year, Microsoft made a dramatic shift in the way its flagship operating system worked. Gone was the familiar Start button, which first appeared in Windows 95. While the traditional desktop was still there, it was relegated to app status, with users booting up into a tile-based Start Screen.
Windows 8 was Microsoft's shot at bridging the aging world of the personal computer with the shinier new one of tablets and smartphones. But users have been balking, and at least one major market research firm has determined that, rather than give new PC sales a boost, Windows 8 is actually hurting them.
Now, Mary Jo Foley at ZDNet says Microsoft may be about to cry "Uncle!" Her sources tell her the company is considering allowing users to restore the Start button and boot directly to the classic desktop in an update to Windows 8 that's code-named "Blue":
Reports from a couple of different forums from this past weekend raised the possibility that Microsoft might be moving toward allowing users to skip booting into the Metro-Style Start menu and instead start their PCs in desktop mode. (Winbeta.org noted the thread about this on April 14.)
One of my sources confirmed this is now looking like the plan and added that Microsoft is also considering bringing back the Start button as an option with Windows Blue.
Of course, Microsoft's official line is that Windows 8 is an improvement over the interface that millions of Windows users have employed for the past 17 years. The Start Screen is really designed for use with touchscreen computers and is clumsy on traditional PCs, which make up the bulk of both the installed base and new systems shipped. Touchscreen machines are more expensive, further hurting Win8 adoption.
Forcing use of the Start Screen was a risk for Microsoft. The company obviously feels its new interface is visionary and a big step forward in interface design. But radical change is hard for most people, and so far, Windows users are voting on Microsoft's design decisions by staying far, far away.
If Microsoft restores the Start button and boot-to-desktop as options for Windows Blue – which may be called Windows 8.1 – it will become a much more attractive operating system for consumers who want a more traditional experience. It will also appeal to corporations, who loathe the idea of training their employees on something radically different. Microsoft may have to swallow some pride, but it will gain in market share and revenue as a result.
Of course, restoring these features would only make them harder to kill off in the future. If Microsoft relents now, it will make it that much harder to lay them to rest in, say, Windows 9.
If Microsoft was to restore the Start menu and boot-to-desktop – and at this point, it's only rumor and conjecture – would that make you more interested in Windows 8? Let us know by voting in the poll, and give us the details in the comments.
[poll id="22″]


text:
A Spanglish blog dedicated to the works, ruminations, and mongrel pyrotechnics of Yago S. Cura, an Argentine-American poet, translator, publisher & futbol cretin. Yago publishes Hinchas de Poesia, an online literary journal, & is the sole proprietor of Hinchas Press.
Thursday, January 9, 2020
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text:
999, 5th of Aryth
12th bell
Corridor heading to the east wing of Fairhold
Fairhaven, capital of Aundair
Salamanthar strode quickly on his way back to the Ministry of Justice. His stomach turning with either Jacks information or all the grape juice he had drank. Arrah for all of her ten feet moved gracefully behind and off to one side of him. To Salamanthars immediate right sauntered Arigar. Behind them came Doltar and Rijkert at a more leisurely pace. Taking
999, 5th of Aryth
11th bell
Salamanthars Office - Ministry of Magic
Fairhaven, capital of Aundair
So I see your Warlord Adal has to keep up my Warlord Darro. commented Baron Delgado McLoud de Vasquez de la Penna, also known as Jack. Who sat in Salamanthars office sipping grape juice which had horribly stained his handle bar mustache purple.
Pardon I do not follow you Jack. Salamanthar was doing his best to not break into his huge customary grin when
Updated 04-01-2010 at 08:47 PM by cigamnogard
999, 5th of Aryth
shortly after 10th bell
Offices of the Ministry of Justice
Fairhaven, capital of Aundair
Salamanthar felt his stomach muscles clench up as if he had just encountered a bully from his old days at pre-magical school. He knew instinctively the baron could be an extremely useful friend or a very powerful enemy. Almost to prove his train of thought Salamanthar watched as Baron Delagdo de Vasquez de la Penna, also known as Jack, took total control of the
Updated 03-31-2010 at 08:44 PM by cigamnogard
999, 5th of Aryth
almost 10th bell
Courts of Justice the east wing of Fairhold
Fairhaven, capital of Aundair
Salamanthar reviewed the promised reports, done as soon as elfishly possible, then made his way to the massive east wing of the castle of Fairhold. His entourage fell into military order behind him with Arrah in the formation the cadence reverberated down the corridors. As they moved closer to the main Ministry of Justice division Salamanthar spotted a
Updated 03-31-2010 at 04:55 PM by cigamnogard
999, 5th of Aryth
7th bell
Ministry of Magic
Fairhaven, capital of Aundair
Salamanthar rested his head on the coolness of his livewood desk. His self inflicted headache throbbed with every beat of his fire-elf heart. Last night after the debacle at the warehouse he had returned to his quarters to discover a parcel from nearby Passage. The handwriting was clearly that of his gnome friend Francis Ulysses Calvin Kyle the IV even though it only contained one word congratulations!
Updated 03-28-2010 at 06:22 PM by cigamnogard


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By now, you know recruiters and hiring managers are checking you out on social media.
However, most job seekers seem to think we're only looking for keg-stand pics or some other arbitrary reason not to hire you; bad-mouthing your old boss, for example.
And they would be wrong.
When recruiters – some of whom have these social media reference checks down to a science – look into your social media, they are looking at much more than just your character (and some of it is just downright scary)…
Culture Fit
After the requisite search for the underwear-on-your-head pics, the next step for the recruiter is determining your fit within their company – and the position.
Do you use a high-percentage of swear words? Are you overly confrontational? Are you hyper-adamant in your political beliefs? Are you sensitive when it comes to diversity issues like race, religion and sexual orientation? Even the slightest miscue, like innocently calling a best friend a name considered insensitive in some circles, puts your candidacy at risk.
On the other hand, do you display a sense of humor? How do you handle negative comments from others? Are you happy for others as they achieve? However they define it personally, recruiters like to hire those they like and/or respect… because it sure helps if team members like and respect each other.
Are you likeable?
Personal Branding Inconsistencies
The next step in the social media scan: a look at your character and integrity. Are you who you say you are?
The warning signs during this critical stage are 99.9% self-inflicted. For instance, and in the most obvious case, you list "work ethic" as a marketable soft skill – yet consistently tweet, "Gawd, will this day ever end!!!" Or, in one very real case, talk about how you passionately support Special Olympics, yet refer to your friends in casual posts as "retards".
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Are you authentic?
Written Communication Skills
Here's what recruiters know (even though most job seekers fail in this area): you have all the time in the world, and almost anyone can get the right kind of help, to write a good cover letter, resume and LinkedIn profile.
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Are you a communicator?
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This may be the least known factor of a recruiter's check of your social media…
Do you often complain that you aren't feeling well? Does the whole world know when you have a bad headache? How often do you call in sick? If, through your social media interactions, the recruiter gets the idea that you're a whiner, a hypochondriac or dependent on the sympathy of others… they'll assume that is how you'll be in the workplace. And on Facebook, they can go back months and months to spot trends.
For a creepy look at how far this aspect of tracking your social media could go, take a look at this post from HR Capitalist.
Are you dependable?
Lifestyle Changes
A recruiter hires for today's version of the long-term. They want to know that for at least two to three years, you will remain the person they hired you for – and that you'll be able make this job your highest priority.
They do that by looking for red flags in your social media. For instance, you may talk about how you can't wait to move back home (and the physical location of this job is not in the same city as home). You may have a post about your impeding marriage next spring, and how you can't wait to start a family. They might even see how upset you are that your parents are getting a divorce, or that you need to spend a great deal of time with your ailing grandmother with Alzheimer's.
Any indication that your focus will be elsewhere – as seen through your posts on social media sites – may cost you an interview.
Are you focused?
Yes, recruiters do use social media – for a lot more than you think, at a deeper level than most imagine. This screening occurs well before their first conversation with you; very seldom are you given the opportunity to explain, clarify or retract. In most cases, you won't even know they, at one time, considered you a strong candidate.
With the recruiter's perspective in mind, take a look at your online presence. Now determine: what do your social media accounts tell recruiters, about you?
About the Author: CEO and Founder of YouTern, Mark Babbitt is a serial entrepreneur and mentor. Mark has been quoted in the Wall Street Journal, Mashable, Forbes and Under30CEO.com regarding job search, career development, internships and higher education's role in preparing emerging talent for the workforce. A keynote speaker and blogger, Mark's contributions include Huffington Post, 12Most.com, The Daily Muse, Alltop, PRDaily, StudentBranding.com and Intern Advocate.
Mark has been honored to be named to GenJuice's list of "Top 100 Most Desirable Mentors" and was recently featured on HR Examiner's "Top 25 Trendspotters in HR" and several top blogger lists, including JobMob's "Top Career Bloggers of 2011". Contact Mark via email or on Twitter!


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- Manual
- 55,811 miles
RAC DEALER - 130+ CARS IN STOCK, LOW RATE FINANCE AVAILABLE, P/X WELCOME, OPEN 7 DAYS + FAMILY OWNED 40 YEARS. OPEN TILL 7.30pm WEDNESDAY OR LATER BY APPOINTMENT + WE ARE A POOR CREDIT FINANCE SPECIAL...
Representative example
- 202002137287958
- 2016
- 16
- £5,995
- 600
- 55,811
- Cars
- forfour
- 2crqpaK5J/g=
Type Duration of agreement First payment monthly payments Final payment
On the road price Customer deposit Total amount of credit Acceptance fee Option to purchase fee Total amount payable
Representative APR Rate of interest (fixed) Annual mileage
Used cars for sale
At A30 car sales of Hook we aim to bring you the widest choice of used cars in Hook, Hants and at great prices. We have some fantastic deals on used SMART cars, which are always changing. Browse our used cars below and contact us for more information on any of our second hand cars.
We are confident you will not be disappointed with our selection of quality used cars. At A30 car sales of Hook we offer an extensive range of services and extras meaning that you can buy your used car with confidence and peace of mind. Our showroom in Hook stocks a wide range of cars that are ready for viewing today.


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- Platform iOS (iPad only)
- Features PLAY the huge campaign with 10+ hours playtime ****PLAY again with different party combinations ****ENDLESS replay value (random drops, random enemies) ****PLAY with 3 different classes for each race: ****Minotaur: Berserker, Gladiator, Bull ****Elf: Assassin, Ranger, Archer ****Dwarf: Miner, Draftsman, Engineer ****Human: Light, Matter, Void ****IMMERSE yourself into the deep story line ****ENJOY the 40+ skills ****BUILD bombard, crossbow and scythe towers ****LAY spike traps, stone traps and decoy bombs ****GATHER 100+ items ****GAIN 30+ unique items ****FIGHT brutal boss mobs ****SURVIVE gigantic battles ****USE the tactical pause (20 or 60 seconds) ****LISTEN to philosophical pest zombies ****DEFEAT the really BIG DRAGON RAARTAARK ****LOOK upon the great artwork ****CHOOSE from 3 difficulty settings ****CONNECT to GameCenter ****GET 41 achievements ****SCORE on the 4 single maps with leaderboards ****AUTO and MANUAL save
"It's pretty rare to see an iOS strategy game that not only has a captivating story, sound gameplay mechanics, and challenging difficulty, but also manages to accomplish all this while not being a tower defense derivative. Companions manages to achieve all this and more, and leads to a great experience for those iPad owners looking to try out a real strategy game."
Companions drags together the best of bigger console titles (story, character, length) and the best of the handheld world (touch-screen controls, single iPad multiplayer) into one cohesive, extremely fun game. No joke: If you don't like the game after level 1 or 2, you probably just hate fun games. Download this one soon.
iPHONE LIFE:
"Companions makes good use of the iPad to give complete command over any melee situation, has a detailed storyline, and plenty of challenges to keep oneself immersed for hours!"
Lead the four Companions to their destiny. Battles of epic magnitude await you on your way down towards the catacombs of Mentzel and the lava chambers of the volcano Eaneum.
Hordes of evil and strange creatures with nothing but hatred and death in their minds will do everything in their power to stop the Companions!
Altland may well be thrown into another devastating war. You are the only one able to guide the Companions safely through the storm that threatens to engulf the world!
The dangers are potent and manyfold. MAY UROORG BE WITH YOU!
Altland is in danger. The dark god Detexx is on the rise again, ready to plunge Altland into eternal darkness.
People are vanishing and rumour has it, that strange creatures roam the land. Unbeknown to each other our four heroes begin their quests in the catacombs of Mentzel.
You have to unriddle the evil plans of the dark god and do everything in your power to stop the "Hordes of Nether"!