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Cross-posted from JohnFeffer.com. John is currently traveling in Eastern Europe and observing its transformations since 1989.The war in Yugoslavia began as a conflict over state structure. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the nationalist movements in the republics championed greater autonomy only to be suppressed in turn by Tito, who then went on to incorporate many of their demands in the 1974 Yugoslav constitution. In 1989, Slobodan Milosevic signaled his intentions to assert Serbian dominance within the federation by removing the autonomous status of Kosovo and Vojvodina. When I was in the region the following year, debate raged over the nature of the Yugoslav federation: should it be a loose confederation, a more democratic federation, or a state in which Serbia reigned first among equals.
In 1990, Sonja Biserko was in the very middle of these debates. She was working in the Yugoslav foreign ministry at the time, an ideal vantage point for witnessing the disintegration of the federation. She ultimately resigned her position and embarked on a career in human rights through the organization she founded, the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia. As one of the early critics of Milosevic, she has also been resolute in her critique of Serbian nationalism. She worked to document war crimes and promote dialogue with Kosovo. These positions were not popular, to the say the least, among right-wing extremists and their more mainstream supporters, but Biserko has bravely continued to speak her mind.
She points out that Milosevic and his team were fundamentally anti-institutional and relied on the power of the mob. "This was how they destroyed not only the Yugoslav federation and its institutions but also Serbian institutions," she points out. "We are now still living in this provisional state. We don't have a modern state." Serbia, in other words, is still struggling with the legacy of Milosevic. And the same policies that tore apart the federal structure of Yugoslavia are now threatening Serbia itself, as Belgrade treats provinces like Vojvodina much as it did the republics of Slovenia and Croatia during the Milosevic era.
Biserko does not mince words about what Serbia must do to change course. First of all, Serbians have to grapple with the nationalist project, spelled out back in 1986 in an infamous memo from the Serbian Academy of Arts and Science, which contributed so much to the war and suffering of the 1990s. "In order to put the region in order, Serbia has the most homework to do," she says. "Other countries also have homework to do, but they won't do it until they see that Serbia has started the process. This doesn't mean putting Serbia in a corner. But we should know, especially the young generation, why it happened. People have to understand what was behind all this."
We were talking on a warm Saturday afternoon in late September in one of the many cafes of the Terazije, the pedestrian concourse that runs through the middle of Belgrade. Not far from our café was an apartment where three key figures of the Serbian nationalist revival met on a regular basis – the novelist Dobrica Cosic, the painter MiÄa PopoviÄ, and the literary critic Borislav MihajloviÄ Mihiz – as chronicled in The Nonconformists, a 2007 book by historian Nick Miller. These figures, particularly Cosic, were influential in shaping the "nationalist project" that Milosevic adopted, that continues to influence Serbian state policy, and that Sonja Biserko has made her life's work to deconstruct, both in theory and practice.
The Interview
Let's start by talking about the debates around state structure that took place just prior to the collapse of Yugoslavia. There was considerable disagreement about whether Yugoslavia should function as a federation or a confederation.
After the Second World War it was not possible for Yugoslavia to function as a federation because of the pressure coming from the East, from Moscow. The country was really isolated at that point, so there was no space for this concept of federation to truly function. After Stalin's death, and the relaxation of tensions between the two blocs, these processes within Yugoslavia started to evolve. From the 1960s onward, Yugoslavia began to function as a real federation.
Serbs, however, never accepted these developments because they perceived Yugoslavia as an enlarged Serbia. Any effort to make other people equal or to make their national agenda work in a different way from Belgrade's caused tensions in the federation. Then, in the 1980s, after Tito's death, Serbia attempted to redesign Yugoslavia according to its own perceptions, which meant a recentralization of the country.
This was the real reason behind the war — the concept of the state. It became a choice between a loose confederation or federation on the one hand and a highly centralized state according to Serbia's concept on the other. This was the background not only to the war but also today behind the tensions in Serbia. Serbia lost Kosovo because it was not able to manage the situation there according to the democratic principles already built into the Yugoslav federation. In 1989, Serbia removed autonomy for both Vojvodina and Kosovo, and with Kosovo we know how it ended.
And now we now have this tension between Novi Sad and Belgrade. The Serbian Progressive Party, which is currently in power, is trying to remove what little autonomy that the Tadic government gave Vojvodina over the last four years. It's not only the Progressive Party. This attitude is common among most of the political parties here in Serbia, but the Progressive Party really radicalized the situation immediately after it took over. There is a growing block in Vojvodina opposing this approach, especially because the current government is now changing local results. The Democratic Party and the Socialist Party agreed to a coalition after the recent election, and they created local authorities in Vojvodina immediately after the local elections. And now the Progressive Party is totally redesigning the local results. They already took over the Novi Sad assembly and their intention is to take over as many other places as possible, wherever the ruling party can make coalition with the Socialists and other parties.
This concept of state structure is now destroying Serbia itself. It's preventing Serbia from becoming a modern state based on democratic values and principles along the lines of European countries.
In the 1980s was the first attack on Yugoslavia when Serbia removed the autonomy of Vojvodina and Kosovo. The idea was to recentralize Serbia, and the other republics allowed that because they thought Serbia's appetite would be satisfied. After Tito died, Serbia raised the question of the revision of the 1974 constitution, which gave greater autonomy to the republics. Serbia had the army on its side, because the Yugoslav army thought that only a centralized government could preserve the integrity of Yugoslavia and guarantee the survival of socialism as a system. This is where Serbia and the army converged. Later, it developed into a disaster for the whole region.
In 1989, Serbia changed its constitution, which was contrary to the principle of consensual change. Serbia was the first republic to challenge the 1974 constitution, even though later they always blamed Slovenia and Croatia for being secessionist republics. But, in fact, the first step was taken by Serbia. In article 1, section 33 of the Serbian constitution, there is a provision saying that Serbia will act on its own against the federal constitution if it doesn't conform to Serbian national interest.
In the memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences that was revealed in 1986, the authors also in a way come up with this same argumentation. The memo consists of two parts. One part is a critical assessment of the economy. And the other part of the memorandum is about the position and interests of the Serb nation in Yugoslavia. This was a kind of blueprint for the whole program of Milosevic, and it influenced what happened later on. It started out in the very narrow intellectual circles at the Serbian Academy. In the cultural sphere a lot of books and plays and so on condensed these Serb grievances within Yugoslavia — how much Serbs sacrificed, how much they were victimized, all this sort of thing. Every nation, of course, has its grievances. But this was exploited here to such an extent that every Serb in the country absorbed this narrative and was conditioned for what came later. They were conditioned not to protest but to defend the Serbian nation throughout Yugoslavia against a possible genocide at the end of the 20th century. That was the mindset of most of the Serbian population at that time. But it really started already in the 1980s through culture, and in the informal cafe society.
From 1988 this approach was launched through the media, especially electronic media. Media, which was centralized here, especially focused on these issues through the main news program at 7 p.m., which lasted sometimes for two hours. The poisoning of the Serb nation was really constant, almost on a daily basis. Once Milosevic started the war there was no opposition to it. It was said that the fascist Ustasa was coming in Croatia, that Islamic fundamentalism was coming in Bosnia, that terrorism was coming from Kosovo. They had prepared a story for each specific region.
Throughout the federal government — I was part of the federal foreign ministry at the time – you could already see how this all functioned. The Serbian side started this enormous propaganda campaign, especially in Europe but also in America, against the "Ustasa" as soon as Franjo Tudjman came to power in Croatia. Of course, Serbs were already conditioned to be against Croatia's new government because of this propaganda. And of course Tudjman moved immediately to change the constitution, just like the Slovenes, anticipating possible separation should things go the other way. But as I said, Serbia already did this first. Even today, you can't convince people that Serbia was the first to change the constitution and that this was the first step in the destruction of Yugoslavia.
The Yugoslav federation was a very complicated state, which really needed mature and flexible leadership in all the republics. The decisions were based on consensus, and it was extremely important to have this compromise formula at all times. Serbia disturbed this formula, first by removing autonomy for both Vojvodina and Kosovo, though these regions were both constitutional parts of the federation.
I don't know how much you followed the Milosevic trial at The Hague. Geoffrey Nice, the deputy prosecutor, was very skillful in showing how the Serbian side manipulated who was in charge: whether it was the Yugoslav army that took the first step to go against Yugoslavia or whether it was the Serbian leadership that was behind it. It was very difficult to prove because Milosevic was president of Serbia at that time while the army was a Yugoslav institution. Milosevic also brought in the best people from Serbia, legal experts from law schools, from the academy and so on. It was a struggle over interpretation. Milosevic claimed that people have the right to self-determination, not republics. This issue was quite unclear in the 1974 Yugoslav constitution. After the Hague conference failed in October 1991, the Badinter commission eventually cleared up this ambiguity. It opted for republics. But during the course of the war, and in the court later at The Hague, Milosevic was always arguing that it was the people's right to self-determination, therefore if Croats decided to leave Yugoslavia, then Serbs in Croatia had the right to leave Croatia.
When I talked to people in Slovenia, in particular, in 1990 before the declaration of independence, they were saying that they wanted a confederation. And I said, "What does a confederation mean? Technically, you already have a confederation, so what is your different conception of a confederation?" When I pushed them, it ultimately turned out that they didn't have a different conception of confederation. They simply wanted a separate state, but in 1990 they couldn't express it in those terms.
Also at that time – and I was working with all these people in the foreign ministry – I think that most of the republics were not preparing for the war. Some in the federal institutions — in the army, for instance — understood that something was coming up. But what also was as relevant in judging their arguments for more confederation was the European orientation at that time. In 1991, there was a resolution in the federal assembly about Yugoslavia's integration into Europe, which nobody talks about. We in the Yugoslav foreign ministry made a draft of this resolution, which was sent to the parliament, and it was passed. Slovenia was behind it; Serbia was against it. The general secretary of the Council of Europe was present at that session. But now it's just forgotten. That was 1991. Very soon after, the whole thing blew up.
Behind all this were also very different perceptions of values and goals. Yugoslavia was a non-aligned country. We had a very important geostrategic position. We were neutral between east and west and between north and south. Our profile in the non-aligned world was very high, and it is still very respected even today. Vuk Jeremic, Serbia's foreign minister in the Tadic years, went to the non-aligned world and got support for postponing Kosovo's independence, because the countries there still saw Tito and Yugoslavia as something valuable. Yugoslavia was the first European country to give a hand to these countries. When these countries supported Jeremic, it had nothing to do with Serbia and everything to do with this image of Yugoslavia. Many members of my generation grew up with this perception of Yugoslavia as an important, independent country that had its own values. There was some pride attached to being Yugoslav, especially by intellectual circles in the West that perceived Yugoslavia as an experiment in self-government and so on. In the East, liberal elites were looking at Yugoslavia as an example for what might happen in their countries. They considered Yugoslavia a dreamland at that time
There were many scholars at our universities who wrote very emotional books in the 1990s. People were taking sides. There was the Korcula Summer School. There was the Praxis group. The Serbian branch of the Praxis group was very demagogic and very dogmatic. They were more radical than the government itself.
Mihailo Markovic – the man in charge of ideology under Milosevic — was in the Praxis group.
The Serbians split from the Croatian group because of this dogmatism. There is a study by Nick Miller called The Nonconformists that I read recently. It's about three Serbian nationalist figures who met in an apartment not far from here near Studentski Trg: the novelist Dobrica Cosic, the painter MiÄa PopoviÄ, and the literary critic Borislav MihajloviÄ Mihiz. They considered themselves dissidents, opponents of Tito. They hated Tito. It was not because of socialism. It was personal dislike. And they thought that Serbs not Croats should dominate the country. They presented themselves as fighters for freedom of speech. But when we ended up with freedom of speech, it was just hate speech. It's a very interesting account. Miller knows the language, he knew the people. But I don't think he understood the complexity and the relevance of Cosic's group on the destruction of Yugoslavia. Cosic, for instance, didn't become a nationalist just in 1986; he was a nationalist from long ago.
But what Miller exposes in this book is extremely relevant for everyone who wants to know something about those days. These nationalists started in the 1970s, especially through culture. That's why culture is so very important for launching and normalizing the project of resurgent Serbian nationalism. Without that, it's not possible to reach people to such an extent. Of course, state engagement is also relevant because states in countries like ours influence the cultural sphere.
I'll come back to these issues, especially the implications for today of what happened in 1989-90 with Kosovo and Vojvodina. But first I want to ask you to assess your level of disappointment with what has happened in Serbia and former Yugoslavia since 1989.
First of all, over time I've learned a lot myself. I now have more information and more understanding. Now I would say that I'm not disappointed because this was to be expected. But if you asked me this question in 1989, I would probably say that I was extremely disappointed because I was still living as a Yugoslav citizen. I never identified with any of the ethnic groups and even today I consider myself simply a citizen. But now, after really going into the Serbian history of the 20th century, I would say that we couldn't have expected better. Serbia is now where it started to head 30 years ago.
It took a long time for the international community to become aware of the Serbian trajectory, the Serbian project. And it took time for especially Western countries to take a clear position on what was going on in Yugoslavia. This hesitancy, this loss of focus, was reflected in the Dayton Agreement, which is totally dysfunctional for Bosnia. In the 1990s, nobody had a clear vision of where we were going as a whole. Milosevic as a leader was operating in this very murky situation. Like under water. He was destroying everything around him: federal institutions, even Serbian institutions. He introduced this anti-institutional approach to everything. He would bring people into the street and say that they had to change the constitution. Because the constitution couldn't be changed without the consensus of the republics, Milosevic would get it changed from the street. One of the legal experts at the law school said, "This is the people's constitution and we must listen to the voice of the people." This was a legal argument!
This was how they destroyed not only the Yugoslav federation and its institutions but also Serbian institutions. We are now still living in this provisional state. We don't have a modern state. When the West came in, it didn't understand how destructive the legacy of Milosevic was. They behaved as if Serbia was just a normal country after the war. They treated all these people like normal people. It was only when Zoran Djindjic [the Serbian prime minister from 2001 to 2003] was assassinated that this legacy was revealed. And now in 2012, the West doesn't know what to do. They've supported the current ruling coalition. But after two months they see that this may be disaster for all of us. This engineering of societies like ours has a limit, especially since our society hasn't distanced itself from Milosevic's policy.
There is a much harsher campaign against Tadic now than there ever was against Milosevic. The campaign is aimed not only at him and his party but at his orientation as well. The Democratic Party was the only strong pro-European party, despite all its weaknesses and flaws. There is a lot of ground for criticism. But now it's overdone. In November, the Democratic Party will have its internal party elections. The ruling coalition is trying to destroy the party. If the Democratic Party splits, that will be an end to the party, because neither of them, neither Tadic nor Dragan Djilas [the mayor of Belgrade] would be able to take over the whole party without the consent of the other. If the Democratic Party splits, political life in Serbia faces a real danger for the next few years, until a new party consolidates along the same lines.
In 2003, after the assassination of Djindjic, the West had to topple the Democratic Party to bring in Vojislav Kostunica, who was the biggest disaster for Serbia because of his ideology, which was basically a Nazi ideology. They gave up on Kostunica only after he burned down the American embassy. What is really lacking in the Western approach is an understanding of this kind of society, which is now also visible in the Middle East. When you topple a leader, whether it's a Qaddafi or a Mubarak or an Assad or whoever, you never know what's behind him, especially if you don't have strong voices from civil society. In the Arab Spring in Egypt, young people opposed the regime, but they had no strategy. And then who came in? The Muslim Brotherhood. It takes time to prepare these societies for real change. So, removal of the dictator and subsequent elections won't necessarily bring in democracy.
We are now struggling with this in Serbia. President Tomislav Nikolic is not a democratic option. Also, the ruling coalition opened the doors for the Russians to come in. You can only see the Russian ambassador leaving Serbia with all these farewells and messages. Nikolic's victory has really opened the door for true cooperation between Russia and Serbia. I think that the West and America underestimated the relevance of Russia in this region because they considered the Russians to be defeated after the fall of Berlin Wall. But the Russians were always present in the Balkans through the Serbian church, parts of the Army, and intellectual circles. Nowadays the whole region is very vulnerable energy-wise, and we all depend on Russian energy in one way or another. Serbia, through its major energy company NIS [Naftna Industrija Srbije], has the most inconvenient agreement with Russia on oil. The Russians also want to take over the railways. They want to take over the steel plant in Smederevo, which U.S. Steel gave up this year. They want to acquire other major Serbian assets as a guarantee of continued influence over any Serbian government, not only the current one.
The Russians might push for a postponement of a solution to the Kosovo issue, which is a priority now for the West and especially the United States. Nikolic said privately before he was elected that he would have a new policy on Kosovo. The new government would engage in high-level political communication. Nikolic was asking for consensus and even promised to include NGOS in the policy on Kosovo. But right now there is no single word about strategy in Kosovo. So Nikolic is buying time.
Martti Ahtisaari, who was the UN Special Envoy on Kosovo, recently said in an interview with the Serbian newspaper Danas that Serbia has lost the right to manage Kosovo. The Ahtisaari plan almost amounts to partition, almost. But they don't want to call it that. What Serbia really wants, Nikolic and others, is for the Serb enclaves to have Republika Srpska status there, like in Bosnia, which would be a source of long-term tension on both sides.
Would you distinguish in any important way Nikolic and the other nationalist forces in Serbia? I'm thinking, for instance, of Dveri Srpske.
No. Nikolic and his party are really just bringing in the mob. Even if Nikolic would be against this behavior, he can't stop this primitivism from taking over all the institutions at the local and provincial level. These people want to be in power for the next 10 years. Okay, the Democratic Party is also corrupt. But Nikolic and the Socialists, the way they rule, are trying to restore the 1990s, ideologically. They rule arbitrarily, changing laws overnight. Tadic and the Democratic Party represent the middle class of Serbia, whatever that is. Tadic did try to change things. His government accepted partnership with NATO. They opened the way for army reform. Three countries were involved in that: the United States, United Kingdom, and Norway. And these reforms really went far beyond expectations. They professionalized the army. But what Aleksandar Vucic, the defense minister, is doing now….
Vucic immediately went to Moscow and made some kind of a military agreement. Each of these new Serbian leaders went to Russia immediately after the elections, and they continue to go frequently. Nikolic has met with Putin, and it was announced that Putin will come here in December. At least at this visible level, you can see this intensification of meetings. Whether it will be followed by concrete projects and money, we don't know. But the Russians have promised to give $300 million for the Serbian budget. This is not a lot of money for the Russians. But it shows that they think Serbia is valuable in their maneuvering in this new world constellation. Serbia doesn't need much money for the budget. Our leaders are not ambitious when it comes to the wellbeing of the country. They just need social peace. The Russians don't think they can get something here in Serbia. But Serbia is a good example of a small country that they can use whenever they need it.
Hilary Clinton will be visiting Serbia very soon. Do you think the United States can play any role in Serbia?
The United States has had an important role in the region because it was perceived by all countries as a strong power with its interventions and all that. Serbia thinks that Americans prevented their national project, which the United States did through intervention, both in Bosnia and Kosovo. This nationalistic elite is very much against America. They think that Americans took the side of Muslims against Serbs. Young people, of course, go to America and the West; they don't go to Russia. Young people are highly frustrated by the image of Serbia. They identify with Novak Djokovic, with folk singers. There's nothing much to identity with otherwise. Young people have a totally schizophrenic attitude. The first three sentences out of their mouths will be okay, and the next three will be totally wrong.
People here are hospitable, easygoing. But when you touch on this national issue, their identity, it is such a confusion: are Karadzic and Mladic, for instance, heroes or war criminals?
You don't see an important generational difference on the nationalist issue?
No, unfortunately. Young people are totally ignorant and frustrated. Nobody is working with them, except for a few NGOs. It's too little. We run some education programs through which we can understand their problems. We take them to hotels outside Belgrade and put them through a ten-day course. They change easily. When you provide them with a referential system and you explain things, they immediately act like a fish in the water. Then they start to understand.
The messages they get – from the educational system, from their families, from the media, from the political leaders — they're all misguiding. The narrative about the wars in the 1990s is that we all committed crimes, that the secessionist republics are responsible, that the West took the side of these republics, that it was all a conspiracy of the West to destroy the Serbs — at this level of consciousness it's all confusion.
Even the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) judgments have no impact on attitudes, particularly of the Serbian elites. The elites say that all judgments are anti-Serb. You can read about the judgments against Muslims, Croats, and Albanians in the Serbian media, for example the Ramush Haradinaj case [the former Kosovo Liberation Army leader was acquitted in 2008 and awaits a verdict in a retrial]. Or take the issue of the trafficking of organs. On the very day that Kosovo's supervised independence ended, there was a big press conference with an Albanian witness who talked about how he was taught to take out the heart of a Serbian victim — as if you can just come in and cut out any organ. And people buy this story. Because there has been very limited reporting on what's going on in Kosovo.
So you don't believe the allegations that Carla del Ponte made about the KLA being involved in organ trafficking?
I don't trust her. She destroyed all the materials she had on that case. Otherwise she would have undertaken an investigation when she was prosecutor. Look, there are 1,700 missing people in Kosovo, and only 500 of them are Serbs. Between 10 and 11,000 Albanians were killed during the war, but only a few hundred Serbs. Here in Serbia, nobody talks about the 1,200 missing Albanians. They don't exist.
On this organ trafficking case, there is an EU rapporteur and a team, and they are maintaining a very low profile, without media. This is a good approach, because otherwise it would be politicized. Obviously something happened on this issue. We heard similar rumors from Bosnia, but nobody undertook an investigation. I'm not saying that it didn't happen. But it's not only an Albanian-Serb problem. It's a world problem. Who knows who was involved in the case? What other doctors were involved? Here you only hear "trafficking in organs by Albanians." They try to criminalize Kosovo in this way. And it had an impact on Western perception for a while. The recognition process was slowed down.
Jeremic was traveling around the non-aligned world, stirring up emotions within the international community against Kosovo. But in the end Serbia is really losing time. We are the losers. That's the problem. Serbia is really isolated, self-isolated. We lost so many opportunities for investment. With this new government, our credit rating is down. Who knows how we are going to get out of it. And now they have introduced a new level of tensions with Vojvodina.
They are also fighting against corruption. But they have no instruments or people for this campaign. Vucic, who is deputy prime minister but also minster of defense, is now engaged only in corruption. Every day he comes up with a new name, there is a media campaign, and then there is nothing after that. This process is corrupt. The Progressive Party and the Socialist Party should be part of the investigation. The biggest corruption happened during the Milosevic years. You don't solve the problem by just throwing out the word "corruption." You have to do something concrete. People buy it because they are all angry and depressed. They want their social problems solved. So, the government retreats into populist measures. Who knows what they will do in the next few months if they don't have enough money to pay pensions and salaries.
One of the important things you've pushed for is greater people-to-people contact between people here and in Kosovo, between NGOS here and there. You already said that there isn't much going on with young people here. Where do you see the most hope in terms of this people-to-people connection?
Our organization, the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, has been present in Kosovo for almost 20 years. We started with monitoring and reporting in the 1990s until 1998-99. We also organized dialogue between elites, intellectuals, and NGOs in Kosovo and Serbia. In 1997, we had a big conference in Ulcinj, in Montenegro. In 1998, we had a big conference here in Belgrade at the Hyatt where everyone relevant to political life in Kosovo was present, everyone except Ibrahim Rugova. It was in vain. The process still led to military intervention. Still, it was important to have people from both sides who were able to meet within the country and not just abroad.
After the military intervention, we were also the first down there along with some other groups. We were involved in very intensive cooperation with civil society in Kosovo. People would come here. There were no obstructions to travel. Then, in 2008, after Kosovo declared independence, Albanians were obstructed from crossing the Serbian border. Still, we continued to go, along with Youth Initiative for Human Rights and some other organizations. We focused on the Serb community in Kosovo. We lobbied for the integration of Kosovo institutions. They did take part in local and republic level. But Serbia continued to keep the northern part of Kosovo hostage. There was also talk of swapping the territory as a possible solution: the south of Serbia for the north of Kosovo. But I think that Serbia never had this in mind because this area is strategically important as a corridor to Macedonia.
In the north of Kosovo, the Serbian community has lived under the umbrella of criminal groups that have profited from smuggling. In fact, there are interest groups on both sides that have profited from keeping this northern part of Kosovo in a kind of limbo. Last year, Serbia finally made an effort to partition Kosovo because they thought at the time that it would work in their favor. Kosovo Serbs began to put up barricades. The Serbian authorities, like current Serbian Prime Minister Ivica Dacic, started to speak officially about partition.
Then German Chancellor Angela Merkel came here, and she was very brutal, and rightly so. She said: "No partition and no candidacy. If you don't start the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina, you won't get candidacy." Candidacy for the European Union was one of the major assets that the Democratic Party could use to win the subsequent elections, so they started a dialogue between Pristina and Belgrade under EU auspices. And they came to an agreement about controlling borders, the symbols on the custom seal, and so on. Serbia obtained candidacy in March and that was the main asset with which Tadic hoped to win the elections. But now implementation depends on the current government.
Serbia confronts this tough position of the West that partition is not possible. So the Serbian authorities are trying to come up with a solution. It depends on how much they will be forced to resolve the Kosovo issue: what Russia will offer and whether they will be able to cope in the current economic situation without Western help. There are a lot of factors that will influence the resolution of the Kosovo issue at this point. But the West is really hoping that Nikolic will deliver.
And you think that's naive?
It depends on a lot of factors. The Serbian government will probably ask for the north of Kosovo to be a "region." Integration, they will say, will take a long time. This will give them a chance to see what happens worldwide and if these enclaves can achieve a Republika Srpska status in the long term.
There is also this perception here that the EU will fall apart. In this case, why should we become a member in something that is about to fall apart? But nobody is really following what is going on in the EU. They don't understand that, after 40-50 years, it comes to a point when an institution has to change, to accommodate to a new reality. The Serbian project of Milosevic and others, on the other hand, was against the spirit of time. When they started in the 1980s, though they had this idea in mind much earlier, they thought that the international environment was playing into their hands. And at the moment it looked like that. But as the world has settled down, we turn out to be the real losers. It's not only because of the wars, but because we lost an opportunity to do something in this country. Because we didn't accept the new realities, we have had very tense relations with all our neighbors. It's only now, because the criteria of regional cooperation are very important for the EU, that you see some changes at the political level.
It's unclear what will happen at this elite level. But your initiatives at a grassroots level, what do you hope to achieve?
In Kosovo, we spent seven months talking with Serbs in all these enclaves, including some known figures, and we heard a great deal. We later produced a report. In this report, you can see that these Kosovo Serbs had already accepted Albanians. There was local cooperation going on behind the scenes. But nobody has wanted to report on it.
At the level of ordinary people, it will go much easier. But the elites are preventing that. In order to bring Albanians and Serbs together — or Serbs and Croats, or Serbs and Bosniaks — you need a responsible and mature elite to do something within Serbia. They need to say, "Okay, we are defeated. But from defeat we can draw some energy and do something else." Our elite is not doing this. Without doing this, you cannot go to the region and say, "Let's reconcile. Let's normalize as if nothing has happened." It's not possible. It can go to a certain extent. But all these differences brew beneath the surface, and the tensions rise up again during difficult situations.
How strong is the movement in Vojvodina pushing for greater autonomy and what do you envision will be the outcome of this struggle?
First of all, Vojvodina is not an ethnic issue. It's really about who controls the money and who manages the economy, which has been destroyed over the years. Vojvodina is an agricultural region. And agriculture here is totally devastated. The land here is divided into small parcels. It's not based on a modern concept like in the United States where you have two percent of the population working in agriculture and feeding the whole world. Here you have enormously rich and fertile land, but the rural population is very old. Even where the farmers aren't old, a family can't run agriculture without modern equipment. No one is doing anything along these lines, so this agricultural potential is totally lost.
Vojvodina has a different political culture altogether. It can more easily meet EU standards and more easily access EU funds. In fact, Vojvodina is considered to be the only region in Serbia capable of accessing these EU funds, which will open up as soon as they start negotiations. Many of the countries in Eastern Europe were not able to use these funds. They didn't know how. So, much of it was lost or unused because of this inability to use and spend these funds.
Generally, Serbia is totally devastated professionally. Many young people are still leaving the country. Many professionals have already left the country. We don't have industry. People are buying up factories and closing them down. They're just waiting for the moment to sell them to foreigners. At this moment, most people are just sitting idle. But there are a few islands that demonstrate that something can be done, and Vojvodina is one of these.
But in Vojvodina at this moment, more and more people are furious with Belgrade. And it's growing. There were lots of reactions from Vojvodina after the Serbian Constitutional Court decided that the statute of Vojvodina, which was passed during the democratic Tadic rule, is now anti-constitutional because it asserts too much autonomy for the province. Behind all this is Kostunica. His party his small, but there are many intellectuals, law professors, and so on that are members. They are the ideological radicals of the ruling coalition. They make all these accusations, and then Nikolic says that Serbia will ban all parties that are "anti-constitutional," that support more autonomy for Vojvodina. So, the Vojvodina issue is really a constitutional problem. The Serbian authorities are trying first of all to change the constitution over the long term and meanwhile implement their interpretation of the existing constitution.
There is another possibility. If Vojvodina's push for a more decentralized state fails, then the Hungarians may ask for the kind of territorial autonomy that was in place for two decades until the late 1980s. This new government in Hungary is also very chauvinistic, and it is working on behalf of Hungarian minorities in Romania, Slovakia, and Serbia. A Hungarian deputy minister recently said that he supported the idea that the north of Kosovo should become a region. Behind this is really Hungarian support for a similar kind of solution for Vojvodina as well as for Hungarian regions in Romania and Slovakia.
Serbia faces three such requests: from Bosniaks in Sandzak, from Kosovars in south Serbia, and from Hungarians in Vojvodina. The problem is that Serbia doesn't understand that if you ask for maximum status for ethnic Serbs in Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo, then it's just a matter of time before someone else will demand the same thing from the Serbian government. The international community thought that these demands came about because we were at war. They didn't anticipate, for instance, that the Hungarian government would become so chauvinistic. Also, the economic problems that European countries are facing might trigger this kind of scenario. That's why Merkel said last year, "no partition." Because then maybe Macedonia would be next in line in terms of partition. You never know.
This is really about the EU's decision about its principles. Either the EU reinforces the principles, the civic values, on which Europe was based for the last 50 years. Or Europe develops more along ethnic lines, and there is no end to it.
You are saying that unless Vojvodina has the kind of autonomy that it is asking for – in terms of state structures, not ethnic issues — unless it achieves this kind of autonomy to access EU funds and, for example, improve its agriculture, then the possibility of a more radical scenario, supported by a chauvinistic Hungarian government, becomes a greater possibility. The more the current Serbian government pushes against autonomy, the more likely the situation will radicalize.
We talked a little about nationalism, the strength of nationalism, not only at a political level, but also at a cultural level. I'm going to ask the flip side of that: about the strength of liberalism, of liberal ideology. This ideology is somewhat embodied by the Democratic Party but not always, as you pointed out. There were a lot of limitations even with Djindjic. But do you see a kind of authentic, tolerant liberalism emerging here in Serbia that gives you hope? We know that there have been liberal traditions here before, so it's not about creating something completely new.
Yes, the liberal option always existed, though it was a tiny one. But you never know when such a tiny option can prevail in a given situation.
Vojvodina, Kosovo, and Serbia proper are all different cultural and political entities. Serbia never accepted a federation within itself. It was trying to centralize the country along the lines of Serbia proper, not according to the more European Vojvodina. And Kosovo is even more conservative. Serbian leaders simply didn't take into account all these differences within Serbia. They missed the opportunity to adapt to the complexities of each of these societies. They oversimplified the Serbian nation. Then you had all these Serbs that came here as refugees, but they too are all culturally different, though they have the same religion.
Communism, or socialism, in former Yugoslavia was a modernizing faith for Serbian society, a way to establish universal values in the country. It had its limitations in terms of political liberties. But three important legacies of this period were education, health care, and tolerance toward minorities. The nationalist project has created such hysteria against this legacy of modernism that it's necessary to undertake a similar project to suppress the nationalists. What we have now is really the EU, which is helping to build up institutions along certain values, criteria, and standards. But we still don't have true reform of education. And our media still acts in favor of the status quo. It is still influenced by groups that are not interested in change in Serbia, groups that don't favor either the free market or a change of political elites.
Finally, we don't have a flourishing civil society. We had a dynamic civil society only because the West was very interested in bringing down Milosevic. We had a "united bloc" against Milosevic thanks to the United States and U.S. donors. After this period, there were fewer donors. They moved elsewhere. But the more liberal groups in this country remained under pressure, and the Serbian government conducted campaigns to demonize these groups as traitors, as disloyal, as exponents of Anglo-Saxon imperialism. This really shaped the perception of us in society. For instance, when they invite me to a talk show, I am always presented as someone who was in favor of U.S. and NATO military intervention. Or they said that we wanted to return Serbian refugees to Tudjman's Croatia.
You also have minorities who might be conservative but are still pro-European because there is no other way for them. They are instinctively oriented toward Europe because this is their safe haven. They are always looking toward integration because they are totally outside the political, economic, and cultural community here. The former government, under Tadic, had all kinds of action plans and strategies for dealing with Roma and other vulnerable groups. But this state doesn't have the money to implement these programs. Implementation will come from either EU funds or from individual member states.
But you have to create an atmosphere for that. Who can help? Civil society. EU delegations from these countries cooperate with the government, which is normal. But civil society can provide independent pressure on the government. We are the ones interested in seeing the implementation of all these action plans.
Our society is very racist against Roma and Albanians, very hostile toward Croats and Bosniaks. You can't change this with two or three statements. You have to work on this on a daily basis. It's a long process. It won't happen in two or even 10 years. There was, after the Second World War, a Marshall Plan for the recovery of the German economy. But it took more than 20 years to discuss within German society what happened during the war. In Serbia, which is a smaller society, it goes even slower.
We are a defeated country, but nobody says that in their diplomatic or economic dealings with Serbia. This may be right. But at another level, you cannot expect regional reconciliation without Serbia taking responsibility for starting the war. Who were the most indicted at the ICTY? Serbs. Why? Because proportionately they committed most of the crimes. That says something. Serbs usually complain to foreigners that most of the indicated were Serbs. But they never acknowledge that most of the war criminals were in fact Serbs.
The Kosovo judgment against the top Serbian officials in the army, the police, and the political institutions is 1,500 pages long. Everything is described there: what happened in 1989-90, not to mention the 1980s and 1990s, how many people were killed down there. For two days, the Serbian media covered it – but only as an anti-Serbian judgment. I'm sorry, but in order to put the region in order, Serbia has the most homework to do. Other countries also have homework to do, but they won't do it until they see that Serbia has started the process. This doesn't mean putting Serbia in a corner. But we should know, especially the young generation, why it happened. People have to understand what was behind all this. Very often, you hear people say, "What has befallen us? Who did this to us?" Or they say, "Let's forget about it." Or they say, "Yugoslavia was a perfect state." They say these things because they want to forget. And they are not offered anything better than Yugoslavia.
We had an educational program this summer with children from Croatia, Bosnia, and Serbia. I was a lecturer on Yugoslavia. The children knew nothing. They'd heard of Yugoslavia, of course, but they didn't even know who the leaders were at that time or what Yugoslavia was internationally. My lecture was for 3 hours. But they kept me two more hours asking me questions. Because they were hungry to know about all this. So there is chance to work with these people. But it has to be comprehensive and very well conceived in order to have impact on their attitudes and their understanding of their former country.
You cannot delete Yugoslavia. You cannot delete socialism. It was our reality. Even if you're against these things, it doesn't mean that they aren't relevant to your history. I think that anti-communism helped these nationalists destroy everything that referred to Yugoslavia. It happened in many socialist countries. Many new elites derived their legitimacy from this nationalism of the Second World War ideologues of the extreme right, like Draza Mihailovic and Milan Nedic here in Serbia, or in Hungary or the Baltic countries.
There was a resolution in the European Parliament initiated by the Baltic countries, the 2009 resolution on European conscience and totalitarianism, that equated Nazism and communism. This is an Eastern European thing, and it's very much anti-Russian. In response, Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev came to the parliament here in Belgrade and delivered a speech that sent a message that Nazism and communism were not equal, first of all because the communists helped liberate Europe from fascism. Similarly, there is a debate in the EU about May 9, whether this is a liberation day or an occupation day. In this way, they're changing the narrative of the Second World War. We're not really part of this debate here in Serbia, but still people somehow make use of the discussion.
For example, you start to talk about Serbia and war crimes here, and then a professor from law school responds that Americans committed genocide against Indians. You cannot finish a conversation about Serbia because they always introduce something from two centuries ago!
Why are modern European values based on anti-fascism? It's much deeper than just fighting against Nazism. It's about fighting against discrimination. All these conventions and human rights networks were based on this anti-fascist struggle. People just don't know what anti-fascism means as a value.


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Once you become an ADT customer in Shawnee, you'll see that ADT works 24/7 to make sure that you are 100% satisfied with your home security system. Professionals are on standby at all hours of the day to handle your questions and concerns so that you can be confident in the unmatched level of home security that is provided to you in Shawnee.

subset: commoncrawl


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World's longest fast train line opens in China
BEIJING (AP) — China has opened the world's longest high-speed rail line, which more than halves the time required to travel from the country's capital in the north to Guangzhou, an economic hub in southern China.
Wednesday's opening of the 2,298 kilometer (1,428 mile)-line was commemorated by the 9 a.m. departure of a train from Beijing for Guangzhou. Another train left Guangzhou for Beijing an hour later.
China has massive resources and considerable prestige invested in its showcase high-speed railways program.
But it has in recent months faced high-profile problems: part of a line collapsed in central China after heavy rains in March, while a bullet train crash in the summer of 2011 killed 40 people. The former railway minister, who spearheaded the bullet train's construction, and the ministry's chief engineer, were detained in an unrelated corruption investigation months before the crash.
Trains on the latest high-speed line will initially run at 300 kph (186 mph) with a total travel time of about eight hours. Before, the fastest time between the two cities by train was more than 20 hours.
The line also makes stops in major cities along the way, including provincial capitals Shijiazhuang, Wuhan and Changsha.
More than 150 pairs of high-speed trains will run on the new line every day, the official Xinhua News Agency said, citing the Ministry of Railways.
Rail is an essential part in China's transportation system, and the government plans to build a grid of high-speed railways with four east-west lines and four north-south lines by 2020.
The opening of the new line brings the total distance covered by China's high-speed railway system to more than 9,300 km (5,800 miles) — about half its 2015 target of 18,000 km.


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November 12, 2009–March 27, 2010
Molto Animato! Music and Animation explores the unparalleled collections in the Music; Motion Picture, Broadcasting and Recorded Sound; and Prints and Photographs divisions of the Library of Congress. Molto Animato ("very animated"), juxtaposes music scores, lyrics, and drawings with film clips and sound recordings to provide a glimpse into the intricate wedding of art forms that bring drawings to life. This exhibition provides a small sample of the Library's treasures that demonstrate the magic of animation and the music that makes it come alive.


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SoSG readers (except Karina, bless her) have been a surly bunch recently — and understandably so. Losing five of eight to some of the worst teams in baseball in the last week of the regular season will do that to a team's fans.
With the Dodgers backing into the post-season like a garbage truck in reverse — beep, beep, beep — we offer a few predictions of what would happen if the playoffs started today at Dodger Stadium.
Feel free to add your own in the comments. It's therapeutic!
- The Dodgers hit into three double plays — in the same inning.
- Charles Steinberg orders "Don't Stop Believing" to be played between every inning. Latter part of game resembles They Shoot Horses, Don't They?
- Special section on each stadium level reserved for fans in fetal position, brought to you by Kaiser Permanente.
- Pre-game ceremony honoring Washington Generals. Ned Colletti eyes possible recruits.
- Tradition of kids taking the field with Dodger players continues; this time, kids stay on field, Dodgers return to dugout.
- Ray Maytorena hires Keystone Kops to patrol outfield pavilions. Their antics inspire the Dodgers to play better.
- Fans get bored of beach balls, throw sand instead.
- TV broadcast of game preempted for "Three Stooges" marathon. Or is it?
- Pitching change sponsored by Cloudy with a Chance of Meatballs.
- Between-innings blooper reel on Diamond Vision is just a replay of the last inning.
- A fan runs onto the field, is allowed to stay. Eventually gets bored, wanders off.
- Dodger batters look at 81 consecutive strikes; express post-game frustration that a pitcher could keep throwing like that all game long.
- Fans arrive early; Dodgers arrive late.


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The Secret Beyond Matter
Atlas of Creation_Vol.1
Some 150 years ago, the British naturalist Charles Darwin proposed a theory based on various observations made during his travels, but which could not be supported by any subsequent scientific findings. In essence, his theory of evolution consisted of various scenarios, assumptions and conjectures that Darwin dreamed up in his own imagination.
According to his evolution scenario, inanimate substances came together by chance to give rise to the first living cell. No doubt this claim was highly inaccurate, and one that could not be corroborated by any scientific evidence or findings. Again according to that myth, this single-celled life form gradually—and again by chance—turned into the first living species of microbe—in other words, it evolved. According to the evolution error, all the life forms on Earth, from bacteria on up to human beings, emerged as the result of this same imaginary process.
Darwin's claims were of course based on no scientific evidence or findings. But since the scientific understanding and technological means available at the time were at a fairly primitive level, the full extent of the ridiculous and unrealistic nature of his assertions did not emerge fully into the light of day. In such a climate, Darwin's scenarios received general acceptance from a wide number of circles.
The foundation of Darwin's theory of evolution was materialism. Therefore, it didn't take long for his theory to be adopted by materialists. Since materialist circles denied the fact of creation, they blindly grasped at the theory of evolution, and even declared that it was supposedly the scientific basis of their own world views.
By carrying out a great deal of research and investigation, and by establishing artificial environments in laboratories, they sought to come up with findings that would corroborate Darwin's theory. However, every piece of research and every new finding they obtained, only constituted evidence that refuted evolution rather than confirming it. Science and technology had made rapid progress since the beginning of the 20th century, and refuted the theory of evolution. All the branches of science concerned with the subject–such as microbiology, biomathematics, cell biology, biochemistry, genetics, anatomy, physiology, anthropology and paleontology- -revealed countless proofs that totally undermined the theory of evolution.
The fossil record is perhaps the most important evidence that demolishes the theory of evolution's claims. Fossils reveal that life forms on Earth have never undergone even the slightest change and have never developed into one another. Examining the fossil record, we see that living things are exactly the same today as they were hundreds of millions of years ago—in other words, that they never underwent evolution. Even during the most ancient periods, life forms emerged suddenly with all their complex structures–with the perfect and superior features, just as do their counterparts today.
This demonstrates one indisputable fact: Living things did not come into being through the imaginary processes of evolution. All the living things that have ever existed on Earth were created by God. This fact of creation is once again revealed in the traces left behind them by flawless living things.
<> This book will provide you with not only such information as what fossils are and where and how they are found, but also a closer examination of a variety of fossil specimens, millions of years old, that are still able to declare, "We never underwent evolution; we were created." The fossils discussed and illustrated in this book are just a few examples of the hundreds of millions of specimens that prove the fact of creation. And even these few are enough to prove that the theory of evolution is a major hoax and deception in the history of science.


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Portrait of Queen Victoria, painted by Franz Xaver Winterhalter, 1859
Supplied by Royal Collection Trust / © HM Queen Elizabeth II 2012
Queen Victoria's Journals is the product of a unique partnership between ProQuest, the Royal Archives and the Bodleian Libraries. It reproduces as high-resolution, colour images every page of the surviving volumes of Queen Victoria's journals, from her first diary entry in 1832 to shortly before her death in 1901, along with separate photographs of the many illustrations and inserts within the pages.
Launched on 24th May 2012, the anniversary of her birth, most of Victoria's life - from childhood, through accession, marriage, bereavement and the long years of widowhood - is contained within these pages and through her eyes we also see the changing face of the nineteenth century. Thirteen volumes in Victoria's own hand survive, with the majority of the remaining volumes transcribed after Queen Victoria's death by her youngest daughter, Princess Beatrice. In addition, this collection contains typewritten transcripts, prepared shortly after her death, of some of the journals' earlier years, along with rare draft volumes also in Victoria's hand.
Each page has also been meticulously transcribed and re-keyed, allowing for journals to be searched. Further information may be found in the 'About' area of the site.


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By Mike Pannone [email protected] All photos contained in this article were taken by Mike Pannone for DefenseReview.com, and are copyrighted. Mike Pannone and DefenseReview.com own the copyright on these photos. March 19, 2010 Here's my question for those that subscribe to the direct impingement fouling concept: I fired 2400 rounds of M193 through a 14.5" M4-type upper receiver from Bravo …Read More »
Tag Archives: m4a1 rifle for sale
Colt M4 Carbine's Future Uncertain: Dark Clouds Forming
By David Crane defrev at gmail dot com Perhaps the single most exciting thing that happened at NDIA International Infantry & Joint Services Small Arms Systems Symposium 2008–away from the firing range, of course–was a confrontation between Jim Battaglini (Retired Marine Corps Maj. Gen. James R. Battaglini) of Colt Defense and U.S. Air Force Col. Robert Mattes, the director of …Read More »


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Southwestern College Education Foundation Honors Veterans at Gala
Raises over $87,000 and helps veteran causes on campus
Nearly 300 students, faculty and community members gathered under a starry sky Saturday to honor the achievements of active duty military, student veterans and the 92-year-old veteran who has built three companies in the engineering and ship repair fields.
With a goal to create a new endowed scholarship for student veterans enrolled at Southwestern College, the "Gift of Scholarship" gala created a theme that brought together San Diego-area veterans and a special presentation—via Skype—by a Navy Lieutenant currently serving in Afghanistan.
The event raised over $87,000, with nearly $15,000 of that dedicated to the new endowed scholarship for student veterans. Proceeds from the Gift of Scholarship Gala are also dedicated to supporting a variety of student activities that help sustain the innovative learning environment at Southwestern College, including the underwriting of Students of Distinction Award (SODA) scholarships.
Gala attendees were given a cinematic tour of the newly dedicated Veterans' Resource Center and they viewed a video that showed the challenges returning veterans face when enrolling in college. One of the highlights was a live feed from Kandahar Afghanistan by Lt. Monica Phariss, a nurse corps officer at the NATO Role 3 Multinational Medical Trauma Hospital.
"The evening was magical," said Foundation President Ben Green. "Our military members have placed themselves in harm's way to defend our country and our principles. I hope this gala has shown them a small portion of our appreciation."
In her live interaction with the audience, Lt. Phariss congratulated Southwestern College for opening a Veterans' Resource Center.
"This center offers so much great variety of services and it is vital to our military veterans," Phariss said. "Please make sure that you have a comprehensive outreach effort so that our vets have the awareness that the Veterans' Resource Center of Southwestern College exists and is ready to assist them in their needs for education and career and personal counseling."
From young to old and all ages in between, the gala honored all levels of military service.
Nathan Fletcher, a decorated United States Marine Corps veteran, served as the keynote speaker and said Southwestern College had done an admirable job in pulling together many partners to open the Veterans' Resource Center.
"A wave of returning veterans is expected in the next five years," Fletcher said. "I know first-hand, through my advocacy work with this special population, that this wave of veterans has needs that far exceed the capacity of any single program or service.
"My congratulations to Southwestern College for its commitment and follow through in establishing the Veterans' Resource Center," Fletcher said.
A special part of the evening was the presentation of a flag flown over the U.S. Capitol in honor of the Veterans' Resource Center. The flag was presented by 92-year-old World War II veteran Irv Refkin. A two-time Bronze Star recipient, Refkin has built three of his own companies in the engineering and ship repair field and is the founder of the Ship Repair Association in San Diego.
|Lt. Monica Phariss speaks from Afghanistan via Skype on the importance of the Veterans' Resource Center for veterans returning to school.
|Student Veteran Organization President Tim Walsh welcomes the community to the Gift of Scholarship Gala and introduces them to Lt. Monica Phariss.
|World War II Veteran Irv Refkin presents Southwestern College with a flag flown over the U.S. Capitol. In the background are Southwestern College Superintendent/President Dr. Melinda Nish and U.S. Marine Corps Veteran Nathan Fletcher.
Photo credits: Gary Ballard


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Contact Paper Picks to Cover Ugly Cabinets
I love my apartment. It's not perfect, but I love it. The building is well-managed, the floors are hardwood, and there is plenty of light.
My kitchen, though, needs some love. Yes, my kitchen is functional. The tile contractor that the landlord hired did a good job installing the kitchen floor. The plumbing (mostly) is hassle free; I've only had to call a New York City plumber in once. Yet despite all that I have to be grateful for, I have some of the ugliest cabinets you can imagine, which is a bummer since it is otherwise a great kitchen.
The cabinets are functional, but the doors are ugly. It's a rental, so I am hesitant to spend money to replace the cabinet doors. If a whole bunch of pretty cabinet doors just fell in my lap, I would install them and paint them. However, that hasn't happened. The cabinet facing is white laminate, which is peeling and stained. It has chipped in some places, and the fiberboard or whatever is under it shows through. The cabinet doors are heinous.
Since you can't really paint over plastic laminate, I'm thinking of covering the cabinet doors in contact paper. Remember contact paper? I went looking for cool contact paper, and I found it. If you want to know where to find hip-looking contact paper, then here you go!
1. DesignYour Wall.com: Design Your Wall has the best selection of funky and interesting contact paper that I found. They stock self-adhesive vinyl (my material of choice because the contact paper will have to withstand water, since it is in the kitchen) contact paper in about 90 (!) different styles. Their basket weave patterns are particularly realistic looking, and would add a rustic appeal to my plastic kitchen cabinets. I also really like their "grasscloth" contact paper, which you'd swear was the real thing.
2. The Container Store Cork Self-Adhesive Drawer and Shelf Liner: If you are maintaining an industrial-chic style, then this is the contact "paper" for you. The Container Store's self-adhesive cork drawer and shelf liner is a means to turn all of your cabinet facing into cork boards. I picture recipes tacked up on it. I also like that it is a natural material which could transform my plastic cabinet facing into warmer-looking surfaces.
3. Chic Shelf Paper: Chic Shelf Paper offers legitimately fresh-looking contact paper. I especially like their Blooms & Whirls pattern, which is a modern take on psychedelic flowers. Although some of the patterns they offer are a bit fuddy-duddy, there are a few real gems. I also like their Damask prints, an embossed-looking print called "Cross Me" that has a plus sign motif, and their "Hexagon Highway" print.
Chaya Kurtz writes for Networx.com.
Updated March 20, 2018.
Looking for a Pro? Call us(866) 441-6648


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Not long after showing off the new Windows 8 touch interface at the D9 conference, Microsoft gave another demo at Computex in Taipei. Where the D9 demo had been about the software, and used regular Intel processors, the focus at Computex was on the hardware: Windows 8 was running on a range of system-on-chip (SoC) designs, including those with ARM processors.
Prototypes from three ARM partners, Qualcomm, Texas Instruments, and NVIDIA, in conjunction with system builders Wistron, Foxconn, and Quanta, were shown off. The Qualcomm and TI devices were both tablets, the NVIDIA device a conventional clamshell laptop. An AMD Llano-powered laptop was also on display, as was an Intel-powered system. The ARM units all billed as development devices rather than anything that will reach the market, but show that the software is running on ARM-powered machines, and looks identical to its x86 counterpart.
The company also disclosed some of the hardware constraints that Windows 8 tablets will have to follow. To get the new interface, tablets will have to offer a resolution of at least 1024x768. Anything lower and they will be stuck with a derivative of the classic Windows 7 shell. Increasing the resolution from the 4:3 1024x768 to the 16:9 1366x768 will additionally enable the "snap" side-by-side multitasking view that was demonstrated.
Mention was also made of boot performance; UEFI systems with SSDs were described as being able to fully boot, from cold shutdown to the Start screen, in under six seconds. Wake from sleep will be instant.
Microsoft also talked a little about the ARM version's compatibility with Windows. ARM Windows won't include an x86 emulator, and as such will not be able to run existing Windows programs. It is, however, the same operating system with the same APIs, meaning that it should be possible to recompile existing software and device drivers for ARM Windows with few difficulties. The same applications should, therefore, become available on both platforms, as should access to the same hardware.
With Windows 8, Microsoft is paying far more attention to the hardware, and providing far more guidance to hardware manufacturers. For example, the company has recommendations for how large to make the bezels on tablet computers to ensure that they're comfortable to hold. Combined with restrictions on the number of devices that can be brought to market, the message seems clear: Microsoft would rather have a smaller number of best-of-breed devices than the same kind of free-for-all as exists in the world of conventional PCs.


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- Fonds
- 1995-1997
In 1997 the family of Ben Wicks donated 1704 of his drawings to Ryerson University. Included are the original drawings for his syndicated single panel drawings from January 1995-December 1997, original drawings from his "Outcasts" series from January 1995-January 1996, and orginal drawings from 4 books - "Born to Read", "Life Insurance for Seniors", "Sure we're covered...aren't we?", and "So you've got Cancer". Copies of the books were also included in the donation.
Fonds has been divided into two series to reflect the two separate donations that took place in 1997.
Wicks, Alfred (Ben)


text: by David Crane [email protected] Diamondback Tactical is marketing the Rugged Terrain Vehicle (RTV) as "the premier light tactical vehicle to meet today's and tomorrows threat." The Rugged Terrain Vehicle (RTV) appears to be a modified "Prowler". More accurately, it appears to be a modified/upgraded Prowler Weapons/Reconaissance Platform that's now been private-labeled by Diamondback Tactical. The Diamondback Tactical Rugged Terrain Vehicle …Read More »


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These sugar cookies are similar to the Lofthouse sugar cookies you get at the grocery store. They start out with a box of cake mix - which isnt usually on my grocery list but I happened to have a box in the pantry from a while back so I figured I would try them. The recipe said to make sure you use the kind with pudding in the mix as that helps with the softness. They turned out really, really good. I loved the texture of these - they are so soft - and they stay that way for several days too.
Soft and Thick Sugar Cookies
Recipe adapted from Noshings
1 18 oz box white cake mix with pudding in the mix
2/3 cup flour
2 large eggs
1/3 cup canola oil
2 T sour cream (I used reduced fat)
Preheat oven to 350 degrees. In a large mixing bowl, stir together cake mix and flour. Add eggs, oil and sour cream and mix on medium speed until incorporated. Batter will be fairly stiff. Use a cookie scoop or roll into approximately one inch balls and bake on a baking sheet lined with a Silpat or parchment paper. This will help keep the bottoms of the cookies from browning. Use the heel of your hand or a glass dusted with sugar to gently flatten cookies to about a half inch thick. You don't want the bottoms to be browned or you've overbaked these. Bake approximately ten minutes until just set. Let cool about one minute on the pan and then transfer to wire racks to cool completely.
1/2 cup unsalted butter, at room temperature
2 T heavy cream
1 T vanilla extract
3-4 cups powdered sugar
1 T meringue powder
Food coloring or sprinkles as desired
Beat butter on medium speed for about two minutes until smooth. Add cream and vanilla and beat about one more minute to incorporate. Add sugar, one cup at a time mixing on low speed until incorporated until you reach the desired consistency. Add meringue powder (this will help your frosting crust so that you can stack the cookies without smearing your frosting all over the place, I use a sheet of wax or parchment paper in between layers). You want the frosting to be fairly stiff so that it doesnt run off your cookies. Frost cooled cookies and decorate as desired. Store cookies in an airtight container.


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Job Details
Retail Store Manager
Job Description
General Summary:
The Store Manager In Training (SMIT) job is the first step in the CVS/pharmacy Retail Management Development Program, and is a short-term role (not to exceed 24 months) that provides both work assignments and training opportunities to prepare SMITs to be promoted into a Store Manager role. From the date of entry into the CVS/pharmacy Retail Management Development program as an SMIT, it may be possible to progress to a Store Manager position within 12 weeks-24 months, depending on the prior experience and performance of the SMIT, and then to field management and/or executive opportunities in 3-5 years.
A SMIT is a member of the Store Management team, and as such, fulfills the company purpose of helping people on their path to better health by driving store execution and performance while building consumer loyalty to CVS/pharmacy through a focus on excellent customer service. Under the supervision of the Store Manager, the SMIT will maintain an engaged, productive store team through strong leadership, demonstrating initiative and leading by example.
The SMIT is responsible for supporting the Store Manager in the total leadership and strategic operation of a CVS/pharmacy store including:
• Overall store management, supervision, and policy implementation
• Sales and inventory management
• Employee staffing, training, and development
• Financial management
• Customer service leadership
The Store Management team receives support from their individual store team, but other support and direction come from regional field management, call centers, distribution centers, and Customer Support Center headquarters.In addition to day-to-day management responsibilities, SMITs are also responsible for completing operations and management skills training, and learning about key aspects of the business and CVS/pharmacy culture, in order to prepare for promotion to a Store Manager position. This extensive training course is designed to provide a strong foundation to prepare a SMIT to be able to assume supervisory duties and operational control of a store immediately upon promotion into a Store Manager position. SMITs must maintain satisfactory performance and must demonstrate consistent progression through the training program in order to remain in the role and be considered for Store Manager openings. No SMIT may remain in role for longer than 24 months.
Selection for the SMIT position does not guarantee promotion into a Store Manager position. Whether and when an SMIT is actually promoted to Store Manager is dependent on a variety of factors, including but not limited to performance and availability of Store Manager openings.
Essential Functions:
1. Management
• Lead others and work effectively with store crews
• Supervise, assign and direct activities of the store's crew
• Effectively communicate information to store crew and supervisors in an open and timely manner
• Support Store Manager with actions plans for operational and service improvement
2. Customer Service
• Assist customers with their questions, problems and complaints
• Promote CVS customer service culture (greet, offer help, and thank)
• Provide colleagues personalized customer service feedback and coaching (E.g., myImpact coaching; myCustomer feedback; personal observations)
• Handle all customer relations issues in accordance with company policy
• Promote a positive shopping experience for all customers
• Maintain customer/patient confidentiality
3. Merchandising/Presentation
• Price merchandise
• Stock shelves
• Reset departments following POGs adapting them to a particular store
• Organize and execute the display and signing of weekly, major promotional and seasonal merchandise
• Organize and execute the display and maintenance of off-shelf merchandise
4. Loss Prevention
• Control use of register keys, securing door keys, alarm codes, and safecombinations
• Execute locking of safe and security doors and setting of alarms when closing the store
• Complete random cash verifications; journal tape checks; analyze Cashier Analysis Report
• Identify and react to shoplifters and apprehend to secure company assets and process shoplifters accordingly
• Protect store assets
• Administer, monitor, and react to Internal Loss Prevention programs and systems: employee bag checks; lockers secured; receipts for purchases
• Maintain and react to Electronic Article Surveillance system
• Ensure price accuracy, using POS Price Accuracy Report and in-store price audits
5. Operations
• Respond to MIS
• Review electronic journal
• Access, input, retrieve and analyze information from the computer
• Order regular and promotional merchandise, maintaining appropriate inventory levels using the Telxon machine
• Maintain an organized office and backroom
• Work reserve stock
• Oversee and execute the preparation of the daily cash report and weekly summary
• Develop sales/hours forecasts
• Load and unload deliveries
• Lift 35 pound trays/cases to a height of 4 feet
• Move trays/cases from one location to another
• Verify and document billing of merchandise (check-in merchandise)
• Execute and document merchandise returns and inter-store transfers
• Operate a cash register - including: cash, check and charge transactions
• Bagging merchandise
• Execute and document: Cash/check pulls; deposits; returned check payments; check acceptance;refunds; voids; discounts; cashier verifications; rain-checks; signing crew members on/off; taking closing readings
• Deliver deposits and secure change from the bank maintain a balanced imprest fund
• Schedule daily, weekly activities; prepare weekly work schedules based on store's budgeted hours
• Finalize weekly payroll
• Ensure compliance with all company policies and procedures and federal and state laws
• Prepare, complete and distribute reports and records: paid out summary; key rec's (accounts payable); MU/MD; customer cash discrepancy; returnable merchandise; accident reports; various other surveys as requested
• Open/close store
• Conduct a walk through of the store and establish a prioritized list of tasks
• Answer telephone
• Identify and react to in-store repairs
• Execute payment of outside vendors as appropriate
6. Human Resources
• Train, develop, and evaluate crew members and supervisors
• Execute all necessary documentation for H.R.I.S. administration: hiring kits; staff enrollment forms, changes of status forms for all store personnel
• Conduct performance appraisals for all directly assigned personnel
• Ensure on-the-job safety of all employees and treatment for employee injuries sustained on the job
• Coach and execute counseling discussions with store employees
• Maintain a work place free from discrimination and harassment
7. Financial Reporting/Administration
• Analyze operating reports/documents and make recommendations on how to improve store performance and implement plans
• Prepare the store for a physical inventory
The above information on this description has been designed to indicate the general nature and level of work performed by employees within this classification. It is not designed to contain or be interpreted as a comprehensive inven
Pay Range
The typical pay range for this role is:
Minimum: 18.50
Maximum: 30.64
Please keep in mind that this range represents the pay range for all positions in the job grade within which this position falls. The actual salary offer will take into account a wide range of factors, including location.
Required Qualifications
‐ Willingness to accept promotion into a CVS/pharmacy Store Manager position if promotion is offered
‐ Ability to transfer to other CVS/pharmacy stores located within the same District
‐ Ability to work a full-time flexible schedule, including some early morning, overnight and weekend shifts, to work overtime as needed, and to respond to urgent issues at the store when they arise
Preferred Qualifications
‐ 5 + years of retail management experience, or experience as a CVS Supervisor
‐ Ability to transfer to other CVS/pharmacy locations outside of the same District
‐ A high school diploma or GED is required.
- A four year college degree is preferred, or relevant work experience may be considered in lieu of a college degree.
Business Overview
Bring your heart to CVS Health
Every one of us at CVS Health shares a single, clear purpose: Bringing our heart to every moment of your health. This purpose guides our commitment to deliver enhanced human-centric health care for a rapidly changing world. Anchored in our brand — with heart at its center — our purpose sends a personal message that how we deliver our services is just as important as what we deliver.
Our Heart At Work Behaviors™ support this purpose. We want everyone who works at CVS Health to feel empowered by the role they play in transforming our culture and accelerating our ability to innovate and deliver solutions to make health care more personal, convenient and affordable.
We strive to promote and sustain a culture of diversity, inclusion and belonging every day.
CVS Health is an affirmative action employer, and is an equal opportunity employer, as are the physician-owned businesses for which CVS Health provides management services. We do not discriminate in recruiting, hiring, promotion, or any other personnel action based on race, ethnicity, color, national origin, sex/gender, sexual orientation, gender identity or expression, religion, age, disability, protected veteran status, or any other characteristic protected by applicable federal, state, or local law.


text:
WeightLiftingChains.com is a good place to find information about Valentin Dimov Weightlifting. Our website has a lot of weightlifting data. Check out the links provided below. We collected these pages as most relevant to Valentin Dimov Weightlifting.
We have a lot of weight lifting informaton including Valentin Dimov Weightlifting info. Go ahead and check other info on our website! We have information about powerlifting chains, workout chains, barbell chains. Also check out our articles.


text:
Sebastian Paul Tickets
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No concerts
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If you're looking for cheap Sebastian Paul tickets, tickets can be found for as low as $33.00. Additionally, once you click on your preferred event date, use the "sort by price" button located in the top left hand corner of the event page to sort all available Sebastian Paul tickets by cheapest tickets available.
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Most Sebastian Paul concerts last about 2-3 hours but can run shorter or longer depending on the opening acts, encore, etc.
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SeatGeek is the best way to browse, find, and buy Sebastian Paul Tickets.
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|Average Ticket Price


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Alesia Behrens. Age: 31. Alesia make your dreams come true. In it you will find a modest escort lady who will irritate guaranteed.
SnapChat Boy Showing Cock And Ass - Nude Boy Pictures
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text:
Insert a name to create your own Brute. You will be able to fight against other Brutes in the arena and recruit new pupils.
Gain experience and fight tough in the ranking to become... THE BRUTE!
If all this unrelenting violence is too much for you, you can try our other funny games:


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Take a PTE Academic test in or nearby Miami
Are you preparing to take an PTE Academic test in or nearby Miami, United States? You can find all PTE Academic test dates and test locations here on englishtestportal.com. Click on "Check availability" to access all available PTE Academic exams in Miami and register to save your spot within a couple of minutes.
Continue reading
Pearson Professional Centers-Miami FL, Doral
|Tests are taking place regularly. Each test center has several tests per month. You can book your test online for the coming days, weeks, or months.
Pearson Professional Centers-Pembroke Pines FL, Pembroke Pines
|Tests are taking place regularly. Each test center has several tests per month. You can book your test online for the coming days, weeks, or months.
Pearson Professional Centers-Deerfield Beach, FL, Deerfield Beach
|Tests are taking place regularly. Each test center has several tests per month. You can book your test online for the coming days, weeks, or months.
About the city of Miami
There are no test locations in Miami offered and certified by Pearson, but you can visit a test center as close as possible to Miami . The test fee specified for the PTE Academic exam can vary depending on test date, test location and test type. Please visit the test location website for most recent information.
Make sure you will get a good score on your test by selecting an English language program. Choose a top language school that can advance you to your intended English level and start your PTE Academic preparation course.
The most common way to assess your English level is by taking a standardised English test, such as:
- PTE Academic (Pearson Test of English)
- TOEFL iBT (Test of English as a Foreign Language)
- IELTS Academic (International English Language Testing System)
- C1 Advanced (formerly known as CAE – Cambridge English Advanced)
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