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An Internet (Almost) Free From Government Control
The House Energy and Commerce Committee overwhelmingly backed a seemingly unremarkable bill Wednesday designed to prevent foreign governments from taking greater control of the Internet. But it's what isn't included in the legislation that is the most revealing.
Over the past year, Internet "freedom" has become an area of rare consensus in Congress. Members of both parties praised the spirit of cooperation at the markup, which came after changes to the bill designed to address Democratic concerns.
On its surface, the measure would do little to change domestic policy. It affirms the importance of an Internet free from censorship and government control and codifies the existing management structure of the Internet. In doing so, it relies heavily on a resolution Congress passed unanimously last year before the World Conference on International Telecommunications in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, where U.S. negotiators tried to fend off a treaty they feared would allow repressive foreign regimes greater ability to censor Web traffic.
"It is the policy of the United States to preserve and advance the successful multi-stakeholder model that governs the Internet," states the key clause of the bill cleared Wednesday by the committee on a voice vote.
Notably, however, lawmakers dropped from the legislation the phrase "free from government control," which had threatened to derail the April 11 markup by the Subcommittee on Communications and Technology. How various policymakers and stakeholders define government control has become a crucial window into their views on Internet policy and it demonstrates how even seemingly innocuous technology legislation can have unintended and far-reaching consequences.
Since taking the gavel of the telecom subpanel, Chairman Greg Walden, R-Ore., has consistently criticized the Federal Communications Commission's net neutrality rules and any other Obama administration policies perceived as regulating the Internet. His stance reflects a broader, anti-regulatory, hands-off-the-Internet agenda that many Republicans have increasingly embraced in legislative battles over cybersecurity and online privacy protections, for instance.
Soon after the Dubai conference, House Republicans began using the rhetoric of Internet freedom to frame some of these domestic issues, and it was in that context that Walden held his April 11 markup. The original draft of his bill included the phrase "promote a global Internet free from government control" in the final clause, similar to last year's resolution.
Democrats immediately objected to the phrase "free from government control," arguing it could undermine the U.S. government's ability to enforce existing — or future — laws online. Subcommittee ranking member Anna G. Eshoo, D-Calif., said four federal agencies expressed concern that the legislation could affect federal litigation and undermine flexibility in foreign policy.
Eshoo told CQ Roll Call she had a "sneaking suspicion" the Republicans were using the Internet freedom legislation as a pretext to implement their anti-regulatory agenda. Walden dismissed that suggestion at the April 11 markup and expressed a willingness to address the minority's concerns.
"We know how to draft legislation requiring the FCC to strike the network neutrality regulations," Walden said. "This legislation does not require the FCC to strike its network neutrality regulations."
"We developed together and unanimously passed the language about 'promoting a global Internet free from government control'" in last year's resolution, Walden added. "If we meant what we said, I see no reason not to make that very language official U.S. policy" by codifying it in the pending legislation.
Ultimately, Walden chose to remove the language regarding government control shortly before Wednesday's full committee markup, after promising to work with Eshoo and other Democrats in good faith to resolve their concerns. Eshoo emphasized the importance of unity between the two parties, arguing any division would signal weakness to foreign actors eager to promote censorship.
But removing the language about government control makes the whole exercise pointless, according to Milton Mueller, a professor at Syracuse University's School of Information Studies.
Mueller said the current governance structure of the Internet gives the United States subtle ways to exert control over the domain name system that aren't available to other countries. He said the United States can use that authority to shut down foreign websites accused of piracy, police online gambling and deploy advanced cyber-weapons.
"If you really want to have a free and global Internet, you need to have these principles of freedom extended to the global level," Mueller said.
Christopher Lewis, the vice president of government affairs for consumer advocacy group Public Knowledge, said comparing the United States to foreign nations that censor Internet content is unfair.
"I think the resolution and the work of our diplomats has demonstrated that we remain committed to openness and certainly don't see the same level of censorship and Internet control in our country that you see in other countries like China," Lewis said.
Mueller said the legislation as it now stands merely affirms the importance of a multi-stakeholder process in governing the Internet, while preserving the unique influence the United States government enjoys over the Web. He said a refusal to allow other countries equal authority would eventually lead to a more fragmented DNS and more disputes at organizations, such as the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers, that are tasked with managing the Web.
At the April 11 markup, Eshoo acknowledged that the language of the original bill — to "promote a global Internet free from government control" — would have complicated the unique relationship between the United States and those groups.
"One diplomat suggested that the use of this term might actually undermine existing Internet governance institutions such as ICANN because of its close relationship with our government," Eshoo said. "Foreign countries frequently cite the close coordination between ICANN and the U.S. Department of Commerce as an example of U.S. 'control' over the Internet."


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House passes cybersecurity bill despite veto threat over privacy protections
The cybersecurity bill seeks to protect the nation from cyberattack, but concerns over how personal information is shared with the government and corporations has sparked opposition and a veto threat from the Obama administration.
Among the few things that members of Congress seem to agree on this election year is the need for new cybersecurity legislation to protect the nation from cyberattack. But there's wide disagreement about how to reach that common goal, and privacy protections are at the core of the dispute.
New cybersecurity legislation that passed by a vote of 248 to 168 late Thursday in the House of Representatives permits Internet service providers (ISPs) to share information back and forth with US government agencies in order to identify and defeat cyberattacks.
But amid concerns the bill does not sufficiently protect individuals' privacy, the legislation ran into a significant pushback at midweek that portends further wrenching adjustments before a final bill can emerge.
Despite passage, the new Cyber Intelligence Sharing and Protection Act (CISPA) lost steam and apparently a number of votes when on Wednesday the White House threatened a veto – and the Center for Democracy and Technology, a key privacy rights group, announced its opposition as well.
Proponents denounced the threatened veto.
"The White House believes the government ought to control the Internet, government ought to set standards, and government ought to take care of everything that's needed for cybersecurity," House Speaker John Boehner told reporters at his weekly news conference. "They're in a camp all by themselves."
The bill now goes, somewhat weakened, into a conference committee, there to be meshed with a new Senate cybersecurity bill, which is expected to be voted on next month. A final bill for the president to sign – or veto – could possibly emerge from Congress sometime this summer, several legislative watchers say.
Core functions of CISPA are supposed to help drain the Internet of malicious cyberthreats now sluicing through it via telecom pipelines controlled by Internet backbone firms like Verizon and AT&T.
Under CISPA, the Internet providers and other private companies would:
- Receive classified digital signatures and other data from the US government agencies, including intelligence agencies like the National Security Agency, to help identify malicious Internet traffic.
- Give private Internet providers and others the right to defend their own networks and their corporate customers – and share cyberthreat information with others in the private sector and with the federal government on a voluntary basis.
- Encourage, but not require, private companies to "anonymize" information that they voluntarily share with government and nongovernment entities.
- Grant to Internet providers immunity from privacy lawsuits in which customer information was voluntarily disclosed as a possible security threat.
- Grant Internet companies antitrust protection that immunizes them against allegations of colluding on cybersecurity issues.
- Require an independent audit of information shared with the government.
Such provisions, though, were either troubling or insufficient to the White House and privacy groups. While the idea of broader information sharing is generally accepted as a requirement for any cybersecurity bill, CISPA provisions and the new amendments do not go nearly far enough to protect Americans privacy, its opponents say.
"Cybersecurity and privacy are not mutually exclusive," the White House said in its policy statement that announced the veto threat Wednesday. "The bill also lacks sufficient limitations on the sharing of personally identifiable information between private entities and does not contain adequate oversight or accountability measures necessary to ensure that the data is used only for appropriate purposes."
Citizens have "a right to know that corporations will be held legally accountable for failing to safeguard personal information adequately," the White House added. "The government, rather than establishing a new antitrust exemption under this bill, should ensure that information is not shared for anti-competitive purposes."
Privacy advocates joined in hammering CISPA for making data handed over to the government exempt from the Freedom of Information Act for reasons of "national security."
"With this bill you're talking about granting access to everyday Americans' Internet access records – because this bill doesn't lay out the type of information records that can be shared," says Michelle Richardson, staff attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union. "So it's going to be their Internet use history, their search terms, records of your e-mail that are going to the government."
It's not so much the flow of information from government to private industry, but the flow from industry to government that most worries these privacy advocates.
"This bill creates a cybersecurity loophole in all existing privacy laws," says Trevor Timm, a spokesman for the Electronic Frontier Foundation, an Internet privacy rights group. "Right now we have longstanding laws – the Wiretap Act and the Electronic Communications Privacy Act that have been on books for decades – saying government needs probable cause or a judicial warrant if they want to read your e-mails. This bill would allow companies to read your e-mails as long as there was some vague cybersecurity purpose – and hand them to government with no judicial review."
Another group, the Center for Democracy and Technology, worked closely with CISPA co-author Mike Rogers on amendment language – and indicated it might not oppose the bill – if amendments the group favored made it to the House floor for a vote.
But on Wednesday those amendments restricting the flow of information to the NSA – and government authority to use information for noncybersecurity purposes – were shot down even before being voted on. So the group pulled its support.
To CISPA advocates, however, the wrangle over just how and what kind of data could flow to government – and how it could or could not be used – was too much.
"The information they [companies and government are sharing] is information being used to break into our nation's networks," says Stewart Baker, a former NSA and Department of Homeland Security official now with the Washington firm of Steptoe and Johnson.
"The question really is: What can you do with that information after it's shared? To say you can use it for cybersecurity, but not national security – that's nuts! Are we willing to sacrifice national security and not protect the country?"
Others, however, say there's no need to sacrifice the nation – or lose privacy.
"There's a way for Congress to craft a very narrow information sharing program that still respects privacy," the ACLU's Ms. Richardson says. "But this bill isn't it."

subset: commoncrawl


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Big Agnes Porcupine 15
No more zipping bags together, a two-person bag designed for couples.
Brand: Big Agnes
Model: Porcupine 15
[best for couples]
Three truths about couples camping: 1) It's more fun to share a bag; 2) it's more thermally efficient to share a bag; 3) finicky zip-together models often get in the way of numbers one and two. Avoid that unfortunate problem with this double-wide bag, which is made specifically for the task. The single rectangular chamber facilitates spooning (and couples sleeping with a baby), but twin hoods and draft collars make for sound sleeping as well. Snag-free zippers run down each side, allowing each person to stealthily escape for midnight breaks. And the Big Creek even has a center draft tube so you can fine-tune your own ventilation without affecting your partner's.
"It was nice to have the option of snuggling or separating," says one tester who sleeps warmer than his mate. Integrated pad sleeves keep mattresses in place, and hood pockets accommodate a jacket for an instant pillow that also stays put. And warmth? The new SL90 insulation, a short-staple synthetic* fill with uniform thickness (and warmth), kept our testers cozy below the bag's temp rating, down to 25°F in Arizona's Cochise Stronghold.
Not surprisingly, the bag is bulky—even after squashing it in a compression sack (not included), it was the size of a large watermelon. (Suggestion: One of you packs the tent, the other this bag.) At a hair under five pounds, the weight is comparable to two separate bags, and the price, in the long run, makes it a really cheap date. $200; 4 lbs. 15 oz.; 30°F
Backpacking sleeping bag for kids


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Don't Touch Clearwire Today!
Shares of wireless network operator Clearwire are soaring today. The stock jumped sky-high as largest shareholder and customer Sprint Nextel offered to buy the rest of Clearwire, too.
Clearwire's high-speed data service is an important part of Sprint's business, particularly now that the proposed satellite-and-tower alternative from Phil Falcone's LightSquared died in regulatory reviews.
Sprint currently owns about 48% of Clearwire and calls it "a non-controlling economic interest." Given Clearwire's strategic importance to Sprint, something had to be done. "We do not control Clearwire's board, nor do we manage the operations of Clearwire or control management," says Sprint's latest 10-K filing. "Clearwire has a group of investors that are represented on Clearwire's board of directors. These investors may have interests that diverge from ours or Clearwire's."
Sprint is doing something about this lack of direct control. The company will shell out $2.1 billion to complete the deal, building on its existing $1.9 billion stake. The deal is contingent on Japanese peer SoftBank closing its own merger with Sprint, because that move will provide the cash needed for completing the Clearwire move. Things can get complicated in the rapidly changing wireless world.
What's the problem, then?
So far, so good. Clearwire's shares jumped as much as 16.3% on the news, topping out at $3.20 per share. Even now, the stock trades at roughly $3.06. And that's why I'm telling you to stay away from the stock today.
Sprint's bid is just $2.90 per share, so Clearwire investors seem to be holding out for a richer bid. But that's not going to happen. No way, no how.
Sector giants Verizon and AT&T could afford to make a larger bid, but they don't have any need for Clearwire's services and regulators would do the Macarena on the grave of a deal proposal like that. Smaller rivals T-Mobile USA and MetroPCS are too busy completing their own pending merger to worry about adding anything else. Plus, Sprint is the only American network that actually uses Clearwire's WiMax networking technology.
What about pushing Sprint itself to sweeten the deal? With this industry backdrop, Clearwire has absolutely no leverage for that dream. As Stifel Nicolaus analyst Christopher King tells Bloomberg, "It's Sprint or nobody. At the end of the day, Clearwire's worth what Sprint's willing to pay for it."
What to do now
So if you already own Clearwire, I'd cash in on the overheated pricing while you can. Congratulations!
Otherwise, don't touch the stock. This paper will settle on exactly $2.90 when all is said and done, and there's nothing you can do about it.
SoftBank leader Masayoshi Son has some iconoclastic ideas on how to run a wireless service. Under his wing, a Clearwire-infused Sprint will turn this industry upside down.
I'm ending my bearish CAPScall on Clearwire today, but also starting a bullish CAPScall on Sprint. The puzzle pieces are coming together for the nation's third-largest wireless operator, and I can't wait to see what this company -- and stock -- will do in the next three or four years.
The mobile revolution is still in its infancy, but with so many different companies it can be daunting to know how to profit in the space. Fortunately, The Motley Fool has just released a free report on mobile named "The Next Trillion-Dollar Revolution" that tells you how. Inside the report, we not only describe why this seismic shift will dwarf any other technology revolution seen before it, but we also name the company at the forefront of the trend. Hundreds of thousands have requested access to previous reports, and you can access this new report today by clicking here -- it's free.
The article Don't Touch Clearwire Today! originally appeared on Fool.com.
Fool contributor Anders Bylund holds no position in any company mentioned. Check out Anders' bio and holdings or follow him on Twitter and Google+. The Motley Fool has a disclosure policy. We Fools may not all hold the same opinions, but we all believe that considering a diverse range of insights makes us better investors. Try any of our Foolish newsletter services free for 30 days.
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We are Christians
- This distinguishes us from other world religions and cults. Therefore, we adhere to both the Apostles and Nicene Creeds.
We are Evangelicals
- We believe the Bible to be the inspired, the only infallible, authoritative Word of God.
- We believe that there is one God, eternally existent in three persons: Father, Son and Holy Spirit.
- We believe in the deity of our Lord Jesus Christ, in His virgin birth, in His sinless life, in His miracles, in His vicarious and atoning death through His shed blood, in His bodily resurrection, in His ascension to the right hand of the
- Father, and in His personal return in power and glory.
- We believe that for the salvation of lost and sinful people, regeneration by the Holy Spirit is absolutely essential.
- We believe in the present ministry of the Holy Spirit by whose indwelling the Christian is enabled to live a godly life.
- We believe in the resurrection of both the saved and the lost; they that are saved unto the resurrection of life and they that are lost unto the resurrection of damnation.
- We believe in the spiritual unity of believers in our Lord Jesus Christ.
We are Missional
- We believe that our local churches must be faithful to the content of unchanging Biblical doctrine (Jude 3).
- We believe that our local churches must be faithful to the continually changing context of the culture(s) in which they minister (1 Corinthians 9:19-23).
- We believe that our mission is to bring people into church so that they can be trained to go out into their culture as effective missionaries to the culture around them.
We are Reformed
- We believe that God created the heavens, the earth.
- We believe that God created man and woman in a state of sinless perfection with particular dignity as His image bearers on the earth.
- We believe that our first parents sinned against God and that everyone since is a sinner by nature and choice. Sin has totally affected all of creation including marring human image and likeness so that all of our
being is stained by sin (e.g. reasoning, desires, and emotions).
- We believe that because all people have sinned and separated themselves from the Holy God that he is obligated to save no one from the just deserved punishments of hell.
- We also believe that God in His unparalleled love and mercy has chosen to elect some people for salvation.
- We believe that the salvation of the elect was predestined by God in eternity past.
- We believe that the salvation of the elect was accomplished by the sinless life, substitutionary atoning death, and literal physical resurrection of Jesus Christ in place of His people for their sins.
- We believe that the salvation of the elect, by God's grace alone, shows forth in the ongoing repentance of sin and faith in Jesus Christ that leads to good works.
- We believe that God's saving grace is ultimately irresistible and that God does soften even the hardest heart and save the worst of sinners according to His will.
- We believe that the gospel should be passionately and urgently proclaimed to all people so that all who believe may be saved through the preaching of God's Word by the power of God's Spirit.
- We believe that true Christians born again of God's Spirit will be kept by God throughout their life, as evidenced by personal transformation that includes an ever-growing love of God the Father through God the Son by God the Spirit, love of brothers and sisters in the church, and love of lost neighbors in the culture.
- We believe that God is Lord over all of life and that there is nothing in life that is to be separated from God.
- We believe that the worship of God is the end for which people were created and that abiding joy is only to be found by delighting in God through all of life, including hardship and death which is gain.
Redemption Church aligns with the Christian and Missionary Alliance (C&MA) statement of faith.
Plan to attend our next Foundations Class for a more in depth look at the Redemption Church statement of faith and member covenant.


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Subscribe to the Crossfire Mailing List - Click Here
Alan would like you to know that due to health issues, all current bookings are canceled. He is working to overcome these challenges and hopes to perform again for you one day soon. All healing vibes are appricated!
Love of the blues. Love of Stevie Ray Vaughan. The love of re-creating a feeling that so many enjoyed -- and so many missed. These are the things that drove the creation of Crossfire, a Stevie Ray Vaughan tribute band that strives to capture the essence of a Stevie Ray Vaughan and Double Trouble concert with authenticity, respect, and yes, love.
Anyone who was ever fortunate enough to experience Stevie and Double Trouble's driving blues-rock in concert will never forget the way they played together live. Playing blues rock since the 60's, Alan Iglesias draws from a wealth of SRV musical history and knowledge as well as his own life experience to faithfully reproduce the famed Texas "thundershuffle" and perform each show ever-mindful of the tremendous responsibility that he bears...to do his very best to bring back as much of the original experience as he possibly can, every time he takes the stage.
"Alan Iglesias and his band Crossfire have put together a forceful restoration of Stevie Ray Vaughan's Double Trouble. Back turned, listening at the bar, it's not hard at all to believe it's really SRV himself -- Iglesias' guitar performance is dead on in all areas from tone to attack. Crossfire is a hard-driving combo with no small detail left out.
-Dave Good
San Diego Reader
"Stevie Ray Vaughan may be long gone, but his spirit and his music live on. Alan Iglesias was motivated to form the tribute simply for the love of the music that Vaughan and Double Trouble created during their too-brief tenure. The band captures the essence of the late guitarists sound and recreates it with an authenticity and sense of respect second to none. This is the Real Deal."
-John Sollenberger
Pasadena Weekly
"SRV's music will always set the standard for Blues guitarists, and Alan is right on the money! The first time I saw his show, I was blown away. Being a guitarist myself, my ear can be very critical, but I closed my eyes, and wow ...there were those licks again...floating, cutting through the air, alive again, and it was magic!"
-Robb Bower
Robb Bower Presents
"Alan Iglesias is an amazing guitar player who literally channels the spirit and image of the late, great Stevie Ray Vaughan. From his Fender Stratocaster to his perfect vocal delivery, Iglesias portrays the guitar giant at his Texas best, doing perfect versions of every SRV hit as well as plenty of lesser-known tunes."
Subscribe to the Crossfire Mailing List - Click Here


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This piercing is very simple but perfect to dazzle and combine with other earrings.
Round Zirconia Earring
- Material: 9 carat gold
- Handmade
2 en stock (can be backordered)
Earring with round zirconia 2,5 mm.
All our jewellery is made by hand in 9 carat gold and meets all our quality control requirements. It must be taken into account that jewellery is very delicate and must be cared for.
One of our aims is that our jewellery will be with you forever. If you follow these little tips your jewellery will look as good as the first day.
It is inevitable that with the use and enjoyment of your jewellery, it will get a little dirty.
If exceptionally you have received your order in poor condition or you have the wrong size and would like to exchange or return it, you may do so within 14 days of delivery provided that:
The products are returned in perfect condition, including the original box, by any secure method of transport.
Return costs are to be borne by the purchaser.
Piercings and earrings cannot be returned.
Please email us at email@example.com advising of your intention to exchange any item and, send the package to the following address:
C/ Muro de la Misericordia, 7
14001 Cordoba
This piercing is very simple but perfect to dazzle and combine with other earrings.
Round Zirconia Earring
Mide el diámetro interior de un anillo que te vaya bien
|Talla Joyería
|14 mm
|15 mm
|15.5 mm
|16 mm
|16.5 mm
|17 mm
|17.5 mm
|18 mm
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The EM1000 is a programmable Ethernet Module for on-board installation which can be tested with the EM1000-EV Evaluation Board.
The EM1000 is a universal module that can serve as a central building block of control equipment, data terminals, safety and security systems, etc. Its firmware, called TiOS (Tibbo Operating System), features a BASIC virtual machine that executes your application written in Tibbo BASIC.
The EM1000 has no pre-defined functionality whatsoever; programmability in Tibbo BASIC and/or Tibbo C means that you can create your own unique EM1000 application. The module is powerful enough to be the "heart" of your system — not just a networking peripheral.
View the TIDE, TiOS, Tibbo BASIC and Tibbo C Online Manual.
View a Tibbo BASIC Introduction Video.
In 2007, Tibbo introduced a BASIC application that turns EM1000 into a 4-port serial device server. As such, the EM1000 is fully compatible with "fixed-firmware" device servers manufactured by Tibbo, such as the EM100. All information provided in the Device Server Application Firmware manual applies equally to the EM1000 running this "device server" BASIC application. Naturally, this application is compatible with the Device Server Toolkit (DST), Virtual Serial Port Driver for Linux (VSPDL), and the LinkServer.
The TiOS firmware of the EM1000 can be upgraded through the module's serial port 0 or Ethernet port. Serial upgrades are facilitated by a Monitor — a fixed "service" firmware inside the EM1000. The Monitor cannot be upgraded. Network upgrades rely on the application firmware itself; there is a self-upgrade algorithm.
The EM1000 module features a real-time clock (RTC), which can be backed up with a Supercapacitor mounted on the EM1000 module. If you wish to get the module with Supercapacitor mounted, please select the appropriate option from the crop-down menu below.


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A former Microsoft employee charged in March with leaking Windows updates and software that validates product key codes was sentenced to a three-month prison term on Tuesday.
After he serves his sentence, Alex Kibkalo, 34, will be deported to Russia.
Kibkalo was arrested March 19 in Bellevue, Wash. for allegedly leaking pre-release software updates for Windows RT, the tablet-specific operating system, to a French blogger in July and August 2012 -- months before its release. The FBI, which was brought onto the case after a Microsoft investigation, also said Kibkalo provided the same blogger with the Activation Server SDK (software development kit), internal-only code to create the activation systems which validate product keys, Microsoft's primary anti-piracy technology.
Kibkalo, a Russian national at the time working for Microsoft in its Lebanon office, leaked the software to strike back at his employer after receiving a poor performance evaluation.
Kibkalo pleaded guilty to theft of trade secrets on March 31. In return, prosecutors said they would recommend a three-month prison term and order him to pay Microsoft $22,500 in restitution.
Documents filed this week in a Seattle federal court by Kibkalo's attorney provided more information on how Kibkalo was lured to the U.S. from Russia, where he had been working in the Moscow office of Beverly, Mass.-based 5nine Software.
"The Government timed its Complaint and Arrest Warrant to coincide with Mr. Kibkalo's pre-arranged attendance at a technology conference in Bellevue," wrote Kibkalo's attorney, Russell Leonard, in a sentencing memorandum dated June 3.
"He flew into the country (legally on a valid visa) from Moscow (where he lives), checked into his hotel in Factoria and attended several sessions of this professional meeting before being detained by the FBI and whisked away to federal court for his initial appearance (on March 17, 2014)," Leonard continued.
Although the original settlement deal specified that Kibkalo was to pay $22,500 in restitution to Microsoft, that was struck at some point: The judgment filed with the court said Kibkalo was obligated to pay just $100.
As of Thursday, Kibkalo had served 86 days in federal custody; he will be credited with time served, and thus should be released early next week. At that time, he will be deported to Russia, according to the federal prosecutor's sentencing memorandum.
"I deeply regret that I have shared that [confidential] information," Kibkalo wrote in a sentencing letter to the judge. "Having done that I have lost a job, one can only dream about. Moreover, when I have found another interesting job a year after, the echo of my mistake took that from me, too. For sure I was given good lessons, which I deserved."
Microsoft suffered some public relations blowback from the case when court documents revealed the company had examined the Hotmail.com account of Kibkalo's unidentified blogger associate without a court order. Within days, Microsoft retreated from its initial position and promised that in the future it would refer similar cases to law enforcement officials.
Gregg Keizer covers Microsoft, security issues, Apple, Web browsers and general technology breaking news for Computerworld. Follow Gregg on Twitter at @gkeizer, on Google+ or subscribe to Gregg's RSS feed . His email address is email@example.com.
See more by Gregg Keizer on Computerworld.com.


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Protecting Your Plants From Frost
With November rapidly galloping towards a close, the nights are starting to get very, very chilly in many corners of the US. In some regions, frost is already on the ground, while in others, it's going to happen any day now...and there are few things more tragic than walking out onto the porch in the morning only to realize that all your plants were hammered overnight by an unexpected cold snap.
It's time to get your garden frost-ready, if you haven't already, so that you can preserve your fragile plants, young trees and shrubs, and delicate flowers.
What needs frost protection?
Any time you select something for the garden, you should take note of the optimal growing zone and whether it's frost tolerant. Some plants may need to be brought indoors at night or full time during the winter to protect them from harsh weather, while others may just need covering. Others need some support in their first few years of life -- young trees and shrubs usually benefit from frost protection for the first two to three years. All your plants should be considered for frost protection if the weather is going to be unusually cold.
Container plants need special care because their roots don't have soil around them to help insulate them from the cold. Likewise, anything planted in an exposed area of the yard should be given particular attention.
When do you need it?
Frost protection at night is a must when the forecast dips close to freezing. Make sure to put your frost protection measures in place before dusk so you can capture the last warmth of the day. You may need insulation for your plants during the day if temperatures are at or below freezing, and if you live in a climate that cold, hopefully you're taking additional steps like mulching well to protect vulnerable roots from freezing.
Think ahead: install stakes around fragile plants that will need protection so you can quickly wrap them when the forecast calls for it. The stakes help you create a little tent, allowing air to act as an insulator to keep the plant warm. Put large container plants on casters so they're easy to move around as needed, and consider wrapping the containers for the duration of the winter if you have to leave them outside.
What kind of frost protection do you need?
At the most basic, you can toss a sheet over susceptible plants when the forecast says it's going to be cold. You can also purchase specialized frost cloth, which is designed to protect plants. It wicks away moisture to prevent the formation of ice on their leaves, and has a layered construction to provide more insulation.
Some gardeners also find it helpful to install a jug partially filled with water under their frost cloths and near their plants. During the day, the jug absorbs heat, and at night, it radiates warmth to keep the plants above freezing.
For more robust protection, you need glass cold frames. You can use old windows and other scrap glass to make cold frames if you don't want to purchase them new from the store, but in all cases, the goal is to essentially create a miniature greenhouse. A handyman can help you design and install cold frames if you're not feeling confident about this DIY project. Cold frames can be left in place during the day, too, though you should make sure they don't get too warm, as you don't want to cook your plants or shock them with temperature extremes.
Very delicate plants need to be moved to a greenhouse or inside your house during the cold season. Such plants should be clearly marked when you buy them to indicate that they are not frost tolerant.
What should I do if my plants were caught without protection?
Even the most diligent gardener can get caught out -- an incorrect forecast, a busy night, or a variety of other things can lead to some plants not getting the protection they need. Depending on the severity of the frost, they may be able to recover. On the low end of the scale, some robust plants can take a night of cold.
On the intermediate level, you may need to let the day fully warm and determine whether any parts of a plant have been killed off by frost. Do not trim away dead material, as it can actually act as insulation for the rest of the plant and it can be hard to determine which parts of the plant are truly dead. Furthermore, pruning can stimulate plants to grow, which is not desired -- the new growth will simply become frostbitten immediately because it's so tender. Instead, plan on pruning in spring. In other cases, plants may have been too fragile to handle the weather, and you'll have to give them an honorable funeral in the compost.
Don't confuse winter bronzing and leaf loss with frost damage. Some plants deal with extreme temperatures by going into hibernation mode. Deciduous trees and shrubs drop their leaves, and some do so quite late. Evergreens may bronze, turning orange to brown in the winter. They're not actually dying, although they don't always look very nice, and they will turn green again next spring!
Your garden might not always look totally presentable in the winter, between frost cloths, bronzed evergreens, and cold frames scattered about to protect more tender plants, but the important thing is survival. If you're new to an area, it's worth consulting a local landscaper or nursery staff person to talk about which plants are hardiest and what to expect during the winter months.
Katie Marks writes for Networx.com.
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Map for location 95-25 Queens Blvd, Rego Park, NY 11374
Are my current retirement savings sufficient?
I'm retired, how long will my savings last?
What are the tax advantages of an annuity?
How much Life Insurance do I need?
Krishna Pokhrel, LUTCF, is a New York Life CHAIRMAN'S COUNCIL agent for 2013 and is licensed to sell insurance through New York Life Insurance Company and may be licensed with various other independent unaffiliated insurance companies in the states of CT, MD, NJ, NY, VA, WA, and IN. No insurance business may be conducted outside these states referenced.


text:
Debian Security Advisory
DSA-2622-1 polarssl -- several vulnerabilities
- Date Reported:
- 13 Feb 2013
- Affected Packages:
- polarssl
- Vulnerable:
- Yes
- Security database references:
- In the Debian bugtracking system: Bug 699887.
In Mitre's CVE dictionary: CVE-2013-0169, CVE-2013-1621, CVE-2013-1622.
- More information:
Multiple vulnerabilities have been found in PolarSSL. The Common Vulnerabilities and Exposures project identifies the following issues:
A timing side channel attack has been found in CBC padding allowing an attacker to recover pieces of plaintext via statistical analysis of crafted packages, known as the
Lucky Thirteenissue.
An array index error might allow remote attackers to cause a denial of service via vectors involving a crafted padding-length value during validation of CBC padding in a TLS session.
Malformed CBC data in a TLS session could allow remote attackers to conduct distinguishing attacks via statistical analysis of timing side-channel data for crafted packets.
For the stable distribution (squeeze), these problems have been fixed in version 0.12.1-1squeeze1.
For the testing distribution (wheezy), and the unstable distribution (sid), these problems have been fixed in version 1.1.4-2.
We recommend that you upgrade your polarssl packages.


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text: Many insects eventually evolve to resist insecticides. This process typically takes many generations and involves tweaks to the insect's genes. But there is a quicker route. Japanese scientists have found that a bean bug can become instantly resistant to a common insecticide by swallowing the right bacteria. The bug forms an alliance with Burkholderia bacteria, and can harbour up to 100 million of these microbes in a special organ in its gut (see arrow above). Some strains of Burkholderia can break down the insecticide fenitrothion, detoxifying it into forms that are harmless to insects. In fields where the chemical is sprayed, these pesticide-breaking bacteria rise in number. And if bugs swallow them, they become immune to the otherwise deadly chemical. I've written about this story for The Scientist, so head over there to read the details of the study. To me, the alliance is fascinating because the bug is coping with a new environmental challenge by bolstering its own genome with that of a microbe. Many creatures rely on microscopic partners to safeguard their health. Insects inherit beneficial bacteria from their mothers, which help them to resist other bacteria that would cause disease, or fight off parasitic wasps that would usurp their bodies. Our own gut bacteria could be important for preventing nasty infections. And even bacteria can resist antibiotics by incorporating the genes of infectious viruses into their own DNA. Nature is full of bigger things using smaller things as living preventive medicine. If the bean bug example stands out, it's because many of the other cases involve microbes that are passed down from parent to offspring. The bug, however, has to get its bacteria from the surrounding soil with every new generation. Two of the scientists I spoke to said that this makes perfect sense. Nancy Moran pointed out that bacteria have a much wider range of metabolic abilities than animals do. If you're facing a man-made poison, chances are there's some microbe that can break it down. And Molly Hunter pointed out that this metabolic diversity tends to plummet in bacteria that become dependent on their hosts. These internal symbionts tend to lose important genes, so free-living microbes may be a better source of detoxification genes. Hunter delightfully described it as an "open-source symbiosis". Reference: Kikuchi, Hayatsu, Hosokawa, Nagayama, Tago & Fukatsu. 2012. Symbiont-mediated insecticide resistance. PNAS http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1200231109


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The Public Orations of Demosthenes/On the Peace
After the fall of Olynthus in 348, the Athenians, on the proposal of Eubulus, sent embassies to the Greek States in the Peloponnese and elsewhere, to invite them to join in a coalition against Philip. Aeschines went for this purpose to Megalopolis, and did his best to counteract Philip's influence in Arcadia. When the embassies proved unsuccessful, it became clear that peace must be made on such terms as were possible. Philip himself was anxious for peace, since he wished to cross the Pass of Thermopylae without such opposition from Athens as he had encountered in 352, and to be free from the attacks of hostile ships upon his ports. Even before the fall of Olynthus, informal communications passed between himself and Athens (see Speech on Embassy, §§ 12, 94, 315); and in consequence of these, Philocrates proposed and the Assembly passed a decree, under which ten ambassadors were appointed to go to Philip and invite him to send plenipotentiaries to Athens to conclude a peace. Demosthenes (who had strongly supported Philocrates) was among the ten, as well as Aeschines and Philocrates himself. Delighted with Philip's reception of them, and greatly attracted by his personality, the ambassadors returned with a letter from him, promising in general terms to confer great benefits upon Athens, if he were granted alliance as well as peace: in the meantime he undertook not to interfere with the towns allied to Athens in the Chersonese. Demosthenes proposed (in the Council, of which he was a member in the year 347- 346) the usual complimentary resolution in honour of the ambassadors, and on his motion it was resolved to hold two meetings of the Assembly, on the 18th and 19th of the month Elaphebolion (i.e. probably just after the middle of April 346), when Philip's envoys would have arrived, to discuss the terms of peace. The envoys—Antipater, Parmenio, and Eurylochus—reached Athens shortly after this; and before the first of the two meetings was held, the Synod of the allies of Athens,[1] now assembled in the city, agreed to peace on such terms as the Athenian people should decide, but added a proposal that it should be permitted to any Greek State to become a party to the Peace within three months. They said nothing of alliance. Of the two meetings of the Assembly, in view of the conflicting statements of Demosthenes and Aeschines, only a probable account can be given. At the first, Philocrates proposed that alliance as well as peace should be made by Athens and her allies with Philip and his allies, on the understanding that both parties should keep what they de facto possessed—a provision entailing the renunciation by Athens of Amphipolis and Poteidaea; but that the Phocians and the people of Halus should be excluded. Aeschines opposed this strongly; and both he and Demosthenes claim to have supported the resolution of the allies, which would have given the excluded peoples a chance of sharing the advantage of the Peace. The feeling of the Assembly was with them, although the Phocians had recently insulted the Athenians by declining to give up to Proxenus (the Athenian admiral) the towns guarding the approaches to Thermopylae, which they had themselves offered to place in the hands of Athens. But Philocrates obtained the postponement of the decision till the next day. On the next day, if not before, it became plain that Philip's envoys would not consent to forgo the exclusion of the Phocians and Halus; but in order that the Assembly might be induced to pass the resolution, the clause expressly excluding them was dropped, and peace and alliance were made between Athens and Philip, each with their allies.[n] Even this was not secured before Aeschines and his friends had deprecated rash attempts to imitate the exploits of antiquity by continuing the war, and had explained that Philip could not openly accept the Phocians as allies, but that when the Peace was concluded, he would satisfy all the wishes of the Athenians in every way; while Eubulus threatened the people with immediate war, involving personal service and heavy taxation, unless they accepted Philocrates' decree. A few days afterwards the Athenians and the representatives of the allies took the oath to observe the Peace: nothing was said about the Phocians and Halus: Cersobleptes' representative was probably not permitted to swear with the rest. The same ten ambassadors as before were instructed to receive Philip's oath, and the oaths of his allies, to arrange for the ransom of prisoners, and generally to treat with Philip in the interests of Athens. Demosthenes urged his colleagues (and obtained an instruction from the Council to this effect) to sail at once, in order that Philip, who was now in Thrace, might not make conquests at the expense of Athens before ratifying the Peace; but they delayed at Oreus, went by land, instead of under the escort of Proxenus by sea, and only reached Pella (the Macedonian capital) twenty-three days after leaving Athens. Philip did not arrive for twenty-seven days more. By this time he had taken Cersobleptes prisoner, and captured Serrhium, Doriscus, and other Thracian towns, which were held by Athenian troops sent to assist Cersobleptes. Demosthenes was now openly at variance with his colleagues. He had no doubt realized the necessity of peace, but probably regarded the exclusion of the Phocians as unwarrantable, and thought that the policy of his colleagues must end in Philip's conquest of all Greece. At Pella he occupied himself in negotiations for the ransom of prisoners. After taking the oath, Philip kept the ambassadors with him until he had made all preparations for his march southward, and during this time he played with them and with the envoys from the other Greek States who were present at the same time. His intention of marching to Thermopylae was clear; but he seems to have led all alike to suppose that he would fulfil their particular wishes when he had crossed the Pass. The ambassadors accompanied him to Pherae, where the oath was taken by the representatives of Philip's allies; the Phocians, Halus, and Cersobleptes were excluded from the Peace. (Halus was taken by Philip's army shortly afterwards.) The ambassadors of Athens then returned homewards, bearing a letter from Philip, but did not arrive at Athens before Philip had reached Thermopylae. On their return Demosthenes denounced them before the Council, which refused them the customary compliments, and (on Demosthenes' motion) determined to propose to the people that Proxenus with his squadron should be ordered to go to the aid of the Phocians and to prevent Philip from crossing the Pass. When the Assembly met on the 16th of Scirophorion (shortly before the middle of July), Aeschines rose first, and announced in glowing terms the intention of Philip to turn round upon Thebes and to re-establish Thespiae and Plataeae; and hinted at the restoration to Athens of Euboea and Oropus. Then Philip's letter was read, containing no promises, but excusing the delay of the ambassadors as due to his own request. The Assembly was elated at the promises announced by Aeschines; Demosthenes' attempt to contradict the announcement failed; and on Philocrates' motion, it was resolved to extend the Peace and alliance with Philip to posterity, and to declare that if the Phocians refused to surrender the Temple of Delphi to the Amphictyons, Athens would take steps against those responsible for the refusal. Demosthenes refused to serve on the Embassy appointed to convey this resolution to Philip: Aeschines was appointed, but was too ill to start. The ambassadors set out, but within a few days returned with the news that the Phocian army had surrendered to Philip (its leader, Phalaecus, and his troops being allowed to depart to the Peloponnese). The surrender had perhaps been accelerated by the news of the Athenian resolution. The Assembly, in alarm lest Philip should march southwards, now resolved to take measures of precaution and defence, and to send the same ambassadors to Philip, to do what they could. They went, Aeschines among them, and arrived in the midst of the festivities with which Philip was celebrating the success of his plans. The invitation which Philip sent to Athens—to send a force to join his own, and to assist in settling the affairs of Phocis—was (on Demosthenes' advice) declined by the Assembly; and soon afterwards another letter from Philip expressed surprise at the unfriendly attitude taken up by the Athenians towards him. Philip next summoned the Amphictyonic Council (the legitimate guardians of the Delphian Temple, on whose behalf the Thebans and Thessalians, aided by Philip, were now at war with the Phocians): and the Council, in the absence of many of its members, resolved to transfer the votes of the Phocians in the Council-meeting to Philip, to break up the Phocian towns into villages, disarming their inhabitants and taking away their horses, to require them to repay the stolen treasure to the temple by instalments, and to pronounce a curse upon those actually guilty of sacrilege, which would render them liable to arrest anywhere. The destructive part of the sentence was rigorously executed by the Thebans. In order to punish the former supporters of the Phocians, the right to precedence in consulting the oracle was transferred from Athens to Philip, by order of the Council, and the Spartans were excluded from the temple: Orchomenus and Coroneia were destroyed and their inhabitants enslaved; and Thebes became absolute mistress of all Boeotia. The Pythian games (at Delphi) in September 346 were celebrated under Philip's presidency; but both Sparta and Athens refused to send the customary deputation to them, and Philip accordingly sent envoys to Athens, along with representatives of the Amphictyons, to demand recognition for himself as an Amphictyonic power. Aeschines supported the demand, his argument being apparently to the effect that Philip had been forced to act as he had done by the Thebans and Thessalians; but the Assembly was very angry at the results (as they seemed to be) of Aeschines' diplomacy and the calamities of the Phocians; and it was only when Demosthenes, in the Speech on the Peace, advised compliance, that they were persuaded to give way. To have refused would have brought the united forces of the Amphictyonic States against Athens: and these she could not have resisted. It was therefore prudent to keep the Peace, though Demosthenes evidently regarded it only as an armistice.
1 I see, men of Athens, that our present situation is one of great perplexity and confusion, for not only have many of our interests been sacrificed, so that it is of no use to make eloquent speeches about them; but even as regards what still remains to us, there is no general agreement in any single point as to what is expedient: some hold one view, and some another. 2 Perplexing, moreover, and difficult as deliberation naturally is, men of Athens, you have made it far more difficult. For while all the rest of mankind are in the habit of resorting to deliberation before the event, you do not do so until afterwards: and consequently, during the whole time that falls within my memory, however high a reputation for eloquence one who upbraids you for all your errors may enjoy, the desired results and the objects of your deliberation pass out of your grasp. 3 And yet I believe—and it is because I have convinced myself of this that I have risen—that if you resolve to abandon all clamour and contention, as becomes men who are deliberating on behalf of their country upon so great an issue, I shall be able to describe and recommend measures to you, by which the situation may be improved, and what we have sacrificed, recovered.
4 Now although I know perfectly well, men of Athens, that to speak to you about one's own earlier speeches, and about oneself, is a practice which is always extremely repaying, I feel the vulgarity and offensiveness of it so strongly, that I shrink from it even when I see that it is necessary. I think, however, that you will form a better judgement on the subject on which I am about to speak, if I remind you of some few of the things which I have said on certain previous occasions. 5 In the first place, men of Athens, when at the time of the disturbances in Euboea[2] you were being urged to assist Plutarchus, and to undertake an inglorious and costly campaign, I came forward first and unsupported to oppose this action, and was almost torn in pieces by those who for the sake of their own petty profits had induced you to commit many grave errors: and when only a short time had elapsed, along with the shame which you incurred and the treatment which you received—treatment such as no people in the world ever before experienced at the hands of those whom they went to assist—there came the recognition by all of you of the baseness of those who had urged you to this course, and of the excellence of my own advice. 6 Again, men of Athens, I observed that Neoptolemus[3] the actor, who was allowed freedom of movement everywhere on the ground of his profession, and was doing the city the greatest mischief, was managing and directing your communications with Philip in Philip's own interest: and I came forward and informed you; and that, not to gratify any private dislike or desire to misrepresent him, as subsequent events have made plain. 7 And in this case I shall not, as before, throw the blame on any speakers or defenders of Neoptolemus—indeed, he had no defenders; it is yourselves that I blame. For had you been watching rival tragedies in the theatre, instead of discussing the vital interests of a whole State, you could not have listened with more partiality towards him, or more prejudice against me. 8 And yet, I believe, you have all now realized that though, according to his own assertion, this visit to the enemy's country was paid in order that he might get in the debts owing to him there, and return with funds to perform his public service[4] here; though he was always repeating the statement that it was monstrous to accuse those who were transferring their means from Macedonia to Athens; yet, when the Peace had removed all danger, he converted his real estate here into money, and took himself off with it to Philip. 9 These then are two events which I have foretold—events which, because their real character was exactly and faithfully disclosed by me, are a testimony to the speeches which I have delivered. A third, men of Athens, was the following; and when I have given you this one instance, I will immediately proceed to the subject on which I have come forward to speak. When we returned from the Embassy, after receiving from Philip his oath to maintain the Peace, 10 there were some[5] who promised that Thespiae and Plataeae[6] would be repeopled, and said that if Philip became master of the situation, he would save the Phocians, and would break up the city of Thebes into villages; that Oropus would be yours, and that Euboea would be restored to you in place of Amphipolis—with other hopes and deceptions of the same kind, by which you were seduced into sacrificing the Phocians in a manner that was contrary to your interest and perhaps to your honour also. But as for me, you will find that neither had I any share in this deception, nor yet did I hold my peace. On the contrary, I warned you plainly, as, I know you remember, that I had no knowledge and no expectations of this kind, and that I regarded such statements as nonsense.
11 All these plain instances of superior foresight on my part, men of Athens, I shall not ascribe to any cleverness, any boasted merits, of my own. I will not pretend that my foreknowledge and discernment are due to any causes but such as I will name; and they are two. The first, men of Athens, is that good fortune, which, I observe, is more powerful than all the cleverness and wisdom on earth. 12 The second is the fact that my judgement and reasoning are disinterested. No one can point to any personal gain in connexion with my public acts and words: and therefore I see what is to our interest undistorted, in the light in which the actual facts reveal it. But when you throw money into one scale of the balance, its weight carries everything with it; your judgement is instantly dragged down with it, and one who has acted so can no longer think soundly or healthily about anything.
13 Now there is one primary condition which must be observed by any one who would furnish the city with allies or contributions or anything else—he must do it without breaking the existing Peace: not because the Peace is at all admirable or creditable to you, but because, whatever its character, it would have been better, in the actual circumstances, that it should never have been made, than that having been made, it should now be broken through our action. For we have sacrificed many advantages which we possessed when we made it, and which would have rendered the war safer and easier for us then than it is now. 14 The second condition, men of Athens, is that we shall not draw on these self-styled Amphictyons,[7] who are now assembled, until they have an irresistible or a plausible reason for making a united war against us. My own belief is that if war broke out again between ourselves and Philip about Amphipolis or any such claim of our own, in which the Thessalians and Argives and Thebans had no interest, none of these peoples would go to war against us, least of all—15 and let no one raise a clamour before he hears what I have to say—least of all the Thebans; not because they are in any pleasant mood towards us; not because they would not be glad to gratify Philip; but because they know perfectly well, however stupid one may think them,[8] that if war springs up between themselves and you, they will get all the hardships of war for their share, while another will sit by, waiting to secure all the advantages; and they are not likely to sacrifice themselves for such a prospect, unless the origin and the cause of the war are such as concern all alike. 16 Nor again should we, in my opinion, suffer at all, if we went to war with Thebes on account of Oropus[9] or any other purely Athenian interest. For I believe that while those who would assist ourselves or the Thebans would give their aid if their ally's own country were invaded, they would not join either in an offensive campaign. For this is the manner of alliances—such, at least, as are worth considering; and the relationship is naturally of this kind. 17 The goodwill of each ally— whether it be towards ourselves or towards the Thebans—does not imply the same interest in our conquest of others as in our existence. Our continued existence they would all desire for their own sakes; but none of them would wish that through conquest either of us should become their own masters. What is it then that I regard with apprehension? What is it that we must guard against? I fear lest a common pretext should be supplied for the coming war, a common charge against us, which will appeal to all alike. 18 For if the Argives[10] and Messenians and Megalopolitans, and some of the other Peloponnesians who are in sympathy with them, adopt a hostile attitude towards us owing to our negotiations for peace with Sparta, and the belief that to some extent we are giving our approval to the policy which the Spartans have pursued: if the Thebans already (as we are told) detest us, and are sure to become even more hostile, because we are harbouring those whom they have exiled,[11] and losing no opportunity of displaying our ill-will towards them; 19 and the Thessalians, because we are offering a refuge to the Phocian fugitives;[12] and Philip, because we are preventing his admission to Amphictyonic rank; my fear is that, when each power has thus its separate reasons for resentment, they may unite in the war against us, with the decrees of the Amphictyons for their pretext: and so each may be drawn on farther than their several interests would carry them, just as they were in dealing with the Phocians. 20 For you doubtless realize that it was not through any unity in their respective ambitions, that the Thebans and Philip and the Thessalians all acted together just now. The Thebans, for instance, could not prevent Philip from marching through and occupying the passes, nor even from stepping in at the last moment to reap the credit of all that they themselves had toiled for.[13] 21 For, as it is, though the Thebans have gained something so far as the recovery of their territory is concerned, their honour and reputation have suffered shamefully, since it now appears as though they would have gained nothing, unless Philip had crossed the Pass. This was not what they intended. They only submitted to all this in their anxiety to obtain Orchomenus and Coroneia, and their inability to do so otherwise. 22 And as to Philip, some persons,[14] as you know, are bold enough to say that it was not from any wish to do so that he handed over Orchomenus and Coroneia to Thebes, but from compulsion; and although I must part company with them there, I am sure that at least he did not want to do this more than he desired to occupy the passes, and to get the credit of appearing to have determined the issue of the war, and to manage the Pythian games by his own authority. These, I am sure, were the objects which he coveted most greedily. 23 The Thessalians, again, did not desire to see either the Thebans or Philip growing powerful; for in any such contingency they thought that they themselves were menaced. But they did desire to secure two privileges—admission to the Amphictyonic meeting, and the recovery of rights at Delphi;[15] and in their eagerness for these privileges, they joined Philip in the actions in question. Thus you will find that each was led on, for the sake of private ends, to take action which they in no way desired to take. But this is the very thing against which we have now to be on our guard.
24 'Are we then, for fear of this, to submit to Philip? and do you require this of us?' you ask me. Far from it. Our action must be such as will be in no way unworthy of us, and at the same time will not lead to war, but will prove to all our good sense and the justice of our position: and, in answer to those who are bold enough to think that we should refuse to submit to anything whatever,[16] [17] and who cannot foresee the war that must follow, I wish to urge this consideration. We are allowing the Thebans to hold Oropus; and if any one asked us to state the reason honestly, we should say that it was to avoid war. 25 Again, we have just ceded Amphipolis to Philip by the Treaty of Peace;[18] we permit the Cardians[19] to occupy a position apart from the other colonists in the Chersonese; we allow the Prince of Caria[20] to seize the islands of Chios, Cos, and Rhodes, and the Byzantines to drive our vessels to shore[21]—obviously because we believe that the tranquillity afforded by peace brings more blessings than any collision or contention over these grievances would bring: so that it would be a foolish and an utterly perverse policy, when we have behaved in this manner towards each of our adversaries individually, where our own most essential interests were concerned, to go now to war with all of them together, on account of this shadow at Delphi.[22]
- ↑ The term 'the allies of Athens' was ambiguous. It might be taken (as it was taken by Philip and his envoys) to include only the remaining members of the League (see p. 9), who were represented by the Synod then sitting, and whose policy Athens could control. But it was evidently possible to put a wider interpretation upon it, as the Assembly probably did and as Demosthenes often does (e.g. Speech on Embassy, § 278), and to understand it as including the Phocians and others (such as Cersobleptes) with whom Athens had a treaty of alliance. Much of the trouble which followed arose out of this ambiguity.
- ↑ "disturbances in Euboea". Plutarchus of Eretria applied for Athenian aid against Callias of Chalcis, who was attacking him with the aid of Macedonian troops. Demosthenes was strongly opposed to granting the request, but it was supported by Eubulus and Meidias, and a force was sent under Phocion, probably early in 348 (though the chronology has been much debated, and some place the expedition in 350 or 349). Owing to the premature action or the treachery of Plutarchus at Tamynae (where the Athenian army was attacked), Phocion had some difficulty in winning a victory. Plutarchus afterwards seized a number of Athenian soldiers, and Athens had actually to ransom them. Phocion's successor, Molossus, was unsuccessful. When peace was made in the summer of 348, the Euboeans became for the most part independent of Athens, and were regarded with ill-feeling by Athens for some years. There is no proof that the proposers of the expedition were bribed, as Demosthenes alleges.
- ↑ "Neoptolemus". See Speech on Embassy, Sec.Sec. 12, 315.
- ↑ "public service". i.e. as trierarch or choregus or gymnasiarch, &c. See n. on Phil. I. Sec. 36.
- ↑ "there were some" : i.e. Aeschines and his colleagues. (See Introd.)
- ↑ "Thespiae and Plataeae". See Speech for Megalopolitans, Section 4 n.
- ↑ "self-styled Amphictyons". The Amphictyonic Council represented the ancient Amphictyonic League of Hellenic tribes (now differing widely in importance, but equally represented on the Council), and was supreme in all matters affecting the Temple of Apollo at Delphi. (See n. on Speech on Crown, Sec. 148.) The Council summoned by Philip was open to criticism (1) because only certain members of it were present, of whom the Thebans and Thessalians were the chief, (2) because Philip had been given the vote of the dispossessed Phocians.
- ↑ "however stupid, &c". It had been conventional for over a century to apply this adjective to the Boeotians, and therefore to the Thebans. For a more favourable view, see W. Rhys Roberts, "Ancient Boeotians", chap. i.
- ↑ "Oropus". See Speech for Megalopolitans, Sec. ii n.
- ↑ "Argives, &c". See Speech for Megalopolitans throughout (with Introd.).
- ↑ "those whom they have exiled". especially the refugees from Orchomenus and Coroneia. See vol. i, p. 124.
- ↑ "Phocian fugitives". The Amphictyonic Council had recently declared that these had been guilty of sacrilege, and might be seized wherever they might be.
- ↑ "all that they themselves had toiled for". i.e. the conquest of the Phocians in the Sacred War.
- ↑ "some persons". i.e. Aeschines and others who tried to excuse Philip's treatment of the Phocians to the Athenian people.
- ↑ "admission ... Delphi". The Phocians had formerly contrived their exclusion from the Amphictyonic meeting and from the temple and oracle of Delphi. The Council now restored them, and excluded the Phocians.
- ↑ "refuse to submit". reading [Greek: (".ud) otioun upomeinai".] The insertion of [Greek: "oude". (after Cobet) seems necessary, [Greek: "otioun upomeinai". alone would mean 'face any risk', but this would be contradicted by the next clause. To translate, 'who think that we should face any risk, but do not see that the risk would be one of war,' is to narrow the meaning of [Greek: "otioun". unduly.
- ↑ [Greek: oud hotioun].
- ↑ "Treaty of Peace". i.e. the Peace of Philocrates.
- ↑ "Cardians". The Athenians claimed Cardia (the key of the Chersonese on the Thracian side) as an ally, though in fact it was expressly excluded from the towns ceded to Athens by Cersobleptes in 357, and had made alliance with Philip in 352.
- ↑ "prince of Caria". See Speech for Rhodians (with Introd.).
- ↑ "drive our vessels to shore". a regular form of ancient piracy (see Speech on Chersonese, Sec. 28). The Byzantines drove the Athenian corn-ships into their own harbour. The victims were relieved of their money or their corn.
- ↑ "shadow at Delphi". i.e. the empty privilege (as Demosthenes here chooses to represent it) of membership of the Amphictyonic League and Council, now claimed by Philip.


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Bitcoin's Political Problem
Money is always political. This is obvious enough when we argue about Federal Reserve policy in the United States, or who should next chair the interest rate-setting body. But for over 1,000 years, we have argued about the nature of our monetary systems and shifted between different ways of making payments. Seen in this historical context, Bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies are just the latest in a long line of challenges to prevailing technology—and to current political arrangements.
The dominant design of today's monetary systems is based on a western European tradition that can be traced back to the silver denarius of Emperor Charlemagne and before to the organization of the Roman Empire. This design bases the amount and nature of money in the economy on an interaction between government policy and what private individuals want to hold. Continual political pressure and repeated technological opportunity have produced many changes to that basic model over the years. Bitcoin's rise may result in another round of that process.
Enthusiasm for cryptocurrencies is based, in part, on entirely reasonable frustration with our existing arrangements. People on the left who distrust the power accumulated by global megabanks in recent decades have united with people on the right who see the government as overreaching. But history suggests that trying to build a viable national and international payments system completely outside the control of governments will not be easy.
First, money is valuable only to the extent that it can be converted into goods and services. And at the moment of conversion, governments will have a lot to say about the matter, such as whether you have paid tax and whether the transaction is legal.
Second, it is very hard to come up with a technology that will completely hide transactions from governments. The movement of goods, people, or information can all be tracked, as the Silk Road case has shown.
Third, there will be a political reaction led by powerful banking interests. They will point out any illegality within the Bitcoin system and lobby for restrictive regulations.
Fighting on this ground will be difficult. It would be much more sensible for the Bitcoin community and its allies to launch a proactive political strategy. They might focus on the fact that illegal payments are currently made around the world using $100 bills and that there is a need to lower transaction costs for people in countries with a weak rule of law and great risk of theft. It could be argued that operating Bitcoin in a more transparent fashion will not destabilize the credit system or undermine the ability of small banks to make a reasonable profit.
The monetary system of the United States and the world has changed many times and will without question do so again. At the end of the nineteenth century, for example, there was a broad push to reform the U.S. monetary and credit system. Ideas that were initially dismissed as "populism," such as moving away from a narrowly defined gold standard, had, within a generation, become mainstream.
New technology can definitely offer better ways to organize transactions. But simply assuming that the state can be bypassed is unlikely to work. Bitcoin needs a political strategy, and it must evolve to address legitimate criticisms.
Simon Johnson is a professor at the MIT Sloan School of Management and was formerly chief economist of the International Monetary Fund.
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Sale on canvas prints! Use code ABCXYZ at checkout for a special discount!
Boundary: Bleed area may not be visible.
Click and drag to re-position the image, if desired.
Inside Message (Optional)
Inside View
by Donna Blackhall
The more you buy... the more you save.
Image Size
The image is near the edges of the product but doesn't cover the entire product. Some of the background color may appear around the outside edges of the image.
Background Color
Product Details
Our greeting cards are 5" x 7" in size and are produced on digital offset printers using 100 lb. paper stock. Each card is coated with a UV protectant on the outside surface which produces a semi-gloss finish. The inside of each card has a matte white finish and can be customized with your own message up to 500 characters in length. Each card comes with a white envelope for mailing or gift giving.
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Donna Blackhall is a California based contemporary mixed media abstract artist. Her paintings are largely inspired by nature. Flowing water, botanicals, textures of rock and wood influence her work. The emotions inspired by viewing nature's grandeur have always been at the heart of her creations. She loves experimenting with all kinds of mediums and combining things to create unique pieces. All her paintings are signed "Blacky" as a memorial to her father. This was his nickname while he served in WWII. Donna has a diverse gallery set to enjoy. Abstract water photography images make wonderful pieces for interior design. Graffiti street art is an interesting compliment to urban loft living. The mixed media art pieces...


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Two Super-hot billionaires for one sassy girl
I'm Sara, a good girl from Wales
Smart, feisty, and a virgin
PA for Blake and Declan
Self-made British billionaires
Joined at the hip but like night and day
One dirty and kinky… a playboy
The other deep, dark and brooding
Both Mr. Wrongs when I'm looking for my Mr. Right
They make me want things I've never wanted before
They make me want THEM
And when I discover their deepest secret,
I can't help thinking…
Maybe two Mr. Wrongs CAN make a right?
"I drop to my knees and place the Nutella on the floor. Concentrating hard, I unzip his fly and curl my fist around the thick base of his cock. I unbutton his pants and pull them down.
He steps out of his boxers and takes off his dress shirt. Fuck, he's hot. His stomach is tight, his abs clenched. And his cock, his cock! is at full-mast. Veined, thick, and so fucking beautiful.
I pick up the jar and warm it in my hands again until the contents are runny. Then I slip my fingers into it, coating them in the chocolate-hazelnut spread before working them up and down his length. I cup and massage his balls with my other hand.
"Fuck," he groans, his knees bending.
I can't wait any longer. I need to taste him. I stick out my tongue and lick up and down. "Mmm…"
'Keep going,' he pants.


text:
The standoff began about 11 am Saturday on the double-decker bus when it was stopped on Las Vegas Boulevard.
Las Vegas: A man riding on a double decker bus on the Las Vegas Strip pulled a gun and started shooting, killing one person and wounding another before barricading himself inside in a standoff that lasted hours before he finally surrendered.
The standoff began about 11 am Saturday on the double-decker bus when it was stopped on Las Vegas Boulevard near a Cosmopolitan hotel-casino.
"He was on the bus. He was shooting people on the bus. He was just contained to that location. He never exited the bus," Clark County Assistant Sheriff Tom Roberts said.
Two people were taken to the hospital after the shooting, University Medical Center spokeswoman Danita Cohen said. One died, and the other was in fair condition.
For hours, crisis negotiators, robots and armoured vehicles surrounded the bus with authorities uncertain if there were any more victims inside. Meanwhile, officers swept into the casinos to warn tourists to bunker down until further notice, leaving these normally bustling pedestrian areas and a road notorious for taxi-to-taxi traffic completely empty. The Strip, normally crowded with cars and people, was shut down for blocks in both directions.
Some in the Cosmopolitan - hotel guests out over their balconies, party people on the pool deck - saw the tense situation unfold below.
Former NBA player Scot Pollard, who is staying at the Cosmopolitan, told The Associated Press by phone that he was at a bar at the hotel-casino around 11 a.m. when he saw several people, including staff, running through the area toward the casino and repeatedly screaming "get out of the way." After he was told that the area would be closed, he went back to his room, which oversees the Strip.
"We can hear them negotiating. We can hear them saying things like 'No one else needs to get hurt,' 'Come out with your hands up. We are not going anywhere. We are not leaving,' "he said.
Visitors were also hiding out inside some of the other prominent casino properties affected, including the Bellagio, Paris, Planet Hollywood and Bally, which in addition to hotels and casinos also hold restaurants, shops and attractions.
Las Vegas Police officer Larry Hadfield said just before 3:30 pm that the man, who had a handgun, surrendered without incident. Police did not open fire and said they believe the man is the only suspect. Terrorism or any connection to an earlier robbery nearby that shut down a part of the Bellagio has been ruled out. No other information about the man has been released.
By 4 pm, pedestrians were back in the area and northbound traffic on Las Vegas boulevard had reopened while investigators worked to clean up the other lane where the bus was still grounded.
The bus is operated by the Regional Transportation Commission of Southern Nevada.


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Big Agnes Wyoming Trail SL2
If low weight is your prime tent priority, put this shelter at the top of your shopping list.
Brand: Big Agnes
Model: Wyoming Trail SL2
If low weight is your prime tent priority, put this shelter at the top of your shopping list. It's barely more than four pounds, but makes no compromises in terms of protection. When 30-mph winds in Colorado's Park Range blasted the Skyledge with rain, this freestanding dome barely shuddered—and kept the interior dry during soggy entrances (the fly's drip line prevents water from funneling inside the open doors).
This year's model has key updates: Designers relocated the Jake's Foot attachment from the tent body to the footprint, enabling campers to pitch the fly first, keeping the canopy dry in rain. A transparent fly porthole brightens the interior. And ventilation is good: On nights in the 30s in Tasmania's Walls of Jerusalem National Park, condensation collected only inside the fly. The floor's 70-denier fabric acts like armor against sharp pebbles, while the fly's 20-denier nylon trims weight in less abrasion-prone areas. But size before you buy: While headroom is good with a 45-inch peak height, floor space is tight for three adults (three sleeping pads barely fit across the narrow floor). $550; 4 lbs. 2 oz.; mountainhardwear.com


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Dakota & Lakota Traditional Games Resource
Play these games to promote the development of physical endurance, coordination, dexterity, quickness and strength.
Play these games to promote the development of physical endurance, coordination, dexterity, quickness and strength.
A guide of common dung beetles of South Dakota.
Introduction of salt-impacted soils in South Dakota for landowners.
This publication provides suggested native species suitable for the revegetation of salt-impacted soils. The suggested species are listed as native to South Dakota according to the USDA NRCS Plants Database.
Summary report of X-ray scanning confirms soil health benefits from conservation practices.
Fact sheet for beginners on where to start transitioning to soil health systems in eastern South Dakota.
A general guide to South Dakota landowners who are considering or who have allowed energy or other industrial development on their property.
As farms and ranches across South Dakota continue to endure increasing costs of production while receiving less cash for grain and livestock marketed; ranch managers must be extra diligent when implementing new range improvements and grazing systems on their ranches.
Factsheet that reviews the steps to obtain a manure application rate based on crop need, soil and manure testing.
Fact sheet for a study that was conducted to compare short and long-term animal grazing on soil health and water properties at four locations in SD.


text:
Tell me about your OS.jackiehms79 said:Hi,
Can somebody please help me out? I tried to install Apache with PHP and its PDFLib but failed. What I did is:
1) In PHP folder which I extracted from the downloaded tar file from php.net, I execute the following command:
a) ./configure --with-mysql --with-pdflib-dir=/tmp/pdflib --with-tiff --with-png --with-apache=/tmp/apache --enable-track-vars
b) make
c) make install
2)After that I compile the Apache:
a) ./configure --activate-module=src/modules/php4/libphp4.a
b) make
c) make install
3) Then I copy the php.ini-disted to /usr/local/lib/php.ini
4) AddType to Apache's httpd.conf:
AddType application/x-httpd-php .php
5) Then httpd start
6) I created phpinfo.php which the contents as below:
7) When I run the phpinfo.php, i have notice that the configure command row only shows "./configure"
Did I miss out any steps??


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WoW:Event API
Events are a basic and important message passing system for WoW and its UI. The Event API and the WoW UI are built around these messages being recieved by Frames from WoW, through the use of event handlers, and by expressly registering for messages for a frame. An OnLoad event fires for a Frame during load, allowing it register for these event messages. The List of all Events details this event API by providing a reference for each of these messages.
- List of all events
- Communication events
- Events from disassembly - includes Glue Events
- AddOn loading process - includes events that fire during the loading process
- Handling events - a tutorial on how to set up event handling in your addon.
- Parsing event messages - extracting information from events with textual parameters.
From a UI perspective, Events in WoW are messages sent by the WoW client to the UI Frames (via frame script handlers), mostly in reaction to things occurring in the game world.
The World of Warcraft interface is entirely event driven: all interface code is invoked in response to an event (or OnUpdate "events"). All script execution must be completed before a frame is rendered; therefore, event processing code that takes too long or contains an infinite loop will freeze the client.
You can register your Frame-derived widget to receive an event using the frame:RegisterEvent("eventName") function. When the events occur, they will be delivered to the OnEvent script handler, which can be set using frame:SetScript("OnEvent", handlerFunc). To unregister an event, use frame:UnregisterEvent("eventName").