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Please help support the mission of New Advent and get the full contents of this website as an instant download. Includes the Catholic Encyclopedia, Church Fathers, Summa, Bible and more all for only $19.99...
Heretics who divide the Substance of the Blessed Trinity.
(1) Those who are usually meant by the name were a section of the Monophysites, who had great influence in the second half of the sixth century, but have left no traces save a few scanty notices in John of Ephesus, Photus, Leontius, etc. Their founder is said to be a certain John Ascunages, head of a Sophist school at Antioch. But the principal writer was John Philoponus, the great Aristotelean commentator. The leaders were two bishops, Conon of Tarsus and Eugenius of Seleucia in Isauria, who were deposed by their comprovincials and took refuge at Constantinople. There they found a powerful convert and protector in Athanasius the Monk, a grandson of the Empress Theodora. Philoponus dedicated to him a book on the Trinity. The old philosopher pleaded his infirmities when he was summoned by Justinian to the Court to give an account of his teaching. But Conon and Eugenius had to dispute in the reign of Justin II (565-78) in the presence of the Catholic patriarch, John Scholasticus (565-77), with two champions of the moderate Monophysite party, Stephen and Paul, the latter afterwards Patriarch of Antioch. The Tritheist bishops refused to anathematize Philoponus, and brought proofs that he agreed with Severus and Theodosius. They were banished to Palestine, and Philoponus wrote a book against John Scholasticus, who had given his verdict in favour of his adversaries. But he developed a theory of his own as to the Resurrection (see EUTYCHIANISM) on account of which Conon and Eugenius wrote a treatise against him in collaboration with Themistus, the founder of the Agnoctae, in which they declared his views to be altogether unchristian. The two bishops together with a deprived bishop named Theonas proceeded to consecrate bishops for their sect, which they established in Corinth and Athens, in Rome and Africa, and in the Western Patriarchate, while their agents travelled through Syria and Cilicia, Isauria and Cappadocia, converting whole districts, and ordaining priests and deacons in cities villages, and monasteries. Eugenius died in Pamphylia; Conon returned to Constantinople. We are assured by Leontius that it was the Aristoteleanism of Philoponus which made him teach that there are in the Holy Trinity three partial substances (merikai ousiai, ikikaitheotetes, idiai physeis) and one common. The genesis of the heresy has been explained (for the first time) under MONOPHYSITES, where an account of Philoponus's writings and those of Stephen Gobarus, another member of the sect, will be found.
(2) In the Middle Ages Roscellin of Compiegne, the founder of Nominalism, argued, just like Philoponus, that unless the Three Persons are tres res, then the whole Trinity must have been incarnate. He was refuted by St. Anselm.
(3) Among Catholic writers, Pierre Faydit, who was expelled from the Oratory at Paris in 1671 for disobedience and died in 1709, fell into the error of Tritheism in his "Eclaireissements sur la doctrine et Phistoire ecclésiastiqes des deux premiers siecles" (Paris, 1696), in which he tried to make out that the earliest Fathers were Tritheists. He was replied to by the Premonstratensian Abbot Louis-Charles Hugo ("Apologie du système des Saints Pères sur la Trinité," Luxemburg, 1699). A canon of Trèves named Oembs, who was infected with the doctrines of the "Enlightenment", similarly attributed to the Fathers his own view of three similar natures in the Trinity, calling the numerical unity of God an invention of the Scholastics. His book, "Opuscula de Deo Uno et Trino" (Mainz, 1789), was condemned by Pius VII in a Brief of 14 July, 1804. Gunther is also accused of Tritheism.
(4) Among Protestants, Heinrich Nicolai (d. 1660), a professor at Dantzig and at Elbing (not to be confounded with the founder of the Familisten), is cited. The best known is William Sherlock, Dean of St. Paul's, whose "Vindication of the Doctrine of the Trinity" (London, 1690) against the Socinians was attacked by Robert South in "Animadversions on Dr. Sherlock's Vindication" (1693). Sherlock's work is said to have made William Manning a Socinian and Thomas Emlyn an Arian, and the dispute was ridiculed in a skit entitled "The Battle Royal", attributed to William Pittis (1694?), which was translated into Latin at Cambridge. Joseph Bingham, author of the "Antiquities", preached at Oxford in 1695 a sermon which was considered to represent the Fathers as Tritheists, and it was condemned by the Hebdomadal Council as falsa, impia et haeretica, the scholar being driven from Oxford.
For bibliography see MONOPHYSITES.
APA citation. (1912). Tritheists. In The Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company. http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/15061b.htm
MLA citation. "Tritheists." The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 15. New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1912. <http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/15061b.htm>.
Transcription. This article was transcribed for New Advent by Michael T. Barrett. Dedicated to Fr. Michael Sprauer.
Ecclesiastical approbation. Nihil Obstat. October 1, 1912. Remy Lafort, S.T.D., Censor. Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York.
Contact information. The editor of New Advent is Kevin Knight. My email address is webmaster at newadvent.org. Regrettably, I can't reply to every letter, but I greatly appreciate your feedback — especially notifications about typographical errors and inappropriate ads.


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Revisiting Ed's Kociela's "It Rocked!" on Monday's Access Utah
Author Ed Kociela has a knack for taking his readers behind closed doors and now walks you backstage to hang out with some of the biggest stars in rock 'n' roll history in "It Rocked! Recollections of a reclusive rock critic.
The book includes intimate looks at such musical giants as George Harrison, Mick Jagger, Bruce Springsteen, Tom Petty, The Beach Boys, Peter Frampton, KISS, Foreigner, Journey, BB King, Frank Zappa, Willie Nelson, Carlos Santana, Dick Clark, and many others who he interviewed, worked with, and got to know as a rock critic for the Los Angeles Herald-Examiner and music industry publicist.

subset: commoncrawl


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What we're thinking and learning about right now and the news and issues that matter to nonprofits.
Apr 13 2020 | TSNE's Consulting Team
3 steps for assessing what is best for your organization right now — and over the long term. → More
Categories: Organizational Development
Jul 12 2019 | Lori Manzelli
On Thursday, July 11, LeaderSpring Center held an informational webinar for the What's Next: Leading a Thriving Transition program, which it runs in partnership with TSNE. → More
Categories: Leadership, Organizational Development
Dec 16 2016 | By Hez Norton
Succession planning brings to mind a leadership transition. Yes, it is true that people leave organizations, BUT succession planning is not solely about leadership transitions. → More
Categories: Organizational Development


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Get Pre-Approved
Welcome to Kelly's Chrysler Center's Finance Department, your auto loan and car lease resource. We're eager to provide financing for your new car, or we can assist in used car financing.
All types of credit, from good to bad, can qualify for an auto loan. No credit, no problem! We will work with you to secure a no credit car loan if your situation demands it. Kelly's Chrysler Center has strong relationships and is committed to finding you the perfect car loan company to suit your car finance needs.
Low interest car loans are available for customers with existing loans. We can help you refinance your car loan or adjust the term of the contract. You're just a step away from approved car financing!


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by Gina Trapani
Someone out there's trying to find information about you right now, whether it's a potential employer, date or a long lost friend. What happens when they Google you?
A recent poll here on Lifehacker shows that for about half of you, information about someone else with the same name or a web site you don't control gets returned in search results for your name. Today we'll go over the ins and outs of setting up a nameplate web site that makes you Googleable with a web page whose content YOU control.
But you already HAVE a web site.
You may already have a personal blog with photos of your kids on it or a page dedicated to your monstrous Lego collection that comes up for your name. But is this the first point of contact you want a Google coldcaller to have? Consider your nameplate site your internet business card, where you publish contact and professional info in a context insensitive way that'll help Googlers get a birds eye view of who you are and what you do - beyond the Lego collection.
FIRST: Nab your domain.
Do what you can to register the yourname.com or .org domain. Yes, this will cost money. There was a time when I thought one domain to one individual person was insane and slightly egotistical, but that time is over. The fact is you will change jobs, move, go freelance and switch email addresses more in your lifetime than any other past generation. Personal findability is more important than ever. Investing in a your name domain is worth it. If you can't get yourname.com or .org, try .net, or even .name.
You don't HAVE to get yourname.com to set up your nameplate site, but it's a better option than a page on a free host with a predetermined URL, like at a university or Geocities because someday that service might change its address or go away. If you own yourname.com, you control it forever and you can point it anywhere you like - blog, static page, whatever - for as long as you pay for it. Check out Lifehacker reader recommendations for domain registrars here.
Note about names: There are many people in the world who probably have the same exact name as you, and there will be more and more coming online each year. Do what you can to "brand yourself" uniquely online, either by including your middle name, initial, or using your full first name (ie James instead of Jim or Deborah instead of Deb.) Of course you want to use the name people will most likely use to search for you, but if you decide to go with a more formal (read: unique) form of your name, be sure to also use it as your email from name and name on your resume and other paperwork.
You lucky people with very unique names? Your domain name is waiting - its availability is payback for all the years of mispelling and mispronunciation.
SECOND: Author your nameplate.
Now's the time to decide what to put on your "web business card." Your profession, location, and email address is a good start, maybe with links to your kids' pictures and your Lego collection site. Of course, don't give away your address, social security or phone number here, this is general info so others can identify you. (As in, "Yes, John Smith the architect in Santa Cruz.")
An HTML tutorial this article is not, but do make sure your full name is prominent within a header tag <h1> at the top of the page, and within the title <title> of the document. Make sure all the content of the page that you want Google to know about is in TEXT (not in images or flash). Finally, be sure to mask your email address to keep it from spammers.
The next thing to do is find a web host. If your nameplate site is only one page (and it only has to be), this will cost money but it will be cheap. Check out Lifehacker readers' recommendation for web hosting providers. The nice side benefit of your own domain and host is a very memorable email address, like firstname.lastname@example.com, which you can use as a future-proofed email address. Upload your new nameplate and associate it with your new domain name as per your hosting provider's instructions.
Dedicated DIYer's with always-on broadband can host their nameplate web site at home, though I only recommend this if your site is very low on bandwidth (no images) and your computer is always on and you're not concerned about site performance, which will be slow for typical cable and DSL connections. Check out previous features How to set up a personal home web server and Assign a domain name to your home web server for more information.
THIRD: Link up your name site.
Just because you build it, doesn't mean Google will come. Search engines will find your nameplate site and associate it with your name only if it is linked to your name on other, indexed pages. For example, if you're a Lifehacker commenter and you want Google to find your nameplate site? Change your commenter name to your full name and link your nameplate site. Do the same in other online communities. Set up a profile at 43 People, a site that ranks high in name searches, with a link to your nameplate site. If you're really ambitious, contact the webmasters at the other sites that list you and request your name is linked to your domain, like so: Jane Doe.
One Lifehacker reader said that the first result for a name search are his comments on Lifehacker (!).
Got any tips for making yourself more Googleable? Any stories of Google-stalking woe or triumph? Let us know in the comments or a tips at lifehacker.com.
Gina Trapani, the editor of Lifehacker, wants to put an end to embarrassing Google incidents. Her semi-weekly feature, Geek to Live, appears every Wednesday and Friday on Lifehacker. Subscribe to the Geek to Live feed to get new installments in your newsreader.


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TechRadar Verdict
If taking photos is your sole aim or you're OCD about pixels, look elsewhere. But if getting a top smartphone at a reasonable price - and with battery life that puts others to shame - is your goal, then we heartily recommend the Motorola Razr i.
- +
Good size and weight
- +
Big, vibrant screen
- +
Intel Inside
- +
Reasonable price
- +
Fluid Android skin
- -
Design divides opinion
- -
Low pixel density
- -
Poor vibration
- -
Only seven home screens
Why you can trust TechRadar We spend hours testing every product or service we review, so you can be sure you're buying the best. Find out more about how we test.
Eight years ago, when the Android 4.0, Intel inside-toting Razr i wasn't even a glint in Motorola's eye, something revolutionary happened in phone land. Motorola launched the Razr line.
This was a time when Nokia ruled the phone world; an age where Ericsson and Motorola were the other big boys, Samsung was a bit of an also-ran trying to compete but struggling, and Apple... well, it had not long launched the iPod, which "put 1,000 songs in your pocket."
Indeed, Apple teamed up with Motorola to launch the first iTunes enabled phone, the ROKR (which was a dismal failure) before deciding that it could do the whole thing better itself.
Apple's iPhone line has now arguably become the most successful of all time - five million iPhone 5 handsets sold in the first three days. Which puts Motorola's 130m Razrs in four years into perspective.
Motorola's Razr line never really died. It just fell into a coma, with the occasional slumber of consciousness across various iterations. And now, under the ownership (although, perhaps not the hands-on stewardship) of parent company Google, the Razr is being given another more high profile outing.
With the above in mind, it's ironic that when we opened the box and pulled the Motorola Razr i out, the first thing we thought was "wow - it looks like an iPhone 5". We know that will have some diehard Apple fanboys clutching their pearls - and we'll probably go to iHell for saying it - but hold the Motorola Razr i in your mitts and you'll see what we mean.
Firstly, the size. At 122.5 x 60.9 x 8.3mm (4.8 x 2.4 x 0.3 inches), it's about the same width and height, albeit a little fatter and slightly heavier, than the iPhone 5.
It also feels similar - the mixture of Kevlar and glass instead of aluminum and glass gives it that premium feel, and Motorola has gone down the same industrialised route as Apple.
Yes, the lines are not as precise - there's the odd bit of metal thrown in there on the front and there are lots of screws (six! Yes, six screws on show ,with no attempt to hide them) plus various buttons. It's not as 'clean' or minimalist as an iPhone, but we can definitely see what Motorola is trying to do here.
Clearly, it wants the Motorola Razr i to look tough, yet chic; to take that "I'm the man" but also "I'm beautiful" approach in the same way an iPhone does. Like a warehouse conversion apartment in a scruffy part of London, inhabited by somebody elegant and wealthy. It's a perfect mix and blend of two worlds that works together.
Up top, there's not much to report apart from a headphone jack, while the right-hand side has two metal buttons (power/standby and camera).
The Motorola Razr i tapers off around the bottom, while the left-hand side holds the micro USB sync/charging port and a little plastic flap that enables you to slot in your SIM and microSD card, so you can expand the 8GB of provided storage by another 64GB.
And those screws... Those damn screws that we've looked at over and over again, unable to decide if they look cool or terrible.
A brief mention of the SIM tray - and we would recommend removing children from the area when inserting it, since this phone will make you utter many profanities. The simplest of tasks - inserting a micro SIM into a Motorola Razr i - was, unfortunately, one of the most laborious things we've ever done. In fact, we'd go so far as to say it is hideous.
There's no spring, no real guidance there, and we spent 45 minutes trying to do it. The tweezers were out at one point. We'll never get those minutes back. Awful.
Around the back, you've got that Kevlar coating just beneath the 8MP rear camera, which is accompanied by a flash.
Speaking of cameras, you'll find another around the front. It's VGA, so you're not going to win any photography awards with it, but it'll do for checking for stray nose hairs when you're on the bus. Oh, that's just us? Moving swiftly on...
The big selling point for Motorola is the screen. It's an edge to edge display, meaning there is no wasted space at the side taken up by an annoying bezel.
Apart from an annoying black bar at the bottom of the screen that eats into the display. It's obviously there for a reason, but it takes the gloss off the experience ever so slightly.
Nevertheless, this is a pretty great display. It's smaller than many these days, at 4.3 inches across, and with a 540 x 960 pixel display (256ppi density). Being a Super AMOLED panel, blacks are very black and colours are incredibly vivid. Whites can appear a little bit yellow, which we noticed on websites and in the Gmail app, but it's nothing too severe.
In fact, our only complaint with the screen is that pixel density. It shows just how much we've changed that we now think that's a little 'third world', but it just can't match something like the iPhone's Retina display or similar panels on the Samsung Galaxy S3 or HTC One X.
It's not bad - and regular users probably won't even notice. But spotting pixels has become a bit of a pastime for many of us as technology has moved on, and you can definitely see them when you zoom into text, which is a shame, because it's the only fly in a perfectly concocted ointment.
And of course, the other selling point is the chip inside. This is one of the first Intel Inside phones to hit the UK - and the first Motorola branded one - with a single-core 2GHz brain inside.
Add to that the 1GB RAM and Android 4.0 Ice Cream Sandwich (which is now being beefed up to Android Jelly Bean as we speak) and this is a seriously impressive handset, on paper at least.
Price-wise, the Motorola Razr i is fairly reasonable. The European phone is being marketed at the higher end of mid-range and so, to pick one up SIM free in the UK, you'll need to fork out just under £400 (about AU$620, US$648).
You can get it free on two year contracts for £23-£31 (around AU$36-48, US37-$50) per month, which is actually quite reasonable, even though we think 24-month terms are the devil's work.
The Motorola Razr i is being pitched right alongside the likes of the Sony Xperia S and the HTC One S - both very capable handsets. However, they've been out for a while longer - and that may just be enough to edge the Motorola Razr i forward in your affections.


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Survey: Students Fail the Credit Card Test
American college students are laden with credit cards, use them frequently, and have no idea what they are doing. Consequently, they are swamped with debt -- and the problem is growing worse by the year.
Those are among the discouraging findings of an academic paper on credit card debt and the larger, even more troubling issue of general financial literacy on campus. Results of the survey, conducted by researchers from five American universities, were published in April 2012, coinciding with Financial Literacy Month, and the findings are disquieting.
The primary takeaways: 70% of American college students have credit cards, five of every six of those students do not know their cards' interest rates, 75% of them do not know their late payment charges and 70% of them do not know what their over-balance-limit fees might be.
The result is predictable -- more than 90% of college students who hold credit cards are carrying monthly credit card debt.
"Our students lacked even basic financial knowledge of a common credit tool that many of our students used every day," the study concluded. "There is no way to describe these results as a success in education of financial literacy."
And these were business students
It gets worse. Nearly all of the 725 students who took the survey in fall 2009 were business majors -- young people likely to be among the most financially astute of their generation. Credit card knowledge and general financial literacy are likely even worse among others of the millennial generation, both on campus and off campus.
"In America, credit cards on campus have been a disaster, leaving students buried in debt before graduation, often with little hope of paying off the debt before high fees and interest double the amount," the study's authors said.
Others who have studied the problem see even wider implications.
"It's not just college students -- it stems across the younger age group," said David Wegge, a professor at St. Norbert College in De Pere, Wisc., executive director of the Strategic Research Center at the school and board chairman of the iOme Challenge, an annual college competition intended to enhance retirement planning and financial literacy on campus.
"You could argue that college students ought to be better educated about these things," Wegge said. "But you could also argue that young people out in the work force, from a practical standpoint, should be more educated about this because they see these [financial] issues in play every day."
Key findings
Among other findings of the study, "Financial Literacy and Credit Cards: A Multi Campus Survey:"
- This study and previous surveys find that "credit card use has snowballed in the last decade" on campus. In 2004, the average college student had $946 in credit card debt. By 2009, the average stood at more than $4,100.
- Though the Credit Card Accountability, Responsibility and Disclosure (CARD) Act of 2009 sharply curtailed the distribution of credit cards to college students, it came after decades of campus-related hyperactivity by credit card companies.
"Some have exclaimed that credit cards are [a] greater threat on campus than alcohol or sexually transmitted diseases ... ," the study's authors said. "It is too late to implement a ban when nearly every student already has a credit card."
- Of the 70% of surveyed college students who carried credit cards, more than one in three of those young people had two or more cards. About half claimed to use the cards only for emergencies, with 13% saying they used the cards frequently.
"This study has it right," Wegge said. "A lot of students have been lured into getting credit cards by companies that often set low initial limits and then start pumping them up. They get into it as a way to enhance their cash flow, but they're not really thinking too much about the long-term ramifications about what they're getting themselves into."
- Only 9.4% of credit-card-carrying college students paid off their debt in full each month, a sharp drop from the 32% found by a survey in 2003. "This change could be caused by the economic downturn as students struggle financially and must keep a balance on their credit cards," the researchers noted.
- Demographically, younger students used credit cards more often than older students, students who had taken an ethics class tended to be more aware of interest rates, employed students and married students tended to be more responsible users of credit cards, and gender made no significant difference.
- The general on-campus ignorance concerning interest rates, late payment charges and over-limit fees shocked the researchers, particularly when it came to interest rates. Only 14.6% of the surveyed students claimed to know their interest rates -- and the actual percentage probably was much lower.
"Since the interest rate is the primary cost of credit, a financially literate student should know the interest rate he/she is paying," the study said. "We predicted this amount to be high, since so many credit card issuers advertise these rates as a key marketing tool. We were surprised, but not in a good way."
The survey was conducted by researchers at the University of Central Oklahoma, Midwestern State University in Texas, Texas A&M University, the University of Texas and Framingham State University in Massachusetts. It was published in the April 2012 edition of the International Journal of Business and Social Science.
In the end, the conclusions were disturbing.
"This result may also explain part of our national problem with credit," the study said. "If our college students do not understand credit costs, what can we expect from the larger portion of our society without a college education?
"These results should serve as a wakeup call for both our college students and our college outreach efforts into the community to train people about the costs of credit. It is clear the status quo of financial literacy is a failure."
Financial writer Martin Merzer has a particular interest in on-campus financial literacy and serves as a judge of the annual collegiate iOme Challenge.


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How to Install Fiber Cement SidingUpdated: Mar. 28, 2023
How to cut, nail and install durable fiber siding, plus caulking and painting tips.
You might also like: TBD
- Time
- Complexity
- Cost
- Multiple Days
- Intermediate
- $501-1000
Fiber cement is tougher than other materials
When you want the classic look of wood siding coupled with lifetime durability, fiberboard cement siding may well be your best choice. Fiberglass cement siding is a composite made of Portland cement, silica and wood fiber. Once painted, it looks almost identical to wood. It's available in many styles and widths, both smooth and wood textured, and you still get the crisp joints and details that'll make your home's exterior stand out. In addition, it's highly rot and insect resistant, won't burn and paints beautifully.
Jaime Venzor has been in the siding business for more than 15 years. He started out installing mostly vinyl, but now 80 percent of his work is fiber cement. He earned his good reputation with his customers by doing things the right way, and he earned our thanks by sharing some of his knowledge with us. So read on and learn what Jaime thinks are the most important tips.
Hold the starter 1/4 in. down
Create a drip edge
Find your most beat-up pieces of siding and rip them down into 1-1/4-in. starter strips. These strips, installed at the bottom, will make your first row of siding angle out to match the rest of the rows. Snap a line 1 in. above the bottom of the wall sheathing as a guide. Install these fragile starter strips with a 15-gauge trim gun. Snap another line for the bottom row of siding, positioning it so it will hang down an additional 1/4 in. from the starter.
Nailing Basics
Fiberboard cement siding can be hand-nailed, but because it's so much harder and more brittle than wood, you have to predrill holes near any edge. You can save yourself a bunch of time by using a pneumatic coil siding nail gun. Unfortunately, a siding gun will set you back twice as much as a 15-gauge trim gun, and it's only half as versatile, so if installing fiber cement isn't your full-time gig, you may want to rent one (about $110 a week). Every manufacturer has specific nailing guidelines, but here are some basic rules:
- Use 6d or 8d galvanized or stainless siding nails and install a single nail about 1-in. down from the top edge at each stud, no more than 16 in. apart. n Nail lengths should be chosen so they penetrate a minimum of 1-1/4 in. into the solid wood (wood sheathings like OSB and plywood count toward the 1-1/4 in., but "soft" sheathings like fiber board and foam don't).
- Don't drive nails into the siding at an angle.
- Fastener heads should be snugged up against the siding, not driven into the surface.
- The end of each plank making up a butt joint needs to be fastened to a stud.
- Nail butt joints last. That way you can tweak the ends of each plank so the bottom edges line up perfectly.
Preassemble the corners
Use a finish nailer for trim
It's a lot easier to preassemble corners on a flat surface. Jaime uses 2-1/4-in. galvanized nails in his 15-gauge trim gun. He uses the same size nails to install the corners on the wall. Don't use a framing gun or try to handnail the corners together; that's a good way to break the trim boards. Also, the trim nails look better where nails will be exposed, especially on a prefinished corner board. So, if you don't have a 15-gauge trim gun, what a perfect "opportunity" to go buy one.
Install fiber cement using a few special techniques
Photo 1: Staple building paper to the sheathing
Mark stud locations at the top and bottom of the wall. Staple building paper to the wall sheathing, lapping top pieces over bottom pieces by at least 2 in. Fit and slide paper behind the window trim.
Photo 2: Nail furring strips at the top of the wall
Snap chalk lines to mark the frieze board location and nail treated furring strips along the lines. Keep the bottom strip 1/4 in. above the bottom line.
Photo 3: Use a circular saw to cut the frieze board
Cut the frieze board to length with a circular saw, using a rafter angle square as a cutting guide. True up cut ends with a rasp or a sanding block.
Photo 4: Predrill holes for easy installation
Predrill and nail the frieze boards, driving two galvanized box nails into each stud. Hold the nails at least 3/4 in. from the edges. Drive the nailheads snug with the surface of the siding. Do not overdrive them. Apply caulk at the corner lap joint before installing the second piece.
Photo 5: Nail up the corners boards
Install the corner boards, lapping one over the other with caulk in the joint. Nail every 16 in. with a pair of 8d galvanized box nails.
The layout process is exactly the same as for wood siding. Mark the stud locations with a pencil on the soffit and foundation where they won't be covered by the building paper. Install the building paper (Photo 1), then follow your stud location marks and snap chalk lines (Photo 2) to guide both your nailing and your placement of siding joints. We're also using fiber cement trim boards. Since they're only 7/16 in. thick, rip 3/8-in. thick strips from treated 2-by lumber and use them to fur out the frieze boards (Photo 2). Now they'll sit about 1/8 in. above the lap siding.
Cut the frieze board to length (Photo 3). Fiberboard cement siding is highly abrasive. Even a carbide tooth blade will last for only part of the day. At home centers, you can buy diamond blades made specifically for cutting fiber cement. These blades cut quickly and create less dust. But we had success with a less expensive dry-cut, diamond masonry blade. Drill cutouts for electrical boxes and pipes with regular twist bits or spade bits, and make interior or even curved cuts with a jigsaw fitted with a tungsten or carbide grit blade (these blades are available at home centers and tile stores). Cutting fiberglass cement siding raises a lot of silica dust, so work outside and wear a dust mask.
Nail up the frieze board by drilling 1/8-in. pilot holes and driving two galvanized box nails at each stud (Photo 4). Your nail length may vary from ours depending on the type of exterior sheathing used on your home. In general, use nails that penetrate the studs at least 1 in. Drive the nailheads snug against the fiber cement board. If driven too deep, the heads will crush the fiber cement board and reduce the nail's holding power. Don't nail fiber cement corners together (Photo 4). A nail driven into the edge of a fiber cement board will split it.
Next make the outside corner (Photo 5), following the same steps as for the frieze boards. Be sure the bottoms of the corner boards cover about 1/2 in. of the foundation.
If you don't have access to a table saw, buy a sheet of 1/2-in.treated plywood and rip furring strips with a circular saw.
Cut outdoors, wear a dust mask to avoid breathing the dust, and keep others away.
Layout the siding courses
Photo 6: Mark the siding course locations
Mark the top of each siding course using the story pole as a guide (see "Making a Story Pole."). Then snap chalk lines to keep each course straight.
Photo 7: Install the first course of siding
Nail a 3/8-in. treated starter strip along the bottom of the wall. Then cut and nail the first course of siding along the layout line. Leave a 1/8-in. gap at the end, and nail at each stud with a single 8d galvanized box nail held 1 in. down from the top edge.
With the trim boards completed, lay out the siding courses with a story pole. (See "Making a Story Pole.") Hold the top of the story pole snug against the frieze board and mark out the siding courses (Photo 6) at all corners and around windows and doors. Following these layout marks, snap horizontal chalk lines. Remember that these layout lines represent the top of each siding course.
Rip and nail up a 3/8-in. thick treated wood starter strip along the bottom of the wall (above the foundation). This strip will tip the first piece of siding to the proper angle. Measure and cut to length the first piece of siding and nail it in place (Photo 7).
Leave a 1/8-in. gap where the end meets the corner board (Photo 7, inset) and make sure the other end lands on a stud line. Install the next piece so its end butts lightly against the first (Photo 7, inset). Continue with the siding courses, aligning the top edges to the layout chalk lines. Be sure to stagger the butt joints so they don't lie on top of each other as you work your way up.
Pros use pneumatic coil nailers (you can rent one) designed specifically for fiberboard cement siding. They cut nailing time in half. If you go this route, practice first to make sure the nailheads will be set flush.
Making a Story Pole
Cut a straight 1×2 so its length runs from the frieze board to the bottom of the first siding course. Measure up from the bottom of the story pole to mark the full width of the first course of siding. Remember, this mark represents the top of the siding piece, not the bottom of the second course.
From this point, make marks up the pole at the recommended exposure for your siding. The top course should be at least two-thirds the width of the lower courses. Check your layout marks against window and door openings and other features around the house, and adjust the exposure to avoid having to rip narrow pieces.
When the final layout is OK, draw heavy lines on the face and both edges of the story pole using a square. Now hold the story pole tight against the frieze board at all corners and alongside windows and doors. Transfer the layout marks to the wall and snap chalk lines. This will ensure that all the siding courses go on straight and uniformly.
Remove the plastic last
Protect prefinished fiber cement board
Prefinished fiberglass cement siding boards come with a protective plastic coating. To protect the paint from getting scratched during installation, leave the plastic on and make your cuts right through it. Peel away the plastic after the board has been fastened to the wall.
Flash the butt joints
Keep water out
Caulking butt joints is unnecessary, and some manufacturers prohibit it. However, you should flash behind the joints. You can use metal, house wrap or any other approved WRB (weather-resistant barrier), but Jaime prefers to use 30-lb. felt paper. It's easy to work with and cheap, and it isn't noticeable if a seam happens to open up a little. Tack it to the wall so it doesn't get knocked out of place when you install the second piece of siding.
Spacing for Fiber Cement Board Joints
Fiber cement boards don't expand and contract much, but leave a little room for expansion at the end joints and then fill the gap with caulk. Butt joints, however, should be nailed tightly together and should not be caulked. Make sure all butt joints are on studs, and stagger the butt joints as you work your way up the wall.
Windows need drip cap and a gap on top
Window and door detail
Whether or not you're installing trim boards around your windows, you'll need to install a drip cap over the window. You'll also need to leave a 1/4-in. gap (no caulking) between the top of the window and the plank or trim board directly above it. This is to allow any water that may have gotten behind the siding to weep out. Tape the drip cap to the wall, but don't tape all the way to the bottom of the drip cap because it will be visible through the 1/4-in. gap. The top trim board will also need its own drip cap and 1/4-in. gap. Treat the tops of doors the same way.
It's a two-man job without siding gauges
Siding gauges hold boards
Fiberboard cement siding is heavy and breaks if it's bent too much. Installing this stuff by yourself is tough, but it's possible with the aid of siding gauges. These tools not only create the proper reveal (the part of the siding that shows) between rows but also actually hold the planks in place while you nail. Even if you do just one fiber cement job, siding gauges are worth the money.
Gecko siding gauges
A pair of the SA902 Gecko Gauges shown here costs about $90 (available though our affiliation with amazon.com), but cheaper versions are available. Most gauges are adjustable to accommodate reveals from 5 to 8 in.
Painted vs. Primed
We decided to use a prefinished product in this story, but the other way to go is simple primed siding. That material is primed and ready for you to paint. Here are some facts to consider when making your decision.
The advantages of primed: Primed products cost 50 percent less than prefinished products. On-site painting looks better up close because the touch-up paint and caulked areas aren't as noticeable. Primed products are easier and less expensive to install.
The advantages of prefinished: The color on a prefinished product won't fade nearly as fast. Some finishes come with a 15-year warranty. But the best part of using a prefinished product is that after installation, you're done and not faced with painting an entire house.
Cut fiber cement boards with a circular saw
Dust mask is essential
When you're cutting this stuff, a dust mask is the bare minimum protection, and this is not a casual warning: The silica dust generated by cutting fiber cement can be bad news for your health!
Tons of fiber cement cutting gadgets are available, but most jobs can be handled with just a steady eye and a standard circular saw fitted with a fiber cement blade. If you plan to hang a lot of fiber cement, though, you'll want a chop saw with a proper blade that will allow you to cut several pieces at once.
Vinyl mounting blocks work best
Lights, receptacles and vents
Most fiber cement manufacturers make mounting blocks for lights, electrical receptacles, A/C lines, PVC venting, etc. Jaime prefers to use the vinyl mounting blocks typically used with vinyl siding. They're cheaper and easy to install, and you can cut the proper-size hole in a plastic mounting block with a utility knife or a snips. With fiber cement blocks, you have to use a jigsaw or a hole saw.
MountMaster is one brand of blocks sold at Lowe's and many lumberyards. It's available in more than 25 colors, but you can order paintable blocks if you want an exact match with your siding or trim.
Paint, prime or caulk all cut edges
Every time you cut a plank, you create an exposed surface that has no primer or paint to protect it from the elements. If a cut edge is going to butt up against a corner post or trim board, it gets caulked. If the cut edge is part of a butt joint in the middle of the wall, it needs to be painted (try to use factory edges on all butt joints). Planks that have been cut to fit over windows and doors also need paint. Order paint kits and caulking to match both the trim and the siding colors. Your siding supplier should have access to both.
The Lowdown on Clearances
Fiberboard cement siding is not bulletproof—it will deteriorate if exposed to water for a long time. It's imperative that you honor the proper spacing between the siding and the roof surfaces and between the siding and the horizontal surfaces, such as the ground or cement slabs and decks. Check with your specific manufacturer before you start. Here are some general guidelines.
- 1/8 in. to 1/4 in. between siding and trim
- 1/4 in. between siding and horizontal flashing
- 1 in. between the gutter and an adjacent wall
- 2 in. between siding and roofing, decks, patios, driveways, steps and walkways (using PVC trim boards is a good way to accomplish these clearances)
- 6 in. between the siding and the ground.
Don't skip the kick-out flashing
Kick-out flashing
Kick-out flashing is essential for preventing water from running down a roof and behind the siding on an adjacent wall. You'll fail your inspection if the inspector doesn't see it on your job. It's a pain to work around, but it helps if you don't nail the flashing tight until you have your siding cut to size. It's much easier to get a proper fit for a plank if you can shift the flashing beneath it.
Cutting fiber cement board around openings
Mark the siding to fit around windows
Hold the siding snug under the windowsill and mark the window edge location. Then measure from the chalk line to the top of the siding. Add 1/8 in. to your measurement. This is the width of the cutout.
Install the notched siding under the window
Cut out the notch with your saw and slide the piece into place, leaving a 1/8-in. gap between the siding and windowsill. Caulk this gap later. Predrill and nail at each stud, including under the window.
Notch to go around windows and doors. Be sure to allow a 1/8-in. gap where the siding meets the window trim and sill. This joint will be caulked later. Nail the top edge of the siding along the windowsill at each stud. These nailheads will be exposed, but the paint will cover them.
Notch to go around windows
Photo 8: Mark the siding to fit under windows
Hold the siding snug under the windowsill and mark the window edge location. Then measure from the chalk line to the top of the siding. Add 1/8 in. to your measurement. This is the width of the cutout.
Photo 9: Install the notched siding under the window
Cut out the notch with your saw and slide the piece into place, leaving a 1/8-in. gap between the siding and windowsill. Caulk this gap later. Predrill and nail at each stud, including under the window.
Photo 10: Mark cutouts in the siding
Hold siding in place under wall penetrations such as this electrical box. Mark the width and height of the cutout. Caution: Turn off the power to the receptacle before removing it from the box.
Photo 11: Make the cutout with a jigaw
Drill a 3/8-in. hole at the corner with a standard twist drill bit. Cut along the line with a jigsaw fitted with a carbide grit blade. Then nail up the piece of siding.
Notch to go around windows and doors (Photos 8 and 9). Be sure to allow a 1/8-in. gap where the siding meets the window trim and sill. This joint will be caulked later. Nail the top edge of the siding along the windowsill at each stud. These nailheads will be exposed, but the paint will cover them.
Water intrusion around wall penetrations can be a problem for any type of siding. Lay out and make the cutout for the electrical box (Photos 10 and 11). The electrical box cover is gasketed to seal out water. For pipes, electrical entries and similar fixtures, fit the siding as tightly as possible and then seal with a polyurethane caulk or non-hardening electrician's putty. Rip the top course of siding to width and nail it up (Photo 12). Hold these nails 1 in. below the top edge. Again, these nailheads will be exposed.
Buy the siding already primed. If you prime it yourself, use an alkali resistant primer. Caulk all the joints with an acrylic latex caulk before applying the final coats of paint. Be sure the caulk fills the 1/8-in. joint completely to keep it watertight. Finish-coat with a 100 percent acrylic latex paint.
If you live in a region of high rainfall or the wall is highly exposed to water, slip a 3-in. wide strip of building paper behind butt joints. Be sure the bottom edge of the paper laps on top of the lower course of siding.
Required Tools for this Project
Have the necessary tools for this DIY project lined up before you start—you'll save time and frustration.
- Air compressor
- Air hose
- Caulk gun
- Chalk line
- Circular saw
- Cordless drill
- Drill bit set
- Dust mask
- Hammer
- Jigsaw
- Level
- Safety glasses
- Sawhorses
- Speed square
- Stapler
- Tape measure
Required Materials for this Project
Avoid last-minute shopping trips by having all your materials ready ahead of time. Here's a list.
- 15 gauge stainless steel or galvanized finish nails
- 30 lb. felt
- 6d galvanized nails
- Acrylic caulk
- Drip cap
- Fiber cement siding
- Kick-out flashing
- Paint
- Vinyl mounting blocks


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TechRadar Verdict
As a way not only of upgrading well-loved and still functional disc players, but also of unifying and optimising new digital sources, this takes some beating. The price is high, but still sensible and the overall package highly attractive
- +
Beautifully detailed sound
- +
Particularly good extension at both extremes
- +
The presentation has that lustre that's the true mark of the high end
- -
Smallest amount of softness in the bass
- -
One might perhaps wish for a volume control
Why you can trust TechRadar We spend hours testing every product or service we review, so you can be sure you're buying the best. Find out more about how we test.
Like several of the newer DACs on the market, the Bryston BDA-1 includes a USB socket for connection to a desktop or laptop computer, potentially turning a cheap bit of consumer electronics into a high-end server.
The USB socket is one of eight inputs, catering for all the usual flavours of interconnection except 192kHz sampling rate via dual AES sockets, something we admittedly can't recall seeing in a single domestic installation. And anyway, you can send such ultra-high sampling rates to the BDA-1 down a single cable.
On a piece of upmarket kit like this it's no surprise to find both unbalanced and balanced analogue outputs, but the digital output is a nice bonus, handy if, for instance, you run some sort of digital recorder or a digitally-fed slave system elsewhere in the house.
Upsampling skills
Like many DACs, the Bryston BDA-1 features upsampling of digital sources running at 96kHz or lower sampling rate and it's also possible to switch the upsampling off – of course the second stage of upsampling, within the DAC chips, is still active, but basically the upsampling option is an alternative digital filter.
Those DAC chips, by the way, are a pair of Cirrus CS4398s, as used in all sorts of DACs and CD players, some costing a good deal less than the BDA-1.
This may look like a bit of a cheek at first, but we entirely sympathise with Bryston's decision to use them: as with FM tuners, mass-market integrated circuits do such a good job that exceeding their performance would be a vastly complex and expensive operation.
DCS is a case in point here, its fabulous proprietary DACs starting at around four times the price of the BDA-1.
Top quality build
Instead, Bryston has concentrated on what comes before and after the DAC itself, which means the digital reclocking circuitry and the analogue output.
The former is a double-stage arrangement which is claimed to reduce jitter while locking rapidly to incoming digital streams even when their rate is on the border of what's acceptable, while the latter uses Bryston's own 'discrete Class A op-amp' circuits which have exceptionally low distortion, high slew rate and good cable-driving ability.
Along with the rest of the circuitry, they are assembled using surface-mounted components on the single audio circuit board, which runs the full width of the case, but uses less than half the depth – there's quite a lot a fresh air inside.
Power is taken from a pair of small encapsulated transformers followed by plenty of filtering and regulation. Build quality, as usual for Bryston, is beyond reproach and the sockets in particular are of commendably high quality.
Polished sound
One tends to approach a piece of kit like this with quite high expectations and we were encouraged to find them almost immediately fulfilled.
Having connected up the BDA-1 to the first CD player that came to hand – nothing fancy – we used it first to listen through some newly arrived recordings that had come in for quality monitoring purposes for a record label. That meant that the recordings themselves were unfamiliar, so a highly positive overall reaction boded well for them as well as the Bryston BDA-1.
In fact, we were really most impressed, not only with the general degree of tonal purity and detail exhibited, but also with the unusual degree of what, for want of a better word, we'll call 'polish' on the sound.
That could be taken as a very back-handed compliment, if read in the sense that rough edges have been polished out or otherwise sweetened, but that's certainly not the case here – the recordings in question, being orchestral, have plenty of natural instrumental tone including the bite of bow on string and the rasp of loud brass instruments.
But somehow there seems to be a burnished quality to the sound, which we aren't accustomed to hearing often from recordings, though a good performance in a fine hall can certainly possess it. Details positively shone through, like a landscape in bright sunlight.
Restoring excellence
Curious as to how much of this (very welcome) finding was due to the DAC and how much to the recording, we resorted to a familiar mid-range CD player. Now the recording simply sounds good – it would probably be mean not to say very good, but it was not outstanding in the way we had first heard.
Reverting to the BDA-1 restores the original excellence, so it was no trick of a first impression. Still, this comparison was across nearly a four-to-one price differential, so could an alternative near-£2,000 DAC manage the same result? Not quite, turned out to be the answer. A DCS Elgar did, admittedly and, perhaps, manages a shade tighter bass too, but in this case the four-to-one ratio was the other way and, well, one would hope so!
This turned out to be probably the most marked example of what the Bryston BDA-1 can do, but across a wide range of recordings, both familiar and unfamiliar, it maintains a consistently high standard of resolution and realism, making the music practically leap out of the loudspeakers.
It has admirably even-handed tonal characteristics with particularly fine rendition of voices, maintaining the delicate balance between vowels and consonants without sibilance, chestiness or any of the other all-too-common misdemeanours and it extends effortlessly to the frequency extremes.
Bass has a lovely sense of weight but is still plenty lively, while high treble is open and spacious. Incidentally, it's good to report that these results hold via any of the digital input options, including USB when it is sourced in such a way as to be bit-perfect. Bryston seems to have nailed the problem of jitter very effectively in this unit.
Pricey DAC
There is a legitimate question over the value of any expensive DAC (or CD player, really) when devices such as the Cambridge DacMagic at one-tenth the price can achieve remarkably good results.
It would be ridiculous to claim that the Bryston BDA-1 is ten times as good, but if you are not afraid of the good old Law of Diminishing Returns there is certainly a rewarding step-up in quality from even the best budget units in a fine component like this.
As with so many things in life, the finest and rarest come at a price, but we think the arguments the Bryston BDA-1 makes for itself are exceptionally convincing.


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Masked gunmen in at least five vehicles drove up to the fledgling satellite TV channel Al-Shaabiya in the eastern district of Zayouna around 7 a.m., burst into the offices, executed 11 people, and wounded two others. It was the deadliest single assault on the press in Iraq since the U.S.-led invasion in March 2003. Five of the victims were journalists: Hussein Ali, Abdul-Rahim Nasrallah al-Shimari, Noufel al-Shimari, Thaker al-Shouwili, and Ahmad Sha'ban.
Al-Shaabiya is owned by the National
Justice and Progress Party, headed by Abdul-Rahim Nasrallah al-Shimari,
who was killed in the attack, according to Reuters and CPJ sources. The
small party ran in the preceding election but failed to win any seats.
Al-Shaabiya had not yet gone on the air and had run only test
transmissions. Executive Manager Hassan Kamil told Reuters that the
station had no political agenda and that the staff had been a mix of
Sunnis, Shiites, and Kurds. The station had not been threatened
Kamil said some of the gunmen wore police uniforms, and all were
masked. News reports said the gunmen's cars resembled police vehicles.
A local press freedom group, The Journalistic Freedoms Observatory,
named the dead as Chairman and General Manager Abdul-Rahim Nasrallah
al-Shimari and his bodyguard, Ali Jabber; Deputy General Manager Noufel
al-Shimari; presenters Thaker al-Shouwili and Ahmad Sha'ban;
administrative manager Sami Nasrallah al-Shimari; video mixer Hussein
Ali; and three guards identified by first names only: Maher, Ahmad and
Hassan. The station's generator operator, whose name was not available,
was also killed. A source at Al-Shaabiya confirmed the names.
Program Manager Mushtak al-Ma'mouri and news chief Muhammad Kathem were hospitalized with multiple gunshot wounds.


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Mike Krieger
Whoever expects to be ignorant and free in a state of civilization expects what never was and never will be.
-Thomas Jefferson
Bipartisan usually means that a larger-than-usual deception is being carried out.
-George Carlin
The Seventy Percent
People are going to be pissed off no matter who wins this election and that is a very important social dynamic I believe is vastly under appreciated by the majority of mainstream pundits and analysts out there. This is also very distinct from the environment that prevailed in 2008. Four years ago, the financial markets were crashing and the economic future of America was circling the toilet bowl, yet a majority of Americans embraced the potential of a young, inexperienced biracial politician from Illinois who was saying all of the right things. Despite the gigantic disappointment he has proven to be as President, there is no denying that he had all of the Democrats and most Independents under his spell on this day four years ago.
Fast forward to 2012 and the country isn't "divided" as mainstream media talking heads like to say. The country is pissed off. Genuine and legitimate frustration permeates the land from sea to shining sea and rightly so. Ever since the banker coup of 2008, crony capitalism has been institutionalized as the only real way to make money. If you aren't connected or "too big to fail," sorry but America isn't the place for you. What makes the economic nightmare so much worse is that it is being coupled with a complete and total decimation of civil liberties. One by one the Bill of Rights is being ignored and indeed trampled on systemically by the political and economic oligarchs emboldened by their successful takeover of the executive, legislative and for the most part judicial branches of government. Many Independents disagreed with Obama's economic philosophy but gave him a pass because he promised to end the wars overseas and restore civil liberties. Instead, what we got was a President who signed the NDAA on New Year's Eve 2011, which included section 1021, allowing for the indefinite detention of American citizens without trial until the "end of hostilities." Well, because now know the Orwellian "war on terror" is never-ending, the indefinite detention is forever. The worst part is that Obama claims he didn't want these powers yet when a group of high profile plaintiffs filed a lawsuit against section 1021 and won a ruling deeming it unconstitutional, what was the President's response? He appealed it to death until he found a panel of judges to agree with him. Not only did he want this power, he seems to crave it. Another well deserved Noble Peace Prize.
The above is just one example of many. His kill list, which the Administration now refers to as the "disposition matrix," grows by the day to include people with zero affiliation with Al-Qaeda, and Obama seems to relish in the absolute power of being judge, jury and executioner. Tragically, a President Romney will be no different. He is already on record supporting the NDAA, war without Congressional approval and we heard his complete and total support of Obama's drone strategy during the third and final debate. Sure, people that care about civil liberties will vote for Romney saying that he will at least be better on economic policy, yet that is the exact same thing people did with Obama in reverse. They ended up being disappointed with him and Romney will disappoint as well. These guys are both big government, crony capitalist puppets and that's the bottom line.
Another thing that must be considered is basic math about the U.S. political landscape. According to the latest Gallup poll, 32% of Americans identify themselves as Democrats, 28% as Republican and 38% as Independents. Now of course, amongst the Independents a majority lean more toward one party or the other, but this is much less the case today than it was in 2008 or in any election prior. Furthermore, the mere fact that so many choose to identify in this manner makes it clear that they are unhappy with either of these political gangs. These Independents want legitimate third, fourth or fifth party options but instead end up herded into the mainstream parties by a sophisticated corporate scam, part of which centers around the Commission on Presidential Debates, the gatekeeper of these circuses which ensures no alternative candidates can debate and excludes any difficult or uncomfortable questions.
There was a fantastic article written in the Huffington Post yesterday that examines the rampant frustration within the Republican Party titled: Frightened Republicans Try to Close Down Election Competitors, Such as Gary Johnson. I thought the most powerful quote was:
Both the Republican and the Democratic presidential candidates talk about liberty, freedom, fiscal responsibility, free enterprise, choice and the Constitution. But neither candidate believes in those principles. Elect either Barack Obama or Mitt Romney, and government will be bigger, spending will be higher, regulation will be more intrusive, the military will be fighting more wars, more service personnel will be dying, more money will be wasted abroad, civil liberties of more people will be violated, and more privacy of more citizens will be invaded. Overall, the free society will continue to retreat.
The above is invariably true and brings me to the key point of this article. Should Romney win, the 28% of Americans that identify as Republican will be thrilled, and the remaining 72% will be largely upset and on edge. Should Obama win, similarly, the 32% registered Democrat with be thrilled and the remaining 68% will be upset and on edge. Hence, the 70% referred to in the title of this article. This is a recipe ripe for social unrest and it will be coming to our shores as I outlined recently in The Global Spring.
Personally, I am done with the two part system and will be voting for Gary Johnson. I am not playing their games any longer and I will not fall for any more of their scams. In my brief voting years I have pulled the lever for both Republicans and Democrats, but I do not think I will vote for any one of them ever again. I implore everyone to do the same, no matter who you vote for, vote third party. The only wasted vote I see is one for either Mitt Romney or Barrack Obama.
This article first appeared at Zerohedge.


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If you do a lot of SMD soldering, a reflow oven is the fastest and most efficient way to get all those tiny components attached to your PCB. [Frank Zhao] saw the reflow ovens we featured here over the last few weeks and figured he might as well show off his rig as well. We're certainly glad he did, because his very thorough writeup is a great stepping stone for anyone looking to construct a reflow oven of their own.
Like many others, he started off with a used toaster oven, modifying it to be controlled directly via the power cable rather than the oven's dials. He built a small PCB to regulate the oven, which features an ATmega32u4 and thermocouple to keep the temperature in check. Control of the heating element is done using a solid state relay, for which he built his own heatsink.
He studied the reflow profile of the solder he would be using, programming the microcontroller to regulate the heating/cooling process without requiring any user input, aside from turning the oven on.
Check out the video below to see a brief overview of his system, and be sure to swing by his writeup to take a look at all the build details. There are a handful of additional videos along with plenty of pictures there, walking through each step of the process.


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EDMONTON, Alberta – The Los Angeles Kings are winning game after game — even when they aren't at their best.
Jeff Carter had two goals and an assist as the Los Angeles Kings won their seventh straight with a 4-2 victory over the Edmonton Oilers on Sunday night.
"Tonight wasn't our best game by any means, not even close, but we found a way and just stuck with it," forward Jarret Stoll said. "We didn't really have our legs at some points, but you have to find ways to win. Dirty ways, ugly ways, whatever. That's the biggest thing right now. We are getting timely saves from our goaltenders like we usually get and we are finding goals."
Alec Martinez and Trevor Lewis also scored for the Kings (37-22-6), who are on their longest winning streak since taking nine in a row in 2010.
"It feels good to feel like you are contributing on an individual level, but the most important thing is that we are winning games right now," Martinez said. "This is the crunch time of the year and we have to be playing playoff hockey. It's been good to be getting these two points consistently."
Taylor Hall and Sam Gagner responded for the Oilers, who had a two-game winning streak snapped.
Oilers coach Dallas Eakins said the game wasn't as one-sided as it may have seemed and his team was somewhat the victim of bad luck with two goals going in off of odd deflections.
"I thought our guys were in the battle, they were sticking together, they were playing hard," he said. "There was no standing around watching them play. We made our mistakes and then they had two goals like that. The first one is a heartbreaker, it's not a good way to start. It goes off a guy's foot. That gets you down against a team I consider one of the best in the league."
Los Angeles was all over Edmonton, outshooting the Oilers 50-27. Gagner tried to downplay the stat.
"I thought it was one of those games where we battled against that team and we held our own physically," he said. "We're obviously not happy with the result, but we have to move forward."
The Kings got off to a quick start, scoring on the game's first shot 1:36 into the contest. Carter's shot was going wide, but hit the skate of defenseman Philip Larsen and got past a surprised Ben Scrivens in the Oilers net.
Edmonton tied it 7½ minutes into the opening period as David Perron made a nifty no-look backhand pass to Hall, who made a move before sending a backhander through Kings starter Jonathan Quick's legs. It was Hall's 22nd goal of the season and 60th point.
Los Angeles outshot Edmonton 12-5 in the first period.
Scrivens continued to be tested, making a huge kick save on Marian Gaborik's blast eight minutes into the second period — the Kings' 20th shot of the game.
"He has done it all year, he did it with us too," Quick said of Scrivens. "I think he is just what this team needed here in Edmonton. He consistently gives you a solid effort and a chance to win every night. We put 50 shots on him and they still had a chance at the end there.
Los Angeles took the lead less than a minute later as Martinez's point shot seemed to hit something in front on its way into the Edmonton net.
Carter got another odd goal midway through the second period as Scrivens blocked Anze Kopitar's shot, but the rebound caromed off the back of Carter's leg and in. It was Carter's 24th goal of the season.
The Kings made it 4-1 with four minutes left in the middle frame as Carter fed a pass to a hard-charging Lewis, who fluttered a shot that Scrivens could only wave his glove at. It was just Lewis' third goal in 56 games this season.
It was Edmonton's turn to get a lucky bounce early in the third with the teams playing four aside as Gagner tried to feed Ryan Smyth at the side of the net, but it hit defenseman Drew Doughty in front and went in to make it 4-2. It was Gagner's first goal in 16 games.
NOTES: It was the third of four games this season between the Oilers and Kings. The Kings won the two previous games, both played in Los Angeles. The Kings held a 13-1-4 in their past 18 games against Edmonton. ... The Oilers have had their troubles against Pacific Division opponents, coming in with only four wins against them this season, two of those wins coming against Calgary. ... Scrivens played his first game against his old team since being traded from the Kings to the Oilers in mid-January. ... Remaining out for the Oilers was D Anton Belov (partially torn oblique).


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ProPhase Labs Stock Forecast
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PRPH Forecast. What You Should Know.
PRPH Historical Ratings and Targets
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Rescinded 1985
SSR 74-24: Section 202(d)(8)(D)(ii) (42 U.S.C. 402(d)(8)(D)(ii)—Child's Insurance Benefits—Relationship—Definition of Child
Section 202(d)(8)(D)(ii)(III) of the Social Security Act provides that if a child adopted after an insured individual's entitlement to retirement or disability insurance benefits is the grandchild of the insured individual or his or her spouse, the dependency requirements for entitlement to child's insurance benefits will be satisfied if the child was living with and receiving one-half support from the insured individual for the year immediately prior to the child's application for benefits. Held, the term grandchild as used in that provision was not intended to include a great-grandchild.
A question has been raised as to whether the term "grandchild", as used in section 202(d)(8)(D)(ii) of the Social Security Act, can be interpreted to include a great-grandchild. For the reasons set forth below, it has been held that the term "grandchild" as used in this section of the Act does not include great-grandchild.
Section 240 of P.L. 93-66 (July 9, 1973) amended section 202(d)(8)(D) (ii) by inserting subclause (III) to provide that a "grandchild" of either the wage earner or his or her spouse, who is adopted by the wage earner after the wage earner's entitlement to social security benefits, will be deemed to meet the dependency requirements necessary for entitlement to child's insurance benefits under section 202(d)(1)(C), if the child was living with and receiving one-half support from the wage earner for the year immediately before the month in which the child files his or her application for such benefits.[1]
During the Senate debate on the proposed 1973 Amendments to the Social Security Act, P.L. 93-66, an amendment offered on the floor by Senator Byrd of West Virginia was passed to strike clause (ii) or section 202(d)(S)(D).[2] Clause (ii) was enacted as section 111(a) of P.L. 92-603 (October 30, 1972) and provided that to meet the dependency requirements for entitlement to child's insurance benefits, any child adopted by a wage earner after his other entitlement to social security benefits, must have been living with and receiving one-half support from the wage earner for the year preceding the wage earner's entitlement to such benefits. In conference with the House, a substitute for the Senate amendment was agreed upon and subsequently enacted as section 240 of P.l. 93-66. This substitute amendment was explained to the House as follows:
The third modification in the Senate amendment, relating to the eligibility of adopted children, would also have had a significant cost. The medication contained in the motion is in the nature of a substitute amendment which the Conferees believe will make it possible for benefits to be paid to children who are adopted after a beneficiary is entitled to benefits in the most compelling cases without permitting children to be adopted for the sole purpose of increasing social security payments as the Senate amendment would have done. The proposed change would make it possible for social security beneficiaries to adopt grandchildren without the requirement that the child must have lived with them and been supported by them for a year before they became entitled to benefits but would require that the children have lived with and been supported by them for a year before the child becomes entitled to a social security benefit." See 119 Cong. Rec. H 5719 (June 29, 1973) (remarks of Mr. Mills). See also 119 Cong. Rec.H 5789 (June 30, 1973) (remarks of Mr. Mills).
In the Senate, the following explanation of the conference committee's substitute amendment was given prior to its final passage:
A proposal suggested by Senator Byrd of West Virginia would have eliminated the requirement in present law that an adopted child, in order to be eligible for social security benefits, have lived with his adoptive parents at least 1 year before the parent retired or became disabled. The Senate bill this time included a limited version of this that the conferees had earlier agreed to. Under the provision agreed to by the conferees, a child adopted by his grandparents will be eligible for social security benefits if he has lived with his grandparents—whether or not they are receiving benefits—and if his natural parents are dead or disabled." [3] See 119 Cong. Rec. S 12718 (June 30, 1973) (remarks of Senator Long).
The above legislative history of the statutory provision in question indicates that the amendment, as passed, was to have only limited application. Throughout consideration and discussion of the amendment, the class of children to be affected was consistently and exclusively referred to and described as "grandchildren". There is nothing to indicate that this term was to acquire any meaning other than that in ordinary usage.
The term "grandchild" is defined as the child of one's child and as a descendant of the second degree. A great-grandchild is defined as the child of one's grandchild. Ordinarily, words in a statute should be given their plain and usual meaning, absent a contrary legislative intent. In the absence of evidence of any intention by the Congress to extend the word "grandchild" to include great-grandchildren or more remote descendants held, the word "grandchild" as used in section 202(d)(8)(D)(ii) should not be construed to include a great-grandchild.
[1] The amendment was effective with respect to benefits payable for months after July 1973 on the basis of applications for child's insurance benefits filed in or after July 1973.
[2] See 119 Cong. Rec. S 12169-S 12170 (June 27, 1973) (remarks of Senator Byrd).
[3] The statement that the amendment, as approved in conference, applies only in those cases where the natural parents of an adopted grandchild are dear or disabled is not supported by the language of the amendment, and this requirement has not been considered a condition of entitlement in adoption cases. See, however, section 216(e)(3) of the Act where this requirement is necessary prior to the entitlement of a child as the grandchild of the insured individual or his spouse, rather than as an adopted child.


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Meet Michael Horton
Meet Michael Horton
Michael Horton discusses his coming to the Reformed faith, what the gospel is, and about how the Christian life relates to the good news.
© Westminster Seminary California All rights reserved
Permissions: You are permitted to reproduce and distribute this material in any format provided that you do NOT alter the wording in any way and you do not charge a fee beyond the cost of reproduction. For web posting, a link to this document on our website is preferred.


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ConfidenceSecure transaction network protects your purchase and personal data.
Fast Delivery . . . .All Orders Typically Shipped same day if ordered before 3 PM CST
We are a family owned business based out of Texas with some retail locations by the names of Shoe Expo and Shoe Time in the Houston and Austin area. We have been in the Shoe business for the last 18 years. We work hard to bring you the best quality of fashionable shoes at affordable prices. We stand behind our product.
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$9.99 Flat Shipping via USPS or UPS for first item but when customer adds another Item, the Shipping for the next Item drops Effectively making the total shipping as:
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We accept Master Card, Visa, Discover and American Express. PRIORITY SHIPPING ON MOST ORDERS except international shipping plus discounted rates apply when 2 or more items are purchased. We typically ship out the orders same business day if ordered before 3 PM CST. Confirmation email with tracking Number will be sent so you can track your merchandise.
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Sean Hannity Ignores Facts In Attempt To Resuscitate IRS "Scandal"
Sean Hannity ignored new reports that Republican Rep. Darrell Issa (CA) directed the Treasury Department's inspector general (IG) to "narrowly focus" its audit of the IRS' assessment of tax-exempt status requests to focus on tea party organizations, falsely claiming that "new claims by progressive groups that they were targeted by the IRS are in fact, false."
On the June 26 edition of his Fox News show, host Sean Hannity attempted to resuscitate the dying right-wing media narrative that the improper IRS targeting of groups was directed by the White House in an effort to punish opponents, by citing an IG audit of the IRS which found that some conservative groups received improper scrutiny when seeking tax-exempt status. Hannity dismissed reports that progressive groups had received similar scrutiny and the IG's investigation had been directed by House Republicans, citing the IG report in an attempt -- as he put it -- to "correct the record" saying: "If you've been paying attention to this scandal you know that the inspector general report outlined very clearly the distinct ideological imbalance."
Hannity concluded by asking: "If progressives were unfairly targeted, why didn't anyone say so earlier?"
A June 25 Hill article answered Hannity's question. The Hill reported that a spokesman for the Treasury inspector general for tax administration, J. Russell George, said they were asked by Issa "to narrowly focus on Tea Party organizations":
The inspector general's audit found that groups seeking tax-exempt status with "Tea Party" and "patriots" in their name did receive extra attention from the IRS, with some facing years of delay and inappropriate questions from the agency.
But top congressional Democrats have wielded new information from the IRS this week that liberal groups were also flagged for extra attention on the sorts of "be on the lookout" lists (BOLOs) that also tripped up conservative groups.
The spokesman for the Treasury inspector general noted their audit acknowledged there were other watch lists. But the spokesman added: "We did not review the use, disposition, purpose or content of the other BOLOs. That was outside the scope of our audit."
Prior to this report, Issa had leaked incomplete transcripts that were used by right-wing media to suggest that the IRS' use of improper criteria for determining which groups requesting tax-exempt status required additional scrutiny was directed by officials in Washington D.C., and potentially by White House officials. Other transcripts released later debunked this claim.
Furthermore, as a June 26 Associated Press article reported, progressive groups have claimed that they received scrutiny from the IRS, resulting in long delays in their being granted tax-exempt status. James Salt, a spokesman for the progressive Catholics United went so far as to claim the IRS asked the organization nonsensical, "weird" questions. A June 25 Wall Street Journal article similarly reported delays in tax-exempt status assessment for progressive groups: "Maryann Martindale, executive director of Alliance for a Better Utah, said her "progressive" group has been waiting almost two years for IRS action on an application for tax exemption from one of its entities."
Prior to this revelation, a manager of the Cincinnati IRS office responsible for the assessment of tax-exempt status requests, and self-described "conservative Republican" John Shafer told congressional investigators that neither he nor his office "never discussed any political, personal aspirations whatsoever."
Despite all the evidence to the contrary, during the June 25 Hannity segment Fox News contributor Michelle Malkin went on to accuse the White House of orchestrating the IRS' targeting, saying: "All roads lead to Washington D.C. and all fingers, at some point, will lead straight to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue."


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Capitalist Cure
In 1934, University of Chicago economist Henry C. Simons published a seminal policy pamphlet titled A Positive Program for Laissez Faire. An early leader of the so-called Chicago School of economics, Simons laid out in this short but dense work a series of reforms aimed at rehabilitating a free-market liberal economic order in the United States.
Simons began by noting the grave threats to liberty and democracy posed by the challenges of the Great Depression and the political responses to it. Indeed, A Positive Program was the product of a classical-liberal mind petrified by what could happen in a world in which capitalism and freedom were under siege: "the future of our civilization hangs in balance," Simons wrote.
He fleshed out his argument in two steps. First, he diagnosed the overarching problems afflicting America's economic and political systems. Perhaps surprising for a Chicago economist who influenced Milton Friedman and George Stigler, Simons considered monopoly to be foremost among these afflictions: "the great enemy of democracy is monopoly, in all its forms," he argued, while the "existence of competition … serves to protect the community as a whole and to give an essential flexibility to the economy."
Simons also fingered government as a major part of the problem. He argued that the state failed to meet its responsibilities in the area of money, harmfully interfered with prices, and was ineffective in maintaining market competition. Most radically, Simons thought government was not doing enough to diminish inequality of power and income.
His second step was to offer a reform program with specific "drastic" policy proposals. He called for the "elimination of private monopoly in all its forms" and the preservation of a competitive order through a heavy dose of government power. This included strict limits on corporations and even "direct government ownership and operation of all industries where competition cannot be made to function effectively as an agency of control." Less radically and more like the Chicago School economists who would follow him, Simons also called for banking and tariff reform, as well as rules limiting discretion over monetary policy. Finally, Simons—quite illiberally—advocated restrictions on advertising and the use of progressive taxation and redistribution to reduce inequality.
Fast forward to today, and we see another Chicago economist, Luigi Zingales, confronting another economic crisis and likewise trying to put capitalism back on the right path in his book, A Capitalism for the People. The similarities between Simons and Zingales do not stop there. In fact, Zingales's philippic against the early 21st century's economic and political trends—including growing income inequality—and in favor of competition over monopoly frequently calls to mind the older Chicago tradition that Simons represented in A Positive Program.
Unlike his predecessor's, Zingales's reform measures are far more consistent with the tenets of a free society. In recognizing the danger of bigness—especially big business tied to big government—while hoping to meet the threat with greater respect for markets and freedom, Zingales fuses many of the best parts of the "old" and "new" Chicago Schools.
He begins his positive program with a touching personal expression of what motivated him to join the effort to rescue capitalism and freedom. In short, Zingales did not want the United States to turn into his home country—Italy—with its disabling crony capitalism, something he saw taking root in American finance. So Zingales, a "strong believer in the free-market system, who loves America for what it has always stood for: freedom in the pursuit of happiness," decided to enter the fray.
A Capitalism for the People is divided into two sections. The first identifies and discusses our ailments, especially the "cancer of crony capitalism" and growing inequality. The second part lays out remedies that can fight these problems before they metastasize.
Zingales starts by explaining that Americans have been and remain exceptionally positive towards capitalism—hence his lingering hope for turning things around. That pro-market attitude is partly due to our continuing belief that rewards and responsibilities should be assigned based on merit and that capitalism accomplishes this to a great extent, when functioning properly. However, for Zingales, "the benefits conferred by meritocratic capitalism are neither as great nor as widespread as they once were" and "this change weakens political support for the market system." What is most destructive of pro-market sentiment, according to Zingales, is when people believe the system is "rigged." Enter crony capitalism and the people who thrive off it.
Zingales proceeds to expose the extent to which the American system, especially its financial institutions, has become perverted by cronyism and is less and less cleansed by the forces of competition. He details how the financial system became more concentrated and more politically influential. As businesses in general have grown in power, the result has been a broken system in which corporations and politicians—assisted by well-connected lobbyists—collude to create a "bailout nation" addicted to rent-seeking and averse to real competition.
Of course, the increased size and scope of government spending and regulation only further incentivize businesses and other organized interests to "ask for favors." Academics are not exempt from Zingales's criticism, as he warns that they too can be influenced or pressured by business interests rather than serving as beacons of unbiased truths. These things undermine citizens' trust in both the public and private sectors.
Is there a solution to this collectively suboptimal but often individually rational activity? Zingales thinks the problem can be solved—and without "massive government intervention, which would interfere with economic freedom and suppress growth." His solution relies instead on a counterintuitive combination of populism (American-style, and thus pro-free-market) and the power of competition.
Zingales focuses on education as an antidote to the increasing inequality that accompanies globalization. Unfortunately, as he points out, "perhaps the most destructive cronyism that uses lobbying to extract money from the American people in exchange for a product that doesn't meet their real needs is in the public school system." Sounding a lot like his fellow Chicagoan, Zingales repeats Milton Friedman's argument for publically funded school vouchers as a means to increase equality of opportunity. He adds the twist that there should be "higher-value vouchers for people who start from less privileged conditions" and "match-specific vouchers" to incentivize good schools to "rescue poorer-performing students at risk." To allow individuals to take risks and invest in themselves "when the consequences of failure are very harsh," Zingales also supports a safety net of forgiving bankruptcy laws, unemployment insurance, and job retraining.
Zingales wants to reinvent antitrust, with regulators focusing not just on the economic advantages of mergers but the political consequences that arise from large corporate combinations. Where the political results would likely be "welfare-reducing," Zingales would have the government prevent such mergers or limit the lobbying those corporations can engage in. As he admits, "This would be a radical departure from the status quo"—indeed, one reminiscent of Simons's anti-monopoly program. Further steps he recommends to revive a competitive market include better balancing our patent and copyright regime, empowering shareholders in corporate governance (even by quotas), and enacting progressive taxation on corporate lobbying.
He supports a number of other critical institutional reforms to the tax and finance system: simplifying corporate taxes, ending expiring tax provisions, applying legal rules to the government (which creates them in the first place), instituting a reward system for whistleblowers, and increasing data transparency through disclosure requirements. Financial regulation, he says, should be parceled out to three agencies, each responsible for meeting only one key goal: price stability, protection against fraud and abuse, and system stability. Zingales disapproves of using the tax system for "massive" redistribution of wealth and income. Instead, he favors Pigouvian taxes (which "correct distorted incentives"), such as levies on lobbying or on potentially destabilizing short-term debt.
With all of these reforms, Zingales desires simple rules rather than complex ones that invite chicanery—thus, despite the economic arguments against separation of commercial and investment banking, he favors such simple designs as Glass-Steagall.
Unlike many economists, Zingales looks beyond institutions: he also wants to use ethical and social norms to promote positive economic and political change—for example, to buttress the beneficial effects of a lobbying tax through the development of taboos against "unacceptable" lobbying. He advocates using the power of public shaming to promote self-regulation. In this way, "opportunistic actions that are detrimental to society at large" will be less incentive-compatible. He calls on business schools to teach and reward good behavior among their students and alumni. Where these efforts fail to contain voracious corporate lobbying efforts, he proposes using the proceeds from the lobbying tax to support, in effect, the lobbying activities of "diffused interests."
A Capitalism for the People follows right in the footsteps of A Positive Program. Both highlight the danger bigness and monopoly pose to our political system, not just to economic efficiency. Simons declared early in his work that "political liberty can survive only within an effectively competitive system" since "If the organized economic groups were left to exercise their monopoly powers without political restraint, the result would be a usurpation of sovereignty by these groups—and, perhaps, a domination of the state by them." Likewise, Zingales argues, "In a socialist economy, the political system controls business; in a crony capitalist system of this kind, business controls the political process. The difference is slim: either way, competition is absent and freedom shrinks."
Both economists think intellectuals have a special role to play in preserving a liberal order. Simons notes that "The precious measure of political and economic freedom which has been won through centuries may soon be lost irreparably; and it falls properly to economists, as custodians of the great liberal tradition out of which their discipline arose, to point the escape from the chaos of political and economic thought which warns of what impends." Similarly, Zingales holds that business schools should be "churches of the meritocratic creed" and "frown on behavior that we recognize as detrimental to the long-term survival of the free-market system."
As for solutions, both favor government "establishing and maintaining effectively competitive conditions in all industries where competition can function as a regulative agency," as Simons argued. And the two economists share a similar sensibility on anti-trust and monopoly.
Zingales tries to recapture the high ground for capitalism by highlighting competition as the best remedy for the problems identified by the Tea Party and Occupy movements. He argues that the market—assisted by government enforcement of simple rules—is the best means to deliver the public from the anti-competitive clutches of an alliance of big government, big business, big lobbyists. This argument is made more compelling by Zingales's restatement of Simons's fear of bigness in all realms and his similar concern for inequality. This will likely make his book better received in many quarters that are unhappy with the rise of crony capitalism and the continuing scourge of rent-seeking but that are usually less friendly to markets.
A key feature of the book is Zingales's reminder that being pro-market is different from being pro-business. Unfortunately, too many Republicans and conservatives fail to appreciate this distinction, with the result that they unwittingly assist the erosion of public support for capitalism and pro-market politicians.
What's more, Zingales nicely explains how some policies that are not efficient from a strict economic standpoint may nonetheless be good because of their political consequences. For example, measures reducing the power and concentration of large firms, especially in finance, may not make the most economic sense. Yet they may be optimal for non-economic reasons. It is refreshing to see an economist who appreciates that narrow economic efficiency should not be the only or most important criterion of public policy.
Lastly, Zingales hits a winning note by stressing the role of culture, norms, and ideas—rather than just institutional reform—in social and political change. Although his discussion of these factors reads a bit awkwardly and at times seems incomplete compared to his other proposals, Zingales should be praised for bringing these concepts on stage and encouraging us to think more about them. In fact, the book ends by stressing the importance of "a rediscovery and renewal of the moral foundation of capitalism.
Despite all of these commendable features, Zingales's book is not without some blemishes. In particular, there are some rather strange policy proposals in the midst of so many well-constructed ones. For example, Zingales's argument that there should be a progressive tax on corporate lobbying is fine and good. That the proceeds of this tax should be redistributed "to support the arguments of the more diffused interests" is, however, hard to imagine working in practice. Moreover, isn't Zingales asking for the wolves to pass laws that benefit the sheep?
Zingales's reform program would certainly make the U.S. a more just and prosperous society. Yet he does not convincingly demonstrate that his ideas will put a dramatic dent in inequality. A meritocratic, globalized, efficient economy is going to yield substantial returns to those with high human capital while leaving behind—justly or otherwise—those without the talents, education, or work ethic required to succeed in such an intensely competitive realm. If Zingales is correct that Americans will largely support a system that produces inequality as long as they perceive that the economic rewards are distributed according to merit, then his program might be enough to head off any social instability. But his program will do little to keep those who think that the only fair system is one that more vigorously distributes wealth from occupying Wall Street and trying to enforce such a system in the halls of power.
Those qualms aside, Zingales offers a refreshing and improved program for saving capitalism that harkens back to two older Chicago traditions. And hopefully it will stimulate as much discussion as they did.
William Ruger is the author of Milton Friedman.