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Burkina Faso
Burkina Faso is a parliamentary republic. President Blaise Compaore continued to dominate the Government of the Fourth Republic, assisted by members of his party, the Congress for Democracy and Progress (CDP), despite gains made by the opposition in the 2002 legislative elections. In 1998, President Compaore was reelected to a second 7-year term with 88 percent of the vote. International observers considered the 2002 legislative elections to have been substantially free and fair, although a collective of 14 local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) cited voter list irregularities and cases of fraud. The judiciary was subject to executive influence and corruption.
The security apparatus consists of the armed forces and the gendarmerie, which are controlled by the Ministry of Defense; the national police, controlled by the Ministry of Security; and the municipal police, controlled by the Ministry of Territorial Administration. The Presidential Guard is an autonomous security force, although technically it is subject to the jurisdiction of the armed forces and part of the army. The civilian authorities maintained effective control of the security forces. Some members of the security forces committed serious human rights abuses.
The economy was market-based; an estimated 85 percent of the population of approximately 12.2 million engaged in subsistence agriculture. A locust outbreak in August severely damaged the grain harvest in the northern provinces. Frequent drought, limited communication and transportation infrastructures, and a 77 percent illiteracy rate were longstanding problems. The Government's antipoverty strategy to open the economy to market forces while shifting resources to the education and health sectors continued during the year. Gross national product per capita was $375.
The Government's human rights record remained poor; although there were some improvements in a few areas, serious problems remained. The continued dominance of President Compaore and his ruling party limited citizens' right to change their government. Security forces were responsible for some killings of criminal suspects; however, there were fewer reports of such killings than in previous years. Security forces continued to torture and abuse detainees, although there were fewer such cases than in previous years. Prison conditions remained harsh. Arbitrary arrest and detention were problems, and authorities on occasion did not provide detainees with due process. Impunity remained a problem. Unlike in the previous year, authorities did not restrict the media; however, at times, journalists practiced self-censorship. Police used violence to disperse meetings and demonstrations. Violence and discrimination against women, including female genital mutilation (FGM); violence against children; child labor; and child trafficking continued to be problems. The Government continued to take steps to combat FGM, child labor, and trafficking in persons. Social discrimination against persons with disabilities was widespread. Mobs killed or beat criminal suspects during the year.
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life
There were no politically motivated killings by the Government or its agents; however, security forces were responsible for the deaths of criminal suspects and detainees, although fewer than in the previous year.
On February 1, Badolo Wango was tortured and died in Koudougou prison, Boulkiemde Province, after an unsuccessful escape attempt. Four of the prison guards accused in his death were removed from their post, arrested, and jailed; however, the four were subsequently released on bail, and no further action had been taken by year's end.
On April 4, the Burkinabe Movement for Human Rights (MBDHP) reported that security forces were responsible for the deaths of two unidentified criminal suspects whose bodies had been found near the road to Tougouri, Sanmatenga Province; the victims apparently had been shot to death. The MBDHP, the country's largest human rights organization and a vocal critic of the Government, demanded an investigation; however, no action had been taken by year's end.
On July 25, Pitroipa Yemdaogo died after being detained for approximately 6 months at the House of Arrest and Correction of Ouagadougous; Yemdaogo was arrested in Ghana on February 25 for suspected involvement in the killing of three policemen in Zaogho, Kouritenga Province, and subsequently repatriated. Authorities had given no official reason for Yemdaogo's death by year's end; however, some human rights NGOs suspected his death was the result of abuse.
No action was taken during the year against security forces believed to be responsible for the 2003 executions of 6 men in Godin, Boulkiemde Province and 12 men in Fada N'Gourma or in the 2003 killings of 18 criminal suspects or of 4 persons who died under suspicious circumstances following incarceration or contact with security forces.
There were no developments in any of the 2002 cases of killings by security forces.
On June 22, a trial was conducted in the 1999 killing by police in Banfora, Camoe Province, of Mamadou Kone, who was shot after striking two policemen during an escape attempt. Dabila Ouattara, one of the policemen accused in the case, was acquitted; however, the court ordered the Government to pay Kone's family approximately $176,000 (100.3 million CFA francs) in compensation.
Societal violence resulted in deaths during the year. On April 30, conflict between the residents of Sigle county seat and Tiemnore village, Boulkiemde Province, resulted in the death of Urbain Sibnoaga Gansore from Sigle. Police subsequently charged and detained Arsene Kabore of Tiemnore with the killing. In revenge for the killing of Gansore, residents of Sigle looted the police station and beat Kabore to death. Police arrested and detained 10 persons, who subsequently were released on bail and awaiting trial at year's end.
On June 29 and 30, a land use conflict between Gourmantches farmers and Fulani herders from the village of Balere resulted in the deaths of 10 Fulani cattle herders; approximately 15 farmers from the Gourmantche and Zaosse ethnic groups were arrested, and an investigation was ongoing at year's end. Farmers have traditionally accused herders of destroying scarce farmland.
On November 30 and December 1, in Po county seat, another land use conflict between Kassena farmers of the Gourunsi ethnic group and Fulani herders resulted in the death of a Fulani herder, the injuring of another, the displacement of hundreds of Fulanis, and the destruction of Fulani houses and property. Police arrested 15 Kassena farmers, who were awaiting trial at year's end.
There were no results in the investigation of the November 2003 killing of Assami Tonde, who reportedly had trespassed on sacred ground prior to a traditional ceremony; Tonde was allegedly beaten to death by the retainers of the Naaba Kiiba of Yatenga, a traditional chieftain. There were no further developments.
b. Disappearance
There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment
The law prohibits such practices; however, members of the security forces continued to abuse persons, and suspects were frequently subjected to beatings and threats and sometimes torture to extract confessions. Abuse by security forces resulted in deaths (see Section 1.a.).
The Government took no known disciplinary action against those responsible for abuses, and the climate of impunity created by the Government's failure to prosecute abusers remained the largest obstacle to ending abuses.
On June 6, police arrested, stripped naked, and beat with rubber batons 11 residents of Yako, Passore Province for allegedly instigating riots and assaulting a detainee in the Yako jail; the 11 were subsequently released on bail. No action had been taken against the police by year's end.
Police beat persons during demonstrations (see Section 2.b.).
There were no developments in the 2002 case in which soldiers beat police and civilians in the town of Kaya.
Prison conditions were harsh and could be life threatening. The federal prison in Bobo-Dioulasso, built in 1947, housed approximately 900 prisoners, although it was designed to hold less than half that number. The prison diet was poor, and inmates often relied on supplemental food from relatives. There were separate facilities for men, women, children, and high-profile persons; however, these facilities typically were crowded, common rooms rather than individual cells. Pretrial detainees usually were not held separately from convicted prisoners.
Prison visits were granted at the discretion of prison authorities; however, permission generally was granted, and advance permission was not required. Prison observers visited prisons during the year.
Numerous human rights organizations and the International Committee of the Red Cross were permitted to visit the 16 detainees accused of participating in an alleged coup plot in October 2003 (see Section 1.e.).
d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention
The Constitution prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention; however, the Government did not observe these prohibitions in practice.
The national police, under the Ministry of Security, and the municipal police, under the Ministry of Territorial Administration, are responsible for public security; gendarmes reporting to the Ministry of Defense also are responsible for some aspects of public security. Corruption was widespread, particularly among lower levels of the police. A Committee Against Corruption continued to address corrupt practices within the police.
The Constitution provides for the right to expeditious arraignment and access to legal counsel after a detainee has been charged before a judge; however, authorities did not ensure due process. The law limits detention for investigative purposes without charge to a maximum of 72 hours, renewable for a single 48-hour period; however, police rarely observed these provisions in practice. The average time of detention without charge was 1 week, and the law allows judges to impose an unlimited number of 6-month preventive detention periods. Defendants without access to legal counsel were often detained for weeks or months before appearing before a magistrate. In some cases, prisoners were held without charge or trial for longer periods than the maximum sentence they would have received if convicted of the alleged offense. There was a pretrial release system; however, it was unknown how often it was used.
On September 28, police detained opposition leader Herman Yameogo and his cousin and political aide Noel Yameogo upon their arrival at Ouagadougou airport from a trip to several neighboring countries. The Government, which accused the men of providing Mauritania, Cote d'Ivoire, Guinea, and the NGO Reporters Without Borders with false information, subsequently released Herman Yameogo after confiscating his diplomatic passport and threatening to remove his parliamentary immunity. On October 7, the State Prosecutor indicted Noel Yameogo for treason and for being "a threat to state safety"; he remained in detention awaiting trial at year's end. On December 2, the day before Yameogo challenged the passport confiscation in court, the Government returned his passport.
Police arbitrarily arrested a journalist and detained demonstrators during the year (see Sections 2.a. and 2.b.).
On April 6, 13 of the 17 military and civilian persons detained in connection with the October 2003 coup plot went on trial (see Section 1.e.).
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, the judiciary was subject to executive influence in practice. The President has extensive appointment and other judicial powers. The Constitution stipulates that the Head of State also is the President of the Superior Council of the Magistrature, which can nominate and remove high-level magistrates and examine the performance of individual magistrates.
Systemic weaknesses in the justice system included the removability of judges, outdated legal codes, an insufficient number of courts, a lack of financial and human resources, and excessive legal costs.
There are four operational higher courts: The Supreme Court of Appeal; the Council of State; the Audit Court and Office; and the Constitutional Council. Beneath these higher courts are 2 courts of appeal and 18 provincial courts. There also is a High Court of Justice with jurisdiction to try the president and senior government officials for treason and other serious crimes. On September 8, the National Assembly passed a bill that established a tribunal to try persons under 18 who are charged with felonies or misdemeanors as children rather than adults. The military court system, which tried only military cases, was subject to executive influence.
The Constitution provides for the right to public trial, access to counsel, a presumption of innocence, and has provisions for bail and appeal. While these rights were generally respected, the ability of citizens to obtain a fair trial remained restricted by their ignorance of the law and by a continuing shortage of magistrates.
On April 6, 13 of the 17 military and civilian persons detained in connection with the October 2003 coup plot went on trial: 4 were convicted and sentenced to between 5 and 10 years' imprisonment; 3 received suspended sentences of between 12 months and 2 years; and the remaining 6 were acquitted. Several of the defendants retracted their confessions during the trial, alleging that they had been beaten and coerced into signing the statements. The MBDHP and other human rights groups that visited the defendants during pretrial detention reported that the defendants had been well treated.
In addition to the formal judiciary, customary or traditional courts presided over by village chiefs handled many neighborhood and village problems, such as divorce and inheritance disputes. Citizens generally respected these decisions, but also could take a case to a formal court.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or
The Constitution prohibits such actions, and the Government generally respected these prohibitions in practice. However, in national security cases, a law permits surveillance, searches, and monitoring of telephones and private correspondence without a warrant. By law and under normal circumstances, homes may be searched only with the authority of a warrant issued by the Attorney General.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
The Constitution and the law provide for freedom of speech and of the press; however, the Government at times restricted these rights and intimidated journalists into practicing self censorship. The President and his Government remained sensitive to criticism. Journalists charged with libel may defend themselves in court by presenting evidence in support of their allegations. The independent press, particularly the written press, continued to exercise greater freedom of expression. The Government did not restrict academic freedom.
The official media, including the daily newspaper Sidwaya, and the national radio and television, displayed progovernment bias. The independent press included three daily and approximately a dozen weekly newspapers; some newspapers appeared only occasionally. There were numerous independent radio stations and three television stations. Some of these media outlets were critical of the Government. Foreign radio stations broadcast without government interference.
All media were under the administrative and technical supervision of the Ministry of Information. The audiovisual media were regulated further by the Superior Council of Information, which was under the Presidential office and had limited independence.
There are regulations for private and independent radio and television. Radio stations were held responsible if their call-in programs threatened the public order or the rights of any third party.
Presse Dimanche, a popular television talk show cancelled in November 2003 allegedly at the behest of the Minister of Information, did not resume broadcasting during the year.
Despite some self-censorship, independent newspapers and radio stations often criticized the Government, reported allegations of corruption and mismanagement by authorities, and accused the Government of human rights violations. The independent media also reported the opposition's and human rights associations' criticism of the Government's failure to investigate and prosecute human rights violations.
On November 5, police arrested journalist and opposition activist Mathieu N'Do upon his arrival from a reporting mission in Cote d'Ivoire. N'Do, who was detained for questioning for 6 days at the riot police headquarters, was accused of having had close contact with the President of Cote d'Ivoire; however, no charges were filed upon his release.
The Government did not restrict access to the Internet.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
The Constitution provides for freedom of assembly; however, the Government at times restricted this right in practice.
Political parties and labor unions were allowed to hold meetings and rallies without requesting government permission. However, the law also requires that authorities be notified in advance of planned demonstrations and allows the authorities to invoke the need to preserve public order to forbid demonstrations. Penalties for violation of the advance notification requirement include 2 to 5 years' imprisonment. Permits must be obtained from municipal authorities for political marches, and authorities may alter or deny requests on grounds of public safety. Denials or modifications may be appealed before the courts.
On February 12, police surrounded a group of merchants who had gathered to discuss government plans to relocate them from Central Ouagadougou Market, which had burned down in a fire, to an area outside of Ouagadougou, where business was not as profitable. The police fired directly into the crowd with shotguns and teargas and also beat individuals with rubber batons. An estimated 10 persons were injured, including a man whose foot had to be amputated after being hit with buckshot. On February 13, merchants and unemployed youth responded by blocking roads, burning vehicles and buses, and attacking foreign businesses and property; police again used shotguns and teargas to disperse demonstrators. A total of 75 persons were arrested and subsequently released. In justifying police action, the mayor of Ouagadougou claimed that he had not authorized the merchants' gathering. No action had been taken against police by year's end.
On May 1, Konde Hakani Elizabeth, the mayor of Dedougou city, Mouhoun Province, restricted a union's peaceful march around the city. The mayor claimed that she had not received any request for a permit to march; however, the union claimed to have sent the request on April 28.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and the Government generally respected this right in practice. Political parties and labor unions were permitted to organize without seeking government permission.
c. Freedom of Religion
The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the Government generally respected this right in practice.
The Government required that religious groups register with the Ministry of Territorial Administration. There were no penalties for failure to register. All groups were given equal access to licenses, and the Government approved registrations in a routine fashion.
For a more detailed discussion, see the 2004 International Religious Freedom Report.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign
Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation
The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government generally respected them in practice. Gendarmes and police agents routinely stopped travelers for identity checks and to levy road taxes. Customs agents stopped travelers for customs checks. During the year, the Government confiscated the passport of a political leader (see Section 1.d.).
The law prohibits forced exile, and the Government did not use it.
The law provides for the granting of asylum or refugee status in accordance with the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 Protocol, and the Government has established a system for providing protection to refugees. In practice, the Government provided protection against refoulement, the return of persons to a country where they faced persecution, and granted refugee or asylum status. The Government cooperated with the office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees and asylum seekers. The Government also provided temporary protection to individuals who may not qualify as refugees under the 1951 Convention/1967 Protocol. There were 465 persons with refugee status and 549 persons who had requested refugee status residing in the country. Most were nationals of Cote d'Ivoire, Rwanda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the Republic of the Congo; others were from Chad and Liberia. Almost all the refugees and applicants lived in Ouagadougou.
During the year, the governmental National Refugee Committee and UNHCR continued their efforts to respond to the needs of refugees. Some refugees asked the UNHCR to send them to third countries; these requests were still being evaluated at year's end.
Despite increased violence in Cote d'Ivoire, there were fewer voluntary repatriations of Burkinabe nationals from Cote d'Ivoire than in previous years. Burkinabe returnees reported physical abuse, harassment, and extortion from Ivoirian police officials.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens
to Change Their Government
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government peacefully through multiparty elections; however, in practice citizens were unable to exercise this right fully due to the continued dominance of the President and his ruling party. In the 1998 presidential election, President Compaore won 88 percent of the vote; 56 percent of the eligible voters went to the polls. The two candidates who opposed the President provided only token opposition and reportedly were persuaded by the Government to run for the presidency to help create the appearance of a contested election. National observers identified a number of systemic weaknesses in the electoral code that precluded a totally regular and transparent vote, and a coalition representing a number of opposition parties boycotted the election. Nevertheless, neither of the two candidates opposing President Compaore contested the results.
The Compaore Government included a strong presidency, a Prime Minister, a cabinet presided over by the President, a one-chamber (formerly two-chamber) National Assembly, and the judiciary. The legislature was independent, but it remained susceptible to influence from the executive branch. The cabinet includes four members from small opposition parties who generally support the ruling party; however, the major opposition bloc, the Group of 14 February (G-14), refused to participate.
In 2001, the Constitution was amended to provide that the presidential term of office be 5 years, renewable once, starting in 2005. The provision was not retroactive, and the National Assembly has determined that this provision will not be applied retroactively to President Compaore. Previously, the Constitution allowed the President to run for an unlimited number of terms.
The government-funded Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) has full responsibility for managing its budget and is the only organization responsible for monitoring elections and referendums. Five representatives of opposition parties, including the G-14 coalition, served on the CENI, in addition to five representatives of progovernment parties (including the CDP) and five representatives of civil society.
In 2002, the Government held parliamentary elections. For the first time in the country's history, multiple political parties, including opposition parties, participated in the elections. The ruling CDP won 57 out of the 111 parliamentary seats. The opposition parties unified to compete in the elections and won 54 seats. Domestic observers characterized the elections as generally free and fair. Independent observers characterized CENI's conduct during the elections as generally fair.
Following the May 2002 legislative elections, the Government was reorganized, and the 2000 protocol, which ceded one-third of cabinet posts to the opposition and which the Prime Minister and opposition had signed, was voided by the ruling party. Of the 31 cabinet members, there were 4 ministers from parties other than the ruling CDP. All but one of the country's mayors were CDP members, most appointed provincial officials were members of the CDP, and most traditional chiefs also were members of the CDP.
CDP membership conferred advantages, particularly for businessmen and traders in competition for open bidding contracts.
On April 27, the National Assembly adopted a controversial bill to revise the electoral code through redistricting and other measures. The CDP claimed the law would correct imbalances in the previous system; however, opposition parties, which boycotted the April 27 session, charged that the bill was designed to rescind reforms that facilitated large opposition gains in the May 2002 legislative elections. Most observers believed the changes would favor larger and more organized parties.
During the year, the Government continued efforts to curb official corruption, which was a serious problem. In January, the High Authority to Fight Against Corruption issued a report that cited numerous instances of corruption in government and civil society. However, there were no prosecutions of corrupt officials during the year.
There were no laws that provided for public access to government information; however, government ministries generally released non-sensitive documents.
There were 12 women in the 111-seat National Assembly, 3 women in the 31-member Cabinet, and 4 women in the Supreme Court. The Cabinet included 17 minority members; the National Assembly included 61 minority representatives.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and
Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups generally operated without government restriction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government officials were somewhat cooperative and responsive to their views.
The Government permitted international human rights groups to visit and operate in the country. The MBDHP was affiliated with the Inter-African Human Rights Union.
The Government failed to honor repeated requests for information from the African Union about alleged human rights abuses that occurred between 1983 and 1997. The Government did not prosecute the perpetrators of these offenses; however, in 2002, it established a $9 million fund to compensate families of the victims of political violence. By year's end, the Government had distributed more than $7 million (approximately 3.99 billion CFA francs) of the fund.
On August 22, a U.N. Independent Commission of Inquiry arrived in the country to investigate human rights violations in Cote d'Ivoire. The 5-member team also met with some of the more than 350,000 citizens of the country who have returned from Cote d'Ivoire since September 2002; many claimed to have been mistreated.
The National Commission on Human Rights serves as a permanent framework for dialogue on human rights concerns. Commission members included representatives of human rights NGOs, union representatives, government officials, and representatives from professional associations. The MBDHP, which did not participate on the Commission, has charged that the Commission was established to undermine human rights organizations that criticized the Government; however, there were no clear indications of such interference.
During the year, the Government took several steps to advance human rights. On June 4, the Ministry for the Promotion of Human Rights, which was established in 2002, opened an information center in Bobo-Dioulasso, the second biggest city of the country. From June 17 to 18, the Ministry held a training seminar for the 34 members of the Commission on human rights principles and the roles of the U.N. and regional NGOs in protecting human rights. On August 16, the Commission held a conference on preventing deaths in detention in Bobo-Dioulasso.
Section 5 Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, ethnic origin, gender, disability, and social status; however, the Government was unable to enforce this prohibition effectively. Discrimination against women and persons with disabilities remained a problem. Various ethnic groups were represented in the inner circles of the Government, and government decisions did not favor one group over another.
Domestic violence against women, especially wife beating, occurred frequently. No law specifically protects women from domestic violence, and cases of wife beating usually were handled through customary law and practice. There were no statistics on rape, although it was recognized as a crime. Spousal rape was not discussed. There were organizations that counseled rape victims, including Catholic and Protestant missions, the Association of Women Jurists in Burkina, the MBDHP, the Association of Women, and Promofemmes--a regional network that works to combat violence against women. The Government has attempted to change attitudes toward women, using education through the media.
FGM was practiced widely, especially in many rural areas, and usually was performed at an early age. Up to 70 percent of girls and women have undergone this procedure; however, the Government has demonstrated its commitment to eradicate FGM through education, and the National Committee for the Fight Against Excision reported that the incidence of excision has decreased by approximately 40 percent since 1990. FGM is a crime, with strict punishments for those involved in its practice. Perpetrators were subject to imprisonment of 6 months to 3 years and a significant fine.
During the year, the Government arrested and prosecuted several women who performed FGM. On January 21, police arrested Yiere Mamou Berte for practicing FGM on 41 young girls in Sefina village, Kenedougou Province; Berte was in prison awaiting trial at year's end. On February 4, Mariam Kone was given a 12-month suspended sentence for practicing FGM on eight young girls in Banwa Province. On August 16, police arrested a woman in Ouagadougou for circumcising 12 girls ranging in age from 2 to 12; the arrest received widespread media coverage because of the public outcry that the practice still occurred in metropolitan areas.
The law does not specifically prohibit prostitution; however, pimping and soliciting are illegal.
Scarification of the faces of both boys and girls of certain ethnic groups was gradually disappearing.
There were occasional reports of trafficking in women (see Section 5, Trafficking).
The Penal Code explicitly prohibits sexual harassment; however, such harassment was common.
The law prohibits forced marriage, with specific penalties under the Penal Code for violators. Polygyny was permitted, but both parties must agree to it prior to a marriage, and the woman maintained the power to oppose further marriages by her husband if she could provide evidence that he abandoned her and her children. Either spouse could petition for divorce; custody of children was granted to either parent based on the children's best interests.
Although the law provides equal property rights for women and some inheritance benefits depending on other family relationships, in practice, customary law prohibits women from the right to own property, particularly real estate. In rural areas, land belonged to the family of the man whom a woman married. Women still did much of the subsistence farming work. Customary law does not recognize inheritance rights for women and regards the woman as property that can be inherited upon her husband's death.
There were no specific constitutional provisions or laws protecting women, who faced extensive discrimination. In general, women continued to occupy a subordinate position and experienced discrimination in such areas as education, jobs, property, and family rights. Overall, women represented 45 percent of the workforce. In the modern sector, women comprised one-fourth of the government workforce, although usually they were found in lower paying positions. The Ministry of Women's Promotion actively promoted women's rights during the year; the Minister was a woman. The Government also established income generating activities for women during the year, including the production of fabric, shea butter, and soap.
Several NGOs were active in promoting women's rights, including Women in Law and Development in Africa, Association of Female Judges, Association of Elected Women of Burkina Faso, Women's Coalition of Burkina Faso, and Kebayina Association of Women of Burkina Faso.
The Constitution nominally protects children's rights. The Government demonstrated its commitment to improve the condition of children by continuing efforts, in cooperation with donors, to revitalize primary health care by focusing on care for nursing mothers and infants; vaccination campaigns for measles, meningitis, and other illnesses; and health education.
The Government allotted approximately 25 percent of the national budget to education, and the law provides for free compulsory education; however, the Government lacked the means to provide universal, free primary education. If a child qualified on the basis of grades and social condition (that is, the family was "poor"), tuition-free education could continue through junior high and high school. Children still were responsible for paying for school supplies, and many parents could not afford to lose a child's labor in the fields or at other remunerative jobs; as a result, overall school enrollment was approximately 52 percent (46 percent for girls). The Government has taken steps to promote primary education for girls through encouragement of donor scholarships, school feeding programs, and information campaigns to change societal attitudes toward educating girls. Girls made up slightly more than one-third of the total student population in the primary school system. Schools in rural areas had even lower percentages of female students than schools in urban areas, and illiteracy for girls in the rural areas ran as high as 95 percent. The rate of male literacy was approximately 32 percent, and female literacy was 15 percent.
The law prohibits the abuse of children under 15 years old and provides for the punishment of abusers. On March 3, the tribunal of Koudougou, Boulkiemde Province, sentenced Pauline Ouoba and her husband Saidou Pandamba to 6 months' imprisonment and 12 months' suspended sentence, respectively, for severely beating their 12-year-old adopted child.
FGM was performed commonly on young girls (see Section 5, Women).
Trafficking of children was a problem (see Section 5, Trafficking).
Trafficking in Persons
The Constitution specifically prohibits slavery, inhumane treatment, and mistreatment of children and adults, and the Penal Code prohibits kidnapping, violence, and mistreatment of children; however, the country was a source, transit, and destination country for internationally trafficked persons, including children. In May 2003, the National Assembly adopted an anti-trafficking law that punishes child traffickers with 1 to 10 years' imprisonment and fines of $525 (299,250 CFA francs) to $2,600 (1.5 million CFA francs); however, the law had not been implemented by year's end. The sexual exploitation of children was a problem.
During the year, 25 child traffickers were arrested: At year's end, 16 had been sentenced to prison; 3 were being tried; and 6 were in detention awaiting trial.
The Ministry of Social Affairs and the Directorate of Labor Health and Security, Child Labor, and Trafficking Division of the Ministry of Labor implement and enforce child labor laws and regulations; however, the Government had limited resources to combat trafficking in women and children.
The country was an occasional source for women who traveled to Europe to work as domestics, but subsequently were exploited sexually. The country was a transit point for trafficked children, notably from Mali, who often were trafficked to Cote d'Ivoire. Malian children also were trafficked into the country. Destinations for trafficked children of the country included Mali, Cote d'Ivoire, Ghana, and Nigeria.
Trafficked children were subject to violence, sexual abuse, forced prostitution, and deprivation of food, shelter, schooling, and medical care. Organized child trafficking networks existed throughout the country. One study identified eight networks in Ouagadougou and seven in Bobo-Dioulasso. Child trafficking networks cooperated with regional smuggling rings.
In January, the Directorate for the Protection of Infants and Adolescents published a report based on interviews with the 1,710 trafficked children whom security forces had intercepted from 2000-03: 45 percent were between the ages of 12 and 15, and 80 percent had never gone to school. The report estimated that 175,000 children between the ages of 6 and 17 worked and lived apart from their families, including 95,000 who worked abroad.
In the past, some children voluntarily traveled to Cote d'Ivoire to work as agricultural laborers to escape poverty at home. In other cases, children were lured to plantation work in Cote d'Ivoire by false promises of generous remuneration, only to be forced to work under very harsh conditions for little or no payment. Some children were forced to work long hours without pay, allegedly to repay the cost of their transport to Cote d'Ivoire and of the food and housing on the plantation.
However, according to Lutrena, a local NGO that collaborated with both the International Program for Elimination of Child Labor (IPEC) and the International Labor Organization (ILO) to fight against child trafficking, the flow children going to Cote d'Ivoire for work purposes declined significantly following the September 2002 military rebellion there. Many of these working children reportedly headed for Mali either to work in rice plantations or study in Islamic schools or for coastal countries like Benin. According to the Ministry of Social Action and National Solidarity, security forces and regional trafficking surveillance committees intercepted 644 trafficked children in 2003.
The Government worked with international donors and the ILO to address child trafficking, in part by organizing seminars against child trafficking for customs officers. During the year, security services and civil society groups organized similar workshops and seminars. The Government also established watch committees in certain provinces in which child trafficking and labor were problems. The watch committees included representatives of industries usually implicated in child labor (cotton growers, for example), the police, NGOs, and social welfare agencies. An IPEC program to prevent child trafficking for work purposes on cotton plantations continued during the year.
Persons with Disabilities
There was no legislation to protect persons with disabilities from discrimination, and advocates reported that such persons often faced social and economical discrimination. There was no government mandate or legislation concerning accessibility for persons with disabilities. Programs to aid persons with disabilities were limited. Persons with disabilities who were willing and able to work frequently found it difficult to find employment, including in government service, because of deeply entrenched societal attitudes that persons with disabilities should be under the care of their family and should not enter the workforce.
Other Societal Abuses or Discrimination
Societal discrimination against homosexuals and persons with HIV/AIDS was a problem.
Section 6 Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association
The law provides workers, including civil servants, the right of association, and workers exercised this right. Essential workers, such as police, could not join unions. Approximately 85 percent of the workforce was engaged in subsistence agriculture. Of the remainder, approximately 50 percent of private sector employees and 60 percent of public sector employees were union members.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
Unions have the right to bargain directly with employers and industry associations for wages and other benefits, and there was extensive collective bargaining in the modern wage sector; however, it encompassed only a small percentage of workers. There are no export processing zones.
The Constitution provides for the right to strike, and workers exercised this right in practice. Legal strikes occurred during the year, including a 3-day strike by health workers for better pay and working conditions. In May 2003, all the major trade union federations and autonomous unions called a strike, in part to protest the privatization of parastatal organizations; none of their demands were met, and some public institutions and private enterprises were closed.
During the year, the mayor of Dedougou city restricted a union march (see Section 2.b.).
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor
The law prohibits forced or compulsory labor, including by children; however, there were reports that children were employed for domestic labor outside their own families without any status or formal remuneration and that young girls were procured for domestic labor (see Sections 5 and 6.d.). Trafficking of women and girls was a problem (see Section 5).
d. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment
The Labor Code sets the minimum age for employment at 14 years; however, child labor was a problem. In the domestic and agricultural sectors, the law permits children under the age of 14 to perform limited activities for up to 4½ hours per day; however, many children under the age of 14 years worked longer hours. According to a pamphlet published by the Ministry of Labor in 2000, more than 50 percent of children worked, largely as domestic servants or in the agricultural or mining sectors, where working conditions were harsh. Children commonly worked with their parents in rural areas or in family-owned small businesses in villages and cities. Most children actually began working at an earlier age on small, family subsistence farms, in the traditional apprenticeship system, and in the informal sector. There were no reports of children under the age of 14 employed in either state or large private companies.
The Ministry of Employment, Labor, and Youth, which oversees labor standards, lacked the means to enforce work safety and age limit legislation adequately, even in the small business sector.
The Government organized workshops during the year, and in cooperation with donors, has undertaken many sensitization programs to inform children and parents of the dangers of sending children away from home to work.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
The Labor Code mandates a minimum monthly wage of approximately $40 (22,800 CFA francs) in the formal sector; the wage did not apply to subsistence agriculture. The minimum wage did not provide a decent standard of living for an urban worker and family. Wage earners usually supplemented their income through reliance on the extended family, subsistence agriculture, or trading in the informal sector. The Labor Code also mandates a standard workweek of 40 hours for nondomestic workers and a 60-hour workweek for household workers, and establishes safety and health provisions.
A system of government inspections under the Ministry of Employment, Labor, and Youth and the labor tribunals was responsible for overseeing occupational health and safety standards in the small industrial and commercial sectors, but these standards did not apply in the subsistence agricultural sector. The Government paid social security benefits on a sliding scale according to an employee's length of service and pay, up to a ceiling established by presidential decree in January 2003 of $1,051 per month (599,070 CFA francs). The Government's Labor Inspector Corps did not have sufficient resources to fulfill its duties adequately. Every company was required to have a work safety committee. If the Government's Labor Inspection Office declared a workplace unsafe for any reason, workers had the right to remove themselves from the dangerous work without jeopardy to continued employment. There were indications that this right was respected in practice; however, such declarations by the Labor Inspection Office were relatively rare.


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subset: commoncrawl


text: Artist: Lil' Kim f/ Swizz Beatz & Mashonda Album: La Bella Mafia Song: This is Who I Am Typed by: firstname.lastname@example.com [Intro] Swizz Beatz (Where Brooklyn at? Where Brooklyn at?) I introduce to you (Where Brooklyn at? Where Brooklyn at?) The Queen Bee (Where Brooklyn at? Where Brooklyn at?) She hold the crown in this game (Where Brooklyn at? Where Brooklyn at?) Ladies and Gentleman... [Verse 1: Lil' Kim] It's the worlds famous, Lil' Kim, Queen Bee I am who I am, you just can't change me No matter what you do, you can't take the hood out me People been around me for years, don't know shit about me Dedicated, like Muslims makin' selat People steady try to make me into somethin' I'm not That's why I had to cut the grass, so I could see the snakes Copped the house on the hill so I could see the lakes What you thought? I'm a girl, couldn't make it alone Time to turn the heat up and get back in the zone One day my hairs orange, the next day it's green The trendsetter's back on your TV screen [Chorus: Mashonda] This is who I am (This is who I am) This is what I be (This is what I be) People runnin' 'round (People runnin' 'round) Tryna change me (Tryna change me) Oh, no, no, no, no (Oh, no, no, no, no) No, no, no (No, no, no) Oh, no, no, no, no (Oh, no, no, no, no) No, no, no (No, no, no) [Verse 2: Lil' Kim] About five feet even, kinda small in the waist Rap's sex symbol, real pretty in the face So what I got even bigger titties than the lakes Still a sophisticated lady with millions in the safe Switch up flows like I switch up my clothes More than Wilt Chamberlain switched up his hoes I'm a profectionist, gotta stay on my toes Anything goes when you play with the pro's I got everybody rappin' about jewelry and cars Lil' Kim give you a platinum sixteen bars I'm the real thing, ya'll kareokee stars This is who I am [Chorus] [Verse 3: Lil' Kim] I'd rather be dead and rich than broke and livin' Without rap, I probably woulda been sellin' dope in prison With some Vera Wang khakis and Nolteychucks Suckin' the warden's dick in the back of the bus But God made me what I am today So I say things ya'll afraid to say Just 'cause you got a head start that don't make you strongest He who burns last, burns the longest Fuck what they say about me Fact is I'm the legacy of B.I.G. The Queen of New York, let's get this straight I'm about to be elected mayor of 718 [Chorus 2x] [Outro during Chorus Swizz Beatz] If you in the club You are listening to the sounds Of the *scratch* Queen Bee baby Ride the bar, Queen Bee baby Mashonda on the hook I go by the name of... the Monster Swizz Beatz You are listening to the Queen Bee Bee baby


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Create a Website Account - Manage notification subscriptions, save form progress and more.
An average of 100 U.S. firefighters die annually in the line of duty. 45% to 50% of these deaths are due to cardiac related events that are triggered by heat stress associated with fire suppression and the utilization of chemical protective suits. The heat stress impacting firefighters causes massive dehydration, substantially elevated core body temperatures, reductions in cardiac output and changes in the body's electrolytes and chemical processes.
The detrimental effects of heat stress can be minimized through on-scene rehabilitation that focuses on core body temperature cooling, rehydration, medical monitoring, rest and calorie replacement.
In an effort to assist the Fire Department, the Hanover Park Citizen's Emergency Response Team (CERT) agreed to begin providing on-scene firefighter rehabilitation. CERT members underwent an intensive 24-hour University of Illinois Fire Service Institute training program focused on:
CERT members who completed the training will staff a Fire Department Rehab Vehicle and respond to major incidents to assist the department. CERT members completing the training will also have a better understanding of the fire ground, how to interact with firefighters, and practical methods of rehabilitation.


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Atlanta, Georgia (CNN) -- A clue to why Jesse James cheated on Sandra Bullock may be found in a new study that says men are more likely to cheat on women who earn more money than them.
Men who are completely economically dependent on their female partners are five times more likely to cheat than men in relationships with women who earned similar amounts, according to the the study's author, Christin Munsch, a sociology Ph.D. candidate at Cornell University.
Women making more money than men may threaten the male's traditional view of being the breadwinner, says Munsch.
Bullock earned an estimated $56 million last year, making her the top-earning actress in Hollywood, Forbes magazine reported.
Munsch explained there are several variables that may cause a man to cheat on a female partner who makes more money.
"For example, it may be that men who make less money than their partners are more unhappy and cheat because they are unhappy, not necessarily because they make less money," Munsch said.
But tipping the financial scales too far in the other direction doesn't make men more likely to be faithful.
A man who makes significantly more money than his girlfriend or wife is also more likely to cheat because the job or position he works may require long work hours and travel. Those factors could create an easier environment for cheating, the study suggests.
However, dependence on men does apparently make women more likely to be faithful.
The study found that women who depended on their male partners for money were half as likely to cheat as women who made the same amount as their male partner.
"For women, making less money than a male partner is not threatening, it is the status quo," Munsch said. "More importantly, economically dependent women may encounter fewer opportunities to cheat, and they may make a calculated decision that cheating just isn't worth it. If they get caught, their livelihood is at risk."
So what financial situation would make men more likely to be faithful?
Men in relationships with women who made about 75 percent of the men's income were the least likely to cheat, said the study, which was released at the American Sociological Association's 105th annual meeting in Atlanta, Georgia.
The study, "The Effect of Relative Income Disparity on Infidelity for Men and Women," examined married and cohabitating people between the ages of 18 and 28, who were in the relationship for more than a year. The study uses data from the 2002 through 2007 waves of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth.
Munsch points out that in the overall study, very few couples surveyed had experienced cheating during the six-year period studied. Only an average of 3.8 percent of male partners and 1.4 percent of female partners cheated during that period.


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I am Emergent and I Don't Fit the Stereotype
by Julie CLawson
"A truth that I've repeatedly been reminded of this past year is the utter inappropriateness of basing one's identity on the belittling of others. What it means to be a man of integrity cannot be defined through the mocking of Asian culture. What it means to be a Real Man cannot be defined through the debasement of women. And what it means to be a real 21st Century Christian cannot be defined through the dismissal of the entire Western church ..."
This Is What the Emerging Church Looks Like?
by Jarrod McKenna
"How would you react if someone called you an "evangelical"? How about if they called you part of "the emerging church"? Does "evangelicalism" make you think of a history of compassionate activism or reactionary fundamentalism? Does "emerging church" bring up for you connotations of fresh creativity or sloppy theology? With the new cover article for Sojourners, blogs are hot with discussion of the emerging church (again). Some of which is helpful, asking important question that help us more fully embody the Gospel we profess. Others posts reminds me (to paraphrase Zizek) that fundamentalism in its last death throes will always be the most fierce ..."
Why Outsider Critiques are Important for Emergent
by Soong-Chan Rah
"A wise man once told me, "Sometimes the best show of support is to raise a challenge." I was also once told that you argue with your cousins, you don't argue with strangers. I am not "emergent." It doesn't really fit with my experience. I don't necessarily mesh with the culture of emergent. I don't fit it theologically. I actually like being an evangelical (theologically at least). I say this to confess that I write as an outsider/observer of emergent rather than one who knows the movement inside and out. At the same time, my outsider status does not mean that I have nothing to say about emergent or that I am not allowed to offer a valid critique ..."
The Emerging Church Brand: The Good, the Bad, and the Messy
by Shane Claiborne
"First, I want to say I do not want to discourage those who have found renewed hope in Jesus and the Church through 'emerging church' conversations and circles. And I am fully aware that there are all sorts of 'emerging church' conversations happening, especially overseas, and some promising new signs of hope such as the indigenous (First Nation) youth movement that embraces the language of 'emergence.' There are lovely things happening inside and outside of the great 'emergence' ..."
Looking Beyond the U.S. for Emerging Church Trends
by Becky Garrison
"In response to my buddies Shane and Jarrod's reflections on the global emerging church culture, I thought I'd repost some reflections I wrote about the UK/U.S. Anglican emerging church scene for the Fall '09 issue of Yale's Reflections Magazine. When I reported on the HipHopEMass services transpiring in the Bronx, I was introduced to the work of Jonny Baker, one of the leaders of Grace, a Christian alternative worship community in London. One of the first things I noticed when I first visited Grace and many other UK emerging services in 2007 was the absence of a pulpit or altar as the centerpiece. These leaders tend to see themselves as facilitators or curators who work in the background, similar to a DJ, rather than placing themselves front and center. The ethos of the service is influenced by all of the community members rather than shaped by a charismatic leader. Participants bring in the technologies and media of their everyday lives — TV, video, iPods, computers, face-to-face conversations. These tools are employed not to create cool worship but rather to connect participants with each other, using those particular pieces that speak to them ..."
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House committee rejects Democratic sequester replacement
Rep. Chris Van Hollen's failed proposal contained a mix of spending cuts and revenue increases.
The House Rules Committee has rejected a Democratic measure that would have replaced the automatic, across-the-board spending cuts scheduled to take effect on March 1.
Rep. Chris Van Hollen, D-Md., offered an amendment to H.R. 444, the so-called Require a Plan Act, which directs President Obama to submit a balanced budget plan to Congress this spring. Van Hollen's measure would have eliminated the 2013 sequester and replaced it with a "balanced approach to deficit reduction," according to the text of the amendment. The committee, which held a hearing Monday evening on H.R. 444, did not rule the amendment in order, thereby denying it consideration on the floor.
"Once again, House Republicans have made clear they are more interested in budget gimmicks than budget solutions," Van Hollen said in a statement. "Washington Republicans have created a series of fiscal crises, but refuse to allow a vote on the House floor on the Democrats' balanced approach to replace the sequester's meat-ax style spending cuts."
House GOP leaders have criticized Obama for failing to submit a balanced budget or a satisfactory framework for achieving long-term deficit reduction. "There is no excuse for having missed the mark four times in the past five years," said House Majority Leader Eric Cantor, R-Va., on Monday. "Even the budget he eventually submitted last year never achieved balance. We need to get spending under control."
Van Hollen's amendment offered a mix of spending cuts and revenue increases to reduce the deficit. It increased taxes on high-income earners, ended some tax breaks to oil and gas companies and eliminated direct payment programs to farmers. Van Hollen unsuccessfully tried to tack on a similar amendment last fall to a House bill that
The Require a Plan Act obliges Obama to submit a supplemental budget by April 1 if his fiscal 2014 budget blueprint does not include a plan to balance the government's books. The administration on Monday missed the annual deadline to submit its budget recommendation for the upcoming fiscal year, citing uncertainty over the fiscal cliff and sequestration as reasons for the delay. The administration's proposal is expected sometime in March, though it's not clear when exactly.


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Citing concern over the killing of Trayvon Martin in central Florida, Attorney General Eric Holder said stand-your-ground laws, which allow a person who believes they are in danger to use deadly force, should be reassessed.
Former neighborhood watch volunteer George Zimmerman was acquitted over the weekend of second-degree murder and manslaughter charges in the 17-year-old's death last year in Sanford, Fla. Holder said the Justice Department has an open investigation into the case.
"Separate and apart from the case that has drawn the nation's attention, it's time to question laws that senselessly expand the concept of self-defense and sow dangerous conflict in our neighborhoods," Holder said Tuesday.
The country must take a hard look at laws that contribute to "more violence than they prevent," Holder said during a speech before an NAACP convention in Orlando, about 20 miles from the courthouse where Zimmerman was cleared of the charges three days earlier. Such laws "try to fix something that was never broken," he said.
Martin's shooting shined a light on Florida's stand-your-ground and similar laws around the nation. Most say a person has no duty to retreat if they are attacked in a place they have a right to be and can meet force with force if they fear death or great bodily harm.
Sanford's police chief at the time — since replaced — had cited the law as his reason for not initially arresting Zimmerman in February 2012. Zimmerman told police Martin was beating him up during the confrontation and he feared he would be killed.
Though stand-your-ground was never raised during trial, Judge Debra Nelson included a provision about the law in the instructions that allowed jurors to consider it as a legitimate defense.
"But we must examine laws that take this further by eliminating the common-sense and age-old requirement that people who feel threatened have a duty to retreat, outside their home, if they can do so safely," Holder said.
The defense skipped a chance to ask that Zimmerman have a stand-your-ground hearing before trial. If the judge had decided there was enough evidence that Zimmerman acted in self-defense, she could have tossed out the case before a jury heard it.
"Stand-your-ground laws license vigilantism and we should all worry about that," said Benjamin Jealous, the NAACP's president and CEO, after Holder's speech.
Holder on Tuesday only briefly touched on a possible federal civil rights case being brought against Zimmerman. And legal experts say such a case would be a difficult challenge.
Prosecutors would have to prove Zimmerman was motivated by racial animosity to kill Martin. The teen was on his way back to his father's fiancee's house after going to a store when the neighborhood watch volunteer saw him and followed him in the community of 50,000, which is about one-third black.
Civil rights leader Al Sharpton, who has been one of the most vocal champions of a federal investigation, acknowledged Tuesday there are possible legal hurdles. Still, he said "there is also a blatant civil rights question of does Trayvon Martin and the Trayvon Martins of this country have the civil right to go home."
Saturday's acquittal has inspired "Justice For Trayvon" protests around the nation. Most have been peaceful, although vandalism and violence happened in Los Angeles.
Dozens of protesters carrying signs demanding justice for Martin crammed into the lobby of Florida Gov. Rick Scott's office Tuesday and refused to leave until the governor either met with them or called lawmakers back to Tallahassee to address issues like the state's stand-your-ground law. Many planned to spend the night in the Capitol building.
Despite the challenges of bringing a federal civil rights case, some NAACP members said they wanted swift action.
Tony Hickerson, an NAACP member from Seattle, said he would be disappointed if he doesn't see the Justice Department take action within a month.
"I heard what he (Holder) said, and I don't question his sincerity, but I'd like to see swift action in this case, and I haven't seen that yet," said Hickerson. "His words were eloquent but I need to see some action before I get enthusiastic."
Added Hickerson, "This is a very obvious case. How much thinking do you have to do?"
In his comments referencing the Zimmerman case, Holder offered a story from his own personal experience — describing how when he was a young black man, his father had told him how to interact with the police, what to say and how to conduct himself if he was ever stopped or confronted in a way he thought was unwarranted.
"I'm sure my father felt certain — at the time — that my parents' generation would be the last that had to worry about such things for their children," Holder told the NAACP convention. "Trayvon's death last spring caused me to sit down to have a conversation with my own 15-year-old son, like my dad did with me. This was a father-son tradition I hoped would not need to be handed down."


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Wedding Photography
Joe Buissink
Wedding Photography
Joe Buissink
Joe's Story22:02 2
Beginning Photographer Q&A25:51 3
The Pitch Part 132:03 4
The Pitch Part 21:02:34 5
Joe's Gear Bag21:59 6
Shoot: Bride Getting Ready39:19 7
Student Shoot: Students Practice P Mode42:31
End of Day Q&A20:09 9
Storytime11:31 10
Shoot: First Look36:52 11
Student Shoot: Exterior Bridal Party20:03 12
Shoot: The Ceremony18:18 13
Student Shoot: The Ceremony27:15 14
Ceremony Q&A14:50 15
General Wedding Q&A10:00 16
Shoot: Formal Portraits23:08 17
Shoot: Group Portraits22:35 18
Student Shoot: Group Portraits15:20 19
Shoot: First Dance and Reception14:12 20
Student Shoot: Reception15:10 21
End of Day Q&A17:04 22
Image Review and Discussion14:59 23
General Q&A46:06 24
Copyright27:51 25
Leann Rimes Phone Interview36:27 26
Angela Proffitt Skype Interview18:11 27
Contracts25:13 28
Contracts Q&A27:07 29
Packages and Pricing26:44 30
Final Thoughts17:26 31
BONUS: Stop Overthinking17:22
Class Description
Joe Buissink is coming to creativeLIVE! Joe will show you his award-winning photojournalistic approach to weddings. He'll teach you how to find your own style and bring your own personality out in your images, because the most important thing about photography is who YOU are! Your clients want you for your passion, and Joe will help to bring out the artist in you. Joe will also get into the technical aspects of his business, talking about how he designs his contracts, packages, and prices, and why he designs them that way. Joe is an internationally sought-after wedding photographer who has shot weddings for celebrities including Jennifer Lopez, Jessica Simpson & Nick Lachey, Christina Aguilera, Katharine McPhee, and others, and now on creativeLIVE he'll share the passion, knowledge and skill that makes him such a success!
Class Materials
Ratings and Reviews
Carlos Zaldivar
Joe, This is a amazing course so much information. I am a wedding photographer that loves your ways. Your self and Dennis Reggie are my favorite photographers. This course is the best. Thank you for sharing all of your great information. God bless you for being such a great person hope some day to meet you so that I can thank you for everything. I look up to you every day and have also read your book wedding photography from the heart. Your a great inspiration to me which makes me love being a wedding photographer from the heart. Thanks again for everything you share. Carlos Zaldivar, New Jersey Carlos Zaldivar Photographers- www.carlos-zaldivar.com
a Creativelive Student
I feel like this course with Joe Buissink is a basket of gems. Several times already I have been tearing up, because Joe is validating each one of us, as artists and professionals. Being ourselves, selling the experience, and knowing what we offer artistically IS enough. Of course we have to do the work, know our craft, and have good business sense...But what has been the most valueable to me is the sense of joy that happens when Joe says something that I have felt myself, him sharing so much with us makes reaching our goals real, because he has been there.... when he said he pitched in Dunkin Donuts and still made it an experience..I cried, I have done that myself. (And booked the client:) I remember wishing I had a studio at the time, but now I think..one day I will! To hear him say he tears up at clients weddings...I do that, and felt so silly, but now I feel proud! This is a morale boost...a shot of joy in my arm. Thank you Joe Buissink for offering up your help and advise and for being so willing to share yourself with us. You are inspiring so many...and Thank you CreativeLIVE!! To anyone who is not sure if they want to purchase this workshop...DO IT!!! It is a gem.
I always feel so grateful to have Creative Live in my life, which, in turn, has given me the opportunity to have this wonderful source of information, Joe is one of them, he made find myself as a person when it comes to dealing with yourself and with the client, he vibrates in every thing that he does, every step from beginning to the end, that is the essence, put your passion in everything you do, we love what we do, It was so touching when he said that he tears up with moments of their clients in their weddings, I do too and I thought it was wrong, show our sensitivity it only proves us that we are human, and we can break barriers created by wrong schemas letting us be who we really are and then we can be free to feel and create, and do what we like to do, thanks JOE, thank you also for all the technical information, is PRICELESS. Your course it was my Birthday present that I give to myself, and I have not regret, thank you.


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No. 11 Virginia Dominates Second Half, Earns 14-7 Victory at George Mason
Story Links
FAIRFAX, Va. – The No. 11 Virginia women's lacrosse team used 12 second-half goals to erase an even 2-2 halftime score and earn a 14-7 victory over in-state rival George Mason Wednesday night. With the win, the Cavaliers move to 5-0 against teams from Virginia this year and 9-5 overall. The loss drops the Patriots to 3-10 this season.
Junior Josie Owen led Virginia with a career-high five scores, while classmate Julie Gardner tacked on three goals and one assist. Freshman Dana Boyle had two scores for the Cavaliers, while sophomores Annie Thomas and Caroline McTiernan, in addition to freshmen Christie Donovan and Katie Slater, each had one goal. Senior Ainsley Baker and junior Charlie Finnigan rounded out the scoring with an assist each.
For George Mason, Emily Ellisen, Allie Hilderbrandt and Madalyn Jamison all had two goals, while Mary Schwartz had the other.
George Mason opened the scoring in the game with a goal less than three minutes into play. Just over 15 minutes later, Owen stuck a free position shot in the top corner and then fired a second-consecutive shot into the back of the net – assisted by Finnigan – 16 seconds later to give Virginia a 2-1 advantage.
A second score by the Patriots at the 5:50 mark gave the two teams an even 2-2 score heading into halftime. The score marked the lowest scoring output in a half for Virginia this year.
The Cavaliers broke the stalemate within the first minute of the second half and never looked back. Gardner scored first at 29:39, before Thomas tacked on an 8-meter goal 24 seconds later to give Virginia a 4-2 advantage.
Another Patriot score kept George Mason within one, but Virginia rattled off six-unanswered goals to earn a 12-4 advantage with 7:23 to play. McTiernan started the run with a score at 17:35, before Gardner sandwiched goals around one from Boyle. Donovan then notched the first collegiate score of her career at 8:58 and Owen capped off the run with her fifth goal of the day at 7:23.
George Mason halted the streak at 5:43, before Boyle recorded her second goal of the night to push UVa ahead, 13-5. Slater rounded out the scoring for Virginia with her first collegiate goal 30 seconds later.
The Patriots notched the last two goals of the game to bring the final score to 14-7.
Sophomore Megan Dunleavy led the defense with five ground balls, while senior All-American Liz Downs recorded three caused turnovers. Senior Marghi Walters, in addition to freshmen Lauren Goerz and Meghan Helm each won two draw controls.
In goal, sophomore Kim Kolarik stopped six shots while only allowing five.
Up next, Virginia will head to the 2011 Atlantic Coast Conference Championships in Cary, N.C. First round games are set for Thursday, April 21, with the semifinals taking place on Friday, April 22. The championship game is scheduled for Sunday, April 24 at 1 p.m.
Seeding for the championship will be announced at approximately 4 p.m., on Saturday, April 16.


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2013 F1 driver rankings by the world's media
- This topic has 33 replies, 23 voices, and was last updated 9 years, 9 months ago by Girts.
- AuthorPosts
- 25th November 2013, 17:58 at 5:58 pm #133974Keith CollantineKeymaster
With the season at an end the driver rankings articles from different media are already starting to make an appearance. Let's see how the different publications rate the drivers. First up is this one from The Guardian with some interesting choices:
Paul Weaver, The Guardian
1. Sebastian Vettel
2. Romain Grosjean
3. Nico Hulkenberg
4. Nico Rosberg
5. Valtteri Bottas
6. Kimi Raikkonen
7. Jules Bianchi
8. Daniel Ricciardo
9. Lewis Hamilton
10. Mark Webber
The rest of their rankings are via this link:
The F1 Fanatic driver rankings will appear later in December, I'm not going to give away much yet but don't expect to see Chilton in front of Alonso…
If you've spotted any other do post a top ten and links below.25th November 2013, 18:01 at 6:01 pm #245830andae23Participant
Chilton ahead of Alonso… Grosjean, the man who crashed three times in Monaco, second… I can't take that one seriously.25th November 2013, 18:02 at 6:02 pm #245831Bradley DowntonParticipant
Bottas fifth… Bianchi seventh?! Both ahead of Ricciardo, Hamilton and Webber?!
Exactly what was this guy watching all season?25th November 2013, 18:04 at 6:04 pm #245832JamieFranklinF1Participant
I'm sorry, but in what world is Max Chilton better than the guy who finished runner up in the Championship this year? Don't get me wrong, Chilton seems like a nice guy, and even though Alonso hasn't been fantastic this year, he's still been far stronger than Chilton…
Same goes for di Resta being better than Button. I just don't…
I definitely cannot take this list seriously, it's absolutely ludicrous.25th November 2013, 18:06 at 6:06 pm #245833matt90Participant
Although I could see possibly see Rosberg higher than Hamilton, I'm not sure I'd have him that high- for me Hamilton was definitely better in the first half of the season, and although Rosberg was better in the second half with a few great performances I think 4th is too much.
EDIT: Also, his justification for being Rosberg being high was terrible, just saying he was ranked high due to being better than Hamilton. And the 'facts' he uses to prove that were having more wins and often qualifying ahead- of course one win was inherited and Hamilton out-qualified Rosberg even more often.25th November 2013, 18:08 at 6:08 pm #245834AnonymousInactive
Questionable, to say the least. No way in hell Alonso was that bad, even if his performance was way below last year's. In fact, mediocre qualifyings (he got plenty of those) aside, he was quite good.
Regardless of how good Grosjean was the second half, he still got destroyed by Raikkonen, even with two races less.
While I could understand (though not necessarily agree with) Rosberg being ahead of Hamilton, no way in hell they were that far away.
I could go on, but this all seems too wrong. It almost looks like an attempt to get hits.25th November 2013, 18:14 at 6:14 pm #245835MichaelParticipant
Not sure how Grosjean could be on top of Raikonnen.
Not sure how Webber could be so low except in comparison to Vettel.
Where's Alonso? A score 8 from LDM is like a 6 in the old figure skating scoring system:-)
If you ask Hamliton himself, he would put himself there but the truth is that McLaren has nearly collapsed after Hamilton's departure and Mercedes has become a powerhouse. A lot of that must come from Lewis. From an on-track performance, I would put him in P6 but from a team perspective, I think he deserves to be 2nd or 3rd on that list. Other Vettel and maybe Bianchi (did he clinch P10 for Marussia?), no one brought more to their team than Hamilton did this year.25th November 2013, 18:25 at 6:25 pm #245837Juan Pablo HeidfeldParticipant
Probably trying to create discussion.
Which he will! What an awful list. Grosjean was fantastic second half of the season but the fact he still finished 50 points off with two more races shows his very poor first half. And then there's the Chilton position….. oh dear25th November 2013, 20:11 at 8:11 pm #245844NickParticipant
I've heard of 'you're only as good as your last race', but this guy takes it to a whole new level. Haven't seen too much of these lists today, kind of surprised.25th November 2013, 20:33 at 8:33 pm #245846bull melloParticipant
Blindfolded, drivers names picked out of a hat…25th November 2013, 22:54 at 10:54 pm #245850TommyBParticipant
Like most F1 journalists they suffer from short memory syndrome. "Oh Grosjean has had a good last three races, let's put him second." Despite him having a terrible start to the season and almost getting fired in Monaco.25th November 2013, 23:00 at 11:00 pm #245851Magnificent GeoffreyParticipant
Yeah, that Guardian list is ridiculous.
Everyone knows Chilton deserves to be much higher up than that. The guy's practically a shoe-in for BBC Sports Personality of the Year.25th November 2013, 23:18 at 11:18 pm #245852HairsParticipant
blatant clickbait on the part of the guardian there. Or alternatively, the job was handed to a researcher who spent half an hour reading autosport and gave up when their free monthly views ran out.
Worst of all, it's written like an article in ok magazine. Still, the guardian isn't known for its f1 coverage so I doubt the editor cares.25th November 2013, 23:24 at 11:24 pm #245853Fer no.65Participant
Seems too influenced by the last couple of races, but even so, I don't see how Ricciardo can be ahead of Hamilton, how Bottas can be ahead of Kimi, how Alonso isn't even in the top ten…
All in all, the worst season ranking I've ever seen.26th November 2013, 0:05 at 12:05 am #245854mnmracerParticipant
Fun trivia on Chilton: despite being the only driver to finish every race this season, he still completed fewer laps than Vettel, Button and Perez.
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President Obama is set to name Jeffrey Zients as the director of the National Economic Council, one of the top economic policy roles in the White House, a senior administration official confirmed to CNN.
Zients would replace Gene Sperling, who has held the post since January 2011 and also held it during the final years of the Clinton administration.
Larry Summers, who is under consideration to be the next chairman of the Federal Reserve, filled the post during the first two years of the Obama administration.
The NEC director, along with the chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors, are the top economists in the White House. Current chairman Jason Furman is the fourth person to hold that post under Obama.
Zients had previously served in the Obama administration. He was acting director of the Office of Management and Budget and the first federal Chief Performance Officer.
Most recently, Zients was a managing partner of Portfolio Logic, an investment firm focusing primarily on business and health care services companies. He began his career in business management consulting at Bain & Company and Mercer Management Consulting.


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Pratt & Whitney, a United Technologies Corp. company, has been awarded the 2014 Frost & Sullivan Manufacturing Leadership Award (ML Award) in the Engineering and Production Technology Leadership category for its Next Generation Robotics Automation Manufacturing team. Pratt & Whitney received the honor last night at the Manufacturing Leadership Summit in Palm Beach, Florida.
Lynn Gambill, center, chief engineer, Manufacturing Engineering & Global Services accepts an award on behalf of Pratt & Whitney for Engineering and Production Technology Leadership at the 2014 Frost & Sullivan Manufacturing Leadership Awards Gala.
The Next Generation Robotics Automation team is a multi-discipline and cross functional group with employees at sites in East Hartford, Connecticut; Middletown, Connecticut; North Berwick, Maine; and West Palm Beach, Florida. The team consists of manufacturing engineers, operations professionals and assemblers.
With the goals of continually improving productivity and quality, the specialized team introduced robotic systems into Pratt & Whitney's production processes. The processes enable automated coating for military and commercial engine parts, automated removal of coating overspray and occlusions on engine parts, and precision shaping of blade and vane edges on multiple engine lines.
"We are always looking for smart, inventive ways to produce high-quality products and deliver services at a fraction of the current costs to our customers," said Lynn Gambill, chief engineer, Manufacturing Engineering & Global Services, at Pratt & Whitney who accepted the award on the company's behalf. "Our robotics team is a worthy winner of a 2014 ML Award and is responsible for significant improvement in best-in-class engine manufacturing."
Robotic automation has made significant improvements to Pratt & Whitney's business, employees and customers by increasing production speed on military engine parts by up to 80 percent and improving processing times for coating overspray and vane edges.
The technology has also brought pinpoint accuracy and automated measurements to the company's manufacturing processes. Pratt & Whitney is continuing to evaluate and develop its Next Generation Robotic Automation solutions across the company and is establishing this work at next generation robotic centers across business units and sites worldwide.
Pratt & Whitney is a world leader in the design, manufacture and service of aircraft engines, auxiliary power units, and small turbojet propulsion products. United Technologies Corp., based in Hartford, Connecticut, is a diversified company providing high technology products and services to the building and aerospace industries. To learn more about UTC, visit www.utc.com or follow the company on Twitter: @UTC.
About the Manufacturing Leadership Awards
The Manufacturing Leadership Awards (ML Awards) honor companies and individuals that are shaping the future of global manufacturing. Award nominees describe their breakthrough projects using the nomination form. Nominations for breakthrough projects are entered into specific categories and evaluated by a panel of expert judges. Seven of the ML Awards categories are for outstanding projects undertaken and completed by a manufacturing company. Four of the categories recognize the achievements of individual manufacturing executives.
About the Manufacturing Leadership Council
The Manufacturing Leadership Council, Frost & Sullivan, is the world's first member-driven, global business leadership network dedicated to senior executives in the manufacturing industry. The Manufacturing Leadership Council's mission is to help senior executives define and shape a better future for themselves, their organizations, and the industry at large. The Council produces an extensive portfolio of leadership networking, information and professional development products, programs, and services - including the Manufacturing Executive Website, an online global business network with 5,300 members around the world; the Manufacturing Leadership Council, an invitation-only executive organization of over 100 members; the annual Manufacturing Leadership Summit – Bold Ideas for a Better Future; the Manufacturing Leadership Awards, celebrating industry achievement; and the thought-leading Manufacturing Leadership Journal. More information on www.MLCouncil.com.
Source: http://www.pw.utc.com/
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