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Reblogged this on By the Mighty Mumford and commented:
(Tied for the most popular post of 2014 so far, from the archives)
Read Genesis 39:6-23
Genesis 39:6-23
I don't know what Joseph's early responsibilities were when he first began at Potiphar's house, but they may have been intensely physical, because Joseph was ripped ("well built" verse six tells us). He was also a good looking guy. And because of this, Joseph's master's wife notices him, and begins to proposition him, without much in the way of subtlety either.
"Come to bed with me!" she says to him.
But Joseph consistently refuses her. He says, Hey look, my master has such trust in me, he doesn't concern himself with anything in the house; he's put everything he owns in my care. I'm the top guy here. He's kept nothing of his from me, except for you, because you're his wife. So, with all that in mind, how could I possibly do such a terrible thing, and sin against God?
But in spite of his refusals, she persists. Day, after day, after day she continues to proposition him. But Joseph continues to refuse to go to bed with her, or even to be with her.
One day though, he goes into the house to do his work, and the place is empty. None of the other servants are around. Potiphar's wife is the only one there. She grabs him by his cloak and says (for the one thousandth time), "Come to bed with me!" But he escapes out of his cloak, leaving it in her hand, and runs out of the house.
When she realizes Joseph left his cloak in her hand when he fled, she calls in her servants and says, Look! This Hebrew is making a joke of us! He came in here to have his way with me, but I screamed. When he heard me scream, he left his cloak laying here beside me and ran.
She keeps his cloak next to her until Potiphar comes home, and she tells him her story: That Hebrew slave guy you brought us came into my room to force himself on me. But fortunately, I screamed, and as soon as I did he left his cloak beside me and ran. This is how your slave has treated me!
After Potiphar hears the story he's outraged. He takes Joseph and has him locked up in the prison where the king's prisoners are kept.
But, while Joseph's in the king's prison, the Lord is with him again! God shows him kindness and grants Joseph favor with the warden. Eventually his situation is the same or similar to when he was with Potiphar. The warden puts Joseph in charge of all the prisoners and gives him the job of running the place. And like Potiphar, the warden trusts him completely, he pays no attention to anything Joseph's responsible for, because the Lord is with Joseph, and gives him success in everything he puts his hand to.
Joseph's 5 Steps to Avoid Temptation
Joseph, a young man, in the prime of his life and possessing all the desires young men in the prime of their life possess, somehow avoids this temptation from Potiphar's wife.
How'd he do that?
We see from our story, he took 5 steps.
1) Responsibility — Take It
We see in verse 9, Joseph says the words, "How then could I do such a…"
"How then could I…" Joseph said. He took responsibility for his own behavior. How many might have said, "Well what could I do? I'm just a slave and she's the boss's wife. I mean, really, I couldn't refuse now could I?" Or, "Come on, give me a break, this was a situation where an older woman took advantage of a young man. What would you expect someone my age to do, with hormones raging? How could I help it?"
No, Joseph didn't go there. He took responsibility for his own actions.
2) Recognize Sin
We see in verse 9, Joseph recognizes what Potiphar's wife wants as something wickedand terrible. Joseph sees it for what it is: sin. The Bible is God's word for humanity. He loves us enough to define sin in His scriptures and to warn us away from it. He does so not because he's against pleasure, but because He knows in the long run, sin is disastrous for you. He's trying to spare you from heartache and pain you'll experience in the end, though you may experience pleasure in the short term. Today there's a huge push in our culture to discount what the Bible says about sin as old fashioned and irrelevant. Right now there's actually a website author offering 1 million dollars for Tim Tebow's virginity. This person's stated goal is to bring our culture to the point where adultery is viewed as inconsequential. (see Washington Post article by Esther Fleece) I know that might seem unlikely right now, but many sins that were previously recognized as bad behavior have already been brought a long way toward a perception they're trivial, or even a perception those who commit a given sin are victims.
Joseph didn't discount what Potiphar's wife asked him to do. He saw it for what it was. So should you and I.
3) Respond to God
We see in the last part of verse 9 how Joseph recognizes, if he gratifies his desires, he will sin against God. Joseph has a depth of relationship with God such that it would grieve Joseph to sin against Him. He can't bear to sin because he can't bear to disappoint the God he loves. Yes he's loyal to his earthly master Potiphar, but in the end, it's God who Joseph is most concerned about. Living your life loving God, and concerned about God and what He thinks is one of the great keys to living the abundant life God has in mind for you. (John 15:11) "'Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your mind,'" Jesus said in Matthew 22:37. (See previous post: How to Love Like Jesus — God First)
4) Refuse to be Present
We see in verse 10 he not only refused to go to bed with Potiphar's wife, but he refused toeven be with her. I wonder how many marriages would still be intact if both the husband and the wife decided to simply avoid putting themselves in situations that might lead to temptation. I'm talking about not friending the old high school flame on Facebook. I'm talking about staying out of bars. I'm talking about never allowing yourself to be alone with another person of the opposite sex, ever.
What a small price to pay if it results in you keeping your family intact.
And what a heavy price to pay if you break your family apart.
Today divorce is so acceptable, our culture has endorsed it so strongly, most are so nonchalant about it, you never hear much concerning its consequences. But five years after divorce more than 1/3 of children experience depression. Kids from divorced families are less successful in life than children from intact families, especially in their careers and their relationships. And the great majority of children from divorced families say they want their original family back together.
After a divorce, custody usually goes to the mother. And about half of all single mothers live below the poverty line — on average for six years. For African American single mothers it's even worse: 2/3 are still single and in poverty 10 years after their divorce. (The Atlantic, McLanahan-Garfinkel)
No one talks about these things. You never see these findings in the news.
Joseph was a slave and didn't have control of his own life to the degree you do. Yet he did his best to avoid putting himself in situations where he might be tempted. You can do the same.
5) Run
We see in verse 12, when he was unavoidably confronted with temptation, he fled. He left. He split immediately.
He didn't stop and use the moment to teach Potiphar's wife about his faith. He didn't hesitate and share with her that he's flattered but must decline, or how it's nothing personal, or how it might be different under different circumstances. He didn't spend one moment on one word of conversation. And he didn't go back for his coat. He bailed, he beat it, he bounced out of there — right away.
Again, how many marriages might still be intact if this were how people responded to sexual temptation.
Next time you're confronted with temptation: leave, immediately.
Joseph Inprisoned
Of course Potiphar's wife had no integrity when it came to her marriage, and we see she had no integrity when she gave her account of what happened either. She lied and told her husband the Hebrew tried to rape her, using Joseph's coat as a false proof of her deception. Interestingly, Joseph's coat was also central to his brother's deception before Jacob concerning his death.
We live in a fallen world. You can do everything according to God's word and still wind up in a dungeon.
But Potiphar's response is interesting because the punishment for attempted rape was death. And even though Joseph, a slave, was (wrongly) found to have attempted rape against the wife of a powerful official, Joseph is not put to death but put in prison. Verse 19 says Potiphar was angry but doesn't say who he was angry with. Perhaps he recognized Joseph's innocence but was forced to do something because of his wife's insistence. Perhaps he even gave instruction for the warden to show Joseph favor.
Whether it came through Potiphar or not, God was the reason Joseph found favor in prison.
Even in the dungeon God was with Joseph.
Nothing can separate us from His love.
For I am convinced that neither death nor life, neither angels nor demons, neither the present nor the future, nor any powers, neither height nor depth, nor anything else in all creation, will be able to separate us from the love of God that is in Christ Jesus our Lord.
Romans 8:38-39


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Dianne Pollock still has to pinch herself to confirm she isn't dreaming.
Pollock is part of the special events committee for the Mountainaire Avian Rescue Society (MARS), the team responsible for getting Rick Mercer to Vancouver Island for a taping of his show.
"I was so excited when it finally happened. I'm still so excited," she said. "It's going to be so much fun to see."
The MARS segment will be featured on the season premiere of the Rick Mercer Report, Tuesday, Sept. 26.
While the taping and subsequent airing took no time at all, the process of getting him to the Island took more than two years to come to fruition.
"Back in June 2015, at one of our meetings, we thought it would be a good idea," Pollock said. "So I wrote out this long email telling him what we did. I threw in a few things I thought might interest him, and added that if anything went sideways we have a hospital nearby … we got a response back pretty quickly saying they were interested."
Pollock said despite the producer expressing his interest in the idea, she heard nothing else for a few months, prompting a follow-up email.
Another response from Mercer's producer reaffirmed the interest on their end, but again, communication stalled after that.
"So I just kept at it," said Pollock. "All of a sudden, late last year, they started showing more interest, and started talking about coming in March."
That time-frame fell through, because Mercer was so involved with his Spread the Net Challenge (a nation-wide competition among Canadian schools to raise funds for bed nets, in the fight against malaria, in Africa).
"We started thinking 'gee whiz, this might never happen'… so we let it sit for a little while, then at one of our meetings I said 'we've got river otters, we've got 11 fawns… we'd better send him another update," said Pollock. "So our manager, Diane Weir, sent him a nice email, outlining the entire scenario, how she saw [the segment] playing out, and that was it; she reeled him in."
Mercer and his production team spent the morning of Aug. 25 at MARS, filming, and the show will be aired Tuesday.
MARS founder, Maj Birch, was part of the June 2015 meeting. She lost her battle to cancer later that year. Pollock said seeing this process through was somewhat of a tribute to Birch.
"I hope so; I really hope so," said Pollock. "We all miss her a great deal. We still consider that Maj is the one holding the umbrella and we are all just the spokes."

subset: commoncrawl


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Mary Pride
Carole Adams
Ray Andree
Karen Andreola
Frank Armbruster
Dr. David Ayers
Larry Bailey
Lawrence Bangs
Johanna Banham
Lisa and Rhonda Barfield
Peggy Barker
Dr. Kuni Beasley
Jonathan Bechtle
Russ Beck
Alisyn Bennett
Vicki Bentley
Betty Berring
Mary Biever
George Bigham
Harvey and Laurie Bluedorn
Sam Blumenfeld
Lydia Guy Burchett
Charles and Betty Burger
Linda Burklin
Wes Callihan
Holly Capeda
Heather Chapman
Harry Cheney
Clay and Sally Clarkson
Marian Kester Coombs
Deborah Copelin
Lois Corcoran
Cheryl Costello
Martin Cothran
Jim Couch
Lorraine Curry
Michelle Dalrymple
Chris Davis
Ellyn Davis
Kandie Demarest
Tom DeWeese
Joan Donaldson
Richard Driggers
Cathy Duffy
Jonathan English
Carolyn Flanagan
Samuel Francis
Amanda Freitag
Marshall Fritz
Lisa Gard
John Taylor Gatto
Brittany Glenny
Tricia Goyer
Pat Graves
Steve Hake
Ken Ham
Kristin Lee Hamerski
Gregg Harris
Joshua Harris
Laura Harris
Lori Harris
Bob Hazen
Barbara Henderson
Sarah Hensley
Laura Hinely
Fritz Hinrichs
Regina Hogsten
Mercy Howell
Jessica Hulcy
D. Russell Humphries
Nicole Johnson
Elizabeth Kays
Diane Flynn Keith
Stephen Kemp
Rebecca Kenney
Andrew Kern
Chris Klicka
Antony Kolenc
Dr. Jim Kramer
Michele Lee
Steve Leer
Lenora Levia
Ann Lloyd
Diane Lockman
Isabel Lyman
Christina Magnaghi
Michael Maloney
Jason Makansi
Paula Mann
David Marks
Rodney Marshall
Shelly Mathiot
Renee Mathis
Pam Maxey
Theresa May
Kristen West McGuire
Joyce McPherson
Geneva Miller
Katie Michelli
Melissa Morgan
Sarah Morgan
Gretchen Mork
Natalie Muus
Edwin Myers
Naomi Nattress
John Nixdorf
Shelley Noonan
June Oberlander
Joy Pavelski
Mary Pecci
Dennis Peterson
Nikki Pheneger
Dr. Michael Platt
Drue Porter
Bill Pride
Franklin Pride
Joseph Pride
Madeleine Pride
Magda Pride
Mary Pride
Sarah Pride
Theodore Pride
Bob Reith
Michael Reitz
Howard and Susan Richman
Elizabeth Roberts
Dr. Arthur Robinson
Penny Ross
Teresa Schultz-Jones
Rebecca Sealfon
Rob and Cyndy Shearer
Scott Somerville
Bruce Shortt
Gail Small
Elisabeth Snell
Barry Stebbing
Andrew Stone
Alexandra Swann
Benjamin Swann
Joyce Swann
Janis Tatum
Jennifer Thieme
Heather Thompson
Christopher Thorne
Rita Tubbs
Dale Turner
Jamie Turner
Maryann Turner
Janice VanCleave
Brad Voeller
Kathy von Duyke
Steve Wagner
Eric Wallace
Austin Webb
Jeannette Webb
Brenda Weatherly
Natalie Webb
Pat Wesolowski
Carol Wickwire
Peter Williams
Douglas Wilson
Kym Wright
Lisa Yoder
Vivian Young
By Bob Hazen
Printed in Practical Homeschooling #13, 1996.
Mastering elementary mathematics can be compared with constructing and using a sturdy fishing net. Traditional elementary mathematics gives students lots of individual pieces of string - here's one string (addition) and another (subtraction) and one more (place value) and yet another (fractions), etc. But too often, students who master individual strings still do not possess a fishing net.
What will help unify the study of elementary math? Both parents and children need broad, practical, connecting principles that unify facts, skills, procedures, and concepts. We need a frame upon which to attach all the pieces of string, and we need strong knots that remind us how various strings are connected. The principles in this series act as the knots and the frame that tie math together, providing connections that endure across grades and topics.
Name It and Claim It
Last issue's article focused on the principle that "Quantities have first and last names." Quantities like "400" or "4/7" are read as "four hundred" and "four sevenths," respectively. Each quantity has a first name and a last name. The first name of "400" is the first thing that is said - "four" - and the last name is the last thing that is said - "hundred." The first name is how many; the last name is what it is. Learning that quantities have first and last names sets students up for success in almost every topic of math: place value, fractions, decimals, geometric measurement, and even algebra.
Skip, Skip, Skip is the Glue
A second connecting principle for elementary mathematics is skip counting - counting by multiples of a number, such as "2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, . . ." or "7, 14, 21, 28, 35, . . ." Skip-count mastery can be greatly helped by the use of "skip-count songs" - tunes and lyrics which teach children how to count in multiples, from 2 up through and including 10. Skip counting reveals and clarifies much of the basic structure and order inherently present in the field of whole numbers, which in turn leads to a more solid and connected mastery of the basic arithmetic operations (+, -, x, /).
Skip-count songs draw upon children's imaginations in memorizing basic arithmetic sequences. Such songs can be played and sung during the opening minutes of a math lesson, at transition times during the day, or at home or in the car. Just as children repeat throughout their day the "ABC" song or catchy tunes from commercials, so also they can "practice" the skip-count choruses while swinging, playing catch, riding to the store, etc.
Skip-count songs are not addition or multiplication facts per se. Rather, the basic facts are embedded within the ordered lists in the songs' choruses, which teach how to "group count."
The skip-counting process provides a rich mathematical environment for basic arithmetic operations. Skip-count songs can be connected with several other teaming modes, such as manipulatives and real-world objects. For example, I teach children to use their fingers as they skip count. Students raise one finger after another in the usual counting fashion, except that they are now counting by multiples: "3 [first finger up], 6 [second finger], 9 [third finger], 12 [fourth finger], 15 [fifth finger] wheels go round and round . . ." This skip-counting process connects with both addition and multiplication. The songs show addition (e.g., 3 plus 3 is 6, then 6 plus 3 is 9, then 9 plus 3 is 12, etc.) as well as multiplication (e.g., counting 3 four times was 3, 6, 9, 12 - so 3 four times is 12).
The skip-counting connection with basic addition facts is a skeleton upon which addition facts can be hung. From the 3's chorus alone, a child can connect the following basic single-digit addition facts: 3 + 3 = 6; 6 + 3 = 9; and 9 + 3 = 12. But the benefits of skip-count choruses go beyond mastery of single digit basic addition. Embedded in the 3's chorus are further addition facts: 12 + 3 = 15; 15 + 3 = 18; 18 + 3 = 21; 21 + 3 = 24; 24 + 3 = 27. For a child who has memorized the skip-count choruses, an addition exercise such as 19 + 3 can be connected to the 3's skip-count chorus sequence which identifies that 18 + 3 = 21, so 19 + 3 is just 1 more, or 22. These types of connections are even more plentiful in the "higher" choruses, such as the 9's: 9 + 9 = 18; 18 + 9 = 27; 27 + 9 = 36; 36 + 9 = 45; 45 + 9 = 54; etc.
Whispering Rectangles
One other powerful connection for skip counting is the rectangle/area model - another organizing principle which will be examined in a separate article. The rectangle/area model is an extremely versatile model that uses unit squares grouped in rectangular form, where the length, width, and area of the rectangle can be considered. Because of their horizontal rows and vertical columns, rectangles virtually beg to be skip counted. It is easy to count how many items are in each row, and then simply skip count the rows.
Although multiplication is closely related to children's ability to think additively, research shows that multiplication requires higher-order thinking that essentially involves groupings. Mastery of skip-count songs establishes a firm foundation for such higher-order thinking. With a variety of activities such as skip-count songs, finger counting, and whisper counting, children learn that skip counting is a short cut for counting by ones. This builds up students' confidence in counting by groupings, which is fundamental for multiplication.
Color-Coded Choruses
Another connection I use is color-coded tagboard strips containing the numbers of each chorus for students to reference. The numerals on the strips are color-coded to match the colors of the math manipulatives. I prefer Mortensen Math, so the orange numerals on my strip for the 2's chorus match the orange 2-bar, the pink numerals on the strip for the 3's chorus match the pink 3-bar, the yellow numerals on the strip for the 4's chorus match the yellow 4-bar, and so forth. Like team uniforms, this type of color coding helps children mentally associate appropriate numbers into the skip count groups to which they belong. Of course, some numbers like 6 belong to more than one "team," since 6 is on the chorus for the 2's, the 3's, and the 6's.
Writing and Reciting
Students can also engage in two other practices that reinforce skip counting fluency: writing the various choruses, and orally reciting them. Writing the numerals "3, 6, 9, 12, 15, . . ." helps solidify number sense kinesthetically via the movement of printing. Oral recitation - saying the choruses, not just singing them - is also important, since singing and speaking are two different processes, controlled by different parts of the brain.
Time and Money
The skill of skip counting links directly to two important successes I have observed in students. The first link is telling time from a traditional analog clock. Since clocks have the minutes marked in groups of five, students who know the 5's chorus can more easily skip count the minutes shown by the minute hand. If the long (minute) hand is pointing at the 7, students just count by 5 seven times: "5, 10, 15, 20, 25, 30, 35 - it's 35 minutes after the hour."
The second link is in counting money. I tape a penny to a green 1-bar, a nickel to a light blue 5-bar, and a dime to the dark blue 10-bar. Children now see a visual, color-coded connection that the nickel is worth 5 pennies. After teaching a lesson on money to first grade students who had already learned the skip count choruses, a fellow teacher remarked:
They had it clear as a bell. They know a five-bar, and they can count by five. I used a transparency of coins [3 nickels and 2 pennies] on the overhead and they counted, "Five, ten, fifteen ... sixteen, seventeen.' In no other year have I ever been able to go into that kind of addition grouping on the first day of dealing with money and get an understanding like that.
Divide and Conquer
Skip counting also prepares young students for success with division in later grades. Several years ago, I was working with a 7-year old student who had been listening to the skip-count songs for about a year and had learned all the choruses. One day, he asked me an age-appropriate question for a second grader, "What's division? I've never heard of that." I replied, "Division is counting how many of one amount are in another amount, so '12 / 3' means '12 has how many 3's?'"
He immediately said, "Four." I was astonished at his quick reply and asked him how he figured that out so fast. He shrugged and said with a smile, "I know all the choruses. What's the big deal?"
Wanting to test him, I then gave him about 5 or 6 division exercises, such as "32 / 8" or "54 / 9." He answered every one correctly (and quickly!) and he still had that confident smile on his face. Here was a child who had automated all the skip-count choruses and who now understood the idea of division, and he didn't think division was difficult at all. His earlier skip-counting experience was a set up for this later success with division. This same student has also had similar success with common denominators for fractions.
Final Questions
How early can children start learning skip-count songs? My younger son was listening to them before he turned 2. He simply enjoyed listening the music, and he learned to repeat the 2's chorus even before learning one-to-one counting correspondence.
Did he truly understand counting in multiples? At that early age, of course not! However, as he grew older and began formal study of arithmetic, it was clear that his acquired familiarity with the skip count choruses made understanding arithmetic concepts and skills much easier.
Is it enough to simply play the skip-count songs often, while doing any basic math curriculum? Certainly, because mastery of the skip-count songs will strengthen a child's fluency with our number system, which all curricula teach. More strengthening will occur with math curricula that specifically address and practice skip counting in a variety of contexts. Such skip-counting connections will be addressed in future articles.
Musical skip counting is a firm foundation for multiple successes in elementary mathematics. Let's teach our kids to skip count early and often. Skip counting will bring success and provide connections between the many different areas of elementary mathematics - you can count on it!
What We Can Learn from the Homeschooled 2002 National Geography Bee Winners
Saxon Math: Facts vs. Rumors
Classical Education
A Homeschooler Wins the Heisman
Top Tips for Teaching Toddlers
Give Yourself a "CLEP Scholarship"
Getting Organized Part 1 - Tips & Tricks
Teach Your Children to Work
University Model Schools
The History of Public Education
Discover Your Child's Learning Style
Character Matters for Kids
How to Win the Geography Bee
The Gift of a Mentor
Whole-Language Boondoggle
Bears in the House
Don't Give Up on Your Late Bloomers
Start a Nature Notebook
A Reason for Reading
The Benefits of Cursive Writing
Getting Organized Part 3
Montessori Math
Narration Beats Tests
What Does My Preschooler Need to Know?
Laptop Homeschool
The Charlotte Mason Approach to Poetry
Shakespeare Camp
Why the Internet will Never Replace Books
Interview with John Taylor Gatto
Joyce Swann's Homeschool Tips
Patriarchy, Meet Matriarchy
Advanced Math: Trig, PreCalc, and more!
The Equal Sign - Symbol, Name, Meaning
AP Courses At Home
Phonics the Montessori Way
Critical Thinking and Logic
Art Appreciation the Charlotte Mason Way
Combining Work and Homeschool
I Was an Accelerated Child
The Charlotte Mason Method
Columbus and the Flat Earth...
Getting Started in Homeschooling: The First Ten Steps
How to "Bee" a Spelling Success
Montessori Language Arts at Home, Part 1
Top Jobs for the College Graduate
Teaching Blends
Who Needs the Prom?
Can Homeschoolers Participate In Public School Programs?
Myth of the Teenager
The Benefits of Debate


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Your baby's health and development reviews
You will be offered regular health and development reviews (health visitor checks) for your baby until they are two. These are to support you and your baby, and make sure their development is on track.
The reviews are usually done by your health visitor or a member of their team. They may be done in your home or at the GP surgery, baby clinic or children's centre.
It's helpful, where possible, for both parents to attend. This gives you both a chance to ask questions and talk about any concerns you have.
The personal child health record (red book)
Shortly before or after your baby is born, you'll be given a personal child health record (PCHR). This usually has a red cover and is known as the "red book".
It's a good idea to take your baby's red book with you every time you visit the baby clinic or GP.
They will use it to record your child's weight and height, vaccinations and other important information.
You can also add information to the red book yourself. You may want to record any illnesses or accidents your baby has, or any medicines they take.
You'll find it helpful to keep the developmental milestones section of the red book up-to-date, too.
What happens at your baby's reviews
During your baby's reviews your health visitor will discuss your baby's health and development, and ask if you have any concerns.
If your baby is gaining weight and you and your health visitor have no concerns, they should only be weighed once a month. This gives a clear idea of your baby's weight gain over a period of time.
See how your baby's weight is monitored.
If your baby was born prematurely, their developmental age will be calculated from your original due date, not from the actual date they were born, until they are two years old.
The Ages and Stages Questionnaire (ASQ-3)
Your health visiting team will send you a questionnaire, known as the Ages and Stages Questionnaire or ASQ-3, to fill in before your child's nine-month and two-year development reviews.
This allows you to try out some of the activities covered by the questionnaire with your baby at home, where they are comfortable and in familiar surroundings.
When your baby will have their reviews
Your baby will usually have reviews at the ages listed below. If you have any concerns at other times, you can contact your health visitor or GP, or go to your local baby clinic.
Shortly after birth
Your baby will be weighed at birth and again during their first week. They will also have a thorough physical examination within 72 hours of being born. A health professional will usually check your baby's eyes, heart, hips and - for baby boys - testicles.
Read more about the newborn physical examination.
At five to eight days your baby will have a blood spot (heel prick) test that screens for a number of rare diseases, including cystic fibrosis and sickle cell disease. This is usually done by the midwife.
See more about the blood spot (heel prick) test.
Your baby will have a hearing test soon after birth. If you have your baby in hospital, this may happen before you leave. Otherwise, it will be done some time in the first few weeks in your home, at an outpatient clinic, or at your local health centre.
See what the newborn hearing test involves.
Your midwife and health visitor will also support you with breastfeeding, caring for your new baby, and adjusting to life as new parents.
One to two weeks
Your health visitor will carry out a new baby review within 10-14 days of the birth.
They can give you advice on:
- safe sleeping
- vaccinations
- feeding your baby (breastfeeding and bottle feeding)
- caring for your baby
- your baby's development
Six to eight weeks
Your baby will be invited for a thorough physical examination. This is usually done by your GP.
Your baby's eyes, heart, hips and - for boys - testicles will be checked. They'll also have their weight, length and head circumference measured.
Your GP or health visitor will discuss your baby's vaccinations with you. These are offered at 8 weeks, 12 weeks, 16 weeks and one year old, and before your child starts school.
They'll also ask you how you've been feeling emotionally and physically since the birth of your baby.
Nine months to one year
During this time, your baby should be offered another review looking at, among other things, language and learning, safety, diet and behaviour.
This is usually done by a member of your health visiting team. It's an opportunity for you to discuss any concerns you may have.
Your health visiting team will send you an ASQ-3 questionnaire to fill in before the review. This helps you and your health visitor understand how your baby is developing.
Don't worry if you can't fill in the whole questionnaire - your health visitor will help you complete it.
Two to two-and-a-half years
At two to two-and-a-half years your child will have another health and development review. It's best if you and your partner can both be there.
This is usually done by a nursery nurse or health visitor, and may happen at your home, baby clinic or the children's centre.
If your child has started going to nursery, playgroup or a childminder, the review may be done there. You, your health visitor, your child's early years keyworker or childminder will all do the review together.
You'll be sent an ASQ-3 questionnaire about your baby's development to fill in before the review. Your health visitor or your child's keyworker or childminder can help you with this.
This review will cover:
- general development, including movement, speech, social skills and behaviour, and hearing and vision
- growth, healthy eating and keeping active
- managing behaviour and encouraging good sleeping habits
- tooth brushing and going to the dentist
- keeping your child safe
- vaccinations
Article provided by NHS Choices
Record managed by Oxfordshire Family Information Service


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Debunking the Myth of Immigrant Criminality: Imprisonment Among First- and Second-Generation Young Men
The past few decades have seen the confluence of two eras in the United States: an era of mass immigration and an era of mass imprisonment. A great deal has been said and written about each, reinforcing age-old popular stereotypes about immigration and crime (a Google search for "immigration +crime" immediately returns 57.2 million hits). But rarely are carefully researched connections made between the two, based on rigorous evidence.
The new era of mass immigration, accelerating since the 1970s and coming chiefly from Latin America and Asia, has transformed the ethnic and racial composition of the U.S. population and the communities where they settle. Today, nearly 70 million persons are of foreign birth or parentage (that is, first or second generation) — about 23 percent of all Americans, including 76 percent of all "Hispanics" and 90 percent of all "Asians" (two pan-ethnic categories officially constructed during this period that lump together dozens of diverse nationalities) — composing an "immigrant-stock" population with a young age structure. This population is growing rapidly in an otherwise aging society as a result both of sustained migration and the higher fertility of immigrant women.
The Mexican-origin population dwarfs all others in both the first and second generations; it already accounts for 27 percent of the country's total immigrant-stock population. The first generation of Mexican immigrants now totals more than 10 million persons — much larger than the next sizable immigrant groups (the Filipinos, Chinese, Indians, and Vietnamese, with more than 1 million each, followed by Cubans, Koreans, Salvadorans and Dominicans, with less than 1 million each).
Indeed, the Mexican total is larger than all other immigrant groups from Latin America combined, and of all Asian countries combined. Except for the rapidly dwindling remnants of the "old second generation" of Europeans and Canadians, U.S.-born children of immigrants today are still very young — in fact, they mostly consist of children, with median ages ranging from 9 to 15 for almost all the Latin American and Asian-origin groups — a telling marker of the recency of the immigration of their parents.
Immigrants and their children are heavily concentrated in metropolitan areas, are predominantly nonwhite, speak languages other than English, reflect an extraordinarily wide range of national origins and class, religious, and cultural backgrounds, and arrive with a mix of legal statuses, socioeconomic skills, and resources. By far, the most and the least educated adults in the United States today are immigrants. Their incorporation has coincided with a period of economic restructuring and rising inequality, during which the returns to education have sharply increased.
The era of mass immigration has also coincided with an era of mass imprisonment in the United States, which has further transformed paths to adulthood among young men with low levels of education. Indeed, the U.S. incarceration rate has become the highest of any country in the world. In California alone, there are more people imprisoned than in any other country in the world except China.
The number of adults incarcerated in federal or state prisons or local jails in the United States skyrocketed during this period, quadrupling from just over 500,000 in 1980 to 2.2 million in 2005, according to the Department of Justice. Two-thirds of those are in federal or state prisons and one-third in local jails; the vast majority are young men between 18 and 39. An estimated 80 percent of them either violated drug or alcohol laws, were high at the time they committed their crimes, stole property to buy drugs, or had a history of drug and alcohol abuse and addiction — or some combination of those characteristics. Adding those on parole or probation to the incarcerated population, nearly 7 million adults are currently under correctional supervision, 3.2 percent of all U.S. adults 18 or older.
The official statistics are not kept by nativity or generation, but they show that imprisonment rates vary widely by gender (93 percent of inmates in federal and state prisons are men, although women are now being imprisoned faster than men); by racial categories (there were 4,834 black male prisoners per 100,000 black males in the United States, compared to 1,778 Hispanic males per 100,000, and 681 white males per 100,000, although since 1985 Hispanics have been the fastest group being imprisoned); and by level of education (those incarcerated are overwhelmingly high school dropouts).
Among some racial minorities, becoming a prisoner has become a modal life event in early adulthood: As sociologists Becky Pettit and Bruce Western have noted, a black male high school dropout born in the late 1960s had a nearly 60 percent chance of serving time in prison by the end of the 1990s, and recent birth cohorts of black men are more likely to have prison records than military records or bachelor's degrees.
Today's children of immigrants — both the first (foreign-born) and second (U.S.-born with at least one foreign-born parent) generations — confront a complex set of circumstances that shape their incorporation. Many are progressing exceptionally well, as evidenced by a variety of educational and socioeconomic indicators. For a smaller but not insignificant segment of this population, there is a strong pull from the streets, where violence and gangs make up a large part of the realities of central cities. By the time these children of immigrants reach adulthood, the impediments and opportunities faced as adolescents solidify.
For those with troubled pasts, the transition to adulthood can be an especially rough process. Those who lack adequate education, requisite job skills, and family safety nets, are hard put to find steady work and a stable source of income. Moreover, for some, a pattern of delinquency during adolescence signals deeper future involvements in the adult criminal justice system.
In this article, the aim is to examine empirically the role of ethnicity, nativity, and generation in relation to crime and imprisonment, and to test assumptions that are widely held among contemporary scholars and policymakers alike.
The analysis will be elaborated at two levels. First, at the national level, the focus will be on the incarceration rates of young men 18 to 39, comparing differences between the foreign born and the U.S. born by national origin and by education, and, among the foreign born, by length of residence in the United States.
Then, at the local level, the latest results from the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study(CILS) will be explored. CILS is a decade-long panel study that has followed the progress of second-generation children from early adolescence to early adulthood, focusing on the trajectories of the sample originally drawn in San Diego, California.
Background: The Conflation of "Immigrant" and "Crime"
In the absence of rigorous empirical research, myths and stereotypes about immigrants and crime often provide the underpinnings for public policies and practices, are amplified and diffused by the media, and shape public opinion and political behavior. Periods of increased immigration have historically been accompanied by nativist alarms and pervasive pejorative stereotypes of newcomers, particularly during economic downturns or national crises (such as the "war on terror" of the post-9/11 period), and when the immigrants have arrived en masse and differed substantially from the natives in such cultural markers as religion, language, phenotype, and region of origin.
In the past, such were the prevailing perceptions that variously met the Catholic Irish in the mid-19th century; later the Chinese, the Jews, and the Italians; and, more recently, Cuban Marielitos, Colombians, and others. Popular movies like The Godfather and Scarface, and television series from The Untouchables to Miami Vice and The Sopranos, project the enduring concern with the presence of foreign criminal elements.
The present period is no exception. California's Proposition 187, which was passed with 59 percent of the statewide vote in 1994 (but challenged as unconstitutional and overturned by a federal court), asserted in its opening lines that "the people of California …have suffered and are suffering economic hardship [and] personal injury and damage caused by the criminal conduct of illegal aliens in this state." [For the full text of the proposed law, click here]
In 2000, the General Social Survey interviewed a nationally representative sample of adults with a newly developed module to measure attitudes and perceptions toward immigration in a "multi-ethnic United States." Asked whether "more immigrants cause higher crime rates," 25 percent said "very likely" and another 48 percent "somewhat likely" — that is, about three-fourths (73 percent) believed that immigration was causally related to more crime. That was a much higher proportion than the 60 percent who believed that "more immigrants were [somewhat or very] likely to cause Americans to lose jobs," or the 56 percent who thought that "more immigrants were [somewhat or very] likely to make it harder to keep the country united."
Such attitudes find confirmation at the highest levels of political leadership. For instance, in his address to the nation on May 15, 2006, President George W. Bush asserted, "Illegal immigration puts pressure on public schools and hospitals, it strains state and local budgets, and brings crime to our communities" [emphasis added].
Two days later, CNN anchor Lou Dobbs, taking President Bush to task for what he termed "woefully inadequate" proposals, framed the issue as follows in his televised commentary: "Not only are millions of illegal aliens entering the United States each year across that border, but so are illegal drugs. More cocaine, heroin, methamphetamine, and marijuana flood across the Mexican border than from any other place, more than three decades into the war on drugs… If it is necessary to send 20,000 to 30,000 National Guard troops to the border with Mexico to preserve our national sovereignty and protect the American people from rampant drug trafficking, illegal immigration and the threat of terrorists, then I cannot imagine why this president and this Congress would hesitate to do so."
About the only point of agreement between the president and Dobbs seemed to be the equation of "illegal immigration" and "crime."
The belief that immigration leads to increased crime is not solely an American phenomenon; similar trends are evident at the international level. Sociologist Kitty Calavita's recent study in southern Europe, for example, reports that a national poll in Spain, conducted in 2002, found that 60 percent of respondents believed immigrants were causing increases in the crime rate, while a survey conducted in Italy found that 57 percent of Italians agreed that "the presence of immigrants increases crime and delinquency."
These notions, in turn, were fanned by media accounts. A content analysis of newspapers in southern Italy found that 78 percent of the articles regarding immigration were crime related, while another study found that 57 percent of television reports on immigrants dealt with crime.
Foreign-Born vs. Native-Born Men: Who Are More Likely to be Incarcerated?
Inasmuch as conventional theories of crime and incarceration predict higher rates for young adult males from ethnic minority groups with lower educational attainment — characteristics which describe a much greater proportion of the foreign-born population than of the native born — it follows that immigrants would be expected to have higher incarceration rates than natives. And immigrant Mexican men — who comprise fully a third of all immigrant men between 18 and 39, and who have the lowest levels of education — would be expected to have the highest rates.
Data from the 5 percent Public Use Microsample (PUMS) of the 2000 census were used to measure the institutionalization rates of immigrants and natives, focusing on males 18 to 39, most of whom are in correctional facilities. Of the 45.2 million males age 18 to 39, three percent were in federal or state prisons or local jails at the time of the 2000 census — a total of over 1.3 million, in line with official prison statistics at that time.
Surprisingly, at least from the vantage of conventional wisdom, the data show the above hypotheses to be unfounded. In fact, the incarceration rate of the U.S. born (3.51 percent) was four times the rate of the foreign born (0.86 percent). The foreign-born rate was half the 1.71 percent rate for non-Hispanic white natives, and 13 times less than the 11.6 percent incarceration rate for native black men (see Table 1).
Table 1. Percent of Males 18 to 39 Incarcerated in the United States, 2000, by Nativity and Level of Education, in Rank Order by Ethnicity
Source: 2000 U.S. Census, 5% PUMS. Data are estimates for adult males, ages 18 to 39, institutionalized at the time of the census.
The advantage for immigrants vis-à-vis natives applies to every ethnic group without exception. Almost all of the Asian immigrant groups have lower incarceration rates than the Latin American groups (the exception involves foreign-born Laotians and Cambodians, whose rate of 0.92 percent is still well below that for non-Hispanic white natives).
Tellingly, among the foreign born, the highest incarceration rate by far (4.5 percent) was observed among island-born Puerto Ricans, who are not immigrants as such since they are U.S. citizens by birth and can travel to the mainland as natives. If the island-born Puerto Ricans were excluded from the foreign-born totals, the national incarceration rate for the foreign born would drop to 0.68 percent.
Of particular interest is the finding that the lowest incarceration rates among Latin American immigrants are seen for the least educated groups: Salvadorans and Guatemalans (0.52 percent), and Mexicans (0.70 percent). These are precisely the groups most stigmatized as "illegals" in the public perception and outcry about immigration.
Second Generation
Incarceration rates increase significantly for all U.S.-born coethnics without exception. That is most notable for Mexicans, whose incarceration rate increases more than eightfold to 5.9 percent among the U.S. born; for Vietnamese (from 0.46 to 5.6 percent among the U.S. born); and for the Laotians and Cambodians (from 0.92 percent to 7.26 percent, the highest of any group except for native blacks). Almost all of the U.S. born among those of Latin American and Asian origin can be assumed to consist of second-generation persons, with the exception of Mexicans and Puerto Ricans, whose numbers may include a sizable number (around 25 percent) of third-generation individuals. (Since 1980, when the questions on parents' country of birth were dropped, the decennial census has not permitted the precise identification of second vs. third or higher generations.)
Thus, while incarceration rates are found to be extraordinarily low among immigrants, they are also seen to rise rapidly by the second generation. Except for the Chinese and Filipinos, the rates of all U.S.-born Latin American and Asian groups exceed that of the referent group of non-Hispanic white natives.
Education and Incarceration Rates
For all ethnic groups, as expected, the risk of imprisonment is highest for men who are high school dropouts (6.91 percent) compared to those who are high school graduates (2.0 percent). However, the differentials in the risk of incarceration by education are observed principally among native-born men, and not immigrants (see Table 2). Among the U.S. born, 9.76 percent of all male dropouts 18 to 39 were in jail or prison in 2000, compared to 2.23 percent among those who had graduated from high school.
But among the foreign born, the incarceration gap by education was much narrower: Only 1.31 percent of immigrant men who were high school dropouts were incarcerated, compared to 0.57 percent of those with at least a high school diploma.
The advantage for immigrants held when broken down by education for every ethnic group. Indeed, nativity emerges in these data as a stronger predictor of incarceration than education. As noted, native-born high school graduates have a higher rate of incarceration than foreign-born, non-high school graduates (2.2 percent to 1.3 percent).
Table 3. Percent of Foreign-Born Males 18 to 39 Incarcerated in the United States, 2000, by Length of US Residence, in Rank Order by Ethnicity
� There are too few cases for an accurate estimate.
Source: 2000 U.S. Census, 5% PUMS. Data are estimates for all foreign-born males, ages 18 to 39, institutionalized at the time of the census, regardless of age at arrival in the United States.
In contrast, foreign-born Mexican men 18 to 39, by far the largest group (at over 3 million), have a lower incarceration rate than many other ethnic and racial groups — even after they have lived in the United States for over 15 years. Thus, the Mexican incarceration story in particular can be very misleading when the data conflate the foreign born and the native born, as official statistics on "Latinos" or "Hispanics" routinely do.
Case Study: California
Also examined were the census results for California, the state with both the greatest number of immigrants — over a quarter of the national total, including the largest concentrations by far of Mexicans, Salvadorans, Guatemalans, Vietnamese, Filipinos, and many other immigrant groups — and with the greatest number of people in prisons and jails.
Overall, native-born men 18 to 39 in California have higher incarceration rates than the rest of the United States, while the foreign born have lower rates in California compared to the rest of the country.
The total incarceration rate for the native born is more than 1 percentage point higher in California than in the rest of the country (4.5 percent to 3.4 percent). In contrast, the incarceration rate for the foreign born in California was less than half the foreign-born rate in the rest of the country (0.4 percent to 1.0 percent).
The CILS Study: Ethnicity, Family, Socioeconomic Status, and Education
To explore patterns of crime and incarceration among these populations in more depth, data from the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS), a decade-long panel study whose last phase of data collection ended in 2003, were used. The CILS study conducted three major surveys to follow the progress of a large sample of youths representing 77 different nationalities in Southern California (San Diego) and South Florida (Miami and Ft. Lauderdale).
The principal nationalities represented in the San Diego sample, the focus for this article, were Mexicans, Filipinos, Vietnamese, Laotians, Cambodians, Chinese, and smaller groups of other children of immigrants from Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean.
In the third and last wave of surveys carried out during 2001-2003, the respondents were in their mid-20s (the mean age was 24.2, ranging from 23 to 27), and although the majority had remained in the city and the region, the rest were located in 27 different states plus the District of Columbia and a few military bases overseas. The survey, which included questions about arrests and/or jail time, was supplemented with a complete check of federal prison, California State Department of Corrections, and local county jail records against all of the original respondents in the baseline sample.
The San Diego baseline sample (drawn in 1991) was divided evenly by gender. By nativity, 56 percent were foreign born and 44 percent were native born (second generation). Between two-thirds and four-fifths of the foreign-born children from Mexico, Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia had fathers and mothers who never completed secondary-level schooling; but 38 percent of Filipino mothers had college degrees, as did a third of Chinese fathers and mothers — well above U.S. norms at that time.
Neighborhood poverty rate differentials were wider still: The proportion of children growing up in inner-city neighborhoods of concentrated poverty (where more than 50 percent of all residents were below the poverty line) ranged from over three-fifths (62 percent) of the Cambodian and Laotian children, about half of the Mexican children (48 percent), and 28 percent of the Vietnamese, to only 4 percent of the Chinese and 2 percent of the Filipinos.
Overall, 16 percent of the males in the CILS sample but less than 3 percent of the women had ever been arrested by the police, and 12 percent of the men but less than 2 percent of the women had been imprisoned. In most cases, imprisonment involved being convicted and sentenced for committing a crime, although the survey did not ask respondents to specify the nature of the violation or the circumstances.
The Mexicans were about twice as likely to report having been arrested and incarcerated as all of the other groups (as well as reporting that family members had been arrested and incarcerated). Given the huge size of the Mexican-origin second generation compared to all other groups in the United States, this is a finding fraught with implications for the future.
Specifically, 28 percent of Mexican-origin men in the sample reported having been arrested and 20 percent reported having been incarcerated in the years since 1995 — i.e., between the ages of 18 and 24 — a much higher proportion than the Vietnamese men, who came next at 17 percent arrested and 15 percent incarcerated, as well as the smaller samples of other Asians and other Latin Americans, with rates of arrest and incarceration approximating the latter.
Even the reported degree of arrest and incarceration among the Laotians and Cambodians (just under 10 percent) was substantial. Moreover, among males who were arrested and incarcerated, the native born were significantly more likely to have become ensnared with the criminal justice system than the foreign born, reflecting the national-level data presented earlier on adult men between the ages of 18 and 39.
Family structure, academic GPA, school suspensions, inactive status, education attained, and being physically threatened and offered drugs in high school — data gathered from the first and second surveys in the study (in 1992 and 1995) — all showed strong linear relationships with arrest and incarceration, especially among males. That is, respondents from single-parent families, with low GPAs, a history of multiple school suspensions and inactive school status, who were physically threatened or offered illegal drugs more than twice in high school, and with no high school diploma, were much more likely to be arrested and incarcerated.
More consequential still, given the importance for public policy of the Mexican case, the effect of Mexican ethnicity, which is initially strongly associated with incarceration when the demographic and socioeconomic measures are considered, washes out when the measures of school status are subsequently entered in multivariate analyses (especially suspensions, school inactivity, and lower GPA). This suggests that measures of school status — and not ethnicity as such — "explain" the Mexican case.
These results are enlightening up to a point. While they highlight significant patterns and predictors of criminal justice outcomes, and depict the segmentation of socioeconomic mobility trajectories between and within ethnic groups and generational cohorts, they are nonetheless constrained in depicting the complex mechanisms and contexts through which those outcomes are produced.
Discussion: Confirmatory Results from Other Studies, Now and Then
These results from the 2000 census confirm an earlier study by economists Kristin Butcher and Anne Morrison Piehl based on data from the 1980 and 1990 censuses. A new analysis by those authors demonstrates that the results cannot be dismissed as a function of deportations, deterrence, or artifacts of the data (and point instead to self-selection factors in immigration to the United States). Taken together, they provide consistent and compelling evidence over a period of three decades, raising significant questions about conventional theories of acculturation and assimilation.
The finding that incarceration rates are much lower among immigrant men than the national norm, despite their lower levels of education and greater poverty, but increase significantly over time in the United States for those who arrived as children and especially among the second generation, suggests that the process of "Americanization" can lead to downward mobility and greater risk of involvement with the criminal justice system for a significant minority of this population.
Other scholars, such as sociologist Robert J. Sampson and colleagues, have addressed similar questions concerning immigration and crime and conclude that increased immigration is actually a major factor associated with lower crime rates. Sampson's Chicago study revealed that Latin American immigrants are less violent and less likely than the second and third generations to commit crimes even when they live in dense communities with high rates of poverty. Studies by sociologists Matthew Lee and Ramiro Martínez of homicides in three high-immigration border cities (San Diego, El Paso, and Miami), and of drug violence in Miami and San Diego, have come to similar conclusions. Their findings further refute putative linkages between immigration and criminality.
Relevant data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (known as Add Health) has further facilitated the analysis of intragenerational and intergenerational differences in health characteristics and risk behaviors among a nationally representative sample of adolescents.
Studies by sociologist Kathleen Mullen Harris, and by sociologists Hoan Bui and Ornuma Thingniramol, have found that second-generation youth were more prone to engage in risk behaviors (delinquency, violence, and substance abuse) than foreign-born youth. Among foreign-born youth, the longer their time in and exposure to the United States, the greater was their propensity to engage in each of the risk behaviors measured. Controlling for socioeconomic status, family structure, degree of parental supervision, and neighborhood contexts actually increased the protective aspects of the immigrant first generation on both health and risk behavior indices. In their analyses, every first-generation nationality had significantly fewer health problems and engaged in fewer risk behaviors than the referent group of native non-Hispanic whites.
In a sense, these systematic findings should not come as news, for they are not new —merely forgotten and overruled by popular myth. In the first three decades of the 20th century, during another era of mass immigration, three major government commissions came to much the same conclusions.
The Industrial Commission of 1901, the [Dillingham] Immigration Commission of 1911, and the [Wickersham] National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement of 1931, each sought to measure how immigration resulted in increases in crime. Instead, each found lower levels of criminal involvement among the foreign born but higher levels among their native-born counterparts, noting that a disproportionate number of the incarcerated had foreign-born parents. If there was an "immigrant crime problem" it was not found among the immigrants but among their U.S.-born sons, who had a different frame of reference than their parents and faced an entirely different set of circumstances.
Conclusions and Implications
Because many immigrants, especially labor migrants from Mexico and Central America and refugees from Southeast Asia, are young men who have arrived with very low levels of education, conventional wisdom — both in the form of nativist stereotype as well as standard criminological theory — tends to associate them with high rates of crime and incarceration. The unauthorized entry and visa overstays of many, framed as an assault against the "rule of law" by pundits and politicians (most notoriously by a House of Representatives bill, passed in December 2005, which would make felons of all "illegal" immigrants and criminalize those who assist them), reinforces the stereotypical association of immigration and criminality in much public discourse &mdash. This association flourishes in a post-9/11 climate of fear and ignorance where "terrorism" and "losing control of our borders" are often mentioned in the same breath, if without any evidence to back them up.
But correlation is not causation. In fact, immigrants have the lowest rates of imprisonment for criminal convictions in American society. Both the national and local-level findings presented here turn conventional wisdom on its head and present a challenge to criminological theory as well as to sociological perspectives on "straight-line assimilation."
For every ethnic group without exception, the census data show an increase in rates of criminal incarceration among young men from the foreign-born to the U.S.-born generations, and over time in the United States among the foreign born — exactly the opposite of what is typically assumed both by standard theories and by public opinion on immigration and crime.
Paradoxically, incarceration rates are lowest among immigrant young men, even among the least educated and the least acculturated among them, but they increase sharply among the U.S. born and acculturated second generation, especially among the least educated — evidence of downward assimilation that parallels patterns observed for marginalized native minorities.
What is more, these patterns have now been observed consistently over the last three decennial censuses, a period that covers precisely the eras of mass immigration and mass imprisonment — and they recall similar findings reported by three major commissions during the first three decades of the 20th century, a previous era of mass migration and crime concerns.
Nativity emerges in this analysis as a stronger predictor of incarceration than education. When immigration and generational status are taken into account, the association between (lower) education and (higher) crime and incarceration rates is complicated in ways not anticipated by canonical perspectives.
It is in the context of the study of immigrant groups and generational cohorts that such paradoxes are revealed, further underscoring the importance of connecting the research literatures on immigration and on crime and imprisonment, which have largely ignored each other — to the impoverishment of both and to the enrichment of popular prejudice.
Given the limitations of both criminal justice statistics and cross-sectional national data, including the fact that nativity and generation are not taken into account in official statistics (which instead lump all such variables into one-size-fits-all racial categories), the longitudinal CILS data set was used to probe the determinants and dynamics of arrest and incarceration outcomes in a panel of young adult children of immigrants observed across the span of a decade, from ages 14 to 24 on average. The results are clearly patterned, interrelated, and cumulative, and suggest that much of the determination of arrest and incarceration outcomes in early adulthood can be traced to specifiable factors, events, and contexts observable and measurable in early to mid-adolescence.
In the process, although the findings presented here must be considered preliminary, they underscore the value of comparative longitudinal studies and of mixed methods research, combining quantitative and qualitative approaches across a significant span of the life course, from early adolescence to early adulthood.
They also indicate the importance of bringing criminological research into the study of the incorporation of immigrants and their children born or raised in the United States. Serious efforts along these lines would add significantly to our store of empirical knowledge and help to develop both better social science and more informed public opinion about two highly consequential and highly charged areas of American national life.
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SSR 82-23: SECTIONS 1602 and 1612(a) (42 U.S.C. 1381a and 1382a(a)) SUPPLEMENTAL SECURITY INCOME -- UNEARNED INCOME -- DISABILITY BENEFITS
20 CFR 416.1102 and 416.1121(a)
- The claimant applied for Supplemental Security Income (SSI) benefits as a disabled individual. His disability resulted form an accident, which occurred on June 19, 1980. The claimant has received $95.00 per week in disability benefits from an insurance company since the date of the accident. When the Social Security Administration (SSA) determined that the claimant was ineligible for SSI benefits because his income exceeded the statutory limit, he appealed. The claimant alleged that he had filed a third party action against the person he claims was responsible for his accident. If the claimant is successful in his lawsuit, the insurance company, which has filed a lien under applicable State law against the proceeds of any recovery from a third party by the claimant, will be entitled to recover the full amount of the disability benefits that it has paid to the claimant. Because of the lien, the claimant contended that the weekly payments made to him by the insurance company constituted a loan and thus should not be considered income for SSI benefit purposes. Held, the payments made to the claimant by the insurance company did not constitute a loan because, under section 1612(a)(2)(B) of the Social Security Act (the Act) and 20 CFR 416.1121(a), those payments were considered unearned income. Consequently, the claimant was ineligible for SSI benefits because his income exceeded the statutory limit.
The general issue is whether the claimant was eligible for SSI benefits as defined in the Act. The specific issue is whether the disability payments made by an insurance company can be considered a loan or must be counted as unearned income under title XVI of the Act.
The claimant, who became disabled on June 19, 1980, as a result of an accident, applied for and was determined to be entitled to a period of disability and Disability Insurance Benefits. He was also found to be disabled for SSI purposes.
The claimant has been receiving $95.00 per week in disability benefits from an insurance company since his accident. The insurance company has filed a lien, pursuant to Section 277 of the New York State Insurance law, against the proceeds of any recovery from a third party by the claimant. The claimant and his attorney have stipulated that they have filed a third party action against the person they claim was responsible for the claimant's accident. In the event that the claimant is successful in this lawsuit, the insurance company will be entitled to recover the full amount of the disability benefits that is has paid to the claimant.
The claimant and his attorney both contended that the weekly disability benefits paid to the claimant constituted a loan because of the lien. If the claimant is awarded money damages, the insurance company will be paid the amount of its lien. Therefore, it is the claimant's contention that since his disability benefits are subject to repayment if his lawsuit is successful those benefits should not be considered income and thus he should be eligible for SSI benefits.
Section 1602 of the Act provides that each aged, blind, or disabled individual who is determined to be eligible on the basis of income and resources shall be considered an eligible individual for SSI benefits under title XVI of the Act.
Section 1612(a) of the Act provides that income means both earned income and unearned income.
Section 1612(a)(2)(B) of the Act provides that unearned income includes any payments received as an annuity, pension, retirement, or disability benefit, including veterans' compensation and pensions, workmen's compensation payments, old-age, survivors, and disability insurance benefits, railroad retirement annuities and pension, and unemployment insurance benefits.
Section 416.1102 of Regulations No. 16 provides that income is anything a person receives in cash or in kind that a person can use to meet his or her needs for food, clothing, or shelter. In-kind income is not cash, but is actually food, clothing, or shelter, or something a person can use to get one of these.
Section 416.1121(a) of Regulations No. 16 provides that some types of unearned income are annuities, pensions, and other periodic payments. This unearned income is usually related to prior work or service. It includes, for example, private pensions, Social Security benefits, disability benefits, veterans benefits, worker's compensation, railroad retirement annuities, and unemployment insurance benefits.
The law and regulations are quire clear and precise in providing that any disability benefits paid to a claimant are considered unearned income, and if total countable income (including disability benefits) exceeds the amount stated in the law, the claimant is ineligible for SSI benefits. Therefore, SSA concluded that the payments made by the insurance company to the claimant did not constitute a loan, but were disability benefits, even though the insurance carrier has a lien against the proceeds of any recovery from a third party by the claimant. Consequently, the disability benefits that were paid to the claimant must be counted as unearned income for SSI benefit purposes. Accordingly, SSA concluded that the claimant was not eligible for SSI benefits because his income exceeded the statutory limit.


text:
Product Information
Device Database®
Compliance Testing
Spansion MB9BFD18T
The Spansion MB9BFD18T is a 32-bit ARM Cortex-M3 Core (r2p1) - Up to 144MHz Frequency Operation - Memory Protection Unit (MPU) - Integrated Nested Vectored Interrupt Controller (NVIC) - 24-bit System timer (Sys Tick) On-chip Memories - Up to 1 Mbyte Flash - Up to 64 Kbyte SRAM for high-performance CPU - Up to 64 Kbyte SRAM for CPU/DMA Controller External Bus Interface - Supports SRAM, NOR and NAND Flash device - Up to 8 chip selects - 8/16-bit Data width - Up to 25-bit Address bit - Supports Address/Data multiplex - Supports external RDY input USB Interface Device/Host (Max 2channels) - USB2.0 Full/Low speed supported - Max. 6 EndPoint supported CAN Interface (Max 2channels) - Compatible with CAN Specification 2.0A/B - Maximum transfer rate: 1 Mbps Ethernet - MAC (Max 2channels) Multi-function Serial Interface (Max 8channels) - UART, CSIO, LIN, I2C DMA Controller (8channels) A/D Converter (Max 32channels) Base Timer (Max 16channels) - Operation mode: 16-bit PWM, 16-bit PPG, 16/32-bit reload, 16/32-bit PWC General Purpose I/O Port - Up 154 fast I/O Ports Multi-function Timer (Max 3units) Quadrature Position/Revolution Counter (QPRC) (Max 3channels) Dual Timer (32/16-bit Down Counter) Watch Counter External Interrupt Controller Unit - Up to 32 external interrupt input pin - Include one non-maskable interrupt (NMI) Watchdog Timer (2channels) CRC (Cyclic Redundancy Check) Accelerator Clock and Reset - 5 clock sources (2 ext. osc, 2 CR osc, and PLL) - Reset sources: INITX Pins, POR, SW, Watchdog, LVD, CSV Clock Super Visor (CSV) - Ext. OSC clock failure (clock stop) detect - Ext. OSC frequency anomaly detect Low-Voltage Detector (LVD) - LVD1: error reporting via interrupt - LVD2: auto-reset operation Low Power Mode - Three Low Power Consumption modes (SLEEP, TIMER, STOP) Debug - Serial Wire JTAG Debug Port (SWJ-DP) - Embedded Trace Macrocells (ETM).
Arm's Privacy Policy has been updated. By continuing to use our site, you consent to Arm's Privacy Policy. Please review our Privacy Policy to learn more about our collection, use and transfers
of your data.


text:
The Legislature's Veterans and Legal Affairs Committee turned its back on another opportunity to close a loophole in Maine's public campaign financing system when the panel voted 12-1 Friday against a measure that would prevent candidates who accept Maine Clean Election Act funding for their own campaigns from operating political action committees.
Unless a House floor vote reverses the committee's recommendation against LD 410, the bill sponsored by Rep. Justin Chenette, D-Saco, will join failed attempts in the past three legislatures to address the hypocrisy of a system that allows candidates who fund their own campaigns with public money to simultaneously solicit private donations for leadership PACs.
Lawmakers and opponents of Chenette's proposal argued that LD 410 would not stem the flow of special-interest money into Maine elections. That's true — because it would be difficult to enforce the prohibition of a third party from operating a PAC for a candidate. But it's not the point. A broader discussion, one that explores all aspects of the impact of leadership PACs, is needed.
Leadership PACs, which all 10 Democrats and Republicans who currently serve in legislative leadership positions operated, contribute to a dynamic that equates political leadership with fundraising ability. Added to Supreme Court rulings that protect unlimited campaign contributions as free speech, their proliferation helps fuel an unhealthy public impression that Maine state government is increasingly open to the highest bidder, which directly contradicts the spirit of the Maine Clean Election Act that voters passed in 1996.
A second concern is that leadership PACs, which funnel money to political parties and campaign organizations to help other candidates in hotly contested races, extend the special-interest funding pipeline directly into the legislative process. Candidates who participate in Maine's public campaign financing system can't credibly claim that they do so to reduce the influence of "outside" money on state politics when their PACs provide "inside" money to help elect party members who could then feel pressure to repay that largesse by voting their benefactors into leadership positions.
Leadership PACs provide a mechanism by which groups hoping to influence state policy can circumvent the protections established in the Maine Clean Election Act. That influence is not insignificant.
A Maine Citizens for Clean Elections study released last year reported that between 2002 and 2012, more than $12 million flowed into legislative campaigns through PACs controlled by candidates and legislators. Many of the biggest donors contributed to both Democratic and Republican leadership PACs, indicating that their motives were more to gain a foothold among those who set the legislative agenda than to show support for a particular political ideology.
"Until the problem of unlimited money flowing through legislator-controlled PACs is addressed, Maine people will be rightly concerned that legislative leaders might be beholden to large donors," the MCCE study states.
Chenette's bill as originally written is flawed, but it does provide a starting point for the Legislature to examine honestly how campaign contributions from lawmakers with aspirations to leadership affect the way legislators interact with each other — and, by extension, with constituents.
While barring candidates who accept public financing from being decision makers for PACs that court private donors would lessen the appearance of hypocrisy, the greater concern should be how to maintain the Maine Clean Election Act in a way that makes candidates more answerable to voters than to prospective legislative leaders or campaign donors.


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Tinker, Charles (Colfax Township, Wexford County, MI) Photograph.
Digital duplication of an undated postcard image. Privately held by GrannyPam, [ADDRESS FOR PRIVATE USE,]
Troy, MI. 2009.
Charlie Tinker was the second husband of Belle Lamunion. They married July 15, 1914. The Michigan Marriage returns for the quarter ending September 30, 1914, record 125, says that Charles E. Tinker was age 38, and Belle Fellows, maiden name Laumuion, age 48, residence for each was Manton, Michigan, both born New York, were married by Walter R. Ardis, Justice of the Recorder's court in Cadillac, Michigan. The witnesses were Lester Stone and Sarah E. Stone, both of Manton. Charlie's parents are listed as Dudley Tinker and Mary Love.
A clipping of the obituary of Charles Tinker, unknown newspaper, says, in part:
Chas. E. Tinker, of Colfax Township, Taken to Newaygo County for Burial
[Handwritten, 1946]
"Charles E. Tinker, 68, died Saturday afternoon October 5th at his home in Colfax township after a short illness……. Mr. Tinker, an adopted child of the Tinkers was born in Spencerport, N.Y. [my emphasis] on October 15, 1877. He was married to Mrs. Bell Fellows in Cadillac on July 15, 1913 and has made his home in Colfax township since that time. He was a Silver Star member of the Silver Creek Grange and a member of the Manton lodge I.O.O.F.
The year of the marriage was misstated in the obituary, as was the cemetery of his burial. The obituary says, "Hillcrest" cemetery; but Charlie is buried in Hillside cemetery. An easy mistake, when not familiar with a locations names.
Tinker, Charles and Belle Lamunion (Colfax Township, Wexford County, MI) Photograph.
Digital duplication of an undated photograph. Privately held by GrannyPam, [ADDRESS FOR PRIVATE USE,]
Troy, MI. 2009
"Grandma and Charlie", That's how I've always heard M-in- referred to their grandparents. Charlie was a jack of all trades, and managed to be in demand around the neighborhood. Thus far, the items from Belle's box haven't given a lot of information about Belle and Charlie's daily life, but they have given a glimpse of life in rural Michigan in the early 20th century.
I will continue through the remaining two books of items I archived from the box tomorrow.


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NIH T32 Vision Research Training Program
The Oregon Health & Science University (OHSU) Department of Ophthalmology at Casey Eye Institute is pleased to announce a training grant funded by the National Eye Institute (NEI).
- Open to individuals with a primary interest in vision research. Previous experience in vision research is not essential.
- Applications are welcome from post-doctoral fellows and to pre-doctoral students currently enrolled in, or eventually accepted into, a PhD program at OHSU (PMCB, NGP, or DMICE).
- Participating faculty have a broad range of research interests, including basic, translational, clinical, and informatics-related vision science research. Applicants are encouraged to contact potential mentors to obtain more information regarding their research programs.
- Didactic components of the training include course work completed as part of the PhD program, supplemented by a semester of additional vision-science training (also to be completed by postdoctoral trainees).
The goals are to prepare trainees in the fundamentals of vision science research, and to provide mentoring to enable trainees to become independent vision researchers. Program will begin in Fall 2013.
For additional information or application materials, contact: Michael Chiang, M.D., 503 418-3087 , email@example.com, or Rowland Taylor, Ph.D., 503 418-2680, firstname.lastname@example.com.


text: Managed to get it running on Gentoo but for some reason, perhaps that the script didn't survive all the way, the https isn't working, I get a message that the connection was terminated. So I can't get into Management/System Config/Settings for example, since it tries to connect trough https, where can I change this?? With regards Hagel


text:
Out of Africa
M: Agent 808, it's time for you to face the music. My sources say you've changed your appearance pretty drastically in the last few months.
You: It was time to blow the covers and body guards, and show some muscle.
M: And are you accomplishing your mission?
You: The desired outcome is imminent. I'm taking African Drum and Dance classes with the Badenyaa African Diaspora Dance Theatre. They have classes all over the islands and the two-hour sessions are hard-core, but so fun I hardly notice the workout.
M: I've never heard of African Dancing on Oahu. They must exercise discretion.
You: Not really, they're just run ohana-style by a group of teachers who've been bringing the workout and amazing culture of African dance to the islands for five years. Classes are for anyone, beginner to expert, keiki to kupuna.
M: Ingenious. Tell me more about this operation…
You: The live drumming really gets your body moving. And dancing for two hours is no joke, especially since in the African style there's lots of jumping and booty-shaking. The drum class is mega-arm-toning. And it only sets me back $10 a class.
M: We may have to change your code name.
You: How about Tiny Dancer?
Call Tai Hawkins at 808-277-7347 for class schedules and information. For a recording of North Shore classes, call 808-636-2092. Or, visit the African Dance and Drum- Hawaii Facebook group. [NOTE: the page contains only an outdated schedule.]
Photo courtesy African Dance and Drum – Hawaii


text:
A round-up of stories on Washington wine from August 22nd to 31st. Read previous round-ups here.
From around the country…
Wines & Vines writes that Washington wine sales are in a state of flux.
Rapid City Journal writes that Merlot is the comeback kid.
D Magazine writes about Cabernet Sauvignon with a callout to FIGGINS and Gorman.
The San Francisco Chronicle writes that Washington's reds find a sweet spot.
Philadelphia News says sample Washington State wine.
From the blogosphere…
Voracious writes about Kevin Pogue, terroirist extraordinaire.
The Wine Economist gives an update on wine and spirits sales.
Washington Wine PR (welcome!) talks with Paul Zitarelli of Full Pull Wines. Bob also writes about the Cayuse newsletter and branding.
Paul Gregutt writes about a new Chateau Ste Michelle advertising campaign. He also gives part two about wild yeast and writes about chasing the elusive butterfly of wine love.
Palate Press writes about Idaho wine with a callout to Precept.
Huffington Post writes about speed tasting at the bloggers conference.
The Washington Vine writes about the Thorny Rose Cabernet.
Through the Walla Walla Grapevine gives an hommage to #Cabernet Day. Catie also writes about what she learned at WBC.
Zinfandel Chronicles writes about the 2010 Force Majeure Viognier.
Wine Peeps gives a WBC live blogging recap. They also write about Deborah Barnard of Barnard Griffin, Chateau Ste. Michelle's Horse Heaven Hills Sauvignon Blanc, and new releases from Long Shadows.
Wild 4 Washington Wine writes about a Fidelitas Malbec vertical tasting.
Woodinville Wine Update writes about upcoming events.
Sauced writes about the cost of award winning wine.
Northwest Wine Anthem writes about the Red Mountain AVA Alliance.
WineEYak writes about Hightower Cellars.
Lucha Vino pits a Washington Grenache against Montsant.
Table Talk profiles Kevin Correll of Barrage Cellars.
Schwabe, Williamson, and Wyatt write out the post-1183 world.
Jaunted writes about a new Alaska Airlines promotional program letting fliers check wine for free.
From the locals…
The Herald writes that Washington Cabernet rivals Napa. They also write about Viognier.
The Columbia Basin Herald writes about the evolution of Grant County wineries.
The Daily Evergreen writes that Idaho pulls from Washington liquor sales.
Seattle Times writes about green beer and wine.
Seattle Metropolitan writes about the top 100 Washington wines.
The Yakima Herald writes about the upcoming harvest.
Seattle Business writes about a new lab that will boost the Washington wine industry.
Wenatchee World writes about the North Central Washington Wine Awards.
The Walla Walla Union Bulletin writes about the expansion of the local community college's enology and viticulture program.
Western Farm Press writes about the upcoming harvest.
Oregon Live writes about Clark County wineries.
Leftovers (posts missed from previous weeks)…
The Bellingham Herald writes about Washington wines worth considering.
That's all folks!


text:
Special Order
Two lonely Londoners bond over a plan to free the sea turtles at the city zoo in this touching novel from a cult-favorite author who has drawn comparisons to J.D. Salinger and Kurt Vonnegut.
A wise and touching classic that "crackles with witty detail, mordant intelligence and self-deprecating irony," from the author of Riddley Walker (Time)
Life in a city can be atomizing, isolating. And it certainly is for William G. and Neaera H., the strangers at the center of Russell Hoban's surprisingly heartwarming novel Turtle Diary.
William, a clerk at a used bookstore, lives in a rooming house after a divorce that has left him without home or family. Neaera is a successful writer of children's books, who, in her own estimation, "looks like the sort of spinster who doesn't keep cats and is not a vegetarian. Looks…like a man's woman who hasn't got a man."
Entirely unknown to each other, they are both drawn to the turtle tank at the London Zoo with "minds full of turtle thoughts," wondering how the turtles might be freed. And then comes the day when Neaera walks into William's bookstore, and together they form an unlikely partnership to make what seemed a crazy dream become a reality.
About the Author
Russell Hoban (1925–2011) was the author of more than seventy books for children and adults. Hoban worked as a commercial artist and advertising copywriter before embarking on a career as a children's author while in his early thirties. During the 1960s Hoban and his wife, Lillian, worked at a prodigious rate, producing as many as six books in a single year—many inspired by life with their own children—including six stories about Frances the badger, The Little Brute Family, Emmet Otter's Jug-Band Christmas, and The Sorely Trying Day (published by the New York Review Children's Collection). Among Hoban's novels for adults are Turtle Diary, Riddley Walker, The Bat Tattoo, and My Tango with Barbara Strozzi. He lived in London from 1968 until his death in December 2011.
Ed Park is a founding editor of The Believer and a former editor of the Voice Literary Supplement and the Poetry Foundation. His debut novel, Personal Days, was published in 2008 and was a finalist for the Hemingway Foundation/PEN Award. His writing has appeared in The New York Times Book Review, Bookforum, the Los Angeles Times, and other publications. He is currently an editor at Penguin Press. He lives in New York City.
Praise For…
"It's this dissonance between the simple turtle story and the irresolvable adult story that makes Turtle Diary a quiet masterpiece."
"It is an insightful and droll novel about mid-life discontents, entirely timely for the readers who grew up on his books and who now have children and crises of their own. Out of print for several years, this new edition of "Turtle Diary," with an introduction by Ed Parks, gives us a chance to discover a different Hoban – not the earlier children's author and not the later fantasy novelist – and to be charmed by what's in between."
—The Christian Science Monitor
"A story about the recovery of life...Like other cult writers—Salinger for instance, or Vonnegut—Hoban writes about ordinary people making life-affirming gestures in a world that threatens to dissolve in madness."
"Crackles with witty detail, mordant intelligence and self-deprecating irony."
"This wonderful, life-saving fantasy will place Russell Hoban where he has got to be—among the greatest, timeless novelists."
—The Times (UK)
"The marvellous energy of Mr. Hoban's writing, simultaneously dry and passionate, justifies everything he does."
—Times Educational Supplement
"Russell Hoban is our ur-novelist, a maverick voice that is like no other. He can take themes that seem too devastating for contemplation and turn them into allegories in which wry, sad humour is married to quite extraordinary powers of imagery and linguistic fertility that makes each book a linguistic departure."
—Sunday Telegraph


text:
【 Name 】Sports straight kettle
【 Brand 】YuanFeng
【 Material 】Silicone、PP
【 Capacity 】600ml/20oz
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【 Size 】Pull down visible
【 Weight 】150g
【 Qty 】Straight50pieces;Fold60pieces
Note: Manual measurement has ±0.5 error, whichever is the real object.(does not affect product use)
Nice to meet you,We will reply to you as soon as we receive your message. E-mail:firstname.lastname@example.com


text:
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text:
Pimco bond guru Bill Gross may not be ready to run with the bulls yet, but he's certainly gotten more optimistic. Or as optimistic as Bill Gross can get at least.
After telling investors for months why they should stay out of the financial markets, Gross, who runs Pimco's Total Return Fund (PTTRX), is changing his tune.
Gross wrote in his monthly investment letter that investors in stocks and bonds have to recognize there are risks. But the alternative is to "quit the game and earn nothing."
Gross noted that the Federal Reserve and other central banks have been supporting stocks and bonds through various stimulus programs -- and that is unlikely to change soon.
"Pimco's advice is to continue to participate in an obviously central-bank-generated bubble but to gradually reduce risk positions in 2013 and perhaps beyond," he added.
Treasury bonds, he says, "are a better bet than the alternative (cash) as long as central banks and dollar reserve countries (China, Japan) continue to participate."
Related: World's 5 hottest stock markets
Rather than his usual musical references, Gross used the "Good as Money" ad for Twenty Grand Cognac as his inspiration. "Being a beer drinker, and never having cashed in a Budweiser to pay for a fill-up at the local gas station, I said to myself 'Man, that must be really good stuff.'"
"It seems the definition of money has been extended, not perhaps to a bottle of Twenty Grand Cognac, but at least to some other rather liquid forms of near currency," including money market funds, stocks and Treasuries that can be converted rather quickly into cash. But Gross worries that these investments may not turn out to be "good as money" if the bubble bursts.
Related: Dr. Doom: Buy stocks while you can
Even if stimulus programs around the world, and near zero-bound yields help boost the global economy, Gross says the revival will be done through haircuts. Along those lines, the title of Gross' latest outlook was "There Will Be Haircuts", which appears to be a nod to the movie "There Will Be Blood."
"These haircuts are hidden forms of taxes that reduce an investors' purchasing power as manipulated interest rates lag inflation," he said. Those actions "theoretically reduce real debt levels as well as excessive liabilities of levered corporations and households." But they can also be viewed as "a hidden wealth transfer."
Related: Best investments in the world
Gross specifically called out four such haircuts.
First up, negative real interest rates, or as Gross calls it "trimming the bangs." While central banks have been doing all they can to inject some life into the economy, the Treasury's average cost of money keeps grinding lower. At some point, Gross feared that investors may find themselves paying the government to keep their money "safe."
More pop culture references followed. Gross called the risk of inflation and currency devaluation the "Don Draper," referring to the "Mad Men" character's style (and inflation worries) as "something that's been around for a long time and we don't really give it a second thought."
Gross also fretted about the likelihood of more capital controls from governments, such as the controversial tax on bank deposits in Cyprus. Finally, he said that outright default by governments whose central banks are buying stocks is a possibility.
His concluding advice? Don't completely bail on stocks or bonds. But start to cut back ... unless you want to get slaughtered like customers of the murderous barber of Broadway fame.
"Give your portfolio a trim as the year goes on," Gross wrote. "In doing so, you will give up some higher returns upfront in order to avoid the swift hand of Sweeney Todd. There will be haircuts. Make sure your head doesn't go with it."