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WASHINGTON -- President Barack Obama has included funding in his 2012 budget proposal for development of the next generation of supercomputers, an exascale system.
The money is going to the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE), which has led in developing the world's fastest computers.
If Congress approves Obama's request, DOE will get $126 million for exascale development, with about $91 million for the DOE's Office of Science and $36 million of it for the National Nuclear Security Administration.
In seeking this funding, the Obama administration made a little history. A DOE spokesman said it marked the first time that the budget explicitly references "exascale." The DOE budget had budgeted just over $24 million in 2011, but this was in context of "extreme scale" computing.
Exascale systems are 1,000 times more powerful than the Tianhe-1A, the Chinese supercomputer that was recently ranked as the world's fastest.
The exascale funding is part of an overall DOE advanced-computing request for next year of $465 million, which represents a 21% increase over the 2010 budget, a two-year increase.
The White House isn't comparing spending to the 2011 budget because Congress, for now, is funding the government through Continuing Resolutions, which could change the budget amount for this year. The current funding resolution expires March 4.
In setting aside money for exascale computing, the White House is planning for a predictable future in high-performance computing. Every 10 to 11 years, high-performance computing crosses a barrier , thanks largely to improvements in chip performance.
In 1997, ASCI Red, a computer at DOE's Sandia National Labs, achieved 1.3 teraflops, or one trillion sustained floating-point operations per second. In 2008, IBM 's Roadrunner, at DOE's Los Alamos National Laboratory, was the first system to reach one petaflop, capable of more than one thousand trillion (one quadrillion) operations per second.
An exaflop is a million trillion calculations per second, or a quintillion, and is a thousand times faster than a petaflop.
The development of an exascale system is estimated to be somewhere in the 2018-2020 time frame, but that is also contingent on the development of software systems that can utilize what may be 100 million cores.
Supercomputers are used for modeling and simulation, and the larger the systems the higher the resolution. An exascale system, for instance, may be able to simulate the workings of an entire human cell as well as improve forecasting and understanding of climate change.
Also, the advances needed to build these systems, such as faster networking, may ultimately find their way into business-class servers.
The DOE has not yet said how exascale funding will be used, but the supercomputing research community has active research efforts in progress. In the interim, DOE is now building 10 petaflop systems , such as the recently announced IBM system planned at Argonne National Laboratory.
Patrick Thibodeau covers SaaS and enterprise applications, outsourcing, government IT policies, data centers and IT workforce issues for Computerworld. Follow Patrick on Twitter at @DCgov or subscribe to Patrick's RSS feed . His e-mail address is firstname.lastname@example.com .
Read more about mainframes and supercomputers in Computerworld's Mainframes and Supercomputers Topic Center.


text: The first 'modern' passports date from 1915, but circa 1850 passports became standardized documents used by nationals to travel abroad. They began life as a single sheet of paper, but by 1915 had also begun to include a photograph. Application records for passports found here can provide great detail about the individual applicant, as well as the knowledge that your ancestor likely travelled abroad at some point – which may lead to new lines of enquiry.

subset: commoncrawl


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Who Spends Wisest?
Editor's note: A version of this article first appeared at Forbes.com.
The financial and economic meltdown of 2008 was preceded by large increases in government spending and monetary inflation that artificially lowered interest rates. Those interventionist policies fueled massive capital malinvestment, including housing and credit bubbles, all of which culminated in the greatest economic bust in 80 years. Our rulers' response has been—you guessed it—large increases in government spending and monetary inflation that artificially lowered interest rates. They think (with apologies to James Carville), "It's the spending, stupid!" Or, is our problem actually stupid spending?
What gives? Why do so many economists and policy makers think that the solution to our economic woes is the very set of policies that brought on our problem in the first place? Too many believe that the economy is driven merely by aggregate monetary spending as if all such spending is economically equal. E.g., a billion dollars spent on college is the same as a billion dollars spent on cell-phone services, which is the same as a billion dollars spent on farm equipment, which is the same as an equivalent amount spent on government subsidies or on symphony concert tickets.
If total spending is not enough to buy all goods produced at prevailing prices, it is thought the government must step in to prevent recession and unemployment. Keynesians advocate increased government spending and inflationary credit expansion to make up for shortfalls in consumption and investment spending. Monetarists would rely on increases in the money supply to straightforwardly spur consumption and investment.
The trouble is that money per se is not wealth. It matters a great deal how and upon what the money is spent. More spending does not help if, for example, it results in socially destructive consumption and malinvestment. Just ask those in the housing industry.
Prosperity is constituted by consumer and producer goods that people actually desire for use in satisfying their ends. The fundamental economic problem is that all goods are scarce. We cannot satisfy all of our ends with our limited quantity of goods, so we must economize. Scarce land, labor, and capital goods must be used producing those specific goods that are most valued by members of society.
Entrepreneurs discern wise investments from those that are unproductive with the help of economic calculation. They are able to use monetary prices to calculate profit and loss because, in a monetary exchange system, the prices of all goods are denominated in the same good—the monetary unit.
The beauty of the free-market price system is that all prices are the result of voluntary exchange and, hence, reflect the personal preferences of all members of society. If entrepreneurs reap profits, they do so for doing precisely what other people want. If, instead, they make goods for which people are unwilling to pay a price above costs, they reap losses, which serve as a great incentive not to squander scarce resources.
Trying to grow sustainable economic prosperity by resorting to government spending is doomed to failure because bureaucratic spending is not predicated on economic profit-and-loss calculation. During my years at the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, an oft-heard consolation was, "That's okay. We don't have to make a profit." By their very nature, government spending decisions have no regard for profit and loss. For example, Ron Suskind, in his book "Confidence Men," reveals that President Obama directed stimulus money into infrastructure instead of the health care industry not for economic reasons, but because he thought unemployed men perceived many jobs in health care as "women's work." Obama presumed government stimulus had value and decisions were made based on perceived political benefits. That such non-economic investment yields waste and destruction is one of the great lessons of the Soviet experiment.
Monetary inflation is no better at fostering prosperity. When the Federal Reserve encourages monetary inflation via credit expansion, banks artificially lower interest rates. Entrepreneurs are encouraged to undertake many longer-term, more capital-intensive projects than they ought but which appear profitable. Land, labor, and capital goods are squandered in producing things, such as houses, that are valued less than those goods that would have been produced without the monetary manipulation.
Not all monetary spending is equal. Economic prosperity requires wise entrepreneurship. If spending is funded by voluntary saving and invested according to profit and loss considerations, it tends to be productive and hence, add to our prosperity. If spending, however, is funded by coercion and apart from economic calculation, scarce goods are wasted, and the result is relative impoverishment, prolonged recession, and unemployment.
— Dr. Shawn Ritenour is a professor of economics at Grove City College, contributor to The Center for Vision & Values, and author of "Foundations of Economics: A Christian View."
© 2012 by The Center for Vision & Values at Grove City College. The views & opinions
expressed herein may, but do not necessarily, reflect the views of Grove City College.
www.VisionAndValues.org | www.VisionAndValuesEvents.com


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Saturday, 2 July 2011 is the date, and10am Pacific Daylight is the time to join Ol' Myrt for a tour of the NSDAR (Daughters of the American Revolution) website. Here is the link to the NSDAR: Resources for Your Revolutionary War Ancestors handout in .PDF format. Thanks to our friends at the Southern California Genealogical Society for providing this webinar as part of their Jamboree Extension Series.
During this webinar we'll explore how to use the www.DAR.org website to:
- Search lineage applications by patriot
- Search lineage applications by descendant.
- Explore the GRC Genealogical Records Committee
I'll also make distinctions between:
- Applications and Supplementals
- DAR Library and the Seimes Technology Center
NSDAR - Resources for your Revolutionary War Ancestors WEBINAR
Presenter: DearMYRTLE
Presenter: DearMYRTLE
Saturday, July 2, 2011
Host: Southern California Genealogical Society Jamboree Extension Series
10:00 AM - Pacific
11:00 AM - Mountain
12:00 PM - Central
1:00 PM - Eastern
Registration: https://www1.go
tomeeting.com/r egister/170393176
Participate in the live broadcast Saturday 2 July 2011.Thereafter, this webinar will be in the member-only area at SCGS website.
For more information about Southern California Genealogical Society Jamboree Extension Series see: http://www.scgs
genealogy.com/J amboreeExtensio nSeries2011.htm
See you there.
Happy family tree climbing!
Myrt :)
Your friend in genealogy.


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|Article number:
Holds 245 ml/8 oz of your favorite libation when you are 'on the go'. Our canvas canteens are USA made using rugged cotton canvas construction and design forward graphics. Pop off the food grade silicone cap and use it as a 1 oz shot glass.
Care for Canteen: Rinse the liner or use bottle brush with warm water and a bit of dish soap. Wash exterior with soap and water and let completely air dry.
capacity: 245 ml/8 oz
size: 5"x8"


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This pack is compatible with Cinema 4D R12 and newer. Very realistic and easy to use. Optimized for various types of scenery and environment. The purchase include the complete scene with materials, illumination and render setup. There is only shaders so the 10 materials are procedural and can be use for any model. Just drag and drop! You don't have to move the UVW Map. I hope you'll find this pack very useful.
10 Cinema 4D Render Set up. .C4D scene file. .jpg preview.


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Here in the UK we are coming up for the effigy-burning, firework-displaying extravaganza that is Guy Fawkes Night. Also known as Bonfire Night, November 5 commemorates the evening in 1605 that 13 young men had planned to use 36 barrels of gunpowder to blow up the Houses of Parliament.
Poor old Guy Fawkes should have stayed in the ye olde tavern because not only was he caught, tortured and executed, we now have a rather gruesome tradition of making effigies of him to burn. Or rather they do in England. Up in Scotland it's just fireworks and hard cider (any excuse really).
Truthfully there are probably more than a few people celebrating his and his co-conspirator's bravery and (drunken) idea rather than celebrating their execution. And more than a few who have no idea what it's all about but who like stockpiling and setting off fireworks in a socially sanctioned way. In our neck of the woods, for about a week now, sporadic, half-hearted displays have been shooting off as soon as the sun goes down. Calendars are obviously passe these days.
But Bonfire Night is always quite something. In a couple of days' time we will be getting sore necks from craning them skyward. And our bellies will be stretched with socially sanctioned Bonfire Night food: my Mexican hot chocolate, some warm soup from a flask, bangers and mash (I am already anticipating a request from Mr A who, I swear, could live on mashed potatoes) and this cake. To be followed by a week of tofu and steamed vegetables. LOL. Other Bonfire Night foods that are popular around the country include Cottage Pie, Bonfire Toffee (the dentist's favourite), foil-wrapped bonfire-baked potatoes, Scotch eggs and toffee apples. Not the healthiest of feasts, but they are all foods that hit the spot when standing around in a foot-stampingly cold – and probably damp – field.
I think pretty much anything warming and vaguely portable can take a spot on the Bonfire Night table. The only non-negotiable is parkin. I don't think many would argue with me on this. But the thing about parkin is that it is not a last-minute 'ooh I'll just bung something together' kind of cake. It is very easy but it does need to be made in advance. A good three days, or a few more. So if you are reading this and planning to celebrate (the execution, or the drunken idea), get stirring. If you have never eaten or made it, you are in for a real English treat.
I was first introduced to parkin by Mr A's grandmother, affectionately known as GG. Although born in Edinburgh she lived many years in Yorkshire and, as well as being able to switch on a broad Yorkshire accent at the drop of a (cloth) hat, she was a mean baker, and this was a specialty. We all miss her very much, she really was a wonderful, vibrant lady, but we have her recipes to help remember her. And at this time of year I feel she is right here with me while I make this cake. I have adapted GG's old recipe but it is essentially hers. Heartily recommended for eating most anytime, not only on Bonfire Night. Just add fireworks.


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This week, Loretta Lock, has challenged the OCC to a Color/Texture challenge. Sometimes, texture speaks louder than colour. Your challenge is to make a black and white card with lots of texture. And as a bonus, use text as your focal image rather than a coloured image…
There is no time limit on our challenges - participate whenever you are able. To play along, upload your creation to your blog or gallery, then leave us a comment linking to your project so we can check it out. If you upload to SCS, remember to use keyword: OCCC
Now let's check out the musical samples by the OCC ~
Julie Leblanc ~ KewlStamps-n-More
Now let's check out the musical samples by the OCC ~
Julie Leblanc ~ KewlStamps-n-More
Loretta Lock - love to create
Joycelyn Pelkey - Stamps 'n' Coffee
Lori Rider - The Diva Stamper
Lori Rider - The Diva Stamper
Dana Grothaus - Dana's Dabbling Studio
Wendy Janson - It's All About Stamping
Linda Coughlin - The Funkie Junkie
Diane Gilbert ~ My Little Stampin' Spot!


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For years, the world has been begging Microsoft to release its Office suite for the iPad. Finally, in February, Microsoft finally did so -- and Microsoft produced a solid set of apps in the form of Office for iPad. But there was a price: You must have an Office 365 subscription, and your files are essentially locked into Microsoft's own storage services (OneDrive and SharePoint).
Still, for the first time, people who don't use Windows or don't use Windows exclusively could work as equal partners in an Office-dominated environment -- which is most companies. Or could they? I set out to find out how Office 365 actually works in OS X, iOS, and Android.
[ Special report: How to rethink security for today's "work anywhere, any time" world. | The best office productivity apps for the iPad. | Subscribe to InfoWorld's Consumerization of IT newsletter today. ]
Office on the iPad and OS X: A decent experience
Microsoft has had Mac versions of its suite for decades -- Excel and PowerPoint got their start on the Mac, in fact. It's been sad to see Microsoft continually make the Mac version of Office inferior to the Windows version. Its performance is always noticeably sluggish on the Mac, though that's not true of software from other cross-platform companies, from Adobe to AutoDesk. Mac users typically wait several years before a new Windows version is ported to OS X, creating a compatibility gap.
Feature compatibility is usually compromised along the way. For example, Excel for Mac supports only a subset of macros, so accounting departments must use Windows PCs. SharePoint access is limited to essentially a Web-based, read-only mode across Office for Mac, which ironically encourages users to set up informal Dropbox or Box accounts. Office 2011 for Mac can't use all the fonts on your Mac if you have a large library installed, such as the full Adobe Font Folio -- it simply stops loading fonts when it's "full," making them inaccessible to your documents. Still, for most users, Office for Mac provides the capabilities they need -- even if you feel dissed in the process.
Office for iPad is less capable than Office for Mac, but it's roughly equal to Apple's iWork suite, which is perfectly adequate for most productivity work. Office for iPad lacks a key advantage of iWork: automatic syncing of documents across all your devices, so they're available offline. In Office, you expressly move a file to your iPad's local storage to work on it while, say, in flight. (If a document is open and you lose your connection, Office is smart enough to save a temporary local copy.)
Microsoft has been aggressively marketing document fidelity as an advantage of Office for iPad, but you get it only for simple to moderately complex documents using the same fonts. If you use the same fonts in Office documents on your Mac, Windows PC, and iPad, you'll discover that files moved among the three versions of Office rarely reflow due to platform differences. The same is true in moving files between iOS and OS X for iWork documents -- font fidelity typically provides layout fidelity. Office works best in an Office-only workflow, as iWork does in an iWork-only workflow.


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|Photo: The CW
In "Dirty Rotten Scandals," Feeling the pressure to make her first Waldorf Designs fashion show a success, Blair (Leighton Meester) must rely on help from an unlikely source, but some unexpected scheming causes a scandal on the runway. Serena (Blake Lively) discovers that befriending Steven's (guest star Barry Watson) daughter Sage (guest star Sofia Black-D'Elia) is trickier than she thought, especially when she is forced to put her issues with Blair aside to make Sage happy.
Nate (Chace Crawford) publishes Dan's (Penn Badgley) first serialized article causing a stir and producing a serious threat. Meanwhile, Chuck (Ed Westwick) begins to look into the clue that Amira (guest star Andrea Gabriel) left behind, which may help uncover what Bart (guest star Robert John Burke) is hiding.
Watch a sneak peek below:
Kelly Rutherford and Matthew Settle also star. Bart Wenrich directed the episode written by Natalie Krinsky.


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Accommodation in Hälsingland Gästrikland - 3 matches
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Åshammar (Forest area)
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Hostel | Experience genuine wilderness in Sweden's wildest youth hostel. Fall asleep to the sound of the crackling open fire and live according to the conditions that prevail in the Swedish wilderness...for real. Read more
Pets allowed
Högbo (Forest area)
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Hotel | North of Sandviken between deep green forests, lake and lush farmland you will find Högbo Brukshotell - Gästriklands outdoor paradise. Here you will find many irons in the old mill fire that satisfies both outdoor lovers and bon vivants. Read more
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Wayne Lasch Photography
Wildlife and Landscapes
Shelter Dogs
Shelter Cats
Helping hands
Local organizations
Dog, cat, and people galleries
These are just a few of the many staff and volunteers helping out with our local animals. It's easy to volunteer (check out the "Local organizations link above) and there are LOTS of ways to help.
Come on out and join us!
(P.S. If you're with a group that recently volunteered or attended an event at the Jacksonville Humane Society AND I was there to take some photographs, please click on the GROUPS link shown below.)
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Amid criticism from the gay rights community, the Associated Press has added a new entry to its Stylebook approving the use of "husband" and "wife" when referencing same-sex marriages.
"Regardless of sexual orientation, 'husband' or 'wife' is acceptable in all references to individuals in any legally recognized marriage," the entry reads. "Spouse or partner may be used if requested."
The AP came under fire earlier this month over an internal memo advising staff to use "couples" or "partners" when referring to civil unions and same-sex marriages, rather than "husband" and "wife." "Our view is that such terms may be used in AP content if those involved have regularly used those terms... or in quotes attributed to them," the memo stated. "Generally AP uses couples or partners to describe people in civil unions or same-sex marriages."
AmericaBlog editor John Aravosis claimed the AP had "banned" the use of the words -- (not quite) -- but his chief concern was with the indifference to the distinction between "civil unions" and "same-sex marriages." His friend Janet Kornblum, a former reporter for USA Today and CNET, later weighed in with a post urging the AP to honor the distinction.
"It's the last sentence that really puts the nail in the coffin, likening civil unions to same-sex marriages. Isn't the whole point of marriage that it really is different from civil unions?" Kornblum wrote. "Surely, the AP isn't saying that spouses shouldn't be called spouses except in special circumstances. Surely the straightlaced AP wasn't saying that husbands are not husbands and wives are not wives—unless they are heterosexual."
The AP was "taking a stand" by "equating legal gay marriages with civil unions and not, well, marriages," and therefore basically siding with people who are anti-gay marriage," Kornblum argued.
In a statement today, AP Senior Managing Editor for U.S. News Mike Oreskes said the new entry should put a rest to the "previous conversation," a reference to the leaked memo.
"The AP has never had a Stylebook entry on the question of the usage of husband and wife," Oreskes said. "All the previous conversation was in the absence of such a formal entry. This lays down clear and simple usage. After reviewing existing practice, we are formalizing 'husband, wife' as an entry."


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"I am an energy that comes from the source energy of God/Goddess/The All That Is. I am of a very high vibration; therefore prior to the year 2000, it was not possible for me to connect directly with people who had incarnated upon the earth. I am an energy that is here to remind you of who you are in your core essence. I am here to provide you with the opportunity to bring more and more of your soul presence, also known as you I AM presence, to earth. As you work with my energy or read the channels that portray me, you are opening yourself to transformation that will occur on many different levels. Much of this you will be conscious of and much you will not. As you open up and begin to understand who I am, you are opening up and beginning to understand who YOU are.For so many of the people who are on earth at this time, it's a time of questioning. You are questioning who am I? Where did I come from? What is my path? Why am I here? Is there something in particular that I should be doing? As you read the material provide in this website and if you participate in the channeled journeys, you will begin to find these answers.
You have the answers inside of you. You have your own truth inside of you and you need only open up to this rich resource that is within. Many people as they step onto this path are unsure and seek many different types of resources and answers. I encourage you to read all that comes your way, but begin to develop a sense of what feels good to you and what might not. You will sometimes find contradictions as you are on this path. If that's the case, take the time to go inside yourself and you will know the answers.
The most important aspect of the new energy that people are moving into is the releasing of duality. Duality is the belief system that someone is right; therefore, someone must be wrong. This intrinsically has a judgment within it. Anyone who is judging the people around them is also judging themselves. I strongly encourage you take time to become aware in your own life of the ways in which you are caught up in duality and the ways in which you are judging both yourself and those who are around you.
Therefore if you are releasing duality, you are moving into a space of oneness. This is a space of balance. It's a balance of the male and female energies. It's a balance of what is occurring in your life, such as between work, family, play. Too many people who have such busy and active lives often do not feel the balance within themselves or their lives.
I am the feminine aspect of God. But I also am God. This is how the terms of God and Goddess were designed. So, as you work with my energies, the energies of the Goddess you are also working with the energies of God. For I DO represent the balance of the two.
I welcome you to this site and I welcome and encourage you on you road of discovery. May it bring joy, peace, and a deep felt contentment.
I am with you. I am within you.~~~~Ansaluia~~~~ "


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iv. IN THE 19TH AND 20TH CENTURIES
Iran entered the age of nation-building and nationalism of the 19th century with the legacy of a longstanding historical awareness and cultural consciousness of its identity. The new Western ideas (which had been spread in the West since the late 18th century) received a new impetus with adaptations and reconstructions of a pre-existing concept of Iranian identity that had evolved over many centuries (see i, ii, and iii, above). Comparative historians of nationalism acknowledge that Iran was among the few nations that experienced the era of nationalism with a deep historical root and experience of recurrent construction of its own pre-modern identity (see, e.g., Seton-Watson, 1977, pp. 243-48, 251-55; Hobsbawm, 1990, pp. 69, 137; Smith, 2004, pp. 218-19, 229, 130, 186). The modern ideas of nation, nationalism, and national identity—as a set of sentiments about the nation and the modern nation-state, conveying the ideals of the autonomy, unity, and prosperity of the nation—came to reinforce the rich historical repertoire of Iranian identity. These new ideas also brought about a transformation of people's identity from subjects (raʿāyā) to citizens (with a recently coined term, šahrvandān). Furthermore, with such changes in political consciousness and identity, the sense of patriotism became separated from religious feelings, and loyalty to the nation became a new political value.
When the Iranian pre-modern society encountered the modern age of nationalism, it sought to create a new Iranian national identity on the basis of its own pre-existing ethnic and territorial ties, historical memories, and commemorations of historical events. In this new encounter with the outside world, the enlightened members of Persian literati—whose predecessors had helped create and transmit the idea of Iranian identity since the late Sasanid era—came to form a nucleus of intellectuals (rowšanfekrān, i.e., the creators and reproducers of modern cultural ideas) with an expanding audience of intelligentsia (the educated people who are the consumers of those ideas). The new literati promoted the modern conceptions of nationalism and Iranian national identity based on the rich, centuries-old Persian cultural heritage (see iii, above; and IRAN iii. TRADITIONAL HISTORY). A telling example of Persian pre-existing historical memories that helped the construction of modern ideas of nation and nationalism was the frequent printing of an influential book on the history of ancient Kings of Persia (Fażl-Allāh Ḥosayni Qazvini, Tāriḵ al-moʿjam fi āṯār-e moluk-e ʿAjam). Written in the 14th century with some 50 surviving manuscripts, this book was printed seven times between 1831 and 1891 in Tabriz, Tehran, and Isfahan and three in the early 20th century (see Story, I/1, 1970, pp. 243-44; Monzawi, VI, pp. 4386-89; and Mošār, I, cols. 3046-47). It was one of the most frequently reprinted works among a small number of popular reprinted titles in this period. Although the wide circulation of the book was due to its use as a textbook of the difficult Persian epistolary style, its use by a large group of students helped disseminate the information on the roots of Iranian "ethno-national" identity.
The new ideas of nation and nationalism in this period were reconstructed and disseminated mainly by those members of literati who had political, commercial, and cultural contacts with the West. Appearing sporadically in the 19th century, the ideas of popular, liberal nationalism flourished in the course of the 1905-11 Constitutional Revolution (q.v.), and later they were transformed into a state-sponsored form of ethno-nationalism during the Pahlavi period (1925-78). This particular mode of Iranian nationalism and its related conception of Iranian identity was, however, later challenged by the popular nationalist movement that began in the mid-20th century. After a brief survey of the emerging national vocabulary in Persian literature, this entry will examine the above three phases in the development of Iranian identity in the 19th and 20th centuries.
The emerging national vocabulary of Iran. The term "nation," in its modern usage—which is derived from Latin natio (a group related by birth or place of origin)—emerged in various European languages predominantly in the 18th and 19th centuries. In Persian, the term mellat found currency as the equivalent of the term "nation" in the 19th century. The term mellat was, until then, used to denote any religious community, and more specifically, followers of a faith in possession of a holy book (a scripture; ahl-e ketāb: Muslims, Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians). The modern concept of "nation" originated from the concept of religious community (mellat) in two phases: first was constructed the notion of "Iranian Muslim nation" by addition of "Iran" to the traditional notion of Muslim religious community (mellat-e Mosalmān) to signify the Iranian component of the religious community (mellat-e Mosalmān-e Irān). Soon thereafter, by the dropping of the religious designation, the concept became simply the "Iranian nation" (mellat-e Irān). This conceptual metamorphosis of the term led to the new reading of mellat in the modern sense of the term, conveying the meaning of the "nation" (see below). Yet the term continued to be used with two different connotations: one, the traditional reading with a religious connotation, and the other, the modern reading with a purely national connotation. This may be seen in the reaction of Fatḥ-ʿAli Āḵundzāda to the name and logo of Ruz-nāma-ye mellat-e saniya-ye Irān, published from 1866-70. The logo of the newspaper shows the picture of the Shah Mosque of Tehran (Masjed-e Šāh) as the symbol conveying the meaning of "the Iranian Muslim nation." In his satirical criticism of the logo, Āḵundzāda argues that, if the name of the paper refers to the nation of Iran, the chosen symbol of the mosque is not exclusively Iranian but belongs to all Muslim peoples. The symbol of Iranian people during the pre-Islamic era, he argues, was the monuments of Persian kings, such as Persepolis and Estaḵr, and in the Islamic period the monuments of the Safavids, who unified Iran with Shiʿsm as its state religion (cited in Āryanpur I, pp. 239-40). A number of other terms related to the concepts of mellat also entered the contemporary political lexicon in the same period, e.g., melliyat (nationality), waḥdat-e melli (national unity or integrity), melli (national, and nationalist, pl. melliyun;), melli-gerāʾi (nationalism), howiyat-e melli (national identity). Yet, it should be noted that the antecedents of the new term mellat-e Irān were not only its pre-modern religious connotation, but also a longstanding terminology referring to the Iranian people, including Irāni (plur. irāniān), Pārsi (plur. Pārsiān), ahāli-e Irān (Ar. ahl al-fors; meaning inhabitants of Persia; see iii, above).
The old terms waṭan (Ar.) or mihan (Pers.), which have found currency in modern times to mean "national homeland" (motherland or fatherland), were used in classical Persian literature to refer predominantly to a person's place of birth and habitation. One's place of birth and residence was the object of one's love, admiration, and devotion. Persians have often referred to the dictum, attributed to the Prophet, that "love of homeland is an article of faith" (ḥobb al-waṭan men al-imān). The terms waṭan and mihan have also found currency in modern times to convey the meaning of "patriotism" (Ar. ḥobb al-waṭan, Pers. mihan-parasti or Pers.-Ar. waṭan-parasti) or love and loyalty to the homeland and the nation-state. Understandably, the tradition of ḥobb al-waṭan mena'l-imān has often been taken, retrospectively, to imply love for the "national homeland" of the Iranian people in classical Persian literature. Even the mystical, pantheistic notion of the dictum, meaning love for the "heavenly kingdom," has been interpreted as love for the "national homeland" (see, e.g., Ḵubru-ye Pāk, p. 17). It is interesting to note that, on a few occasions in the late Safavid period (probably for the first time), the Hadith of ḥobb al-waṭan was extended beyond its local implication (place of birth or residence) to the whole country of Iran (see iii, above). An attempt to transform the usage of waṭan from birthplace to the national homeland was made in 1876, when a bilingual newspaper Waṭan began publication in Persian and French on 5 February. Explaining the title of the newspaper, the main article stated: "We have chosen waṭan (patrie) for the title of the paper because patriotism (waṭan-parasti) is the highest virtue, but in Iran it means primarily love of birthplace, whereas in its comprehensive usage it conveys the meaning of affection for the king, respect of laws and institutions of the nation, and obedience to the government rules" (cited in Yādgār, 1/7, 1945, pp. 16-17; for an account of the beginning of the usage of fatherland and motherland leading to "patriotic" and "matriotic" nationalisms, see Najmābādi, 2004, pp. 97-130; and Tavakoli-Targhi, 2001, pp. 113-34).
The territorial conception of Iran as a kingdom with a succession of dynasties has existed since the beginnings of Iranian traditional history including irānšahr and irānzamin, or al-Fors (Fārs), Ar. form of Pārs (Persia). The Persian term kešvar, which has entered the political lexicon of modern Iran as the equivalent of "country" (e.g., kešvar-e Irān), had been used to denote the dynastic realm or kingdom in pre-Islamic traditional history. The first usage of the term to denote a contemporary Iranian kingdom appears to have occurred in the Il-khanid era. It was used very rarely in medieval historiography (see iii, above; for a detailed account of the territorial origin of Iranian identity in the 19th and 20th centuries, see Kashani-Sabet).
National identity and reform movements. Persia's reform movement, which was primarily a response of the reforming Persian literati to the challenges of Western powers, was instrumental in promoting new ideas of nation and national homeland. They were aspiring to modernize the archaic government offices and adopt modern technology and political structure in order to develop Persia's capability to resist Western encroachment. Initiated by the Crown Prince ʿAbbās Mirzā (q.v.) with his reforming vizier, Mirzā Abu'l-Qāsem Qāʾem-maqām, during the early decades of the 19th century, the reform movement was substantively promoted under Amir Kabir (q.v.) in the period 1848-52. Amir Kabir, who had traveled to Russia and the Ottoman empire, became acquainted with modern institutions and used the new terms of "the zeal of nation and homeland," and "patriotism" (ḡayrat-e mellat o ḵāk o waṭanparasti). He was primarily concerned with infrastructural development of the government to safeguard Persia's integrity and self-determination; "we find him as the representative of Iranian nationalism against European political and economic colonial penetration" (see Ādamiyat, 1977, p. 215; idem, 1969, pp. 159, 464).
The ideas of nationalism, constitutionalism, and progress further elaborated by such Western-educated literati and statesmen as Ḥosayn Khan Sepahsālār (Mošir-al-Dawla; 1828-81), who served as representative of Persia in Bombay, Tbilisi, and Istanbul, and also served as head of certain ministries, as well as in the grand vizierate (1971). Sepahsālār and his close associates, Malkam Khan Nāẓem-al-Dawla (1833-1908), Yusof Khan Mostašār-al-Dawla (d. 1895), and Majd-al-Molk Sinaki (1809-81), among others, advocated the formation of modern political institutions, as well as the new idea of popular nationalism as the prerequisite for progress. Sepahsālār was among the first to use the term melliyat to refer to the concept of nationality and nationalism, when he said "the foundation of nationality (asās-e melliyat) that was offered by the French Emperor, saying that each nation (mellat) should be governed by its own people" (cited in Ādamiyat, 1972, p. 131). His idea was the sovereignty of the nation and the changing of the status of the inhabitants from subjects (raʿāyā; the flocks) to citizens.
Modern schools and the printing press. The closing decades of the 19th century saw the introduction of modern education and the printing press. It is widely acknowledged that the spread of modern idea of nationalism in the West as well as in Asia and Africa was the byproduct of the development of the printing press and expansion of modern schools (symbolically called "press nationalism" and "school nationalism"; see, e.g., Anderson, 1991; Hobsbaum, 1983). As a result, thousands of Iranians became aware of modern political ideas and institutions (see EDUCATION). The introduction of Western education in Iran by missionary schools and, more importantly, the foundation of a polytechnic institute (Dār-al-Fonun; q.v.) in 1852 and the Faculty of Political Science (Madrasa-ye ʿolum-e siāsi) in 1899 (offering courses with textbooks on the history of Iran) significantly helped the spread of the new political ideas of nation and nationalism among the emerging intelligentsia. The foundation of printing houses in Tabriz, Tehran, Isfahan, and other major cities led to the publication of a score of books and newspapers. About one-fifth of these books (including reprints) were devoted to pre-Islamic Iran, including some ten reprints of an influential textbook on the history of pre-Islamic Persian kings (Ḥosayni Qazvini, Tāriḵ al-moʿjam fi āṯār-e moluk-e ʿAjam), a book on Sasanid history (Tāriḵ-e Sāsāniān), a book on the Parthian roots of the Qajars (Eʿtemād-al-Salṭana, 1891-93), the Šāh-nāma of Ferdowsi, an influential book representing the nationalistic ideas of a Neo-Zoroastrian movement (see Dabestān al-maḏāheb), and a book on Persian ethics (Jāvidān ḵerad). Furthermore, the import of Persian books published in India, as well as a number of Persian newspapers published in Calcutta, Istanbul, Cairo, London, and Paris, helped further the dissemination of the critical political ideas as well as a nationalistic ideology among the Persian intelligentsia.
Romantic nationalism. Identification with the glorious past through imagined places and golden ages helps people to go beyond the miserable and deplorable present. It was natural then for the early proponents of nationalism in Iran to search for Iran's national spirit and glory, the primordial soul of an organic entity with its own distinct culture. There developed a belief in the idea that there had been continuity in Iran's history from the immemorial past to modern times with a romantic view of a pre-Islamic golden age. The intellectual forerunners of romantic nationalism included Mirzā Fatḥ-ʿAli Āḵundzāda, Jalāl-al-Din Mirzā Qājār, and Mirzā Āqā Khan Kermāni (qq.v.). They introduced the basic ideals of the autonomy, the unity, and the prosperity of the Iranian nation with patriotic devotion. Their works are devoted to cultivation of the love of national homeland (ḥobb-e waṭan) as a spiritual need of the people. The recurrent theme in their works is their distaste for the Arab conquest of Iran and comparison and contrast of the deplorable conditions of the country with its glorious pre-Islamic past, on the one hand, and with the developed nations of the West, on the other. In search of root causes of the decline of the nation and the means for its resurrection, they blame the absolutism of the corrupt and incompetent members of the ruling classes: the political as well as the clerical elements. As a major requirement for the country's development, they craved for liberation from the alien Islamic past through a purification of the Persian language from Arabic words and the embracing of Western civilization (for a survey of the merging nationalist ideas in the latter half of the 19th century, see Cole, 1996, pp. 35-56).
Mirzā Fatḥ-ʿAli Āḵundzāda (1812-78), from Azerbaijan, proudly identified as being of Persian stock (nežād-e Irāni), belonging to the nation of Iran (mellat-e Irān) and to the Iranian homeland (waṭan; cited in Adamiyat, 1970, p. 9). Āḵundzāda influenced Jālāl-al-Din Mirzā through friendship and correspondence as well as Mirzā Āqā Khan Kermāni (ibid., pp. 108-36). Jalāl al-Dīn Mirza (1826-70), a Qajar prince, initiated the reconstruction of Iranian national history in his Nāma-ye ḵosravān (Book of the Monarchs), the first history textbook for Dār-al-Fonun in simple Persian, purified of Arabic words. His fourfold Persian dynastic history is arranged from the first man to the Qajars. The first part from Mahābādiān to Sasanid, shows the influence of the neo-Zoroastrian mythologized Dasātir movement (q.v.; see Amanat, 1997; for the influence of this movement on romantic nationalism of this period, see Tavakoli-Tarqi, 1991, pp. 86-95). Mirzā Āqā Khan Kermāni (1854-96) followed Jalāl-al-Din Mirzā in producing a national history of Iran, Āʾina-ye sekandari, extending from the mythological past to the Qajar era, to compare and contrast Iran's glorious past with its present plight (see Ādamiyat, 1978, pp. 149-211). Influenced by these ideas, the Persian literati even invented an "Iranian origin" for the last Turkic dynasty of Iran, connecting the Qajars to the Parthian dynasty (see Eʿtemād-al-Salṭana, 1891-93).
Dissemination of the romantic nationalism of these intellectual figures and the nationalistic ideas of the reforming ministers contributed significantly to the intellectual ferment and ideological orientation of the Constitutional Revolution.
Constitutional Revolution and national identity. The intellectual ideas of the constitutional movement was primarily oriented toward two fundamental goals: creating a 'modern nation-state' in order to develop the resources of the country and protect its autonomy vis-à-vis foreign powers, and forming a nation by transforming the people from "subjects" (raʿāyā) to citizens, with a greater participation in the political life of the country. Furthermore, this national idea of mellat-e Irān encompassed all peoples of Iran regardless of their religious affiliation, ethnic origin, spoken language, or socio-economic status. It was in terms of these principles that the Constitutional Revolution became a patriotic, nationalist movement. Thus from its inception the idea of "national sovereignty of Iranian people" became the slogan of those who advocated constitutionalism, secularism, progress, and equality.
The appearance of scores of newspapers and journals in the course of the revolution helped spread the ideas of nationhood and national sovereignty among the urban population. Derived from the term nation (mellat), the concept of national (melli) gained increasing popularity. It was used, for example, to refer to the National Consultative Assembly (Majles-e šurā-ye melli), the National Bank (Bānk-e melli), the epithets of national heroes: national commander (sardār-e melli) for Sattār Khan, and national leader (sālār-e melli) for Bāqer Khan (q.v.)—the commanders of the prolonged armed resistance of the constitutionalist forces in Tabriz (see CONSTITUTIONAL REVOLUTION i).
In this period a new generation of Persian literati, influenced by the forerunners of nationalism in Iran, appeared on the scene. These included Forṣat Širāzi (q.v.; 1855-1921), the author of Āṯār-e ʿAjam, the first Persian work introducing the ancient monuments and archeological sites of Fārs. In his political papers, Forṣat attributes the deplorable conditions of Persia to the ignorance of its people and the tyranny of its rulers, calling for drastic reforms (Forṣat-al-Dawla, 1904). Other influential figures include Malek-al-Motakallemin (1860-1907), who, impressed by the Japanese model of progress, advocated a more rational use of natural resources for industrialization of the country (Malekzāda, 1946, pp. 91-98). Also influential were two Azerbaijani authors, ʿAbd-al-Raḥim Ṭālebof (1835-1910) and Zayn-al-ʿĀbedin Marāḡaʾi (1839-1910). The former advocated a scientific and political awakening of Persia, while the latter deplored the miserable life of the people and cried for love of the nation and its salvation.
The disillusionment of nationalist supporters of the Constitutional Revolution with the 1907 Anglo-Russian agreement (q.v.), which divided Iran into two zones of influence, led to resurgence of the romantic nationalism, anti-imperialism, and ideas of socialism. Thus, for example, the poets of the Constitutional Revolution may be divided into three distinct types: (1) Those who consider the national homeland in its Islamic or even its Shiʿite form, such as Adib Pišāvari (q.v.; 1844-1930) and Sayyed Ašraf-al-Din Gilāni (1870-1933). (2) Those poets who were influenced by modern, Western conception of homeland such as Abu'l-Qāsem ʿĀref (1883-1933) and Mir-zādeh ʿEšqi (qq.v.;1893-1924) and wrote on the themes of patriotism, freedom, and anti-colonialism. Also belonging to this group was Moḥammad-Ebrāhim Farroḵi Yazdi (1888-1939), who espoused patriotic socialism and called for love, devotion, and sacrifice for Iran and its working peoples. (3) Those who followed a hybrid religio-national response, such as Malek-al-Šo ʿarāʾ Bahār (q.v.; 1866-1951), who wrote powerful poems glorifying pre-Islamic Iran while at the same time looking at the Islamic heritage of Iran with respect (see Šafiʿi Kadkani, pp. 22-23). In contrast, Aḥmad Kasrawi (1888-1945), a prolific author, published scores of political pamphlets combining nationalistic and anti-religious (including Shiʿism, Sufism, and Bahāʾism) sentiments and advocated a radical approach toward purification of Persian from Arabic words (see Kasrawi, 1978).
The post-Constitutional period saw a nationalist reaction to the country's political decay, which was best manifested in three influential journals during the period of 1916-28: Kāva, edited and published in Berlin by Sayyed Ḥasan Taqizādeh (*qq.v.), a leading veteran of the Constitutional Revolution and the leader of Iran's nationalist committee in Berlin (Komita-ye melliyun-e Irān); Irānšahr, also published in Berlin by Ḥosayn Kāẓemzādeh Irānšahr (qq.v.); and Āyanda (q.v.), published in Tehran by Maḥmud Afšār (*q.v.). Kāẓemzādeh Irānšahr, an ardent nationalist, set forth his views in a number of essays in his journal (1922-26), and more specifically in his Tajalliyāt-e ruḥ-e irāni (The manifestation of Iranian spirit). He had maintained a clear romantic and primordialist notion of the Aryan race and the superior character of the Iranian peoples, which has manifested itself throughout the history of the nation. In various articles in his journal Āyanda (1925-27, 1944-45, 1955), Afšār, a political scientist, pioneered a systematic scholarly treatment of various aspects of Iranian national identity, territorial integrity, and national unity. An influential nationalist, he also displayed a strong belief in the nationalist character of Iranian people throughout the country's long history. He was the first to propose the idea of Pan-Iranism to safeguard the unity and territorial integrity of the nation against the onslaught of Pan-Turkism and Pan-Arabism (Afšār, p. 187).
The late Qajar and early Pahlavi period saw the emergence, also, of a number of historical novels and plays, combining the historical facts and fictional imagination to portray the period's nostalgia for Persia's glorious past; these included Ṣādeq Hedāyat's (q.v.) Parvin doḵtar-e Sāsān (see FICTION 2b).
Similar to the common pattern of the early 20th century, the Pahlavi nation-state was founded on self-glorification. Celebration and commemoration of the collective historical memory through symbols and myths, rituals and ceremonies, museums and archeological sites, Achaemenid architectural design for public edifices, nationalistic music, and a national dress code became its hallmarks. In this period, the emerging nationalist historical writings shifted from the emphasis on the continuity with "the traditional history" to the continuity with "factual history" by emphasizing the Achaemenid period as the political origin of the state (see HISTORIOGRAPHY viii and ix). This historical restoration of the Achaemenid era with the help of Western scholars is often misinterpreted by those who, influenced by Eurocentric, modernist orthodoxy, tend to portray the whole of Iran's traditional history as an invention or imagination of "Orientalists" (see Vaziri, 1993; for the neglect of the Median and Achaemenid history, see Yarshater, 1984; for the recurrent updating of Iran's factual history from the Sasanid to the contemporary dynasties, see iii, above).
It was during this early period of the Pahlavi rule that scholarly historical writings began to develop. Ḥosayn Pirniā's pioneering work on the history of ancient Iran (3 vols., Tehran, 1931-33) and ʿAbbās Eqbāl-Āštiāni's textbook on history of Iran from the advent of Islam to the fall of the Qajars (Tehran, 1939), and ʿAbd-Allāh Rāzi's work on Iran's history from the ancient times to the year 1937 (Tehran, 1938) constituted textbooks of factual history of Iran from ancient to modern times. These texts helped develop a new historical consciousness for the reading public. Meanwhile a number of Iranian scholars began to see a cultural continuity between pre-Islamic and medieval Islamic Iran. In this context, Ebrāhim Pur-Dāwud, the pioneer of Avestan studies in Persia and an ardent advocate of Iranian nationalism, examined the influence of Zorastrianism and pre-Islamic culture on the emerging Islamic civilization in Iran. He suggested that "our land, our race, and our language have remained the same for several thousand years" (in Moʿin, 1947, pp. 1-4). Moḥammad Moḥammadi Malāyeri (1944, 1975, revised ed., 1995) elaborated on Persian influence in Mesopotamia, the central province of both the Sasanid and the Islamic empires, during the Abbasid caliphate. Moḥammad Moʿin (1947), too, wrote on the influence of Mazdean ideas on recurrent motifs in classical Persian literature and mysticism. Ḏabiḥ-Allāh Ṣafā in his influential work on the history of epic writing and legendry in Iran (1st ed., 1942; 4th ed., 1984) and in his history of literature in Iran (1953-83), as well as the summary of political, social, and cultural history of Ian from the beginning to the end of the Safavid period (1977), also promoted the new, nationalist view of Iran's history. A new, ultra-nationalist trend in Persian historical writings of this period was initiated by Ḏabiḥ Behruz (q.v) and his disciples (see HISTORIOGRAPHY ix).
Western scholars of pre-Islamic and medieval Islamic periods also helped the promotion of scholarship on Iran's history. These include important contributions of Ignaz Goldziher, Ernst Herzfeld, Vladimir Minorsky, Bertold Spuler, Samuel Stern; they used the "nationalist scheme" and its related key concepts of "national character" and "national sentiment" to demonstrate the formation of the Iranian nation with a vivid "national identity" during the Achaemenid period (Herzfeld, 1936) and its revival during the 9th-11th centuries and later (see, e.g., Goldzieher, 1998-99, 1951; Minorsky, 1932, 1956; Spuler, 1952 and 1955; Stern, 1971). Herzfeld's (q.v.) idea of Achaemenid Iran as a geo-political concept, as "the empire of the Aryans," as well as his idea that the Iranian "nation" in its combined geographical and political sense emerged during the Achaemenid period, were adopted as the formal ideological framework of the Pahlavi state. These ideas laid the foundation of what Alessandro Bausani (1975, p. 46) calls "Aryan and Neo-Achaemenid nationalism." They led to four historical innovations: the change, in Western languages, of the country's name from Persia to Iran in 1935, signifying the primordial Aryan origin of the nation; the assumption of the title Āryā-mehr (the Sun of the Aryans) by Moḥammad Reżā Shah in 1965; celebration of the 2,500 years of Persian empire in 1971; and finally, the change of the national calendar from the Islamic Hejri to the invented Šāhanšāhi—the time of the formation of the Persian empire by Cyrus the Great (see Herzfeld, 1935; for a recent support for his idea, see Shahbazi, 2001; for a critical analysis, see Gnoli, 1968, pp. 1-27).
This emphasis on 25 centuries of Persian empire as the main pillar of Iranian identity was drawn from the notion of loyalty to the kingdom of Iran, whose custodian is the king. Accordingly, Iranian identity derived from the king's divinely ordained sovereignty, a glory bestowed upon him as a gift of grace (farr-e Izadi; see FARR), and the love of homeland was seen as the love of the kingdom of Iran. The well-known slogan of "God, Shah, Homeland" (ḵodā, šāh, mihan), which was adopted by the Pahlavi dynasty as an expression of the Iranians' loyalty to the shah and his kingdom, did not leave much room for the concept of the "sovereignty of the nation." Such a notion of sovereignty could not be reconciled, furthermore, with the basic principle of the Constitutional Revolution which declared: "Kingship is a gift that with divine will is bestowed upon the person of the king by the nation" (article thirty-five: Salṭanat wadiʿaist ke be muhebat-e elāhi az ṭaraf-e mellat be šaḵṣ-e pādšāh mofawważ šodeh).
The Pahlavi era saw not only the emergence and growth of a nation-state with a clear national policy, but also the rise of a national consciousness that attempted to promote a feeling of belonging to a modern nation with a glorious history spanning more than 25 centuries. This was aided by a vigorous dissemination of the idea of "Iran" as a part of a broad campaign to raise literacy levels, the rapid growth of urbanization and communications, the emergence of a middle class and an educated urban group, and the formation of a national market.
History and language were two important bases for the formation of the new "state nationalism" under the Pahlavis. The historical agenda included an emphasis on the Achaemenid era (as discussed above) and the encouragement of archeological excavations by American and European archeologists. The foundation of an archeological museum in Tehran (Muza-ye Irān-e bāstān), construction of public edifices with Achaemenid motifs (see ARCHITECTURE vi. REŻĀ SHAH PERIOD), and the foundation of the National Monuments Council of Iran (ANJOMAN-E ĀṮĀR-E MELLI) were part of these efforts (see Meskoob, 1994).
Furthermore, a nationalist current in Persian music was encouraged in this period. The main figures in this movement were ʿAli-Naqi Waziri and Sayyed Jawād Badiʿzāda. Waziri composed a number of marches to mobilize the younger generation to serve the nation. His "Toward the Throne" (Besu-ye taḵt) was composed during the coronation of Reza Shah (see Ḵāleqi, II, pp. 103-7, 222-23). Badiʿzāda, a popular vocalist and prolific singer and composer, wrote national hymns glorifying Iran's past and present. Recorded in Berlin, these hymns were widely disseminated among the growing middle classes, who had access to "His Master's Voice" gramophones. He was a genuine romantic nationalist with records whose motifs included glorifying the Persian flag, calling Iran the country of Darius (Irān ey kešvar-e Dāryuš), praising the unveiling of women, and celebrating the completion of the Iranian trans-national railway system, and the national anthem (see Badiʿzāda, pp. sizdah, 126-27, 154, 221). Later, during the occupation of Iran by allied forces, in the early and mid-1940s, Gol-golāb (q.v.) wrote two national songs, with music composed by Ruḥ-Allāh Ḵāleqi: "Āḏarābādegān," during the Azerbaijan secessionist movement of 1945-46 and "Ey Irān" (O Iran); the latter has achieved great popularity among Iranians of different backgrounds and political persuasions.
The state language policy sought to purge Arabic and other "foreign" words from Persian. The idea of purification of Persian from Arabic had been started in the latter half of the 19th century by a small group of romantic nationalist intellectuals (see above). The first systematic attempt to find Persian words for new technical terms, but with no intention for purification of Persian, took place on the eve of the Constitutional Revolution and involved the formation of a forum, "The Academic Assembly" (Majles-e ākādemi), that met on a monthly basis in 1903 (Āryanpur, III, p. 16). Several other short-lived organizations, formed during the period 1924-35, continued the search for Persian words, particularly in new military and technical arenas. This led to many imprecise coinages and to heated arguments for and against the purification movement. These attempts gathered momentum when Reża Shah visited Turkey in 1934, where he learned of Kemal Atatürk's promotion of a similar project (for a comparison of language reform in Turkey and Iran, see Perry, 1985, pp. 295-311). It was under these circumstances that the Iranian Academy of Language (Farhangestān-e Zabān-e Irān; q.v.), was established in 1935 on the initiative of prime minister M.-ʿA. Foruḡi (q.v.); it aimed at replacing Arabic words with carefully chosen Persian equivalents (see Foruḡi, "My Message to the Academy" [Payām-e man be Farhangestān]; and Ḥ. Taqizādeh, "The National Literary Movement" [Nahżat-e melli-e adabi]). During its six years of activity until 1941, the first Farhangestān adopted over 3,500 words, including place-names (see Bayāt). Following a long dormant phase which began with Reza Shah's abdication in 1941, the Academy of Languages was reactivated in 1970 with Ṣādeq Kiā, as its president. A disciple of Ḏabiḥ-Allāh Behruz, Kiā was an ardent advocate of the purification of Persian words from Arabic. By the 1979 Revolution, the second Farhangestān had collected and approved Persian equivalents for 1,470 technical terms and loanwords from Arabic and European languages (see FARHANGESTĀN).
The politics of Iranian identity. Drawn to different ideological agendas for reconstructing modern Iran, the Persian intelligentsia has been divided among a number of contesting groups since the middle of the 20th century. The main controversy derived from two fundamental objectives of the Constitutional Revolution: the foundation of a nation-state and the development of a civil society that can transform people from subjects (raʿāyā) to citizens with the right to participate in national affairs. The Pahlavi state focused on the former at the expense of the latter. The Pahlavi shahs believed that the country's modernization would pave the way for the creation of a civil society. A large group of intelligentsia, too, came to adopt the idea of 25 centuries of Persian empire as the foundation of Iranian national identity. Two prominent examples in the early period, were members of the Radical Party (Ḥezb-e Rādikāl), which was founded by ʿAli-Akbar Dāvar (q.v.), who was an architect of the formation of the Pahlavi state and modernization of the country, and a group of Western-educated Iranians who formed the Iran Javān Club (q.v.) under the leadership of ʿAli-Akbar Siāsi. A group of Western-educated technocrats who were also dedicated to the cause of the progress and prosperity of Iran became involved in the drive towards rapid economic growth and modernization of the country during the 1960s, with the Plan Organization, Central Bank, and Ministry of Economy as their base of activities (see ʿĀliḵāni, 2002, pp. 73-74). However, the main organs of propaganda advocating "Achaemenid nationalism," were the state-sponsored political parties, Melliyun, Irān-e Novin, Mardom, and Rastāḵiz, all formed in the period from mid-1950s to mid-1970s (for the positive nationalism of the shah, see Cottam, pp. 286-311).
A second group of intelligentsia envisioned the development of a civil society as a prerequisite to national formation; they underscored liberal nationalist ideas and as such were identified with popular nationalism. The main proponents of this mode of national identity in the mid-20th century included the National Front (Jebha-ye melli), a loose coalition of various organizations (under the leadership of Mohammad Moṣaddeq) with different persuasions from the right to the left of the political spectrum (see Cottam, pp. 243-85).
The third group, challenging the state-sponsored notion of national identity included the supporters of leftist ideologies who championed the cause of Iranian peoples. These groups often tend to shift the question of Iranian collective identity from its 'national' perspective to its component peoples; they speak not of Iranian nation but of Iranian peoples (ḵalqhā-ye Irān) who are made up of different nationalities. To them, Iran is a multi-national country where, by definition, the right of ethnic minorities to self-rule should be recognized. The leftist view was influenced by the establishment of the Union of Soviet Republics and shaped by the collective identities of the peoples of the southern republics in the Caucasus and Central Asia in the period from the early 1920s to the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989. While the internal policy of the Soviet Union consistently suppressed national sentiments in its socialist republics, its propaganda machine encouraged separatist movements in other countries (see Connor, 1984). A manifestation of this policy in practice was the formation of the republics of Azerbaijan and Kurdistan with the help of Red Army in 1945-46 (see Cottam, pp. 65-74, 118-33; for an analytical survey of various politial movements with national aspirations among Kurdish, Aḏari, and Baluchi peoples, see Ahmadi, 2000; see further IRAN v. PEOPLES OF IRAN (1); IDENTITY V. IN POST-REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD in Supplement online forthcoming).
The fourth notion of Iranian national identity is a religious one. Ayatollah Mortażā Moṭahhari, ʿAli Šariʿati, and Mehdi Bāzargān were among the main proponents of the Iranian religio-national identity. For Moṭahhari a moderate and peaceful nationalism leading to cooperation and social ties among people is compatible with the Iranian-Islamic national identity (Moṭahhari, pp. 62-67). Šariʿati defines nation and nationality in relation to culture and, therefore, sees a close relationship between these terms and religion. Following this line, it is maintained that during the last 14 centuries the two histories of Islam and Iran have become so intermingled that it is impossible to search for Iranian identity without Islam or for Islamic identity without a strong Iranian presence within it. In Šariʿati's view, these two elements of Irān-e Eslāmi constitute Iranian identity. He believes cultural and national alienation can only be overcome by relying on the Iranian nation while supporting its Shiʿite culture (Šariʿati, pp. 72-73). Bāzargān, in his talk during the critical transitional moment between the fall of the shah and the rise of the Islamic Republic, notes that "to oppose Islam to Iranian nationalism is tantamount to destroying ourselves. To deny Iranian identity and consider nationalism irreligious is part and parcel of the anti-Iranian movement and is the work of the anti-revolutionaries" (Bāzargān, cited by Maḥmud Afšār, 1959, p. 655; for detail, see Chehabi, 1990).
The findings of a recent cross-cultural survey comparing Iran, Egypt, and Jordan, which was carried out in 2000-01, may be relevant to the question of the relationship between nationality and religiosity. The survey showed a lower level of religiosity among Iranian respondents compared to their Egyptian and Jordanian counterpoints, but a much higher level of national sentiment. While in Jordan and Egypt only 14 percent and 10 percent of the respondents, respectively, indicated that they are "Jordanian" or "Egyptian" above all," 34 percent of Iranians identified themselves as "Iranian above all" (see M. Moaddel and T. Azadarmaki, p. 302).
In the Iran of the late 20th century, similar to many other societies, ethno-linguistic affiliations and provincial and tribal ties, often compete with national identity. Yet, in spite of these multiple identities, a deeply rooted cultural awareness and a historical consciousness of continuity in a long and distinctive history of the country have served as a strong cohesive force to help overcome various divisive currents. The findings of a national survey, conducted in provincial capitals of 28 provinces in 2001, shows people's strong ties to their "Iranian" identity. In answering the question, "to what extent are you proud of being an Iranian?" 68 percent of respondents indicated that they highly value their Iranian identity, including 35 percent who answered "fully" (kāmelan) and 33 percent who answered "very high" (ḵeyli ziād). Furthermore, 27 percent of respondents valued their Iranian identity moderately to highly, with 19 percent at the higher level (ziād), and 8 percent at the medium level (motewasseṭ). The lower levels accounted for only 5 percent of respondents. When the sample was divided according to the educational level of respondents, those with lower levels of education showed the higher levels of feeling of national identity: 92 percent of those with no education or with primary education indicated greater feeling of national identity, compared to 86 percent of those with secondary education and 80 percent of those with higher education (Wezārat-e eršād-e Eslāmi, pp. 249-50).
Finally, a conscious belief in "Iran's cultural distinctiveness" served as the foundation and common denominator of Iranian identity and the binding force among Iranians for centuries, with Persian literature, and more specifically, Persian poetry, as its core element. Furthermore, with a strong tradition of oral literature, particularly poetry, the idea of "Iran" and its elements in Persian cultural heritage have been widely disseminated through naqqāli and Šāh-nāma ḵʷāni, to the masses in urban, rural, and tribal areas. There are many illiterate people who know verses from the Divāns of Hafez and Saʿdi and the Šāh-nāma of Ferdowsi by heart and often refer to them in their daily social discourse.
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(Ahmad Ashraf)
Originally Published: December 15, 2006
Last Updated: March 30, 2012
This article is available in print.
Vol. XIII, Fasc. 5, pp. 522-530


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German Travelogue Unveils Stubborn Anti-Semitism
An unusual book was published recently in Germany: a travelogue that reveals, through hundreds of interviews in nearly 40 cities and towns in Germany, a disturbing obsession with the Jews, as well as outright anti-Semitism, among the German population today.
The book, "Allein Unter Deutschen" ("Alone Among Germans"), published by the European publisher, Suhrkamp, is a German translation of the English original, "I Sleep in Hitler's Room." The author, Tuvia Tenenbom, had published "I Sleep…" in the United States in 2011 with the Jewish Theater of New York, of which he is the founder and director.
Since the publication of the German version, it has become a Spiegel best seller, equivalent to The New York Times best-seller list — a true victory for Tenenbom, who until recently had been unable to find a publisher for his candid and unsettling book.
During a recent interview with the Forverts in his Manhattan office, Tenenbom, the New York- and Berlin-based columnist of the German national weekly newspaper Die Zeit explained how the German publisher Rowohlt commissioned him to travel around the country and talk to Germans, then write about their thoughts and feelings, using the same folksy style he uses in his column on sport and fitness. (His essays are written tongue-in-cheek, as Tenenbom is rather stout and smokes a pack of cigarettes a day.)
"I thought it was a great idea, and would be lots of fun because I enjoy talking to people," Tenenbom remarked.
But as he engaged people in conversation, he discovered two distinct qualities about the Germans: First, that they drink an excessive amount of beer, and second, that many of them harbored disturbingly negative views about Jews and Israel.
As the owner of an elegant hotel and restaurant in Wannsee, Germany, remarked: "Everybody knows that the Jews control the American economy."
After a profound disagreement regarding Rowohlt's editing of the manuscript, Tenenbom decided to publish it elsewhere. "There was no way I could accept these changes, because it was no longer the book that I had written," he said.
The walls of Tenenbom's tiny office reflect his multifaceted accomplishments. Ther are posters of his theatrical productions — "The Last Virgin" and "Last Jew in Europe." A dark wooden bookcase is filled with books on various topics, including, surprisingly, Jewish holy books written in Hebrew. As it turns out, the secular, cosmopolitan Tenenbom hails from a Haredi home in Israel.
Tenenbom is a warm conversationalist, chatting easily about diverse topics, and often with a twinkle in his eye. This affable quality may have been the reason that his subjects in Germany opened up to him so readily. His light skin and blue eyes didn't hurt, either. He admits that he didn't always tell his subjects he was Jewish, calling himself a journalist from New York. "If I'd told them I was Jewish, do you think they'd tell me what they were really thinking?" he asked.
One of his most controversial visits was to the Neo-Nazi bar Club 88 (8 representing H, the eighth letter of the alphabet, HH being an abbreviation of "Heil Hitler") in Neumunster. Telling his fellow patrons that his name was Tobias and that his German parents had immigrated to America when he was 1 year old, Tenenbom added, for good measure, "I'm a perfect Aryan." It wasn't long before Frank, the club owner, offered him drinks on the house and showed him a book about "the Jewish devil."
What disturbed Tenenbom most, however, was the anti-Semitism he discovered among the everyday, supposedly liberal, Germans he encountered. Often, these people didn't hesitate to state that the Jews controlled the economy or the media. "They like the Jews that were killed during the war, but hate the Jews of today," Tenenbom said.
Tenenbom is also sharply critical of the Jewish community in Germany. After the chief rabbi of Munich informed him that the Orthodox community there has 9,000 members, Tenenbom joined him for services at the multimillion-dollar synagogue, apparently paid for by the German government.
"I start counting the nine thousand," Tenenbom writes in the book. "Well, not really. The number of worshippers, including those who are tourists and guests from Israel and the United States: thirty-five. In other words, the place would be practically empty if not for the foreigners."
And what of the growing number of German musicians playing Yiddish and klezmer music? Tenenbom pays them a visit, and is disillusioned to discover that, despite their fondness for Yiddish culture, they harbor hostile views of Israel. After he asks a violinist whether she has ever been to Israel, she replies angrily: "I don't have to go to Israel! My music has nothing to do with it!"
For Tenenbom, the stubborn persistence of anti-Semitism in modern Germany strikes a personal nerve. As a child of Holocaust survivors, he always knew that his parents had suffered terribly, but the Nazi horrors were beneath the surface — never discussed.
"My father refused to tell me the name of the city he was from, and I didn't even know my mother was in a concentration camp, or that seven of her siblings were killed, until after her death," Tenenbom said.
Years later, thirsting for more information about the family's experiences during the war, he visited one of his mother's surviving siblings in Brooklyn. It was a warm day, and the air conditioner was broken. Tenenbom was perspiring uncomfortably, while his Hasidic uncle, dressed in a buttoned-up, long-sleeved shirt, sat calmly, eating hot soup. "You should be drinking cola with ice," Tenenbom said.
Without looking up, his uncle took another long sip and said, "That's what saved me — one soup a day."
Rukhl Schaechter is a staff writer and editor at the Forverts.


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Communicable diseases are those diseases capable of being transmitted from one person to another, or from one species to another. Two major groups of communicable diseases, classified in the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-10), are infectious and parasitic diseases (ICD-10 codes A00-B99) and acute respiratory infections (ICD-10 codes J00-J22) which includes influenza and pneumonia as well as other acute upper and lower respiratory infections. In 2001, these two groups accounted for 3.6% of all deaths in Australia (4,444 deaths). Influenza and pneumonia accounted for 61% (2,702) of these deaths. Death rates increase with age, and were greater for males than females in most age groups. In 2000-01, there were 89,318 hospital separations in Australia with a principal diagnosis of infectious and parasitic diseases. Acute respiratory infections including influenza and pneumonia were responsible for a further 122,601 separations.
HIV and AIDS
In collaboration with the state and territory health authorities and the Australian Government, surveillance for human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) is conducted by the National Centre in HIV Epidemiology and Clinical Research. This centre is part of the Faculty of Medicine, University of New South Wales and is funded primarily by the Department of Health and Ageing through the Australian National Council on AIDS, Hepatitis C and Related Diseases.
At 31 December 2002, the cumulative number of HIV cases (since 1985) was 22,550. The number of new HIV infections decreased steadily and reached a low in 1999. However, from then on, HIV infections appear to have increased by around 4% on average per year. The cumulative number of AIDS diagnoses was 9,083 (since 1981), and there had been a total of 6,272 deaths attributable to AIDS (table 9.20).
The reduced numbers of new AIDS diagnoses in recent years (table 9.20) has been due to the decline in HIV incidence that took place in the mid-1980s, and the use, since around 1996, of effective combination antiretroviral therapy for the treatment of HIV infection. In Australia, approximately 50% of all people living with HIV infection are receiving antiretroviral treatment. However, the long-term effectiveness of antiretroviral treatment remains unknown, and if treatments begin to fail for a substantial proportion of people, then AIDS incidence could increase again.
Transmission of HIV in Australia continues to be mainly through sexual contact between men (77%). This was followed by transmission through heterosexual contact (11%) and injecting drug use (4.4%) (table 9.21). A small percentage of diagnosed infections were associated with a history of injecting drug use (2.2% in 2002). Mother-to-child transmission of HIV infection and transmission in a health care setting remain rare in Australia.
Children's immunisation
The Australian Childhood Immunisation Register (ACIR), which commenced operation on 1 January 1996, aims to provide accurate and comprehensive information about immunisation coverage for all children under the age of seven. The register is administered by the Health Insurance Commission (HIC) on behalf of the Department of Health and Ageing and is a key component of initiatives to improve the immunisation status of Australian children.
Immunisation coverage goals for Australia for the year 2000, recommended by the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC), called for 90% or more coverage of children at two years of age, and near universal coverage of children at school-entry age, against diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis (whooping cough), poliomyelitis, measles, mumps, rubella and hib (haemophilus influenza type b).
ACIR data indicated that, at 31 December 2002, 91% of one year olds, 89% of two year olds and 82% of 6 year olds were fully immunised according to the NHMRC Recommended Australian Standard Vaccination Schedule. State summaries by age group based on ACIR data are contained in the quarterly Communicable Diseases Intelligence bulletin, published on the HIC web site, <http://www.hic.gov.au>.


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Background and motivation
I've always been fascinated about algebraic statements independent from ZFC set theory. One such fascinating example comes from considering $\rm{Ext}^1_\mathbb{Z}(A,\mathbb{Z})$. If $A$ is free then this abelian group is trivial. Is the converse true? The converse is known as the Whitehead problem.
Now the Whitehead problem was shown independent of ZFC by Shelah. This is somewhat unsatisfying, but it can be proved assuming the axiom of constructibility ($V=L$). In fact, there are other reasonable sounding and simple statements in analysis and topology that are also independent from ZFC but become theorems once $V=L$ is assumed. Another statement is that the global (a.k.a. homological) dimension of the ring $\prod_{i=1}^\infty \mathbb{C}$ is two if and only if the continuum hypothesis holds, which is implied by adding $V=L$ again. Thus I feel warmly about the axiom of constructibility.
Of course, the dissatisfaction remains, because there are other statements that are independent from $ZFC + V=L$ (well, perhaps I should write $ZF + V=L$ to save space). Question 18058 and Question 11480 are examples.
Question, loosely stated
Now, I am curious if there are any known algebraic (see postscript) statements, reasonably naturally sounding (use judgement), that are independent from $ZF + V=L$? Or perhaps independent from $ZF + A$ where $A$ is your favourite set-theoretic axiom independent from $ZFC$? Perhaps some easy low-hanging fruit for this search would be in the area of homological dimension theory? Has anyone done work on this type of thing?
I am sure there must be some statements of some kind. In the proof of the Whitehead problem under adding $V=L$, one can first deduce some combinatorial statement that requires little set-theoretic machinery and then use it to prove the Whitehead problem. So perhaps adding other axioms, one can also deduce various combinatorial gadgets and them use them to get new algebraic statements that are independent from the original $ZFC$? I would even like to hear about statements implied by additional axioms, but whose independence is not proved. (One of Devlin's books explains this).
(Remark: Although with enough brute force, one should be able to churn out such things no matter how many new axioms one adds, I would be interested in finding enough axioms of set theory so that the remaining independent statements would be so bizarre sounding that they would be essentially be uninteresting for all of time. Presumably as one adds more and more axioms to set theory, this would happen, no?)
Since I am not a set theorist, I would appreciate answers that are understandable to someone who knows the basics of set theory (say a typical first grad course) but knows very little about forcing.
By "algebraic" I mean roughly some statement in the language of groups, rings, ideals, modules, fields, etc., somewhat natural sounding, that does not itself refer to the additional axiom (e.g. using some set whose cardinal is inaccessible, or something along these lines). Thus I am not looking for statements about real numbers or set theory, although those are interesting too.


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Lake Burley Griffin is at the heart of Canberra, the Capital City of Australia. There are two bridges that cross the lake and form the sides of the Parliamentary Triangle. At the apex of the triangle is Parliament House. Below it, the white building is Old Parliament House, now used as the Museum of Democracy. The National Art Gallery and Portrait Gallery, the High Court, Questacon – the National Science and Technology Centre – and the National Library are all set in the park that stretches along the lake's central basin between Kings Bridge on the left and Commonwealth Bridge on the right. The red avenue in the centre of the diorama is ANZAC Parade and that leads to the War Memorial.
To the left of Kings Bridge is the lake's eastern basin. Bowen Park, where we walked in a previous journal, is at the top of this part of the diorama. We live just a couple of suburbs away. The Carillon is set on it's own small island just to the right of the bridge.
Back to the main diorama. Top right, above the Commonwealth Bridge, is the western basin of the lake. The building far right is the National Museum of Australia. The walking bridge does not exist yet – it's in the planning stages. Centre right is Commonwealth Park and the smaller lake, Nerang Pool, is where we'll visit in our next journal entry. This diorama is housed in the Regatta Point Building, the white building in Commonwealth Park. It's set on a hill, a great vantage point from which to view the other side of the lake.
Now let's look at some photos I took yesterday from Regatta Point.
The National Library of Australia is perhaps my favourite building in Canberra. The fiery autumn leaf photos in an earlier journal were of the trees, now bereft of their leaves, on the lakeside walk by the library. The flag pole on top of Parliament House is to the left of the library. Questacon National Science and Technology Centre is on the left.
Further along that lakeside walk, passed the flags of all the nations that have diplomatic ties with Australia, is the High Court. Tucked in behind that is the National Art Gallery of Australia and the National Portrait gallery. I do enjoy walking by the lake in that area.
In this photo, the High Court of Australia is on the right and the Carillon is on the left. The bridge is Kings Bridge, one of the two traffic bridges that cross the lake. Canberra is well known as a divided city – with suburbs and satellite city centres to the south of the lake and those to the north each engendering great loyalties. We are southies!
Turning into Commonwealth Park from the main lake there's a short walk to the smaller lake known as Nerang Pool. It's a haven for water birds close the main civic centre of Canberra which is just beyond those trees. This area around Nerang Pool is the site for Canberra's spring flower festival, Floriade. The garden beds for the 2012 show have already been prepared and planted and are currently protected by mesh. Floriade begins in mid September and goes until mid October. Just now, in the colder months, it is quiet here and in the next JT's Jottings we'll take a walk around this small lake.
Photography © JT of 'jtdytravels'
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48°56' / 24°43'
Translation of Stanislawow chapter from
Pinkas Hakehillot Polin
Translation of Stanislawow chapter from
Published by Yad Vashem
Published in Jerusalem
Published in Jerusalem
Project Coordinator
Joyce Field
Project Coordinator
Joyce Field
Our sincere appreciation to Yad Vashem
for permission to put this material on the JewishGen web site.
Joachim Nachbar, a survivor from Stanislawow graciously supplied
numerous name and place spellings. Some additional clarification was added for the
footnotes, etc. by Yehuda Albeck, David W. Harris, Joachim Nachbar, and David Weinberg.
This translation was generously provided by Joyce Field, Elly Fitzig, Muriel Friedman, Susannah Juni and Marc Seidenfeld
This translation was generously provided by Joyce Field, Elly Fitzig, Muriel Friedman, Susannah Juni and Marc Seidenfeld
This is a translation from: Pinkas Hakehillot Polin:
Encyclopedia of Jewish Communities, Poland, Volume II, pages 359-376, published by Yad Vashem, Jerusalem
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