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Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, members of the 103rd Congress, my fellow
I am not sure what speech is in the TelePrompTer tonight, but I hope we can
talk about the State of the Union.
I ask you to begin by recalling the memory of the giant who presided over
this chamber with such force and grace. Tip O'Neill liked to call himself
"A Man of the House" and he surely was that. But even more, he was a man of
the people, a bricklayer's son who helped to build the great American
middle class. Tip O'Neill never forgot who he was, where he came from, or
who sent him here. Tonight he's smiling down on us for the first time from
the Lord's gallery. But in his honor, may we too also remember who we are,
where we come from, and who sent us here.
If we do that we will return over and over again to the principle that if
we simply give ordinary people equal opportunity, quality education, and a
fair shot at the American dream, they will do extraordinary things.
We gather tonight in a world of changes so profound and rapid that all
nations are tested. Our American heritage has always been to master such
change, to use it to expand opportunity at home, and our leadership abroad.
But for too long and in too many ways, that heritage was abandoned, and our
country drifted.
For 30 years family life in America has been breaking down. For 20 years
the wages of working people have been stagnant or declining. For the 12
years of trickle down economics we built a false prosperity on a hollow
base as our national debt quadrupled. From 1989 to 1992 we experienced the
slowest growth in a half century. For too many families, even when both
parents were working, the American dream has been slipping away.
In 1992 the American people demanded that we change. I year ago I asked all
of you to join me in accepting responsibility for the future of our
Well, we did. We replaced drift and deadlock with renewal and reform. And I
want to thank every one of you here who heard the American people, who
broke gridlock, who gave them the most successful teamwork between a
president and a Congress in 30 years.
This Congress produced a budget that cut the deficit by half a trillion
dollars, cut spending and raised income taxes on only the wealthiest
Americans. This Congress produced tax relief for millions of low—income
workers to reward work over welfare. It produced NAFTA. It produced the
Brady bill, now the Brady law.
And thank you, Jim Brady, for being here, and God bless you, Sarah. This
Congress produced tax cuts to reduce the taxes of nine out of 10 small
businesses who use the money to invest more and create more jobs. It
produced more research and treatment for AIDS, more childhood
immunizations, more support for women's health research, more affordable
college loans for the middle class, a new national service program for
those who want to give something back to their country and their
communities for higher education, a dramatic increase in high—tech
investments to move us from a defense to a domestic high—tech economy. This
Congress produced a new law——the motor voter bill——to help millions of
people register to vote. It produced family and medical leave——all passed,
all signed into law, with not one single veto.
These accomplishments were all commitments I made when I sought this
office, and in fairness, they all had to be passed by you in this Congress.
But I am persuaded that the real credit belongs to the people who sent us
here, who pay our salaries, who hold our feet to the fire. But what we do
here is really beginning to change lives. Let me just give you one
Family And Medical Leave
I will never forget what the family and medical leave law meant to just one
father I met early one Sunday morning in the White House. It was unusual to
see a family there touring early Sunday morning, but he had his wife and
his three children there, one of them in a wheelchair. And I came up, and
after we had our picture taken and had a little visit, I was walking off,
and that man grabbed me by the arm and he said, "Mr. President, let me tell
you something. My little girl here is desperately ill. She's probably not
going to make it. But because of the family leave law, I was able to take
time off to spend with her, the most important I ever spent in my life,
without losing my job and hurting the rest of my family. It means more to
me than I will ever be able to say. Don't you people up here ever think
what you do doesn't make a difference. It does."
Though we are making a difference, our work has just begun. Many Americans
still haven't felt the impact of what we've done. The recovery still hasn't
touched every community or created enough jobs. Incomes are still stagnant.
There's still too much violence and not enough hope in too many places.
Abroad, the young democracies we are strongly supporting still face very
difficult times and look to us for leadership.
And so tonight, let us resolve to continue the journey of renewal, to
create more and better jobs, to guarantee health security for all, to
reward welfare——work over welfare, to promote democracy abroad and to
begin to reclaim our streets from violent crime and drugs and gangs to
renew our own American community.
Deficit Reduction
Last year, we began to put our house in order by tackling the budget
deficit that was driving us toward bankruptcy. We cut $255 billion in
spending, including entitlements, in over 340 separate budget items. We
froze domestic spending and used honest budget numbers.
Led by the vice president, we've launched a campaign to reinvent
government. We've cut staff, cut perks, even trimmed the fleet of federal
limousines. After years of leaders whose rhetoric attacked bureaucracy but
whose actions expanded it, we will actually reduce it by 252,000 people
over the next five years. By the time we have finished, the federal
bureaucracy will be at its lowest point in 30 years.
Because the deficit was so large and because they benefited from tax cuts
in the 1980s, we did ask the wealthiest Americans to pay more to reduce the
deficit. So on April the 15th, the American people will discover the truth
about what we did last year on taxes. Only the top one——the top 1.2
percent of Americans, as I said all along, will face higher income tax
rates——let me repeat, only the wealthiest 1.2 percent of Americans will
face higher income tax rates and no one else will, and that is the truth.
Of course, there were, as there always are in politics, naysayers who said
this plan wouldn't work, but they were wrong. When I became president, the
experts predicted that next year's deficit would be $300 billion, but
because we acted, those same people now say the deficit's going to be under
$180 billion, 40 percent lower than was previously predicted.
The Economy
Our economic program has helped to produce the lowest core inflation rate
and the lowest interest rates in 20 years, and because those interest rates
are down, business investment and equipment is growing at seven times the
rate of the previous four years. Auto sales are way up, home sales at a
record high. Millions of Americans have refinanced their homes and our
economy has produced 1.6 million private—sector jobs in 1993, more than
were created in the previous four years combined.
The people who supported this economic plan should be proud of its early
results——proud. But everyone in this chamber should know and acknowledge
that there is more to do. Next month I will send you one of the toughest
budgets ever presented to Congress. It will cut spending in more than 300
programs, eliminate 100 domestic programs, and reforms the way in which
governments buy goods and services.
This year we must again make the hard choices to live within the hard
spending ceilings we have set. We must do it. We have proved we can bring
the deficit down without choking off recovery, without punishing seniors or
the middle class, and without putting our national security at risk. If you
will stick with this plan, we will post three consecutive years of
declining deficits for the first time since Harry Truman lived in the White
House. And once again, the buck stops here.
Our economic plan also bolsters our strength and our credibility around the
world. Once we reduced the deficit and put the steel back into our
competitive edge, the world echoed with the sound of falling trade
barriers. In one year, with NAFTA, with GATT, with our efforts in Asia and
the national export strategy, we did more to open world markets to American
products than at any time in the last two generations. That means more jobs
and rising living standards for the American people, low deficits, low
inflation, low interest rates, low trade barriers and high investments.
These are the building blocks of our recovery. But if we want to take full
advantage of the opportunities before us in the global economy, you all
know we must do more.
As we reduce defense spending, I ask Congress to invest more in the
technologies of tomorrow. Defense conversion will keep us strong militarily
and create jobs for our people here at home.
As we protect our environment, we must invest in the environmental
technologies of the future which will create jobs. This year we will fight
for a revitalized Clean Water Act and a Safe Drinking Water Act and a
reformed Superfund program.
And the vice president is right; we must also work with the private sector
to connect every classroom, every clinic, every library, every hospital in
America into a national information superhighway by the year 2000. Think of
it. Instant access to information will increase productivity. It will help
to educate our children. It will provide better medical care. It will
create jobs. And I call on the Congress to pass legislation to establish
that information superhighway this year.
As we expand opportunity and create jobs, no one can be left out. We must
continue to enforce fair lending and fair housing and all civil rights
laws, because America will never be complete in its renewal until everyone
shares in its bounty. But we all know, too, we can do all these things——
put our economic house in order, expand world trade, target the jobs of the
future, guarantee equal opportunity.
But if we're honest, we'll all admit that this strategy still cannot work
unless we also give our people the education, training and skills they need
to seize the opportunities of tomorrow. We must set tough, world—class
academic and occupational standards for all our children and give our
teachers and students the tools they need to meet them.
Our Goals 2000 proposal will empower individual school districts to
experiment with ideas like chartering their schools to be run by private
corporations or having more public school choice, to do whatever they wish
to do as long as we measure every school by one high standard: Are our
children learning what they need to know to compete and win in the global
Goals 2000 links world—class standards to grassroots reforms and I hope
Congress will pass it without delay. Our school to work initiative will for
the first time link school to the world of work, providing at least one
year of apprenticeship beyond high school. After all, most of the people
we're counting on to build our economic future won't graduate from college.
It's time to stop ignoring them and start empowering them. We must
literally transform our outdated unemployment system into a new
reemployment system. The old unemployment system just sort of kept you
going while you waited for your old job to come back. We've got to have a
new system to move people into new and better jobs because most of those
old jobs just don't come back. And we know that the only way to have real
job security in the future, to get a good job with a growing income, is to
have real skills and the ability to learn new ones. So we've got to
streamline today's patchwork of training programs and make them a source of
new skill for our people who lose their jobs. Reemployment, not
unemployment, must become the centerpiece of our economic renewal. I urge
you to pass it in this session of Congress.
And just as we must transform our unemployment system, so must we also
revolutionize our welfare system. It doesn't work; it defies our values as
a nation. If we value work, we can't justify a system that makes welfare
more attractive than work if people are worried about losing their health
If we value responsibility, we can't ignore the $34 billion in child
support absent parents out to be paying to millions of parents who are
taking care of their children——. If we value strong families, we can't
perpetuate a system that actually penalizes those who stay together. Can
you believe that a child who has a child gets more money from the
government for leaving home than for staying home with a parent or a
grandparent? That's not just bad policy, it's wrong and we ought to change
I worked on this problem for years before I became president, with other
governors and with members of Congress in both parties and with the
previous administration of another party. I worked on it with people who
were on welfare, lots of them. And I want to say something to everybody
here who cares about this issue. The people who most want to change this
system are the people who are dependent on it. They want to get off
welfare; they want to go back to work; they want to do right by their
I once had a hearing when I was a governor and I brought in people on
welfare from all over America who had found their way to work and a woman
from my state who testified was asked this question. What's the best thing
about being off welfare and in a job. And without blinking an eye, she
looked at 40 governors and she said, when my boy goes to school and they
say "What does your mother do for a living?" he can give an answer. These
people want a better system and we ought to give it to them.
Last year, we began this. We gave the states more power to innovate because
we know that a lot of great ideas come from outside Washington and many
states are already using it. Then this Congress took a dramatic step.
Instead of taxing people with modest incomes into poverty, we helped them
to work their way out of poverty by dramatically increasing the earned
income tax credit. It will lift 15 million working families out of poverty,
rewarding work over welfare, making it possible for people to be successful
workers and successful parents. Now that's real welfare reform.
But there is more to be done. This spring I will send you a comprehensive
welfare reform bill that builds on the Family Support Act of 1988 and
restores the basic values of work and responsibility. We will say to
teenagers if you have a child out of wedlock, we'll no longer give you a
check to set up a separate household, we want families to stay together;
say to absent parents who aren't paying their child support if you're not
providing for your children we'll garnish your wages, suspend your license,
track you across state lines, and if necessary make some of you work off
what you owe.
People who bring children into this world cannot and must not walk away
from them.
But to all those who depend on welfare, we should offer ultimately a simple
compact. We will provide the support, the job training, the child care you
need for up to two years, but after that anyone who can work, must, in the
private sector wherever possible, in community service if necessary. That's
the only way we'll ever make welfare what it ought to be, a second chance,
not a way of life.
I know it will be difficult to tackle welfare reform in 1994 at the same
time we tackle health care. But let me point out, I think it is inevitable
and imperative. It is estimated that one million people are on welfare
today because it's the only way they can get health care coverage for their
children. Those who choose to leave welfare for jobs without health
benefits, and many entry level jobs don't have health benefits, find
themselves in the incredible position of paying taxes that help to pay for
health care coverage for those who made the other choice, to stay on
welfare. No wonder people leave work and go back to welfare, to get health
care coverage. We've got to solve the health care problem to have real
welfare reform.
Health Care Reform
So this year we will make history by reforming the health care system. And
I would say to you, all of you my fellow public servants, this is another
issue where the people are way ahead of the politicians.
That may not be popular with either party, but it happens to be the truth.
You know, the first lady has received now almost a million letters from
people all across America and from all walks of life. I'd like to share
just one of them with you. Richard Anderson of Reno, Nevada, lost his job
and, with it, his health insurance. Two weeks later, his wife, Judy,
suffered a cerebral aneurysm. He rushed her to the hospital, where she
stayed in intensive care for 21 days. The Anderson's bills were over
$120,000. Although Judy recovered and Richard went back to work at $8 an
hour, the bills were too much for them and they were literally forced into
"Mrs. Clinton," he wrote to Hillary, "no one in the United States of
America should have to lose everything they've worked for all their lives
because they were unfortunate enough to become ill." It was to help the
Richard and Judy Andersons of America that the first lady and so many
others have worked so hard and so long on this health care reform issue. We
owe them our thanks and our action.
I know there are people here who say there's no health care crisis. Tell it
to Richard and Judy Anderson. Tell it to the 58 million Americans who have
no coverage at all for some time each year. Tell it to the 81 million
Americans with those preexisting conditions; those folks are paying more or
they can't get insurance at all or they can't ever change their jobs
because they or someone in their family has one of those preexisting
conditions. Tell it to the small businesses burdened by skyrocketing costs
of insurance. Most small businesses cover their employers, and they pay on
average 35 percent more in premiums than big businesses or government. Or
tell it to the 76 percent of insured Americans, three out of four whose
policies have lifetime limits, and that means they can find themselves
without any coverage at all just when they need it the most.
So, if any of you believe there's no crisis, you tell it to those people,
because I can't.
There are some people who literally do not understand the impact of this
problem on people's lives, but all you have to do is go out and listen to
them. Just go talk to them anywhere, in any congressional district in this
country. They're Republicans and Democrats and independents. It doesn't
have a lick to do with party. They think we don't get it, and it's time we
show that we do get it.
From the day we began, our health care initiative has been designed to
strengthen what is good about our health care system——the world's best
health care professionals, cutting edge research, and wonderful research
institutions, Medicare for older Americans. None of this——none of it
should be put at risk. But we're paying more and more money for less and
less care. Every year, fewer and fewer Americans even get to choose their
doctors. Every year, doctors and nurses spend more time on paperwork and
less time with patients because of the absolute bureaucratic nightmare the
present system has become.
This system is riddled with inefficiency, with abuse, with fraud, and
everybody knows it. In today's health care system, insurance companies call
the shots. They pick whom they cover and how they cover them. They can cut
off your benefits when you need your coverage the most. They are in
What does it mean? It means every night millions of well—insured Americans
go to bed just an illness, an accident, or a pink slip away from having no
coverage or financial ruin. It means every morning millions of Americans go
to work without any health insurance at all——something the workers in no
other advanced country in the world do. It means that every year more and
more hard working people are told to pick a new doctor because their boss
has had to pick a new plan. And countless others turndown better jobs
because they know, if they take the better job, they'll lose their health
If we just let the health care system continue to drift, our country will
have people with less care, fewer choices, and higher bill.
Now, our approach protects the quality of care and people's choices. It
builds on what works today in the private sector, to expand employer based
coverage, to guarantee private insurance for every American. And I might
say, employer based private insurance for every American was proposed 20
years ago by President Richard Nixon to the United States Congress. It was
a good idea then, and it's a better idea today.
Why do we want guaranteed private insurance? Because right now, nine out of
ten people who have insurance get it through their employers——and that
should continue. And if your employer is providing good benefits at
reasonable prices, that should continue too. And that ought to make the
Congress and the president feel better. Our goal is health insurance
everybody can depend on——comprehensive benefits that cover preventive care
and prescription drugs, health premiums that don't just explode when you
get sick or you get older, the power——no matter how small your business is
——to choose dependable insurance at the same competitive rates that
governments and big business get today, one simple form for people who are
sick, and most of all, the freedom to choose a plan and the right to choose
your own doctor.
Our approach protects older Americans. Every plan before the Congress
proposes to slow the growth of Medicare. The difference is this. We believe
those savings should be used to improve health care for senior citizens.
Medicare must be protected, and it should cover prescription drugs, and we
should take the first steps in covering long—term care.
To those who would cut Medicare without protecting seniors, I say the
solution to today's squeeze on middle class working people's health care is
not to put the squeeze on middle class retired people's health care. We can
do better than that. When it's all said and done, it's pretty simple to me.
Insurance ought to mean what it used to mean. You pay a fair price for
security, and when you get sick, health care is always there——no matter
Along with the guarantee of health security, we all have to admit, too,
there must be more responsibility on the part of all of us in how we use
this system. People have to take their kids to get immunized. We should all
take advantage of preventive care. We must all work together to stop the
violence that explodes our emergency rooms. We have to practice better
health habits, and we can't abuse the system. And those who don't have
insurance under our approach will get coverage, but they will have to pay
something for it, too. The minority of businesses that provide no insurance
at all, and in so doing, shift the cost of the care of their employees to
others, should contribute something. People who smoke should pay more for a
pack of cigarettes. Everybody can contribute something if we want to solve
the health care crisis. There can't be anymore something for nothing. It
will not be easy, but it can be done. Now in the coming months I hope very
much to work with both Democrats and Republicans to reform a health care
system by using the market to bring down costs and to achieve lasting
health security. But if you look at history, we see that for 60 years this
country has tried to reform health care. President Roosevelt tried,
President Truman tried, President Nixon tried, President Carter tried.
Every time the special interests were powerful enough to defeat them, but
not this time.
Campaign Finance Reform
I know that facing up to these interests will require courage. It will
raise critical questions about the way we finance our campaigns and how
lobbyists yield their influence. The work of change, frankly, will never
get any easier until we limit the influence of well financed interests who
profit from this current system. So I also must now call on you to finish
the job both houses began last year, by passing tough and meaningful
campaign finance reform and lobby reform legislation this year.
You know, my fellow Americans, this is really a test for all of us. The
American people provide those of us in government service with terrific
health care benefits at reasonable costs. We have health care that's always
there. I think we need to give every hard working, taxpaying American the
same health care security they have already given to us.
I want to make this very clear: I am open, as I have said repeatedly, to
the best ideas of concerned members of both parties. I have no special
brief for any specific approach, even in our own bill, except this: if you
send me legislation that does not guarantee every American private health
insurance that can never be taken away, you will force me to take this pen,
veto the legislation, and we'll come right back here and start all over
But I don't think that's going to happen. I think we're ready to act now. I
believe that you're ready to act now. And if you're ready to guarantee
every American the same health care that you have, health care that can
never be taken away——now, not next year or the year after, now is the time
to stand with the people who sent us here. Now.
Foreign Policy
As we take these steps together to renew our strength at home, we cannot
turn away from our obligations to renew our leadership abroad. This is a
promising moment. Because of the agreements we have reached this year, last
year, Russia's strategic nuclear missiles soon will no longer be pointed at
the United States. Nor will we point ours at them.
Instead of building weapons in space, Russian scientists will help us to
build the international space station.
And of course there are still dangers in the world: rampant arms
proliferation, bitter regional conflicts, ethnic and nationalist tensions
in many new democracies, severe environmental degradation the world over,
and fanatics who seek to cripple the world's cities with terror. As the
world's greatest power, we must therefore maintain our defenses and our
responsibilities. This year we secured indictments against terrorists and
sanctions against those harbor them. We worked to promote
environmentally—sustainable economic growth. We achieved agreements with
Ukraine, with Belarus, with Kazakhstan, to eliminate completely their
nuclear arsenals. We are working to achieve a Korean Peninsula free of
nuclear weapons. We will seek early ratification of the treaty to ban
chemical weapons worldwide. And earlier today we joined with over 30
nations to begin negotiations on a comprehensive ban to stop all nuclear
But nothing——nothing——is more important to our security than our nation's
armed forces. We honor their contributions, including those who are
carrying out the longest humanitarian airlift in history in Bosnia————
those who will complete their mission in Somalia this year and their brave
comrades who gave their lives there. Our forces are the finest military our
nation has ever had, and I have pledged that as long as I am president they
will remain the best—equipped, the best—trained and the best—prepared
fighting force on the face of the earth.
Last year, I proposed a defense plan that maintains our post—Cold War
security at a lower cost. This year, many people urged me to cut our
defense spending further to pay for other government programs. I said no.
The budget I send to Congress draws the line against further defense cuts.
It protects the readiness and quality of our forces. Ultimately, the best
strategy is to do that. We must not cut defense further. I hope the
Congress without regard to party will support that position.
Ultimately, the best strategy to ensure our security and to build a durable
peace is to support the advance of democracy elsewhere. Democracies don't
attack each other. They make better trading partners and partners in
diplomacy. That is why we have supported, you and I, the democratic
reformers in Russia and in the other states of the former Soviet bloc. I
applaud the bipartisan support this Congress provided last year for our
initiatives to help Russia, Ukraine and the other states through their epic
Our support of reform must combine patience for the enormity of the task
and vigilance for our fundamental interest and values. We will continue to
urge Russia and the other states to press ahead with economic reforms, and
we will seek to cooperate with Russia to solve regional problems while
insisting that, if Russian troops operate in neighboring states, they do so
only when those states agree to their presence and in strict accord with
international standards.
But we must also remember as these nations chart their own futures, and
they must chart their own futures, how much more secure and more prosperous
our own people will be if democratic and market reform succeed all across
the former communist bloc. Our policy has been to support that move and
that has been the policy of the Congress. We should continue it.
That is why I went to Europe earlier this month, to work with our European
partners to help to integrate all the former communist countries into a
Europe that has the possibility of becoming unified for the first time in
its entire history, it's entire history, based on the simple commitments of
all nations in Europe to democracy, to free markets, and to respect for
existing borders.
With our allies, we have created a partnership for peace that invites
states from the former Soviet bloc and other non—NATO members to work with
NATO in military cooperation. When I met with Central Europe's leaders,
including Lech Walesa and Vaclav Havel, men who put their lives on the line
for freedom, I told them that the security of their region is important to
our country's security.
This year, we must also do more to support democratic renewal and human
rights and sustainable development all around the world. We will ask
Congress to ratify the new GATT accord, we will continue standing by South
Africa as it works its way through its bold and hopeful and difficult
transition to democracy. We will convene a summit of the Western
hemisphere's democratic leaders from Canada to the tip of South America.
And we will continue to press for the restoration of true democracy in
And as we build a more constructive relationship with China, we must
continue to insist on clear signs of improvement in that nation's human
rights record.
Middle East
We will also work for new progress toward the Middle East peace. Last year
the world watched Yitzhak Rabin and Yasir Arafat at the White House when
they had their historic handshake of reconciliation. But there is a long,
hard road ahead. And on that road I am determined that I and our
administration will do all we can to achieve a comprehensive and lasting
peace for all the peoples of the region.
Now, there are some in our country who argue that with the Cold War,
America should turn its back on the rest of the world. Many around the
world were afraid we would do just that. But I took this office on a pledge
that had no partisan tinge to keep our nation secure by remaining engaged
in the rest of the world. And this year, because of our work together,
enacting NAFTA, keeping our military strong and prepared, supporting
democracy abroad, we have reaffirmed America's leadership, America's
engagement, and as a result, the American people are more secure than they
were before.
But while Americans are more secure from threats abroad, I think we all now
that in many ways we are less secure from threats here at home. Everyday
the national peace is shattered by crime.
In Petaluma, California, an innocent slumber party gives way to agonizing
tragedy for the family of Polly Klaas. An ordinary train ride on Long
Island ends in a hail of nine millimeter rounds. A tourist in Florida is
nearly burned alive by bigots simply because he is black. Right here in our
nation's capital, a brave young man named Jason White, a policeman, the son
and grandson of policemen, is ruthlessly gunned down.
Violent crime and the fear it provokes are crippling our society, limiting
personal freedom, and fraying the ties that bind us.
The crime bill before Congress gives you a chance to do something about it,
a chance to be tough and smart. What does that mean? Let me begin by saying
I care a lot about this issue. Many years ago, when I started out in public
life, I was the attorney general of my state. I served as a governor for a
dozen years. I know what it's like to sign laws increasing penalties, to
build more prison cells, to carry out the death penalty. I understand this
issue and it is not a simple thing.
First, we must recognize that most violent crimes are committed by a small
percentage of criminals who too often break the laws even when they are on
parole. Now those who commit crimes should be punished, and those who
commit repeated violent crimes should be told when you commit a third
violent crime, you will be put away and put away for good, three strikes
and you are out.
Second, we must take serious steps to reduce violence and prevent crime,
beginning with more police officers and more community policing. We know
right now that police who work the streets, know the folks, have the
respect of the neighborhood kids, focus on high crime areas, we know that
they are more likely to prevent crime as well as catch criminals. Look at
the experience of Houston, where the crime rate dropped 17 percent in one
year when that approach was taken. Here tonight is one of those community
policemen, a brave, young detective, Kevin Jett, whose beat is eight square
blocks in one of the toughest neighborhoods in New York. Every day he
restores some sanity and safety, and a sense of values and connection to
the people whose lives he protects. I'd like to ask him to stand up and be
recognized tonight.
You will be given a chance to give the children of this country, the law
abiding working people of this country, and don't forget, in the toughest
neighborhoods in this country, in the highest crime neighborhoods in this
country the vast majority of people get up every day and obey the law, pay
their taxes, do their best to raise their kids. They deserve people like
Kevin Jett, and you're going to be given the chance to give the American
people another 100,000 of them, well trained, and I urge you to do it.
You have before you crime legislation which also establishes a police corps
to encourage young people to get an education, and pay it off by serving as
police officers, which encourages retiring military personnel to move into
police forces——and enormous resources for our country, one which has a
safe schools provisions which will give our young people the chance to walk
to school in safety and to be in school in safety instead of dodging
bullets. These are important things.
The third thing we have to do is to build on the Brady Bill——the Brady Law
to take further steps————to take further steps to keep guns out of the
hands of criminals.
Now, I want to say something about this issue. Hunters must always be free
to hunt, law abiding adults should always be free to own guns and protect
their homes. I respect that part of our culture. I grew up in it. But I
want to ask the sportsmen and others who lawfully own guns to join us in
this campaign to reduce gun violence. I say to you, I know you didn't
create this problem, but we need your help to solve it. There is no
sporting purpose on earth that should stop the United States Congress from
banishing assault weapons that outgun police and cut down children.
Fourth, we must remember that drugs are a factor in an enormous percentage
of crimes. Recent studies indicate, sadly, that drug use is on the rise
again among our young people. The Crime Bill contains——all the crime bills
contain——more money for drug treatment, for criminal addicts, and boot
camps for youthful offenders that include incentives to get off drugs and
to stay off drugs. Our administration's budget, with all its cuts, contains
a large increase in funding for drug treatment and drug education. You must
pass them both. We need then desperately.
My fellow Americans, the problem of violence is an un—American problem. It
has no partisan or philosophical element. Therefore, I urge you find ways
as quickly as possible to set aside partisan differences and pass a strong,
smart, tough crime bill.
But further, I urge you to consider this: As you demand tougher penalties
for those who choose violence, let us also remember how we came to this sad
point. In our toughest neighborhoods, on our meanest streets, in our
poorest rural areas, we have seen a stunning and simultaneous breakdown of
community, family, and work, the heart and soul of civilized society. This
has created a vast vacuum which has been filled by violence and drugs and
gangs. So I ask you to remember that even as we say no to crime, we must
give people, especially our young people something to say yes to. Many of
our initiatives, from job training to welfare reform to health care to
national service will help to rebuild distressed communities, to strengthen
families, to provide work, but more needs to be done. That's what our
community empowerment agenda is all about——challenging businesses to
provide more investment through empowerment zones, ensuring banks will make
loans in the same communities their deposits come from, passing legislation
to unleash the power of capital through community development banks to
create jobs, opportunity, and hope where they're needed most.
But I think you know that to really solve this problem, we'll all have to
put our heads together, leave our ideological armor aside, and find some
new ideas to do even more.
The Role Of Government
And let's be honest, we all know something else, too. Our problems go way
beyond the reach of government. They're rooted in the loss of values and
the disappearance of work and the breakdown of our families and our
communities. My fellow Americans, we can cut the deficit, create jobs,
promote democracy around the world, pass welfare reform and health care,
pass the toughest crime bill in history and still leave too many of our
people behind.
The American people have got to want to change from within if we're going
to bring back work and family and community. We cannot renew our country
when, within a decade, more than half of the children will be born into
families where there has been no marriage. We cannot renew this country
when 13—year—old boys get semi—automatic weapons to shoot 9 year olds for
kicks. We can't renew our country when children are having children and the
fathers walk away as if the kids don't amount to anything. We can't renew
the country when our businesses eagerly look for new investments and new
customers abroad but ignore those people right here at home who'd give
anything to have their jobs and would gladly buy their products if they had
the money to do it.
We can't renew our country unless more of us——I mean all of us——are
willing to join the churches and the other good citizens, people like all
the black ministers I've worked with over the years or the priests and the
nuns I met at Our Lady of Help in East Los Angeles or my good friend Tony
Campolo in Philadelphia, unless we're willing to work with people like
that, people who are saving kids, adopting schools, making streets safer.
All of us can do that.
We can't renew our country until we realize that governments don't raise
children; parents do. Parents who know their children's teachers and turn
off the television and help with the homework and teach their kids right
from wrong——those kind of parents can make all the difference. I know. I
had one. And I'm telling you we have got to stop pointing our fingers at
these kids who have no future and reach our hands out to them. Our country
needs it. We need it. And they deserve it.
And so I say to you tonight let's give our children a future. Let us take
away their guns and give them books. Let us overcome their despair and
replace it with hope. Let us, by our example, teach them to obey the law,
respect our neighbors, and cherish our values. Let us weave these sturdy
threads into a new American community that once more stand strong against
the forces of despair and evil because everybody has a chance to walk into
a better tomorrow.
Oh, there will be naysayers who fear that we won't be equal to the
challenges of this time, but they misread our history, our heritage, even
today's headlines. All those things tell us we can and we will overcome any
When the earth shook and fires raged in California; when I saw the
Mississippi deluge the farmlands of the Midwest in a 500 year flood; when
the century's bitterest cold swept from North Dakota to Newport News it
seemed as though the world itself was coming apart at the seams. But the
American people, they just came together. They rose to the occasion,
neighbor helping neighbor, strangers risking life and limb to stay total
strangers, showing the better angels of our nature.
Let us not reserve the better angels only for natural disasters, leaving
our deepest and most profound problems to petty political fighting.
Let us instead by true to our spirit, facing facts, coming together,
bringing hope and moving forward.
Tonight, my fellow Americans, we are summoned to answer a question as old
as the republic itself, what is the state of our union?
It is growing stronger but it must be stronger still. With your help and
God's help it will be.
Thank you and God Bless America.
Conversation-based seminars for collegial PD, one-day and multi-day seminars, graduate credit seminars (MA degree), online and in-person.
Our Core Document Collection allows students to read history in the words of those who made it. Available in hard copy and for download.


text:
Insurance and Driver's License for Courier Workers
Most responsible people who earn a living from a courier job will have some form of insurance coverage.
Some may be mandatory (such as third party vehicle cover) but other components may be strongly recommended for your own protection – such as carriage of goods and professional indemnity protection.
Insurance and Driver's License for Courier Workers
However, it may be easier than you think to risk it.
Tenants Basic Insurance
It is often overlooked that many insurance policies can become invalid (thus giving fewer covers) under one of four general circumstances: • You failed to make a material materially important statement when you took out the cover. This is sometimes called 'cheat apps'. • You have not complied with the policy requirements (eg mandatory requirements to notify your provider of changing circumstances). • The reason your claim arises as a result of your engagement in a criminal activity. • You do not comply with laws relating to your activities.
There are some circumstances that can make you face a big bill, without the support of your existing insurance policy. Take, for example, driving with an expired SIM. If this is not renewed when necessary, some form of cover of your insurance may become null and void. So if your vehicle is then damaged in an expensive accident, your insurance may not cover you.
Another example may arise if you fail to state a medical condition that has an impact on your driving ability. This not only becomes your cover insurance issue, but it can also cause your problem from a legal standpoint.
The final and classic scenario is when a person starts working on a courier job using their own vehicle. It is important to realize that, by operating your car or van to 'hire or reward', you can automatically cancel personal covers that you may have in a vehicle. Insurance and Driver's License for Courier Workers
Keeping on top of everything
In many cases where worker employment insurance is inadvertently invalid, it arises from lack of awareness.
Some people are quite relaxed to renew their driving license and others consider it possible to start using their own vehicles for courier work without taking on certain commercial covers.
While true insurance can be tricky, there is little reason to make such a mistake. Most insurance providers are more than happy to answer questions and clarify where you might need to do things differently to keep your cover on.
So it's important to be careful in checking regularly of all your current documents and nothing has changed since you completed the policy application form first.
If you want to rest easily at night knowing that you are fully and securely fulfilling your messenger work activities, we recommend that you review quickly with your insurer.
Norman Dulwich is the correspondent for the Courier Exchange, the world's largest neutral trading center for the same day courier work in the express goods exchange industry. More than 4,000 transport exchange businesses are combined through their websites, trading jobs and capacity in a secure 'wholesale' environment. Insurance and Driver's License for Courier Workers

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Limbaugh: Background check media
After media complaints about President Barack Obama's press strategy, an incredulous Rush Limbaugh said Tuesday that a firearms-style background check system should be implemented for journalists — who the conservative radio show host called "dangerous to the republic."
Limbaugh was criticizing POLITICO's Behind the Curtain article - headlined "Obama, the puppet master" - in which Executive Editor Jim VandeHei and chief White House correspondent Mike Allen wrote that Obama manipulates media coverage and quotes journalists slamming the White House's handling of the press.
"I'll tell you what it's made me think, that we might want to start considering, at least talking about registering journalists, just like we have to register guns. Background checks and all of that. Because this is mental illness," Limbaugh said on his radio program, according to a show transcript. "This is bordering on delusion, this piece. It really is incredible… We ought to register these journalists."
He continued: "We ought to do background checks on these people to see which of them are mentally ill, and, if they are, deny them access to the public airwaves and the newspapers as so-called news reporters or journalists 'cause they're dangerous. They are dangerous to the republic."
Limbaugh said that the media doesn't need to be manipulated because it already agrees with Obama.
"You don't need to be manipulated. You agree with Obama! You don't need to be manipulated. This is what's funny about this. These guys are acting like they're just innocent dupes," Limbaugh said.
He added: "That's why I think we need to have 'em registered. Background checks! Find out how many of 'em have delusional mental disorders. These guys actually want us to believe that they're out there doing their jobs, and Obama is such a Svengali."


text:
Before humans arrived, the Americas were home to woolly mammoths, saber-toothed cats, giant ground sloths and other behemoths, an array of megafauna more impressive than even Africa boasts today. Researchers have advanced several theories to explain what did them in and when the event occurred. A series of discoveries announced in the past four weeks, at first glance apparently contradictory, adds fresh details to the mystery of this mass extinction.
One prominent theory pegs humans as the cause of the demise, often pointing to the Clovis people, who left the earliest clear signs of humans entering the New World roughly 13,500 years ago. The timing coincides with the disappearance of megafauna, suggesting the Clovis hunted the animals to extinction or infected them with deadly disease. Another hypothesis supposes that climate was the culprit: it had swung from cold to warm twice, including a 1,300-year-long chill known as the Younger Dryas; such abrupt shifts might have overwhelmed the creatures' abilities to adapt.
To pin down when the megafauna vanished, paleoecologist Jacquelyn Gill of the University of Wisconsin–Madison and her colleagues analyzed fossil dung, pollen and charcoal from ancient lake sediments in Indiana. The dung of large herbivores harbors a fungus known as Sporomiella , and its amounts in the dung gives an estimate of how many mammoths and other megafauna were alive at different points in history. Pollen indicates vegetation levels, and charcoal signals how many fires burned; the extent of flora and wildfires is related to the presence of herbivores, the researchers say in the November 20 Science. Without megaherbivores to keep them in check, broad-leaved tree species such as black ash, elm and ironwood claimed the landscape; soon after, buildups of woody debris sparked a dramatic increase in wildfires. Putting these data together, Gill and her team conclude that the giant animals disappeared 14,800 to 13,700 years ago —up to 1,300 years before Clovis.
A different study, however, suggests that this mass extinction happened during Clovis. Zooarchaeologist J. Tyler Faith of George Washington University and archaeologist Todd Surovell of the University of Wyoming carbon-dated prehistoric North American mammal bones from 31 different genera (groups of species). They found that all of them seemed to meet their end simultaneously between 13,800 to 11,400 years ago, findings they detailed online November 23 in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences USA.
But if ancient DNA recovered from permafrost is any sign, megafauna survived in the New World millennia after humanity arrived. As the permafrost in central Alaska cracked during springtime thaws, water that held DNA from life in the region leaked in, only to freeze again during the winter. As such, these genes can serve as markers of "ghost ranges" — remnant populations not preserved as fossil bones.
Looking at mitochondrial DNA, evolutionary biologist Eske Willerslev of the University of Copenhagen and his colleagues suggest mammoths lasted until at least 10,500 years ago (as did horses, which actually originated in the Americas only to vanish there until the Europeans reintroduced them). The Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences USA published those findings online December 14.
Although the three papers appear to conflict with one another, they could be snapshots from the beginning, middle and end of a mass extinction. "If they seem to disagree, it is for the same reason as in that fable about the three blind men trying to describe an elephant —or mammoth?— by touching different parts of it," says ecologist Christopher Johnson of James Cook University in Australia, who did not take part in any of the studies.
Johnson suggests the fungus research is superb evidence for when the decline began, but it is not as good at confirming exactly when the extinction was completed, especially over larger areas where sparse populations might have persisted. The DNA finds, on the other hand, can detect late survivors, he says, "maybe very close to the actual time that the last individuals were alive, at least in Alaska." The bones analyzed from the period roughly in between show that the extinction process afflicted many species simultaneously. Those fossils came from the contiguous U.S., which back then was separated from Alaska by the massive Laurentide and Cordilleran ice sheets and so, Faith notes, could explain why the pattern of extinction differed up there.
So what caused the decline? The jury's still out, says Willerslev's collaborator Ross MacPhee of the American Museum of Natural History in New York City. Johnson notes that archaeologists are turning up evidence of humans in the New World before Clovis, and he suggests they overhunted the megafauna. The beautifully crafted fluted spear points linked with the Clovis might reflect strategies that developed once the giants became rare and harder to hunt, Johnson adds.
Even if scientists cannot definitively finger the killer, research into the megafauna disappearance "is directly relevant today because we are in the middle of a mass extinction and one for which we know the cause — us," Gill says. "Large animals are among the most threatened today," she points out, and no one wants Africa to follow the ancient experience of the Americas.


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Difference between revisions of "Building LinuxMCE 0804"
(→Preparing for DVD Creation)
(→Preparing for DVD Creation)
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**#Chroot in the new directory and uinstall all the x11/kde related packages
**#Chroot in the new directory and uinstall all the x11/kde related packages
**#Exit the chroot and targz what is left of the unpacked squashfs image
**#Exit the chroot and targz what is left of the unpacked squashfs image
Revision as of 14:24, 13 May 2008
With this tutorial I'll try to summarize the step involved in building the LinuxMCE CDs and DVDs together with some changes that I've done when switching from Kubuntu 0704 to Kubuntu 0710.
- Powerful enough system to do the compilation and building of packages as is a cpu intensive task and it can take quite a long time.
- Lot of disk space, at least 40G hard drive.
- A working internet connection as the build and preparation process will need to access get some files from the public domain.
First Steps:
- Install Kubuntu 0804. I use the desktop installation CD and i would recommend to do the same as this steps will consider this kind of installation performed. Of course an Ubuntu Server or Alternate CD will work too but you may need to install some build dependencies / runtime libraries that I have by default installed on Kubuntu 0804.
- Install some subversion so you can checkout a copy of the build script from LinuxMCE's svn.
apt-get install subversion
Build Scripts
The next step after having 0804 installed is to get a copy of the build script:
sudo su cd $HOME svn co http://svn.linuxmce.com/pluto/trunk/src/Ubuntu_Helpers_NoHardcode/ mv Ubuntu_Helpers_NoHardcode/ /usr/local/lmce-build
I will try to explain them quickly so you'll know what each of them does.
- build.sh
- This is the main script and calls all the other script of the build process to perform simple task.
- loop-build.sh
- This is a script used on our build machines and it does the next steps in a infinite loop:
- Calls build.sh script to performa a build.
- Stores the build output in a ftp viewable directory.
- Sends mail to developers on fail and on success.
Scripts used for preaparing the build system
- prepare-scripts/install-build-pkgs.sh
- This script will download and install all the build dependencies needed to create the linuxmce packages.
- prepare-scripts/cd1-prepare.sh
- Download the ubuntu packages that will be copied on LinuxMCE CD1
- prepare-scripts/cd2-packages.sh
- Download the ubuntu packages that will be copied on LinuxMCE CD2
- prepare-scripts/create-diskless-debootstrap.sh
- Creates a debootsrap image used later as a base for creating the diskless image.
- prepare-script/import-external-files.sh
- Downloads the linuxmce media file : skins, demo videos ..
- prepare-script/preseed-build-pkgs.sh
- It was used to preseed some src packages like lirc-module so that they will build in a non interactive mode by the build process. It is not used for 0804.
Scripts used for building CDs
- build-scripts/checkout-svn.sh
- Gets a updated copy of the source tree from svn and stores it in /var/lmce-build/svn/
- build-script/import-win32bins.sh
- Copies the latest windows binaries from the linuxmce ftp
- buils-script/build-replacements.sh
- Creates a set of non-linuxmce-specific deb packages which don't usually come with Ubuntu but are needed by our applications. It may also build some packages that are already in Ubuntu but are patched and needs to be repacked. The sources for this debs are located in trunk/ubuntu directory of the svn this means /var/lmce-build/svn/trunk/ubuntu on your local machine (after the svn checkout). Moust of this sources are in a deb-src format. The created debs will be stored in /var/lmce-build/replacements/ directory.
- build-script/build-makerelease.sh
- Build a c++ linuxmce application and it's dependencies from the linuxmce svn. This application, called MakeRelease it's used to build and pack all the linuxmce packages. The output files will be stored in /var/lmce-build/MakeRelease/ when the script finishes.
- build-script/import-database.sh
- This script takes the latest version of the LinuxMCE MySQL databases from the LinuxMCE server. The information from this databases is used by MakeRelease to build and compile the software. The databases will also be used to create some sqldumps that will be packaged on the LinuxMCE CDs and DVSs that are created.
- build-scripts/build-maindebs.sh
- Runs MakeRelease and based on the information from the database compiles and packs the linuxmce packages using the sources stored in /var/lmce-build/svn. The created debs will be stored in /var/lmce-build/out/tmp directory.
- build-scripts/get-closed-source-debs.sh
- Download the latest pluto debs which are build on a remote server. This debs are compiled from source which are object of some Pluto NDAs and cannot be made public (ex: pluto-zwave).
- build-script/create-repo.sh
- After all the needed packages are created / downloaded, this script copies them from their output directories and stores them in /var/www/ directory. It also creates a Packages.gz file so you can use that directory as a repository which you can add in sources.list.
- build-script/cd1-build.sh
- Creates LinuxMCE CD1. This cd will contain moust of the linuxmce specific debs but also some Ubuntu debs which are needed for by LinuxMCE application and are not installed by default in Kubuntu. The linuxmce debs are copied from /var/www' and the extra ubuntu debs are fetched from /var/lmce-build/cd1-packages/ directory.
- build-scripts/cd2-build.sh
- Creates LinuxMCE CD2. This cd contains only few linuxmce debs and a lot of ubuntu debs which are not installed by default on a Kubuntu system but are needed douring the install process. The Ubuntu debs are copied from /var/lmce-build/cd2-packages/ folder.
Scripts used for building DVDs
- vmware-install/install_in_vmware.sh
- This script uses the LinuxMCE CD1&2 to automatically install LinuxMCE on a clean Kubuntu system. All the installation takes place in vmware virtual machine and at the end of the installation the script will create a tar.gz image of the vmware disk directory structure. This tar.gz image will be used for creating the dvd image.
- build-dvd/build-cd.sh
- This script takes the tar.gz image created by the install_in_vmware.sh script and generates the bootable dvd image. For generating the bootable dvd image this script also needs
- The content of a striped squashfs image found on the Kubuntu CD : /var/lmce-build/lite-installer/ubuntu-squashfs-base.tgz
- The content of a Kubuntu CD without the squashfs file: /var/lmce-build/lite-installer/ubutu-livecd.tgz
First Time Build
At this point you should already have the Kubuntu system installed and some basic knowledge of what each build script is doing. I recommend running the each script by hand for the first time and not use the build.sh or prepare.sh scripts. It will be a lot easer to debug problems this way.
Runing the prepare script
This set of scripts should be run only once to prepare a Kubuntu system to act as a build server. The order is not so important for them but I recomend to stick with it. You'll need to run all the script as root as they will need write access in several directories.
- The next script will create the /etc/lmce-build configuration directory and copy all the default configuration files there. The default files are stored in the conf-files folder and spited other folders depending on release and architecture. I recommend you check the install.sh script to see how it does this before running it.
- Install the build dependencies. Takes aprox. 30min depending on you internet connection speed. The packages that get installed are listed in /etc/lmce-build/build-packages:
- Download Ubuntu packages needed by CD1&2. The downloded packages are liste in files /etc/lmce-build/cd1-packages and /etc/lmce-build/cd2-packages
./prepare-scripts/cd1-prepare.sh ./prepare-scripts/cd2-prepare.sh
- Download Ubuntu packages found on a default Kubuntu CD. This ones are used when installing the system in vmware:
mkdir -p /var/lmce-build/kubuntu-cd pushd /var/lmce-build/kubuntu-cd aptitude download `cat /etc/lmce-build/cdK-packages` popd
- Run the other prepare scripts :
./prepare-scripts/create-diskless-debootstrap.sh ./prepare-scripts/import-external-files.sh ./prepare-scripts/preseed-build-pkgs.sh
Preparing for DVD Creation
If you want only to be able to create linuxmce packages and create the standard CDs you can skip this steps. This steps are only needed for creating the DVD and involve some advanced skills as you must manually do most of the things here.
- Create the /var/lmce-build/lite-installer/ubuntu-livecd.tgz and /var/lmce-build/lite-installer/ubuntu-squashfs-base.tgz archives that are used as a base of the LinuxMCE DVD:
- ubuntu-livecd.tgz: This is the simple one. It contains the all files from the kubnuntu dvd except for the squashfs image file. The steps to create this file are:
- Mount the kubuntu cd
- Copy the contents of the cd in a directory
- Remove the squashfs image from the directory (casper/filesystem.squashfs)
- Create a the tar.gz
- filesystem.squashfs: You'll need to use the casper/filesystem.squashfs which you eliminate in creation of the previous tar.gz:
- Mount the squashfs image in a directory
- Copy the entire chroot content into another directory so you can modify it
- Chroot in the new directory and uinstall all the x11/kde related packages
- Exit the chroot and targz what is left of the unpacked squashfs image
- ubuntu-livecd.tgz: This is the simple one. It contains the all files from the kubnuntu dvd except for the squashfs image file. The steps to create this file are:
- Create the vmware virtual machine and install vmware player:
- The build scripts expect a vmware virtual machine that can be started with vmware player. It's important for the disk image of the vmware machine to be in a 'flat' format, meaning that will not be splited in 2G files and all the disk space is allocated from the start, i use 15G virtual disks. Second, make sure that the network is set on nat. It's important the the virtual machine to be named 'Kubuntu'.
- Install a Kubuntu CD on the virtual machine.
- Copy the ssh public key (/etc/lmce-build/builder.key.pub) in the virtual machine and make sure that you can ssh using the private key from you system (/etc/lmce-build/builder.key) into root on you vmware machine.
- Add an entry in /etc/hosts with hostname 'vmware' and ip of your vmware machine
- Leave virtual machine powered up and shutdown vmware. This way the next time you start the virtual machine you will be able to login quickly with ssh on it.
- Copy all the files of the virtual machine in /var/Kubuntu


text:
Vinyl Siding Repair in Patterson, NY
There are different ideas that you can think about when you need to renovate your home, or even if you are basically planning on giving the house a new look altogether. Most people these days prefer to work with vinyl sidings, particularly because they are affordable and easy to work with. It does give you a lot of confidence when you have the experts at Clever Cost Guides install the vinyl siding in your home. However, over a period of time, you might actually need to get a vinyl siding repair in Patterson service to improve the protection at home and that's why you need professionals to assist you.
- Economical Vinyl Siding Repair in Patterson NY
- Cracks, chips, and dings
- Free estimates in New York on Vinyl Siding Repair
What siding material are you looking for?
AVG Costs For Vinyl Siding Repair
Vinyl Siding Repair Patterson, NY Average Costs
The experts often recommend using vinyl siding because it is less expensive than the other common options like cedar or redwood. Therefore, if you are worried about your budget, you should get in touch with Clever Cost Guides and they will help you make the right choice. The same thing is with Patterson vinyl siding repair. You will end up spending less on repairs than if you were to use the other options available. Perhaps one of the biggest advantages that you have when you work with Clever Cost Guides is their experience in vinyl siding installation and repair all over the region.
Costs for Vinyl Siding Repair in Patterson, NY
Looking at national averages and data can help a homeowner get a general idea of the cost of vinyl siding repair in Patterson, but it will not get them an exact number. Patterson vinyl siding repair costs will be affected due to labor rates, material costs, and any permits or licenses required. With that in mind figuring out a local average cost for vinyl siding repair in Patterson is highly recommended before starting such a project.
In 2023 our data concluded that the amount homeowners paid for vinyl siding repair in the Putnam county ranged from $535.00 to $734.00.
Estimates for vinyl siding repair change from state to state and city to city. Below is listed what is usually included and what is usually not included in Patterson vinyl siding repair estimates from local professionals.
Patterson Vinyl Siding Repair Estimate Breakdown
- Average Patterson hourly labor costs.
- Material costs ranging from $5.00 to $7.00 per square foot.
- Average miscellaneous costs for other materials and equipment rental in Patterson.
- Unrecognized costs like surface preparation and cleanup fees.
Patterson Vinyl Siding Repair Estimates Usually Don't Account For
- New York sales taxes for materials and related equipment.
- Required permits and building fees enforced by Patterson law.
- General contractor, if used, fees for this project. These fees usually add another $76.08-$95.10 to Patterson vinyl siding repair estimates.
It may be beneficial and strategic to compare the costs from cities surrounding the Patterson area as well. Homeowners usually compare Patterson vinyl siding repair with Vinyl Siding Repair around Danbury, New Fairfield Vinyl Siding Repair and Vinyl Siding Repair around Carmel in order to determine a better price range.
What siding material are you looking for?


text:
In middle of the night, on a holiday, or in the middle of a packed work week, virtual care is available when you need it. Virtual care doctors can diagnose, recommend treatment and prescribe medication.
Virtual care eliminates the need to travel and brings the care to you. Simply call the toll-free number or use the video camera on your laptop, tablet or smart phone for a face-to-face consultation.
Virtual care is provided by MDLIVE doctors, who are board-certified in family medicine, internal medicine, emergency medicine and pediatrics.
Your information is safe, and your visits are completely confidential.
The cost of a medical visit is $75. That's much less than a trip to the ER in the middle of the night and more convenient. Please check with your insurance company to see if virtual care is covered.
Get immediate access to doctors & therapists 24/7/365. Only pay when you see the doctor.
Click here if you get MDLIVE as a benefit through your employer or group.
Employer & Group Registration
Need Assistance? Call toll-free


text:
A service of the U.S. National Library of Medicine
National Institutes of Health
Stem Cells May Rejuvenate Failing Hearts, Study Suggests
Researchers found injecting them into damaged tissue improved organ's ability to pump bloodMonday, March 31, 2014
MONDAY, March 31, 2014 (HealthDay News) -- Stem cells injected directly into heart muscle can help patients suffering from severe heart failure by improving an ailing heart's ability to pump blood, a new Danish trial indicates.
Doctors drew stem cells from patients' own bone marrow, and then injected those cells into portions of the heart where scar tissue seemed to interfere with heart function, explained lead researcher Dr. Anders Bruun Mathiasen. He is a research fellow in the Cardiac Catheterization Lab at Rigshospitalet University Hospital Copenhagen.
Within six months of treatment, patients who received stem cell injections had improved heart pumping function compared to patients receiving a placebo, according to findings that were to be presented Monday at the American Academy of Cardiology's annual meeting in Washington, D.C.
"We know these stem cells can initiate the growth of new blood vessels and heart muscle tissue," Mathiasen said. "That's what we think has happened."
If larger follow-up trials prove the treatment's effectiveness, it could provide hope for people suffering from untreatable heart failure.
"Heart failure is one of the biggest causes of death. If you can save lives or improve their symptoms, then a treatment like this would be extremely beneficial," said Dr. Cindy Grines, a cardiologist with the Detroit Medical Center and a spokeswoman for the American College of Cardiology.
The treatment could delay the need for a heart transplant and extend the lives of people who can't qualify for a transplant, Grines added.
This new clinical trial included 59 patients with severe heart failure who were considered untreatable. It is the largest randomized trial to test the potential of stem cell injections in treating heart disease, the researchers said.
In the trial, 39 patients received injections of stem cells into their heart muscle through a catheter inserted in the groin. The procedure required only local anesthesia, Mathiasen said. The other 20 received saline injections.
Doctors first mapped the patient's heart using a sensor sent through the catheter that tracks both heart movement and voltage conducted by heart tissue.
"The combination of those two can give you a feeling of what is the normal heart tissue and what is the scarred tissue," Mathiasen said.
Then the researchers ran a needle up the catheter and made 12 to 15 small injections around the area of the scar tissue, he said.
"They injected around the border zones between the living and the dead heart muscle, trying to extend the amount of living heart muscle and reduce the scarring that is there," Grines explained.
Stem cell patients experienced an 8.2-milliliter decrease in end systolic volume, which indicates the lowest volume of blood in the heart during the pumping cycle and is a key measure of the heart's ability to pump effectively. The placebo group showed an increase of 6 milliliters in end systolic volume.
The patients who received stem cells also experienced a reduction in their heart's scar tissue compared to the placebo group, but the amount of reduction did not prove statistically significant, the researchers said.
Researchers plan a larger clinical trial involving 120 to 180 patients in several European countries, Mathiasen said. There are no U.S. trials under way for this procedure.
Grines said she looks forward to reviewing safety data from the new trial and future trials, since needle injections can cause an increased incidence of irregular heart rhythm. The tiny scars left by the needle can divert the electrical signals of the heart.
But if the procedure proves safe, it could help countless heart patients, she said.
"You need a larger trial to tell for sure whether this is going to be important. But if it is, it could have a major impact on society," Grines said.
Research presented at medical meetings should be viewed as preliminary until published in a peer-reviewed journal.
SOURCES: Anders Bruun Mathiasen, M.D., research fellow, Cardiac Catheterization Lab, Rigshospitalet University Hospital, Copenhagen, Denmark; Cindy Grines, M.D., cardiologist, Detroit Medical Center, and spokeswoman, American College of Cardiology; March 31, 2014, presentation, American College of Cardiology annual meeting, Washington, D.C.
Copyright (c) 2014 HealthDay. All rights reserved.
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Michael Jackson's Legacy: Readers React
The New York Times, New York, New York, 2009
The New York Times makes use of algorithms to generate a live visual index of the responses to Michael Jackson's death from people from six continents. It also allows a level of spatial navigation that utilizes silhouettes to humanize the textual messages, reminding us that these are the sentiments of those who felt a deep connection with the King of Pop and his music. This is all connected through an infrastructure that allows the readership to continue contributing to this online memorial.
Collections: AIGA 365: 31 (2010)
Repository: Denver Art Museum
Format: Website
- Design firm
- The New York Times
- Client
- The New York Times


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Police were seeking a motive for the attacks at the property in the Los Angeles suburb of Northridge. I
Lt. Terri Brinkmeyer said the victims were discovered around 4:30 a.m.. Homicide detectives were at the scene collecting evidence at the house, which was blocked off by a large fence.
Cmdr. Andrew Smith told the Los Angeles Times that the gender and age of the victims were not immediately known because the bodies were face-down and had not been moved, pending arrival of a coroner's team. Authorities said it too early to determine a motive or possible suspects.
Los Angeles City Councilman Mitchell Englander, who represents a section of the San Fernando Valley that includes Northridge, said that the large house appeared to be serving as some type of boarding house, with several residents possibly renting out separate rooms, some of which include their own kitchenettes and had separate entry ways.
"It appears from the nature of things that this was an unlicensed boarding facility," said Englander, who was at the crime scene Sunday and had spoken earlier with police.
But the neighborhood is in a mostly residential area and does not have a significant crime problem, he said.
"This is a very safe neighborhood. This type of thing doesn't normally happen here," he said.


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Commission on Wartime Contracting In Iraq and Afghanistan
Description: This website contains information about the Commission on Wartime Contracting (CWC), which was established to study contracting for military activities in Iraq and Afghanistan such as waste, fraud, abuse, and mismanagement of contracts. The site provides information about the commission's activities and copies of its reports, including two interim reports, five special reports, and a final report on "Transforming Wartime Contracting."
Date: 2008/2011
Creator: United States. Commission on Wartime Contracting in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Item Type: Refine your search to only Website
Partner: UNT Libraries Government Documents Department


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Router Table Tips and TechniquesUpdated: Jun. 30, 2017
Make joints and edges using a router table.
You might also like: TBD
- Time
- Complexity
- Cost
- A full day
- Intermediate
- $101–250
Tip 1: Make your own moldings
Photo 1: Shape board edges
Clamp feather boards to the fence and tabletop so they apply moderate pressure to the board. Feed the board through the router at a steady rate. Hook the notch on the push stick over the end of the board and use the stick to push the board past the bit at the end of the cut.
Router tables are great for cutting your own moldings. Using a router table is easier and faster than using a router alone; you don't have to clamp the board. And narrow boards that are hard to shape with a router are a cinch on a router table. Use feather boards and a push stick to protect your fingers (Photo 1).
Start by tightening the bit into the router, mounting the router in the base and adjusting the height of the bit. Don't worry about getting the fence square to the table; it doesn't matter for this type of cut. If your bit has a bearing guide, lay a straightedge against the fence and adjust it until there's a paper-thin space between the outer edge of the bearing and the straightedge. Clamp feather boards to the table and the fence (Photo 1) to hold the work against the bit. This allows you to concentrate on pushing the board.
To avoid burn marks from the router bit, feed the board at a steady rate without stopping. The rate of feed depends on the bit and type of wood. With experience, you'll learn to judge the best rate by listening to the router and feeling the resistance as you push against the board.
Cuts more than about 3/8 in. deep can strain the router motor, put undue pressure on the bit, and leave a rough or chipped surface on the wood. To avoid this, adjust the fence so the bit removes about two-thirds of the wood with the first pass. Then readjust the fence and make the final pass at a faster feed rate.
Router Table Safety
Router bits spin so fast that they demand your constant attention. Accidents can happen suddenly. Here are a few of the most important safety rules:
- Always unplug the router when changing the bit.
- Push the bit into the collet. Then lift it to expose about one-quarter of the shank before tightening the collet nut. This will keep the bit from coming loose in the collet. At least two-thirds of the bit's shank should be engaged in the router collet.
- Cover the bit with a guard whenever possible (Photo 1).
- Wear safety glasses and hearing protection.
- Use feather boards and push sticks to keep your fingers away from the bit (Photo 1).
- Move work pieces from right to left against the fence.
- Move work pieces counterclockwise around a piloted bit (Photo 6).
- Never position the fence so the work piece is pushed between it and the bit.
Tip 2: Easy end-grain routing
Photo 2: Rout with a push block
Get tear-out-free end-grain routing. Screw a 2×2 handle to a 10-in. square of wood. Hold the work piece firmly against the wood square and push it past the bit. Maintain slight pressure against the fence to make sure the edge of the square push block stays in contact with the fence throughout the cut.
Shaping end grain with a router table and square push block (Photo 2) has three advantages over end-grain routing with a handheld router. First, you're not limited to bearing-guided bits, since the fence is guiding the cut.
Second, unlike with handheld routers, it's just as easy to rout narrow pieces as wide ones. And finally, the push block backs up the cut to eliminate the chipping and tear-out commonly associated with end-grain routing. Photo 2 shows how to use a simple square push block to support your work square to the fence as you guide it past the bit.
Tip 3: Plane perfectly straight edges on boards or plywood
Photo 3: Set the fence
Plane straight edges. Shim out the left half of the fence with a piece of plastic laminate or thin cardboard. Lay a straight board across the shimmed-out fence and against the router bit. Adjust the fence position until the bit just touches the straightedge. Spin the bit by hand to make sure it barely touches at its deepest cut.
Caution: Make sure the router is unplugged. Don't touch the sharp edge of the bit!
Photo 4: Make the smoothing cut
Test the setup on a scrap of wood. With the fence accurately adjusted, the planed board will glide over and rest tightly against the shimmed-out half of the fence. If the board hits the shimmed-out fence, move the fence back a little. If there's a gap behind the board, move the fence forward slightly.
It takes a little time and patience to set up your router table for planing the edge of a board, but it's worth the effort, especially for plywood edges. Photo 3 shows you how. The smooth, straight surface left by the router bit makes it easy to create an almost invisible seam when you're gluing wood edging to plywood.
The key to the setup is shimming out the left half of the fence and aligning the bit with it. If your router table fence isn't adjustable, you can attach a piece of plastic laminate to the face of the left half with double-faced tape so it can be removed when you're done.
Here are a few of the tasks you can accomplish with this setup:
- Plane the edges of plywood panels before applying wood edging.
- Remove saw marks from the edges of ripped boards.
- Straighten the edges of boards so they can be glued together.
Tip 4: Freehand routing with a starting pivot
Photo 5: Set up a pattern and pivot point
Rout freehand with a pattern. Start freehand routing against piloted bits (bits with bearing guides) by pivoting the board into the bit. The pivot can be a pointed stick as shown or a pin or dowel mounted to the tabletop. Keep pressure against the pivot until the bit is engaged and cutting.
Photo 6: Smooth a rough edge
Move the work piece away from the pivot while maintaining moderate pressure against the router bit bearing. Move the work piece at a steady rate in a right to left, or clockwise, direction.
Small pieces that are difficult to hold down while you're shaping them with a handheld router are easy to shape on a router table. Use a bit with a bearing guide that rides against the pattern. Photos 5 and 6 show a 1/2-in. carbide flush-trimming bit being used to duplicate a pattern.
You can also shape the edge of small pieces with any bearing-guided router bit using this same technique. Pivot the wood against the starting pivot block for greater control over when it contacts the bit. Some router tables have a hole for a starting pin that serves the same purpose as the pointed stick we're using. It doesn't matter what you use as a pivot as long as it's firmly attached and placed 2 to 3 in. from the bit.
Cut the pattern from MDF (medium-density fiberboard) or tempered Masonite. Sand the edges smooth because the router bit will transfer every imperfection in your pattern to your work piece. Rough-cut your work piece with a jigsaw and attach the pattern with small nails, hot-melt glue or double-faced tape.
Buying Router Tables
With a router table you don't have to hassle with clamping the Work piece. Just guide it over the table and past the bit. You can build your own router table and fence using plans included in many basic router books. Or you can choose from dozens of commercially made tables. Buy the biggest tabletop you can afford; you'll get more accurate cuts on long pieces. Fences with two adjustable, replaceable wood or particleboard sections mounted to a solid one-piece metal fence are the best. You can shim out one side (Photo 3) to plane board edges or slide the sections tight to the router bit to eliminate extra space around the bit.
Make sure the table has an easily adjustable bit guard and slots in the table to mount feather boards or other accessories. Removable base plates (photo) make it easier to mount your router and take it out to change bits and make height adjustments.
Required Tools for this Project
Have the necessary tools for this DIY project lined up before you start—you'll save time and frustration.
- Router
- Router table


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1945 the Red Army drove the Germans out of Czechoslovakia and allowed an interim government to be established. Elections the following year saw the Czech Communist Party, the KS, win 38 percent of the vote, representing the best-ever performance by a European Communist party in a free election. President Edvard Beneš asked Klement Gottwald of the KSČ to be Czechslovakia's prime minister, giving the KSČ control over the police and armed forces. The party came to dominate ministries dealing with propaganda, education, social welfare, agriculture and the civil service. Political infighting and civil unrest resulted in a successful Soviet-backed Communist coup in February 1948. The new government in Prague officially allied Czechoslovakia with the USSR and became a member of the Warsaw Pact.
Czechoslovakia has been a center of small-arms manufacturing since the 17th century. In 1919 the firms of the Ceská Zbrojovka (Bohemian Arms Factory), better known as CZ, was established and quickly became a major player in the international small-arms market. After World War II, the Czechoslovakian army began a program to replace the Soviet and ex-German weapons in service with arms of native design. With a preference for the Soviet SKS carbine, in 1952 the army adopted a CZ-designed semi-auto rifle, the 7.62mm Samonabíjecí puška vzor 52, which fired a proprietary cartridge with a rimless, bottle-necked case that was 45mm in length: the 7.62mm náboj vzor 52. (Vzor is Czech for "model" and is usually abbreviated as "vz".) Five years later, bowing to Soviet pressure for standardization, most vzor 52 rifles were converted to fire the Soviet 7.62mm patron obr. 1943g. Known as the 7.62mm náboj vzor 43 in Czechoslovakian service, it consisted of a rimless, bottle-necked case that was 39mm long and whose 122-grain, FMJ spitzer bullet had a muzzle velocity of 2,330 feet per second (fps). We know it as the 7.62x39mm. In the mid 1950s the U.S.S.R. began pressuring all the Warsaw Pact armies to standardize on Soviet-pattern weapons, which, when it came to shoulder-fired arms, meant the AK-47. While most Eastern Bloc armies toed the line, the Czechs once again insisted upon using weapons of native design. Accordingly, in 1956 a design team led by CZ's chief engineer, Jirí Cermák, began the task of building a selective-fire assault rifle that could do everything the AK-47 could—but better.
Gun Details
While the resulting weapon, the 7.62mm samopal vzor 58 (7.62mm submachine gun model 58) aped the appearance of the AK-47 with its slab-sided receiver, a curved, 30-round magazine, an exposed barrel and a separate pistol grip, mechanically it was quite different. Where the AK-47 used a pivoting hammer, the vzor 58 utilized a straight-line striker to fire the cartridge. The AK-47 operates by venting power gases from the barrel, which move a gas piston affixed to the bolt carrier rearward, rotating a two-lug bolt, unlocking and pushing it to the rear with the carrier, extracting and ejecting the spent cartridge case, and cocking the hammer. The recoil spring pushes the hammer forward, stripping the next round from the magazine and chambering it as the bolt is rotated once again, locking it into battery. The vzor 58 also uses gases bled into a cylinder above the barrel, where they push a short-stroke gas piston rearward so it impacts the bolt carrier and forces it rearward, while a separate spring returns the piston to the forward position. The gas cylinder is vented and the remaining gases are exhausted into the atmosphere via two ports in the cylinder. The entire piston rod is chromium-plated to prevent fouling. A wedge in the vzor 58's bolt carrier lifts a pivoting locking-breech block out of recesses in the receiver, allowing the entire unit to move rearward, extracting and ejecting the spent cartridge case, and cocking the striker, which operates on a separate spring from the bolt group spring. The recoil spring then pushes the bolt carrier forward, stripping the next round from the magazine and chambering it as the breech block is cammed down and locked to the receiver.
Like its early era Soviet counterparts (AK variants produced after the initial stamped steel attempt), the vzor 58's receiver is machined from solid steel. The vzor 58 is a selective-fire weapon, but it replaces the AK's awkward safety/selector lever with a conveniently located switch on the right side of the receiver, which is easier—and quieter—to operate. When forward, the bolt carrier seals the entire receiver, preventing debris from entering the action. In addition, the vzor 58's bolt remains to the rear when the magazine is empty, and there is a bolt hold-open catch located next to the paddle-shaped magazine release. The stock and forend were made from wood-impregnated plastic, although late-production rifles use high-impact plastic furniture, some with rails on the forend for mounting optical sights, lights, lasers and other tactical devices. Three versions of the Czechoslovakian rifle were produced: the vzor 58 P (Pechotní, or "infantry") with a fixed buttstock; the vzor 58 V (výsadkový, or "airborne") with a metal shoulder stock that can be folded along the right side of the receiver to reduce its length, making it more manageable by airborne and vehicle-mounted troops; and the vzor 58 Pi (Pechotní s infracerveným zamerovacem, or "infantry with infrared sight"), a vzor 58 P with a dovetail bracket on the left side of the receiver for mounting a night-vision sight. The vzor 58 Pi is often fitted with a detachable folding bipod and a conical flash suppressor. Switching between the vzor 58 P's and V's buttstocks only requires the removal of a single pin at the rear of the receiver and swapping in the stock of choice.
The vzor 58's alloy 30-round magazines are not interchangeable with those from AK-type weapons. Unlike the AK magazine, the vzor 58's magazine can be reloaded while in the rifle through the open receiver, with 10-round chargers (stripper clips). The weapon's front sight is a hooded post, while the rear is an open U-notch adjustable by tangent from 100 to 800 meters. The rear sight leaf has a "U" setting (univerzální, or "universal") intended for nap-shooting at ranges up to 300 meters. A bracket for a knife-type bayonet is located beneath the front-sight base. More recently, many vzor 58s have been fitted with a flash suppressor/muzzle brake.
The vzor entered service in late 1959, and while it didn't see combat with Czechoslovakian soldiers for almost five decades, it was soon turning up in hot spots around the world. The Czechs have always been known for their entrepreneurial acumen, and as with earlier weapons, they were only too happy to sell vzor 58s to any and all buyers. In addition, at the urging of their Soviet "allies," the Czechs supplied these guns to various national liberation groups around the world, in the name of International Socialist Brotherhood.
The Cold War saw the vzor 58 supplied to the USSR's "friends" and proxies in Ethiopia, Nicaragua, Uganda, Cuba, Libya, Somalia, Lebanon, Guatemala, Cyprus, Angola, Mozambique, Iraq, Tanzania and Grenada. The weapons saw their first combat service with both sides during the genocidal Nigerian-Biafran civil war (1967–1970). Others were provided to the Viet Cong and NVA during the Vietnam War, and India has purchased numbers of them. In fact, vzor 58s began showing up in just about any trouble spot around the globe where Soviet-caliber small arms were common—it is not surprising that large numbers of vzor 58s are being used in Afghanistan and Iraq.
In 1993 the citizens of Czechoslovakia voted to peacefully divide the country into two independent states: the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Both nations became members of NATO, and vzor 58-equipped Czech and Slovak units have served with UN and NATO forces in Bosnia, Desert Shield, Desert Storm, Afghanistan and Kosovo, as well as in Iraq with Coalition forces. Photographic evidence would seem to indicate that the vzor 58 V has become the preferred weapon with Czech and Slovak troops currently serving in Afghanistan, many of which are tricked out with tactical lights, lasers and M4-style collapsible buttstocks. While the vzor 58 remains the standard rifle of the Czech and Slovak armies, the Czechs recently announced the adoption the Pušca CZ805, while the Slovaks are taking the HK416 into service. Both of these modern assault rifles are chambered for the standard 5.56mm NATO rifle cartridge.
Shots Downrange
Dan Brown at CzechPoint, Inc. was kind enough to provide me with their civilian version of the vzor 58 P, the Sa vz. 58 Military, for test-firing. These rifles are assembled in the Czech Republic from new-production and original vzor 58 parts. In order to satisfy BATFE import requirements, CzechPoint uses entirely new receivers that have thicker sidewalls, so optic-side rails can be mounted on them (a service that CzechPoint also offers) while preventing the installation of any original full-auto components. In addition, a long steel bracket (known as a bridge) is located in front of the trigger and prevents a full-auto trip arm from being installed. CzechPoint's rifles are imported with single-stack magazine wells so that the magazine capacity is limited to 10-rounds. Once in the U.S., the rifles are modified to comply with Section 922(r) so original military furniture can be installed. At the same time, the magazine is milled to accept 30-round surplus magazines. To satisfy the 922(r) regulations, CzechPoint installs the following U.S. made parts: a glass-filled nylon trigger, steel sear, steel disconnector, polymer magazine follower and polymer floorplate. (And as picayune as it may sound, CzechPoint also had to remove the bayonet lug! Don't you feel safer now?)
The rifle I received was in unissued condition with nicely finished metal and the typical reddish-brown stock, forend and pistol grip. I test-fired the Sa vz. 58 on my club's 100-yard range. Remington and Winchester sent along supplies of their respective 7.62x39mm ammunition, while Graf & Sons provided some Russian-made WPA steel-case test fodder.
After zeroing in the rifle at 50 yards, I moved my targets out to twice that distance and proceeded to shoot for score. Before I go any further, I have to mention that I did not care for the sights at all. I have never understood why Soviet and Eastern Bloc arms-designers have stuck with open sights on their military rifles when an aperture rear sight provides so many advantages. Among them are a longer sight radius, quicker sight alignment, no view obstruction of your target, and faster target acquisition and transitioning to multiple targets. My only other complaint concerns the stock's short length of pull. I assume the short buttstock was used so that the rifle would be more comfortable and solid when wearing a lot of webbing gear, bulky clothing and/or body armor? That being said, the Sa vz. 58 had a very nice trigger with a modest bit of take-up and a crisp let-off. I fired nine five-shot groups ranging in size from 2.75 to slightly over 4 inches, most of them printing a bit to the right. As the barrel heated up, the rifle tended to string groups vertically, and being that temperatures were hovering around 99 degrees that afternoon, I took a 5-minute pause between each five-shot group. The next day, a cloudy and cooler one, saw me at the range again, running a series of drills at 40 yards. The Sa vz. 58 proved 100 percent reliable and it proved almost easy to keep all my rounds in the highest scoring zones of the targets. I must say that the CzechPoint Sa vz. 58 Military performed better than any civilian-legal AK-type rifle I have fired up until this time. Put a decent set of aperture sights on this rifle and you will have a real shooting machine! For more information on CzechPoint, visit czechpoint-usa.com. ★


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Has the White House turkey pardon jumped the shark?
The annual Thanksgiving turkey pardon, dating back to JFK, is now a highly choreographed affair, involving two turkeys, their 'bios,' and a Facebook vote to decide who gets to be the official White House bird.
Has the White House turkey pardon jumped the shark?
We ask this because this year's traditional ceremony – in which President Obama will pardon a bird presumably otherwise bound for a Thanksgiving platter – is more, um, elaborate than ever. It involves two turkeys, and Facebook, and voting, and Carly Simon. This isn't a lighter moment in a president's otherwise heavy schedule, it's an over-produced reality show. Call it "The Gravy Factor," or maybe "America's Got Drumsticks."
OK, we'll back up a moment and take this whole thing from the top. Since at least 1947, US presidents have participated in an annual event in which they receive a turkey from the National Turkey Federation in honor of the upcoming Thanksgiving harvest feast.
At the beginning, these birds had a date with oyster stuffing. President Truman ate his, or at least said he was going to. President Eisenhower did the same thing.
But more recently, White Houses have decided it looks less carnivorous for them to grant the on-stage bird clemency. According to a White House history of the event, John F. Kennedy was the first to send his turkey back to the farm. "We'll just let this one grow," he said.
President George H. W. Bush was the first to use the actual word "pardon." He sent his turkey to live out its days at Frying Pan Park in Herndon, Va., thereby indicating he had a subtler sense of humor than historians give him credit for today.
Since then the ceremony has become more and more Hollywood. Two turkeys are involved – a primary turkey and a backup in case the first bird can't carry out its duty of continuing to live.
Enter Gobbler and Cobbler. This year, some Obama aide had the bright idea of pitting these two birds against each other in a Facebook-based voting contest. The one with the most "likes" would be named the official White House bird.
Gobbler's a four-month-old male from Rockingham County, Va., according to his Facebook description. His favorite food is corn, and his walk is "patient but proud," according to the White House.
Cobbler is a four-month-old, 40-pound male, also from Rockingham, who's a "strutter" and likes the song "You're So Vain" by Carly Simon, according to his official bio.
(Sweet cornbread stuffing! Who's the overachieving White House official who had to make that stuff up? They clawed their way to the top of Washington and thought they'd be running the world and instead they're hawking poultry.)
At last look, Cobbler was the favorite – he had about 2,400 "likes" to Gobbler's 2,100. Neither will be eaten, so the title is honorific. Maybe they get a sash, or a crown.
But here's our point – it seems to us they're being ironic about the whole ceremony instead of straightforward. "Cobbler"? Carly Simon? If it's not worth doing it without a subtext, maybe it's not worth doing at all.
It's not like presidents enjoy it. Or at least, many don't seem to. Ike and Jimmy Carter made their veeps shoulder most of the turkey-related duties. Ronald Reagan laughed when his turkey made a flyabout and bolted for freedom.
In 2009, Obama approached the bird to be pardoned, named "Courage," and asked his (the bird's) handlers if there was an "official gesture." Come on – this whole thing has become too grandiose, like the "Happy Days" episode where Fonzie literally jumped a shark while water-skiing. At that point, the show's creators were out of ideas, and it began to go downhill.
Perhaps the turkey pardon has reached that crucial turn in the narrative road. The animal rights group People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals has asked Obama to end the practice, calling it "archaic."
"The White House turkey 'pardon' is a sorely outdated event," PETA president Ingrid Newkirk wrote in a letter to the White House.
We might agree with that, but then again, the scalloped oysters are our own favorite part of the turkey-day meal.
RECOMMENDED: Know your US presidents? See if D.C. Decoder can stump you.