text:
November 4, 2009
Guests: Steve Kornacki, Melinda Henneberger, Steve McMahon, Todd Harris, Michael Steele, Robert Gibbs
CHRIS MATTHEWS, HOST: Hangover.
Let's play HARDBALL.
Good evening. I'm Chris Matthews in New York, scene of the sixth game in the World Series. The Phillies will win tonight 3-to-2.
Leading off tonight: About last night. The voters spoke last night, and it wasn't a failure to communicate at all. The Republicans won both governors' races in Virginia and in New Jersey, and in a weird backlash, the darling of the right-wingers lost that congressional race in upstate New York and handed that usually Republican district, historically Republican district, to the Democrats for the first time since the 19th century. What's going on here? We've got the big names tonight, the White House's Robert Gibbs and the chairman of the Republican Party, Michael Steele, both here on HARDBALL tonight.
Plus, whatever happened to all those Obama voters who a year ago were fired up and ready to go? They didn't vote. And the Democrats paid the price. And ask yourself this. What moderate Democrat in, say, Louisiana, Alabama, Nebraska or Indiana is going to vote for health care public option now, if it means the end of their political career? We're going to break down the big lessons from last night with Charlie Cook.
And the spin game. Both sides claim their side won last night. How do the Dems spin New Jersey and Virginia, pretty tough one for them? And how do the Republicans spin New York, where they blew it? The HARDBALL strategists will be here with their best, we hope.
Plus: Who controls the Grand Old Party now? That's in the "Politics Fix." By the way, do the tea bag folks run it? And among the big winners last night, Vice President Biden and Mitt Romney. Among the big losers, Sarah Palin. We've got "The National Journal's" list in the HARDBALL "Sideshow" tonight.
Let's start with the chairman of Republican National Committee, Michael Steele. Mr. Steele, thank you for joining us.
MICHAEL STEELE, RNC CHAIRMAN: Hey, Chris.
MATTHEWS: I'm going to warm you up with some accolades, first of all. Two great candidates in terms of the way they ran their race, Virginia and New Jersey, positive candidates. They didn't run to the far right. They ran to the center right. They knew what they were doing. Their opponents ran negative campaigns, fearful campaigns. And your side won.
Will that be the mode for next year's elections? Are you going to run down the center right, rather than the hard right?
STEELE: Well, we're going to run, Chris, where our candidates find themselves. I mean, what you saw in Virginia and New Jersey are two candidates who translated throughout their state. They reflected the communities they come from. And it's the new frontier, really, for the RNC right now. As we embark upon the elections in 2010, we have an opportunity to run and win in areas that we haven't traditionally run or won, if we get candidates who come from those communities. And I think that's what you saw in those two instances. They're conservatives who translated the conservative principles and message in terms of the policies and the issues that they're going to encounter and deal with as governor. So you know, I was very happy last night. It was a great night.
MATTHEWS: Yes, except...
STEELE: Except what?
MATTHEWS: Upstate New York. Let me ask you about it...
STEELE: What was...
MATTHEWS: If Bernie Sanders, the socialist independent from Vermont, tried running in Utah, he'd get his butt handed to him. If these wingnuts start running around the country like this person who knocked off your candidate in upstate New York, in the 23rd, this Doug Hoffman-you start getting a lot of candidates like that coming out of the woodwork, you're going to lose a lot of elections, aren't you?
STEELE: Hey, Chris, what kind of hangover did you have last night, man?
MATTHEWS: Well, I'm asking you. You had Doug Hoffman. He beat your candidate, then got beaten by a Democrat in a district that's always voted Republican.
STEELE: Well, look, what you're looking at in...
MATTHEWS: You were smart. You picked the right candidate maybe.
STEELE: Well...
MATTHEWS: But you know, the other side...
STEELE: Well, wait a minute.
MATTHEWS: ... the right-wingers, blew it.
STEELE: Well, no. I-no, Chris, I'm not going to go there on that because let me tell you what the problem was in 23. It was a flawed process. You had individuals who hand-picked this candidate. She did not go through a process.
MATTHEWS: Well, you were part of the hand-picking. You endorsed her.
STEELE: No, I was not. No, that's-that, again, is a wonderful Democrat talking point.
MATTHEWS: Well, wait a minute. You didn't endorse the Republican candidate in the 23rd?
STEELE: Well, no, no, no. There is a difference between supporting the nominee of the party and hand-picking that nominee.
MATTHEWS: Oh, I see.
STEELE: All right? So...
MATTHEWS: Well, that's timing. In other words, once she was hand-picked, then you endorsed her.
STEELE: Well, I...
MATTHEWS: Come on! That's laughable!
STEELE: Chris...
MATTHEWS: You endorsed the hand-picked candidate.
STEELE: Chris-OK, Chris...
MATTHEWS: You mocked the system...
STEELE: Chris...
MATTHEWS: ... and then you supported it!
STEELE: Chris, do you understand how politics works in this country? People make their choices. Party bosses no longer do that, and this is an example of what happens...
MATTHEWS: But you're a party boss.
STEELE: ... when they try to do that. And we did not...
MATTHEWS: You're a party boss.
STEELE: Chris, I'm not a-I'm the chairman of the party.
MATTHEWS: You just endorsed the candidate backed by the bosses in upstate New York...
MATTHEWS: ... and you got beaten.
STEELE: Chris, do you want to listen to what I'm telling you?
MATTHEWS: I'm trying to communicate with you.
STEELE: OK. OK. So just chill for a second.
MATTHEWS: No, you...
STEELE: Let me explain to you...
MATTHEWS: I think you're trying to chill...
STEELE: ... what happened to...
MATTHEWS: ... the viewers out of knowledge here.
STEELE: No, I'm not! Let me tell you what happened.
STEELE: The local party selected her. They have their process. They didn't run the primary. They had their process. She became the nominee through that process that they chose.
MATTHEWS: And at the bottom end of that process, the Democrat won.
So what's wrong?
STEELE: It was a flawed process because she didn't reflect the community...
STEELE: ... in which she was running. And the people there spoke and you saw that primary played out.
STEELE: Will not happen when we take the seat back in 2010.
MATTHEWS: I'm not blaming you. It was hand-picking (INAUDIBLE) New York state system. But let me ask you this. If you have a lot of wingnuts coming in from the far right...
STEELE: Why do you keep calling...
MATTHEWS: ... knocking off establishment...
STEELE: ... my people wingnuts?
MATTHEWS: Doug Hoffman coming in from outside the district-you were the one that knocked people for coming in from outside a district.
STEELE: Excuse me. What about the left-wing nuts who won't let the president get his agenda through? What about all the left-wing nuts are the reason why we don't have health care right now? You've got 60 votes in the Senate. You've got a 78-seat majority in the House. And I don't see anyone talking about the left-wing nuts who are stifling the health care for my mother, my family and my community.
MATTHEWS: Wow!
STEELE: So don't give me the name calling here.
MATTHEWS: So-so...
STEELE: That was a political process. Now we're talking real things here, when you talk about the fact that...
MATTHEWS: Yes.
STEELE: ... in the Democratic Party, the division is real because we don't have health care. The division is real because we still have unemployment climbing.
MATTHEWS: ... is so interesting.
STEELE: ... because they're not solving the problems.
MATTHEWS: So the president would be better off if he didn't have a left and he could push a more moderate health care bill.
STEELE: I don't know. That's a choice...
MATTHEWS: That's what you're saying.
STEELE: ... the Democrats have to make.
MATTHEWS: Yes, but you're making it for them, aren't you.
STEELE: I'm embracing my-I'm embracing my party. I'm embracing...
MATTHEWS: No, and you're saying something really smart. You're saying that the president of the United States has to make a tough, discerning decision to find the kind of bill that will pass and pass it, instead of being hung up by his far left.
STEELE: And you've got-and that is the challenge for both parties in these times, is to bring within their own before they can reach out and bring others in, the consensus around certain value and core principles. What are the core principles and values of the Democratic Party when it comes to the agenda on health care, the economy and government involvement in my life and my business? Is it a left-wing agenda? Answer the question.
MATTHEWS: What about-OK, look, I accept the fact that the Democratic Party is hung up by people on the far left in many cases, especially in the health care. I can accept that. But in your party, since you're the party spokesman and leader, let me ask you, are you happy with what happened in upstate New York, where people came in like Sarah Palin and Dick Armey and Rick Santorum, came in from outside and got involved in the process? I understand you've been quoted as saying that was wrong.
STEELE: No, it is-it is-it is wrong if they get into the process before the nominee is selected. Once the nominee is selected, they have-they're free-they're Americans. It's still America, right? We can express our opinion. So if they have a view...
STEELE: ... or a point of view that, you know, is contrary to those in the community, people need to fully understand they don't live there.
MATTHEWS: Mr. Chairman, let's check in with what you said today about that 23rd district. Let's listen.
STEELE: Sure.
STEELE: If you don't live in the district, you don't vote there, your opinion really doesn't matter much.
MATTHEWS: "Your opinion doesn't really matter much."
STEELE: True!
MATTHEWS: You're saying-you just said you welcome them to come in after the nominee's been picked...
STEELE: Well, wait a minute. Wait a minute.
MATTHEWS: ... and now you're saying...
STEELE: Chris...
MATTHEWS: ... in that quote, you said, Drop dead, basically, for coming in.
STEELE: Wait a minute, Chris. It doesn't matter because you have no vote in the district. You can express your opinion. That's the freedom part that America and the Constitution allows you to do.
MATTHEWS: Right.
STEELE: So yes, if they have an opinion as political figures, as leaders, or whatever, that's fine. But it doesn't-it doesn't shape the process...
MATTHEWS: Yes.
STEELE: ... to the point where you're going to-the outcome determinative.
MATTHEWS: Is there room in the Republican Party for the far right, yes or no? Far right.
STEELE: There's room in the Republican Party for anyone who wants to be a part of the values that we espouse when it comes to the role of government, free enterprise, free markets.
STEELE: I-look, Chris, I'm in the business of multiplication and addition, not division and subtraction. So my job as the national chairman...
STEELE: ... is to make us a governing-to build us a governing majority with the leadership in the House and the Senate...
MATTHEWS: Big tent.
STEELE: ... and our Republican governors.
MATTHEWS: Big tent. Thank you very much, Michael Steele.
STEELE: You got it.
MATTHEWS: The big tent, sir. Thank you, chairman of the Republican National Committee. Thanks for joining us.
STEELE: All righty.
MATTHEWS: Robert Gibbs is White House press secretary. Robert, every election result seems to have a certain odor, a smell even. Last night, I smelled populism, anti-elite, anti-Wall Street, the slow-small vote for Bloomberg in New York, the blowout of Corzine. People don't like Goldman Sachs. They don't like these bail-outs. Is that hurting the president?
ROBERT GIBBS WHITE HOUSE PRESS SECRETARY: Well, look, there's no doubt that there's discontent about our economy in this country. And I think if you asked the president if he was discontent about what's going on in this economy, he'd certainly say yes. The president is focused each and every day on trying to get this economy turned around and put people back to work. That's what he's focused on. That's what these elections showed, and that's what he'll continue to do.
MATTHEWS: But if you get hit from the independent voter the way you got hit yesterday, with 60 percent in Jersey, for example, voting for the Republican candidate, that's a weird thing. Why are Democrats being put in the position of being seen as the pro-Wall Street party? Why are you getting hit that direction and also getting hit from the people who don't like big government, don't like the push on health care? It seems like you're getting hit from the populists in both directions.
GIBBS: Well, look, obviously, you had some unique characteristics for certain candidates that you mentioned. But I got to tell you, the bottom line, Chris, is I don't see how you could read into what voters did in local elections like the New Jersey governor's race into how that impacts the president. The voters in New Jersey certainly didn't in the exit polls, and I don't know why anybody else would, either.
MATTHEWS: Well, let's talk about the voters who show up. It seems to me that the-you know, when I go to baseball parks lately, I'm kind of amazed it seems to become (ph) in terms of audience. It's very much a white sport in terms of the audience. I wonder whether the elections in off years are getting that way. What happened to the base vote of the Democratic Party, young people and minorities, yesterday?
GIBBS: Well, look, there's no doubt that an off-year election has a different electorate make-up than either a congressional election would or a national presidential election. I think you'll see that change a bit in 2010 because it'll be a big election about the direction of the president's agenda and it will talk about whether or not we're going to make progress on health care and energy and all the things that the president has talked about.
MATTHEWS: You're a communications expert. I'm just going to-I know it's tough to have to defend the White House and speak the complete truth, but let me try some things by you.
GIBBS: I'll try.
MATTHEWS: It seems like this president has had to go to a lot of fund-raisers lately. He's played a lot of golf lately. He's hung around with Geithner and Summers and the Paulson crowd, the whole New York rich guy scene. He's beginning to look like a Clinton. He looks like a typical Democrat now, hanging out, playing golf, going to rich people's parties, bringing people into the White House to go bowling. I mean, this whole thing begins to smell like the Clinton era. What happened to the change we believed in? I'm asking.
GIBBS: Chris, was that a question or a speech? I haven't-I don't...
MATTHEWS: It was a speech requiring a response.
GIBBS: I will look at the transcript sometime later to see where the question was. The president has been focused on the job that he has, which is to repair our image in the world...
MATTHEWS: Yes.
GIBBS: ... to get our economy moving again. I think if you look at any of those two measures, right, you look at our relationships with other countries in the world and the progress that's been made, you look at the financial disaster that we had the day we inherited office, tell me that we haven't changed things for the better...
GIBBS: ... on of those both accounts coming in. Does the president tend to play golf when the weather's nice on Sunday? Sure. I don't think that's indicative of a previous administration.
MATTHEWS: OK. You don't...
GIBBS: The president likes to play golf.
MATTHEWS: You don't see any problem with the imagery of hanging around all the fund-raisers, doing all the stuff that seems like a typical Clinton Democrat, just typical of the way things were before he got in.
GIBBS: Well, but again, understand, the president-look, the president has to raise money for the national party. That's what fund-raising is all about.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
GIBBS: Nobody likes it, but obviously, you can't buy commercials on MSNBC for nothing.
MATTHEWS: I know. He even went to Martha's Vineyard this summer. It just seems like the Clinton crowd.
GIBBS: Chris, hold on. Chris, hold on. The president was vacationing at Martha's Vineyard a long time before he became president of the United States.
GIBBS: That's just where he likes to go in the summer.
MATTHEWS: OK. OK. Now the serious question. Harry Reid is saying no deadlines for health care. We thought the president had a deadline. You folks had a deadline. Get it done this year, in the inaugural year.
Is that still your goal?
GIBBS: It's still our goal, and quite frankly, Chris, I think that's still the goal of the United States Senate. We've seen progress made on both sides of the aisle. We're waiting on some budget scores for the Senate bill. But we know the House is going to move pretty quickly on voting on this. This is going to get to the president's desk before the end of the year. And I tell you, if you want change you can believe in, it's going to be health care reform in 2009.
MATTHEWS: So we're going to get 60 votes in the Senate for change?
GIBBS: You're going to get-you're going to get health care reform. I don't know what the final vote will be, but you're going to get health care reform that does three things. It will cover-it will provide universal coverage for people in this country that haven't been able to afford insurance.
MATTHEWS: Right.
GIBBS: It's going to cut costs for the millions of people that have insurance but struggling with the high cost of rising premiums. And lastly, we're going to have some key insurance reforms that won't allow insurance companies to discriminate against people that have preexisting conditions or drop their coverage when they get sick. The Republicans plans, they don't offer anything to do anything about any of those issues, cost, coverage or insurance reforms.
MATTHEWS: Well, the imagery isn't so great, but the substance sounds great. Robert Gibbs, good luck with the program. Robert Gibbs, White House press secretary, thank you, sir.
GIBBS: Thanks, Chris.
MATTHEWS: Coming up: The lessons of last night's elections from the Democrats inability to win the independent voters in New Jersey and Virginia to the ideological civil war that cost the Republicans an easy election in upstate New York. We've got the smart takeaway on what happened last night and what it means going forward, especially on the issue of health care reform, which could seriously be in trouble right now.
You're watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: Welcome back to HARDBALL. So what did we learn from yesterday's vote? Here to talk about it-the four big lessons, you might say-from NBC News political analyst Charlie Cook, who's editor and publisher of "The Cook Record," and Melinda Henneberger, who's editor-in-chief of Politicsdaily.com.
Charlie, you first. Let's take a look at lesson number one, as we see it. Democrats lost the independent voter. Let's look at these numbers here. Among Obama, we've got back in '08 the Democrats did decently well, 51 to 47. In New Jersey this time -- 51 of the independents was last year. This year, it's 60 percent to 30 for the Republican. In Virginia, Obama won 49 percent of the independents last time. That's only a year ago. This time, Bob McDonnell rolled it up to 66 percent of the independents, a real switch around. Your thoughts why.
CHARLIE COOK, "COOK POLITICAL REPORT," NBC POLITICAL ANALYST: Well, independent voters, the swing voters in the middle, those are the-that's where the juice comes from. Austin Powers would say that's where he gets his mojo. And the thing is, that's the key group that swung. That's the group that makes all the difference in the world.
And while this election-I agree with the other assessments that this election wasn't, you know, a referendum up or down on President Obama personally, it really was more on-sort of-to a certain extent on the Democratic Party. But the thing is that it's-you saw the president's numbers in the national Gallup polls, for example, drop from the 50s down to the 40s among independents back around the middle part of the summer. And he had been 60s and 50s, and then down in the 40s. And the thing is, it's those independent voters. They've swung.
And in Virginia, which is I think the one race that legitimately, you can look at and make some conclusions over, you know, they had been going overwhelmingly in the last two governors-last two Senate rates, the last governor's race, for independents. And this time, they swung the other way. And I think it's something that Democrats ought to really, really worry about.
MATTHEWS: Melinda, I want you to look at age here, because, back in Virginia-just take one state that's sort of a purple state now which went for Barack Obama.
And one reason it went for Barack Obama-it may be the main reason -
is that most voters were under 44. He carried 52...
MELINDA HENNEBERGER, POLITICSDAILY.COM: Right.
MATTHEWS: Fifty-two percent of the voters were under 44. And that told me a lot. So, this time, around only 34 percent of the voters were under 44. That really hurt the Democratic candidate this time around.
HENNEBERGER: That finding was the thing that most jumped out at me from last night.
I think the takeaway for the Democrats should be, you know, these kids who turned out in force for Barack Obama, half of which turned out last night in Virginia and New Jersey, they didn't-you know, they didn't come out for Barack Obama because they were hoping for another negative campaign.
They didn't come out for Barack Obama saying, boy, we would sure love to get behind someone who makes fun of-of people who could stand to lose a few pounds. You know, the negative campaigns in both Virginia and New Jersey are huge turnoffs to independent voters and to young voters.
And I hope that the takeaway for the Democratic Party will be, you know, if we wanted to have a Rove-style campaign, if we want, you know, Rahm Emanuel to be our Karl Rove, we might just have been Republicans from the start, and these people are not going to turn out for that.
So, I think that there's a lot...
MATTHEWS: Charlie, do you agree with that?
COOK: No.
MATTHEWS: The negative-I watched in Philadelphia all that Jersey negative stuff by Corzine, nasty, nasty, nasty, over and over again. Does that drive down the younger voter?
COOK: Well, I don't think that is what happened.
I mean, first of all, midterm elections, off-year elections are always older. But the other thing is, these younger voters-I have got a 23-year-old daughter and a 20-year-old son that were absolutely in love with Barack Obama. And the thing is, it was a personal relationship. It doesn't convey to the Democratic Party or Democratic candidates for governor, or House or Senate or anything else.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
COOK: It's a personal relationship.
I think they will be back with him in 2012, probably.
COOK: But it is not a party deal.
MATTHEWS: Well, here's a thing that has nothing to do with party, but with power. We had three incumbents. Let's take a look at this number, three. They all-look at the incumbents. Bloomberg, with all his money and influence-and he's a pretty competent mayor by all standards, didn't get reelected with any mojo, as you would put it, Charlie.
And then Corzine lost big-time. It looked like people wanted to take a whack at Wall Street, at big shots and incumbents, period.
COOK: Well, or that they voted for change.
I mean, the thing about is people, these independent voters voted for change in 2008 and in 2006. And they are voting change in 2009, and they may very well vote for change in 2010. They are independent for a reason. They are not rooted for a party. And they typically-they typically are very, very fickle.
And they signed up for change, but they're not sure that the change they got is what they had in mind. I mean, it was more throw President Bush out, or throw Republicans out, throw anybody that had any connection to George Bush out, but they weren't specific about exactly what they wanted and they are not really sure this is what they wanted.
MATTHEWS: Melinda, let me take a look at-let's all take a look-and, Charlie, when you get a chance here, too-look at what happened in Upstate New York. The right wing came in. They knocked out the regular Republican candidate because they didn't like the way they were picked, they didn't like their point of view on gay rights, on economic issues or whatever, and then that candidate got whacked by the Democrat.
So, is this a message, Melinda, for Democrats? You have an opportunity to cherry-pick and to fish in troubled waters when Republicans go into civil war? Is that one of the messages?
HENNEBERGER: I mean, the Democrats, I would say, must be delighted with the outcome and with what happened to Sarah Palin yesterday in that one place.
I'm not sure that that is a message to Republicans that these tea baggers going in and Sarah Palin leading the charge is going to be terribly effective.
But, back to what you were saying earlier, I think last night was a referendum in Obama, in that Obama going in for Corzine as many times as he did, I think that he came off as politics as usual.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
HENNEBERGER: He came in there bashing the Republicans in the same old way. And I don't think that plays with independents at all and-or the young people.
And I just think that they said, you know, you-you don't look like change I can believe in to me. And I want to...
MATTHEWS: Charlie-I'm sorry, Melinda.
HENNEBERGER: Sure.
MATTHEWS: Charlie, I only have a minute here. That's exactly the point I was making with Robert Gibbs a minute ago on the air.
You guys have let the president become through imagery, with the golf and the fund-raisers and hanging around with the Wall Street crowd, the Geithners, the Summers, the Paulsons, he begins to look like a Clinton.
He looks like another old Democrat who has been in there too long.
How did he get to be an incumbent so fast?
COOK: Well, I think part of what presidents have to do is they have -
part of the job-as Robert said, part of the job is raising money.
MATTHEWS: It stinks.
COOK: And it was whether you're a Democrat-well, it may stink, but that is part of the job description. It's like-you know, I mean, it is just part of the deal.
But back on to the New York 23, that was a case-I mean, Democrats got a great deal. They won a seat with less than half the votes.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
COOK: And the ironic thing is that a lot of-there are a lot of people in the Republican establishment that are breathing a sigh of relief that Doug Hoffman, the Conservative candidate, lost, because the reason they're doing that is not that they had any love lost for the Republican nominee, who ended up dropping out, but the reason was that they don't want ideological purges taking place and costing them the next election.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
HENNEBERGER: Mm-hmm.
COOK: And that is what would have been triggered had Doug Hoffman won.
So, the thing is, you shouldn't have parties picking nominees in a closed room with-by 11 county chairs.
MATTHEWS: Yes, I know.
COOK: That is how you get stupid decisions. And their selection was dumb. It should have never happened.
But this was such a bizarre race that it is not representative of anything I have seen in 37 years of watching politics.
MATTHEWS: Melinda, how many seats in the country do you think could be won by wing nuts?
HENNEBERGER: Not many. I don't think this was-this was a very strange race. But I'm not sure that this is the-the recipe for victory, that there is a lot of energy, but when it comes down to it, if you have to put together voters from across the spectrum, it is never going to work.
MATTHEWS: Charlie, how many wing nut seats are there out of the 535?
COOK: I think about half of the House members over there are wing nuts already...
MATTHEWS: Really?
COOK: ... I mean, whether they are right or left wing nuts, you know, these people that are elected in one-party districts.
But the thing is, you can nominate a moderate Republican, but one that is pro-choice, pro-gay-rights, pro-card check, and pro-Obama stimulus, she is probably representative of a half of 1 percent of the Republican elected officials in America.
MATTHEWS: Yes.
COOK: But it is style that counts. And in the Virginia governor's race, they nominated a staunch, principled conservative, but one that stylistically was moderate.
MATTHEWS: Got to go.
Charlie, it looks like they picked that candidate in Upstate New York by a card check method, if you think about it. They go around and they say, who-you know what I mean? It was almost like one of those card check votes, one-on-one.
Anyway, thank you, Charlie Cook.
Thank you, Melinda Henneberger.
Up next...
HENNEBERGER: Thanks.
MATTHEWS: ... more winners and losers from last night's election. We're going to run through quickly in the "Sideshow" "The National Journal"'s take of surprising winners and surprising losers in the eaves of this election result last night.
You are watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: Back to HARDBALL. Time for the "Sideshow."
Who were the winners in yesterday's elections? Who were the losers?
Here is a rundown from "The National Journal."
Winners, Dede Scozzafava. OK, the party's boss' pick was pushed out of the New York race, that House race, by tea bag Republicans. But her late-hour endorsement helped win the night for Democrat Bill Owens.
Another winner, Joe Biden. While President Obama focused on Corzine in New Jersey, Biden hit the stump for that Democrat in New York's 23rd District, a race that looked at the time a lot tougher for Democrats. Anyway, the third winner, the independent voter. They again prove themselves to be the real power players in American politics, breaking heavily this time for Republicans in both Jersey and Virginia.
And for the losers, first, we have got Congressman Pete Sessions, chairman of the Republican Congressional Campaign Committee. Under his leadership, Republicans have lost two big East special elections now in New York's 23rd last night and New York's 20th, with Kirsten Gillibrand's going to the Democrat back in January.
Also a bad night for the right-wing club Club For Growth. The group had flexed its muscle in Upstate New York in that 23rd District, hoping a Hoffman win would embolden right-wingers around the country. Didn't work.
Loser number three, ex-Alaska Governor Sarah Palin. She helped nationalize that New York race up in Upstate New York two weeks ago by coming out big-time for Doug Hoffman, the conservative. Bottom line here, Palin has yet to prove any sort of broad-based appeal on Election Day.
So, there you have it, "The National Journal"'s scorecard of last night.
Now for the "Big Number."
It was a near upset last night in New York City. Mayor Mike Bloomberg
edged out Democratic challenger Bill Thompson by-who ran a heroic
campaign-by just five points, a race the mayor should have won by a much
larger majority, given all the money he spent. After all, Bloomberg poured
God-hundreds -- $100 million into his reelection campaign, making it the biggest self-financed campaign in American history, so much so, well-well, how much did Bloomberg spend per vote yesterday? About $180 per person. That's per vote, 180 bucks.
If money can't buy you love, I guess that was the statement for the three-term mayor of New York now. He spent about $180 per voter last day - - last night. That's tonight's "Big Number."
That is a lot of money per voter, 180 bucks per voter.
Up next: a big night for Republicans last night and a shaky night for Dems. Will Republicans read too much into last night's victories and get a little triumphalist? And how will Democrats seek to explain those big losses? Our strategists are coming here next.
You are watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
SIMON HOBBS, CNBC CORRESPONDENT: Good evening. I'm Simon Hobbs with your CNBC "Market Wrap."
Stocks ending mixed again today, despite a relatively upbeat statement from the Fed-the Dow Jones industrials giving up big gains late in the day to finish 30 points higher, the S&P 500 up a point, the Nasdaq falling almost two.
The Federal Reserve noting signs of an economic recovery gaining momentum, but leaving some key language unchanged from its last report. The Fed is sticking to its guns on interest rates, promising they will remain near zero for-quote-"an extended period."
Shares in Cisco Systems are moving sharply higher after-hours, the networking giant beating Wall Street estimates on earnings and revenue, that report posting just after the closing bell.
And health care stocks seeing solid gains, led by Merck pharmaceuticals, Merck shares up almost 6.5 percent, after completing a $41 billion merger with rival Schering-Plough.
That's it from CNBC, first in business worldwide-now back to
MATTHEWS: Welcome back to HARDBALL.
Democrats lost two governor's races last night, Virginia and in New Jersey. That was the big one, in Jersey. So, how do they spin those defeats? Republicans lost a candidate up in the Upstate New York race they thought they had in the bag. So, both sides are spinning.
Let's bring in the strategists to see how they spin, Steve McMahon and Republican Todd Harris.
You are both good at it, so I don't know whether you are going to B.S. us or not, but let's start with you, Steve.
Was it a good night or a bad night for the Democrats?
TODD HARRIS, REPUBLICAN STRATEGIST: Chris will.
MATTHEWS: Steve McMahon.
STEVE MCMAHON, DEMOCRATIC STRATEGIST: It was a mixed night, Chris.
I think New York 23 was certainly a good night. They picked up a seat that Democrats haven't held since 1871. But there's no question that looking at what independents did in New Jersey and in Virginia is like a canary in the coal mine.
MATTHEWS: Yes, I think I read that you said that.
Let me ask you. A canary in the coal mine is when you send the bird in to see if there is any gas in the mine, so you don't go in and get gassed. Now, the question is, what should be the warning to Barack Obama and the Democrats out of last night?
MCMAHON: Well, I think the warning should be-Barack Obama knows already that the center decides elections. It is not the left and it's not the far right. It's the people in the middle.
And what happened last night were, the people in the middle, the independent voters went out and they cast their votes for Republicans, after casting their votes for Democrats in 2006 and in 2008.
That is a warning sign for Democrats. It doesn't mean independents are gone. It is not really a referendum on Obama, as much as it's a referendum on incumbency, because if you look at every single place where the elections were held last night, the incumbent party got rejected by the voters, and the independents went in cast their votes for Republicans.
The latter is a troubling sign for Democrats. The former is a troubling sign for any incumbent.
MATTHEWS: You know, I want to change the pattern here a little bit and go to you, Todd, on that.
I think the Democrats got into a poo storm last night, meaning they got hit from both the left and right, populist independent. The populist on the independent said, you know, wait a minute. I think they are in bed with Wall Street. I can't believe I'm saying this about Democrats, but Corzine, Bloomberg, and the bailouts, and hanging around with Geithner, hanging around with Paulson, hanging around with Summers, they're part of the big-business problem, as well as the big-government problem.
So, your party benefited. It looked like the Democrats were hit left and right from the populist feelings in this country.
HARRIS: Well, remember, Chris, just a couple weeks ago, we were talking about some of the new NBC polling that showed that, across the board, people were tired of the establishment. They were sick of big government. They were sick of anyone who was in power.
And this was a massive repudiation of anyone who was in power. As we talked about a few weeks ago, ultimately I think that helps Republicans heading into 2010, because Democrats hold all the levers of power.
MATTHEWS: While I have you enjoying my comment, let me give you one you won't like. Your wing nuts have screwed things up in upstate New York. Are you going to keep doing it around the country? Knock off Charlie Crist, put in Rubio, so he can't win the general. This is what the Republicans used to do back in the early '60s, bring in people who couldn't possibly win, and enjoy it, because you were right, even though you lost.
HARRIS: In the interest of full disclosure, I have to tell you, as much as you may be appalled by this, but I'm actually supporting Marco Rubio in Florida. He absolutely can win in a general election. If you look at guys like Marco Rubio, look at guys like McDonnell, look at guys like Chris Christie, these are not right wing wing nuts. These are mainstream conservatives who have a political profile that can fit their district.
MATTHEWS: OK, we'll see. Let me go to Steve on that one. What do you think it is? Do you think the Republican party is tilting too much starboard here?
MCMAHON: Well, the Republican party is becoming regressing to become a white male southern party. When you take a situation like New York 23, and you throw your Republican nominee out because they are too moderate, and then you nominate and support-I'm sorry, you support a conservative party candidate who is too conservative to win, then you are basically killing yourself.
I think you're absolutely right, Chris. Your observation that-we can call them wing nuts, I guess.
MATTHEWS: Give me a better word. Help me out.
MCMAHON: The far right of the Republican party has taken it over, and they're making the Republican party uncompetitive in a lot of parts of the country.
MATTHEWS: OK. Steve-
HARRIS: I have to tell you, it doesn't fit the storyline that Steve is trying to push right now. But either of those guys in Virginia or in New Jersey ran as Republicans. They both ran as centrist candidates.
MATTHEWS: Yes. That's what I think.
HARRIS: Doug Hoffman was no more conservative than now Army Secretary, former Congressman McHugh. If you look at their ideological profile, they are almost identical. It is ridiculous to say that a guy that was way too conservative to win in New York 23 got the nomination.
MATTHEWS: Steve, let's go back to basics here. Do you think any Democrat or Republican again will make fun of his opponent or her opponent for being fat? Do you think that may be the last time that is done in New Jersey? I hope we can show that while we're talking here. Clearly focused on all that white shirt of Chris Christie, who is now going to be governor of New Jersey, all of him, by the way, making fun of his girth. Is that going to stop, that crap-excuse me-that bad stuff?
HARRIS: I don't think it was Governor Corzine's proudest or strongest moment in the campaign. But frankly, I don't think it had much to do with why he lost. This were a lot of issues going on there, property taxes, insurance rates, and other things that he promised to do something about and was unable to tackle as governor. So I think his problems stem from his performance more than from any comments he made, however ill-mannered.
MATTHEWS: You know what I liked? I like McDonnell's commercials. Maybe because of my background; I'm Catholic. But I just thought it was a nice way he did it. He said, here is my daughter. She graduated from Notre Dame. And everybody in my religion is sort of an alumni of Notre Dame. We're very impressed. Then she went off and became a ROTC officer. She fought in Iraq, as a service person.
I thought that was a positive way to run for office, and maybe it was too obvious, but, Todd, it worked for me. I think that is why he beat the other guy by 18 points, the Democrat.
HARRIS: McDonnell was able to make a personal connection with voters in Virginia, which is so critical when you are running, especially statewide, where voters want to get a sense of who you are. If you are going be their governor, they want to know who you are and they want to be able to like you. He was really able to make that personal connection with them.
MATTHEWS: Steve, it didn't matter that he wrote a right wing term paper 20 or 30 years ago? That didn't turn out to help the Dem much.
MCMAHON: I think it mattered. But I think what happened in the campaign was-for the Deeds campaign, that was the only thing that mattered. And for voters, it was maybe one of five or ten things that mattered.
What McDonnell did that was so compelling was he talked about the issues that are on voters minds. He talked about jobs, the economy, transportation, which is a big issue here in northern Virginia. And he talked about taxes. He didn't talk much about cultural issues.
I got to tell you, I voted for Creigh Deeds. I supported him. I wanted him to win. I cannot tell you a single thing about Creigh Deeds, or what he wanted to do for the state of Virginia. That is a real problem, because I pay attention to politics.
MATTHEWS: I think negative campaigning did not have a good year, thank god. I think both negative campaigns failed. I love to see that. I'm so tired of watching television the weekend before an election, and see people accuse the other candidate of being criminals. I can't stand it.
Thank you, Steve McMahon. Thank you, Todd Harris.
Up next, what are the moderate Democrats, like Mary Landrieu and Evan Bayh, to make of these results? If Democrats can't win in New Jersey, can they win in Arkansas? Can they win in Louisiana and Nebraska if they get their butt handed to them in upstate-well, they got their butt handed to them in Jersey and Virginia. That is pretty scary for a Democrat, I would think. Let's find out from Chuck Todd when we come back. This is HARDBALL. What is the message from the White House of yesterday's hangover? MSNBC back in a minute.
MATTHEWS: We're back with the politics fix, with NBC News political director Chuck Todd-he's also White House correspondent-chief White House correspondent for NBC News-and Steve Kornacki of the "New York Observer," a fine newspaper.
Chuck, I want you to start with this: if you are a moderate Democrat, somebody fighting for re-election next year-let's say Evan Bayh in Indiana, which is a conservative state, or Blanche Lincoln down in Arkansas, which went heavily for John McCain just last November-are you more worried about your re-election chances after reading the returns this morning.
CHUCK TODD, NBC NEWS POLITICAL DIRECTOR: You are because you saw not only-I always say look at how Jon Corzine lost. He had all the money in the world. He had a weak Republican challenger, or a flawed Republican challenger. Weak is unfair, but he had a flawed Republican challenger. He had a popular-he was in a state where the president was popular. He had all the help he could ask for from the White House. And he still couldn't get over the finish line. He even had a third party candidate taking votes away from the Republican challenger.
So everything you could possibly have in a bad environment-and Corzine was in his own bad environment. He had it all going for him and he still came up short. That what would be what would concern me as a Democratic lawmaker sitting in a swing district.
Now, I asked the exact question you asked me to David Axelrod, the chief political adviser here in the White House. And he immediately said, hey, look at the special election. That's a Democrat who embraced the president.
And you know what? The 2010 elections are going to get nationalized. They will be a referendum on this White House. And that will excite voters. And we'll take the lead. We'll play more offense. I think they're in the sense of sort of, like, bring it on. It's almost like a page from the Bush playbook of 2002, Chris.
MATTHEWS: Steve, that's the question. If you're somebody who's on the line and has to vote for health care, which can be perceived in conservative states as being too much big government, too much tax heavy, too much influence in your life-is this, what happened yesterday, make it even harder to vote for health care, if you're Blanche Lincoln in Arkansas?
STEVE KORNACKI, "THE NEW YORK OBSERVER": Again, it depends what example you're going to look at. You could look up at the 23rd district in New York and you could see a Democratic candidate who endorsed the basic idea of the public option, the most controversial aspect of health care reform, and he won in a district that-
MATTHEWS: Chuck Schumer is going to vote for health care. I'm not worried about him. I'm worried about people in states that are not that blue.
KORNACKI: But the profile of the district where the Democrat won is very Republican. Not since 1870 whatever has a Democrat won there. But the other thing is there's an inevitability, also, to what happened yesterday that was sort of set in motion when Barack Obama won last year. We can talk about the New Jersey example and its significance nationally.
I don't think it was the best possible environment for Jon Corzine, given the bad economic conditions and all that. The best possible environment for Jon Corzine would have been in John McCain won last year, because Democrats in a state like in New Jersey, and all the blue states, have been insulated for the last decade and a half by the Republicans in Washington being in power.
It's uncanny, if you look at New Jersey, for the last decade in a half, the ceiling Republican candidates have had there.
MATTHEWS: Let me give you a perfect example, Chuck. Creigh Deeds is the most conservative of the Democrats running for that gubernatorial race, more conservative than Brian Moran, more conservative than Terry McAuliffe.
TODD: More conservative than Mark Warner, Tim Kaine, right down the line.
MATTHEWS: And he gets his butt handed to him by 18 points. If I'm a southern Democrat, I'm saying, wait a minute, Creigh Deeds is me. Eighteen points he gets blasted away by McDonnell, who is not that strong a candidate. I'm telling you-I'm asking you, isn't that a threat to Blanche Lincoln, to Mark Pryor, to Mary Landrieu, to Ben Nelson, to Evan Bayh?
TODD: Well, look, the guys on the ballot in '10, Blanche Lincoln,
Evan Bayh, you know, they're actually on ballot. Let's use those two
examples. When you lock at that Virginia turnout, what should scare them -
it's sort of like, OK, boy, when Obama is not on the ballot, that coalition of young voters, African-Americans, Hispanics, they don't show up. We've now got a couple of examples.
Look, it's anecdotal. We had that Georgia Senate runoff in late 2008, when the president's name disappeared from the ballot. So did his vote. Now we had Virginia; president's name disappeared from the ballot.
Now, look, extenuating circumstances. Creigh Deeds turned out to run an awful campaign. He never said what he was for, never said who he was. But the White House acknowledged-Axelrod acknowledged to me, look, that turnout was a concern, and they believe that when the president is at the forefront-if they nationalize the elections in 2010, if he's on the road, that will get African-Americans out. That will get young voters out.
That's what I'm guessing he's going to be telling Blanche Lincoln behind the scenes; hey, look, I'm going to fight. I'm going to get all this done. Nancy Pelosi is going to say, look what I did in that upstate New York district.
MATTHEWS: OK, we'll be right back to talk about how the far right looked last night. It looked to me like they got their block handed to them up in upstate New York. Interesting things; the country may be moving a bit to the right. I don't think they like the far right. Steve Kornacki, Chuck Todd will be right back to talk about the wing nuts and whether they have any power at the polls. You're watching HARDBALL, only on MSNBC.
MATTHEWS: We're back with NBC's Chuck Todd and Steve Kornacki of the "New York Observer." Chuck, what is the silver lining? You were alluding to it coming out of the White House from Axelrod. What are they looking at positively from last night?
TODD: Oh, I don't think they're looking at-they're trying to make New York 23 a positive. That's a tough thing to say. I'll say this. I think they can now go to a blue dog and say, look, if you're in a tough fight, you can at least know we have a good campaign operation; look at what we were able to do in that New York 23. I think they have a fair argument on that front.
I think if you look at the silver lining, if you're a Democrat on the outside of this White House, and you're seeing how they're reacting today, they made the decision to own the election. They're saying they're not. But notice that they put Robert Gibbs on your program. Axelrod is doing all it. They made the decision, you know what, they do have to own this.
It was almost as if they woke up and said, yes, yes, you're right; we're the head of the Democratic party. On a night like this, we can't pretend these races didn't matter.
MATTHEWS: Nobody votes for a rabbit.
TODD: That's right.
MATTHEWS: You have a stand up. Steve, I think that stand up thing is a good move for them. Just take it on the chin this time and come back. What do you think about the silver lining? Is there one for the D's?
KORNACKI: I think you look at the long view. If you take the long view on this, and you're not thinking about right now, and you're even not necessarily thinking about 2010, and you accept the reality of you control the White House, you control the House, you control the Senate-and unemployment is going to hit 10 percent any day now. If you accept that reality, then you're going to lose in 2009 and you're going to lose seats in 2010.
But if you take the long view, there's such a thing, as you look at the Republicans, as losing by winning. The Republicans are going to have this success. You're starting to see it today. You'll see it next year when the Republicans pick up seats-of reading too much and reading the wrong lessons into basically a position where they just sat back and let inevitability take its course.
Have they changed themselves at all since the 2006 and 2008 elections in terms of their image? No. So what happens when the economy comes roaring back, if it does? That's the assumption the Democrats are making. I think then Obama and the Democrats are sitting in a very good position, because the Republicans didn't take advantage of this opportunity to redefine themselves as a party.
MATTHEWS: Kornacki, you drink my coffee, sir. That was fascinating. Chuck, is health care on its way up this year? Does it still have a chance this year?
TODD: It has to happen this year. I think if this thing delays next year, it's dead. I think they can't afford to let it go. It is one of those things-it's-that's why I think you saw Harry Reid walk back that comment when it got leaked out. I think health care's dead if it doesn't go-
MATTHEWS: It's now or never. Thank you, Chuck Todd. Thank you, Steve Kornacki. Join us again tomorrow night at 5:00 and 7:00 Eastern for more HARDBALL. Right now, it's time for "THE ED SHOW." Tonight, the Phillies will beat the New York Yankees, I think three to two. Pedro will be great tonight. Here's Ed Schultz.
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Samoa: All Coasts
99 Coastal Destinations Rated: Doing Well
Score: 69
"Pure and unspoiled" Samoa hangs on fiercely to its native culture. Its hospitality industry relies primarily on small, boutique resorts that have not altered the island's sense of place. All is not perfect, however. Irresponsible fishing jeopardizes the health of offshore reefs, and the country's tourism infrastructure has not yet fully recovered from last year's tsunami.
Here is a representative sampling of additional anonymous comments from the panelists. They are not necessarily the views of the National Geographic Society:
"Samoa is more than another island destination—it is a way of life. Every visitor becomes aware of this upon visiting a fale—the local version of an open beach house. Accommodation development along the coast has largely been in line with the local architecture. There are very few large resorts on the island."
"Fa'a Samoa (the Samoan Way) is very strong. Tourists who do not conform to traditional values (e.g. dressing modestly in public places) will encounter problems. It is reaching a turning point in development. Will it follow the casino and big-hotel route that Fiji has followed? Or, will it work to protect and enhance its superb natural environment and strong sense of tradition? These questions have yet to be answered."
"I was in Upolu Island last year, two months after the tsunami hit the country. The tourism sector was badly hurt and is still in the process of recovery. The high dependence on imported diesel for power production is a major hindrance to sustainable tourism development. The country should seriously investigate using renewable energy."
- Nat Geo Expeditions
"Overfishing is endangering reefs and various marine species. Poor infrastructure hinders improvements to education and conservation."

subset: commoncrawl


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Nitish promises road link to 1,000 rural clusters
Patna, Nov 24 (IANS) Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar Saturday promised road link to around 1,000 rural clusters with at least 250 people and claimed 25 million citizens have gained from a law enacted for timely delivery of public services.
"We have decided to launch a new scheme - Mukhyamantri Gram Sampark Yojna - to connect small habitations through roads," Nitish Kumar told reporters here, releasing his government's report card on the eve of completing seven years in office.
Nitish Kumar of the Janata Dal-United is heading a government supported by the Bharatiya Janata Party. He completes the second year of his second term Sunday.
"All habitations with population of 250 will be connected through roads," said the chief minister, adding that around 1,000 clusters would gain from the scheme.
The government will construct 34,100 km roads in the next five years at a cost of Rs.23,881 crore, he said.
Highlighting the gains from the state's Right to Public Services (RTPS) Act, Nitish Kumar said: "In the span of 15 months, about 2.5 crore people have benefited by obtaining different certificates under it."
"The number of people using it to obtain certificates proved that RTPS Act is a big success," he said.
The law came into effect Aug 15 last year, ensuring timely and transparent delivery of 50 public services.
Earlier, he warned that government officials who did not deliver services within the stipulated time would be fined up to Rs.5,000.


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(AllHipHop News) Chicago rapper Lil Reese took to Twitter today (October 25), to comment on a video that leaked today featuring him assaulting a young woman.
The shocking, 1:11 second video shows the Def Jam artist and other males associates in an unidentified female's residence.
Lil Reese and the woman begin to squabble, which soon turns into an all out assault on the female by Lil Reese.
Lil Reese brushed off the video, not because of its contents, but because of when it was made.
"The haters tryna see a mf Dwn lol Dey gotta b broke and bored wanna upload sum s### from years ago damnn we winnin it's 2 late…#3hunna," Lil Reese tweeted.
Most of the comments on the YouTube page that features the clip condemn Lil Reese and his associates, while one offers up a number to the Chicago Police Department and calls for Lil Reese to be prosecuted.
[polldaddy poll=6637585]
Check out the video below:


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Mogul Offers $120 Million for Man Who Weds His Lesbian Daughter
A billionaire Hong Kong real estate developer has doubled his "marriage bounty" for the man who successfully seduces and marries his lesbian daughter. The offer now stands at $120 million.
In 2012, Cecil Chao announced a $65 million reward after his daugher, Gigi Chao, married her longtime girlfriend. Chao said more then 20,000 suitors responded, but his daughter—who had dated her wife for seven years before marrying her—was unimpressed. However, his daughter did say that she was a "lucky girl to have such a loving daddy" after the reward was announced.
So Chao upped the reward, hoping to find a more suitable suitor.
"I only hope for her to have a good marriage and children as well as inherit my business," Cecil said, according to the Star, adding, without any apparent awareness of the irony, that he has no plans to interfere with her personal life.


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Account Executive
A common title in the technology industry this role is responsible for the direct sales of products or services. They manage the full sales cycle, usually from an initial point of contact through to the closing of the deal and sign off from the client. They then hand responsibility over to an account manager. They are often described as "Hunters" and people who succeed in these roles are motivated by closing deals and generating commission. Can also be called Inside Sales Representatives or Business Development Representatives. Salaries vary hugely depending on the organisation but typically offer a basic salary and commission split of 50/50.
Armagh is the county town of County Armagh and a city in Northern Ireland, as well as a civil parish.


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Apple on Monday announced that Eric Schmidt, CEO of Google, is resigning from Apple's board of directors. Schmidt has been on Apple's board since 2006.
In a tersely worded statement issued by the company on Monday morning, Apple CEO Steve Jobs noted Schmidt's departure, while lauding Schmidt's contribution on Apple's board.
"Unfortunately, as Google enters more of Apple's core businesses, with Android and now Chrome OS, Eric's effectiveness as an Apple Board member will be significantly diminished, since he will have to recuse himself from even larger portions of our meetings due to potential conflicts of interest. Therefore, we have mutually decided that now is the right time for Eric to resign his position on Apple's Board," said Jobs.
Android is Google's mobile phone operating system. Chrome OS, due to be released in 2010, is a Linux-derived computer operating system currently in development that will presumably put Google in direct competition with Apple and Microsoft.
With Google increasingly encroaching on Apple's business, Schmidt's departure has been a matter of intense speculation. But as recently as May, Schmidt said at Google's annual shareholders meeting that he had no intention of stepping down.
But Schmidt's presence on Apple's board has raised the interest of the Federal Trade Commission, which is investigating whether Schmidt's presence is a violation of federal antitrust legislation which prevents "interlocking directorates" between companies that may be rivals, if such an arrangement reduces competition between them. The FTC said Monday that it will continue its investigation regardless of Schmidt's resignation from Apple's board.
Once again, Apple and Google were in the news together last week, when the Federal Communications Commission wrote to both companies and to Apple's U.S. cell carrier partner, AT&T, to question the rejection of Google Voice and related applications from the App Store. Google Voice is a Voice over IP (VoIP) application; it and other VoIP apps were rejected by Apple for distribution through the App Store.
Editor's note (2:01 PM PT): Added information about the FTC's continuing antitrust probe.


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No. 10 Missouri whips Alabama in SEC debut
COLUMBIA, Mo. (AP) -- Jabari Brown hit a career-high five straight 3-pointers after an early miss and Phil Pressey responded from a shaky first half with 11 points and 13 assists, leading No. 10 Missouri to an 84-68 victory over Alabama in its SEC debut Tuesday night.
Trevor Releford had a career-best 26 points with three 3-pointers and topped 1,000 points for Alabama (8-6, 0-1), which has lost six of eight. Coach Anthony Grant lost for the first time in seven career conference openers, three at VCU and four at Alabama.
Missouri's Laurence Bowers injured his right knee with about 5 minutes to go when Pressey fell on his leg under the basket. He will undergo an MRI for what coach Frank Haith believed was an MCL sprain. Bowers had 12 points and five rebounds in 19 minutes.
Brown scored a career high 22 points on 7-for-11 overall shooting, three days after making only one of nine attempts in a two-point victory over Bucknell. The Oregon transfer has scored in double figures four of five games since becoming eligible at the semester break.
Earnest Ross added a season-best 19 points for Missouri (12-2, 1-0) and Alex Oriakhi helped the Tigers pull away with 10 of his 16 points over the final 11 minutes, and he grabbed 11 rebounds. Oriakhi powered for two inside baskets in a 9-2 run that put the Tigers up 62-51 with 9 minutes to go and Alabama got no closer than six points the rest of the way.
Releford, who is from Kansas City and was recruited by Missouri, scored 19 points in the first half to top his average of 15.6. But he took just one shot over the first 8 minutes of the second half. The junior is the 46th player in school history to score 1,000 points but just the seventh with 1,000 points and 140 steals.
Pressey had eight assists in the first half, largely negated by four turnovers including two giveaways in a span of just over a minute. One was so glaring he grabbed Levi Randolph for an intentional foul.
Missouri survived those mistakes behind 6-for-10 3-point shooting, with Brown going 3 for 4 and Ross 2 for 2.
Alabama's best stretch was a 12-0 run for a 19-17 lead, with two baskets apiece from Releford and Pollard.


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'Les Tigres Volants'.
Félix Molinari was one of the main artists for the publishing house Impéria and its predecessor Le Siècle from the late 1950s to the mid-1980s. Born in Lyon, he began his comics career in 1947 with 'L'Aigle des Mers' and 'La Caravane Héroïque', two comic adaptations of movies. For the so-called "Petit Formats" (pocket books) published by Impéria, Molinari created such serials as the World War II adventure comic 'Garry' (1948-86), the superhero 'Super Boy' (1958-86) and 'Tora' (1972-86). In addition, he produced 'Appelez Magnolia 2' and other stories for Targa, 'L'Équipe de Chanzy' in Crampon (1986-87) and illustrated all the covers of the 'Jet Logan' book.
By the 1980s, Molinari was focusing on advertisement and cover illustrations. In the 1990s Molinari, started the series 'Les Héritiers d'Orphée' with Philippe Aubert for Soleil, as well as the saga 'Les Tigres Volants' with Richard Nolane. Also for Soleil, he worked with scriptwriter Jean-Yves Mitton on 'Les Survivants de l'Atlantique' (1997) and the aviation series 'Le Dernier Kamikaze' (2006). Félix Molinari passed away in February 2011, at the age of 80.


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CAIRO (AP) — Egypt refused to back down Wednesday in a dispute with the U.S. over Cairo's crackdown on nonprofit groups despite Washington's threats to cut aid, while the military deployed troops to the nation's streets after a surge in violence and protests against its rule.
Egypt's official MENA news agency said the army was deploying more troops to reinforce the police, restore security and state "prestige." The move comes in the wake of a deadly soccer riot last week that sparked days of clashes between the police and protesters. At least 89 people were killed in a week of violence.
The deployment appeared to be a show of force by the military in response to a surge in criticism of its handling of the country's transition to democracy and rising calls for the ruling generals to step down. There are calls for a general strike on Feb. 11 that have been gaining traction.
Egypt's military rulers are also facing a deepening dispute with the United States over Cairo's campaign against foreign-funded pro-democracy and rights groups, which began late last year with raid by security forces on the organizations' offices. Authorities allege there is a foreign conspiracy against Egypt to explain the widening protests against the military's performance.
On Sunday, Egyptian investigative judges referred 16 Americans and 27 others to trial on accusations they illegally used foreign funds to foment unrest in the country.
That immediately drew a sharp rebuke from Washington, with Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton warning that failure to resolve the dispute may lead to the loss of some $1.5 billion in aid to Egypt. Some U.S. legislators even said every aspect of the relationship with Egypt must be examined following the crackdown.
State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland called on Egypt to release the Americans, saying the 16 "have not done anything wrong." Egyptian authorities put the number of Americans referred to trial at 19, but Nuland on Tuesday said there are 16 Americans in the case.
With tensions rising, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Martin Dempsey, is to travel to Egypt this week for talks with military ruler Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi. Dempsey's spokesman, Col. Dave Lapan, said Wednesday the trip has long been planned, but that the nonprofit spat will come up if it hasn't been resolved. He said Dempsey would talk with Egypt's leaders about "choices and consequences," but declined to elaborate.
Despite the warnings from Washington, Egypt's military-backed Prime Minister Kamal el-Ganzouri struck a defiant tone Wednesday, telling reporters he was "saddened" by the pressure Egypt was facing but insisting authorities "can't back down or won't change course because of some aid."
"Egypt used its legal right to face some violations by civil groups," he said. "The lofty judiciary moved and discussed and investigated the case. ... The West then turned against us because Egypt exercised its rights."
El-Ganzouri also charged that aid pledged by Arab states has also stalled since the dispute began. He said he met in early December with Arab ambassadors "who promised that Egypt will receive a lot of money," but two months later "none of these promises have come through."
He hinted that the U.S. and Arab allies are withholding aid money because Egypt has adopted more independent policies since the uprising that ousted President Hosni Mubarak in February.
Egypt's net international reserves were down 50 percent year-on-year by the end of December as the country's economy is reeling from the overall effect of the uprising and the turmoil that followed. The government is discussing with the International Monetary Fund a $3.2 billion loan.
Addressing the rising calls for the military to step down, el-Ganzouri said the generals will not leave office before the end of June as currently planned. He warned against calls for the speedy end of military rule, recalling the fall of the Iraqi army after the U.S. invasion in 2003. He said the Iraqi army's demise pushed the country down the path to civil war.
In an attempt to rally public support, el-Ganzouri appealed to nationalist sentiment and urged Egyptians to unite in the of face tough times ahead. He argued that the current conditions in Egypt are worse than after the country's crushing military defeat in 1967 when Israel captured the Sinai Peninsula, the West Bank, the Golan Heights, the Gaza Strip and east Jerusalem.
"What we are seeing now is worse than after the 1967 defeat, which was a military one," he said. "What is happening is a call to defeat the whole people, not only a military defeat. If we unite, we will get through this."
El-Ganzouri also warned that Egypt was the backbone of the Middle East, a region in flux at the moment, and that "if it (Egypt) falls, the whole region will follow."
"Neither the West, nor the Arab brothers are aware of this," he said.
Local civil groups say the campaign on foreign-funded nonprofit groups is in preparation for a harsh crackdown on local rights groups who have been documenting and lobbying against the military rulers since they took office last year.
Hafez Abou Saada, a veteran Egyptian human rights activist, said Cairo's clash with the U.S. over the groups "is incomprehensible and unjustified and goes to show that the case against the civil groups is not a legal but is a political one."
He said el-Ganzouri's comments are "an attempt to rally a domestic front behind the government and create an enemy."
The military rulers charge that the foreign groups fund and support anti-government protests. The military claims that "foreign hands" are behind the opposition to their rule. They frequently depict the protesters as receiving funds from abroad in a plot to destabilize the country.
On Wednesday, Egyptian judges said the evidence collected in the case against 16 Americans referred to court for their alleged involvement in banned political activity through nonprofit groups include maps, cash and videos taken of churches and military facilities. Among the Americans referred to court is the son of U.S. Transportation Secretary Ray LaHood.
Ashraf el-Ashmawi, one of the judges investigating the case, said authorities are investigating other groups.
In reference to the already named groups, he said: "Their activities have nothing to do with human rights."
Associated Press writer Maggie Michael contributed to this report.


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Agency History #790
In January 1852 the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah approved a memorial requesting a $60,000 appropriation from Congress for the construction of a territorial penitentiary. Their stated reason for the request follows: "The early erection of a substantial prison it is believed would not only tend to prevent crime, but also to reform the offenders and put them in the way of self support. The infancy of the Territory renders the erection of such a prison, at present, without the aid of Congress, too great a work for the finances of your memorialists" (Acts, Resolutions and Memorials, 1851/1852, page 219). In March 1853 Congress approved a $20,000 appropriation for the building of such. A site was chosen southeast of Salt Lake City--the present day location of Sugar House Park. Construction was finished in late 1854 and occupancy began in 1855. Federal legislation in 1871 placed the territorial prison under the jurisdiction of the U.S. Marshal. From then until 1896, the penitentiary was owned and operated by the Federal Government. In 1896, the buildings and surrounding lands were given to the newly created State of Utah and were designated as the Utah State Prison (Laws of Utah, 1896, chapter 81).
Authorization for construction of a new prison was given by the Legislature in 1937. It was to be built on a "pay-as-you-go" basis. A Draper farm site of 1009 acres, twenty-two miles south of Salt Lake City was chosen. After a work stoppage caused by World War II shortages, prisoners were moved to the new prison facility in 1951. Expansion of the Draper site has been continuous since that time. It is currently divided between two complexes--North Point (Agency 1638) and South Point (Agency 1639). North Point is comprised of the Lone Peak, Timpanogos and Olympus units. South Point is comprised of the Wasatch, Oquirrh and Uinta units. Additionally, the Central Utah Correctional Facility (Agency 1643) in Gunnison started receiving offenders in 1990. This facility serves as satellite housing to the Draper prison complex. Corrections jointly operated the Iron County-Utah State Correctional Facility (Agency 160) in Cedar City as well from 1987-2002. However, after 15 years of partnership with Iron County the Legislature decided to no longer fund the state side of the facility in July 2002.
All state prison facilities are operated by Corrections' Division of Institutional Operations (DIO) (Agency 743). The primary mission of the DIO is "to provide a continuum of confinement to control committed offenders so they may function in a manner which will not be harmful to themselves, staff, other offenders, or society" (Utah Department of Corrections 1995 Annual Report). The DIO attempts to fulfill their mission by: 1) maintaining a secure environment that prevents inmate escapes and violent inmate actions; 2) improving the effectiveness of recidivism reduction efforts through selected programming--e.g. training in basic literacy skills, career skills, job placement, etc.; 3) maintaining and replacing critical security equipment; and 4) providing quality staff training.
From its inception at Statehood until 1967 the government and control of the Utah State Prison was vested in the Board of Corrections. In 1967 the Division of Corrections was created within the Department of Health and Welfare (Agency 1116) (Laws of Utah, 1967, chapter 174). The Division became the authority of the State of Utah for corrections, and assumed many functions of the Board of Corrections. In 1985 the Division of Corrections became a Department under the supervision of an Executive Director who reports directly to the Governor (Laws of Utah, 1985, chapter 198). Thereafter, all prison functions came under the direction of the DIO.
The DIO is administered by a Director--who receives his appointment from the Executive Director of the Department of Corrections (Agency 229). Thereunder, North Point, South Point, and the Central Utah Correctional Facility are supervised by individual wardens. A seven-member Corrections Advisory Council (Agency 230) functions within the Department of Corrections as well. Members are appointed by the Governor for a term of four years with the consent of the Senate. The Council consults with the Department's Executive Director concerning agency programs, policies, budget requests, master plans, and the like.
When the Utah Penitentiary opened its doors in 1855, it was under the direction of three inspectors and one warden, whom the joint votes of the Legislative Assembly elected. While the warden was responsible for the convicts and the property--the inspectors were charged with the management of all other prison functions (Territorial Legislative Records, "An Act in Relation to the Penitentiary," 16 Jan 1855). In 1860 a law was passed changing the name of the "Inspectors of the Penitentiary" to the "Board of Directors of the Utah Penitentiary" (Territorial Legislative Records, "An Act in Relation to the Penitentiary," 20 Jan 1860). They functioned in this fashion until the Federal Government assumed control of the Penitentiary in 1871.
The first Legislature of the State of Utah provided for the governance of the re-claimed Penitentiary in 1896. The control of the State Prison was vested in a four-member Board of Corrections--appointed by the Governor. The officers of the State Prison were to consist of a warden, a deputy warden, one clerk, one physician, a matron, and as many keepers and guards as the warden and the board deemed necessary. The Board appointed the warden--and the warden in turn appointed all other officers and employees of the prison (Laws of Utah, 1896, chapter 81). This basic management structure remained intact well into the 20th-century. A legislative act increasing the number of members of the Board of Corrections and expanding its powers became effective in July 1951 (Laws of Utah, 1951, chapter 111). The creation of the Department of Corrections in 1985 led to the dissolution of the Board of Corrections as a policy making board and the creation of the Corrections Advisory Council (Laws of Utah, 1985, chapter 198).
COMPILED BY: Anissa O. Taylor, February 2003
Department of Corrections. Annual Reports, (Series 83950).
Havnes, Mark. 2002. Iron County Considers Direction for Jail. The Salt Lake Tribune, 11 July.
Hill, James B. "History of Utah State Prison: 1850-1952." M.S. Thesis, Brigham Young University, 1952.
Legislative Assembly. Territorial legislative records, (Series 3150).
Legislature. Laws of Utah, (Series 83155).
Utah Department of Corrections website. 2003. Available from http://corrections.utah.gov/; Internet; accessed 26 Feb 2003.
Page Last Updated July 2, 2003.


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- Maui Sunseeker A Gay Resort
- Maui Schooner
- Sugar Beach Resort Mch
- Hale Kai O Kihei
- Maui Coast Hotel
- Hale Pau Hana
- Kihei Akahi
- Resortquest Maui Banyan
- All Maui Hotels
The jewel that lies near the end of the Hana highway, the Hotel Hana Maui and Honua Spa is one of the most exclusive hotels in all of Hawaii. You don't even have to be a guest to enjoy what this Hana Hawaii hotel has to offer - like the Hilton on the Big Island or just about anything along Waikiki, anyone can buy a guest pass to enjoy the proceedings.
The Hana Maui Hotel and Honua Spa is all about serenity. You can wander along the beaches and nearby brush, or just gaze out into the water from your oceanfront deck. Everything is carefully landscaped here - hardly a blade of grass is out of place at this Hana hotel.
There are two basic types of rooms here - sea ranch cottages and bay cottages. The former are right on the beach, the height of luxury. All hardwood floors, expensive furniture and giant beds, these are the most popular way to stay at the Hana Maui Hotel. The bay cottages are only lacking the beachfront access but make up for it by opening out onto private gardens and are located well within view of the beach, but most importantly, they are attached to the hotel's breathtaking pool - an immensity that might make you think twice of needing to venture into the bay's warm water.
One of the real selling points of the Hotel Hana Maui is the Honua Spa. Featuring everything you would expect from a high-end spa, there massage therapies, aromatherapies and therapeutic baths are among the best you can find, with the power of relaxation being amplified by the tropical beauty around every corner at the Hana Hotel. They also feature energy balancing treatments which cannot be found elsewhere.
Though the main selling point of the Hotel Hana Maui is tranquility - there are plenty of things to do for active people. From horseback riding to complimentary yoga lessons to guided tours of the town of Hana, there is plenty to do on and off the grounds of the Hana Hotel. Tennis courts are also available, along with several scenic trails you can explore - one path is along the gentle waters, another spreads across miles of ranches and pastures while the other one is a rugged hike up to Fagan's Cross which rewards hikers with panoramic views of both the Hana Maui Hotel and the entire Hana Bay.
If you want to immerse yourself a little more into Hawaiian culture, you can learn some of the more famous, if generic, aspects of the island's heritage, from Lei making to hula and ukulele lessons. It would take weeks to take advantage of everything the Hana Maui hotel has for guests, but nonetheless, it's fun to try.
Kula Hawaii is a relatively quaint and rustic area on the island of Maui. Cen...
NOTE: Many inland portions of the Ahihi Kinau Natural Preserve between the ...
Haiku is an unincorporated Maui community that makes up part of the census-de...
It's cold and the dead of winter on the mainland. What better time than to visit the Hawaiia...
The newest extreme water sport that's taking over the watersports community is foiling. SUP ...
View attachment 884 Book Award Flights


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How I Made It in New York City Without Parental Help
Like just about every young woman with an internet connection, I have been watching HBO's series "Girls" with a mix of hope and terror. I read one writer's response to "Girls" on LearnVest; she identifies with the show, and says everyone she knows has received financial support from their parents.
But I've had a different experience.
I Filed for Bankruptcy at Age 23
How I Turned a $45 Stock Into $60,000
Get on the Right Track With Our Free Build Your Career Bootcamp!
While I definitely relate to the main character's experience of coming to New York as a young grad and being offered "jobs" that are just unpaid internships with no promotion potential, I find the show's assumption that there is no other way—aside from parental supplementation—to make it in the big city galling. After all, there's one question that no one is asking: What if the issue wasn't that Hannah's parents wouldn't give her money but that they couldn't?
It's frustrating for me to see the adult-child "I still take money from my parents, but I'm self-righteous and it's okay because I'm an artist" mentality perpetuated on TV. After all, I managed to make it in the city without any family money to help me out.
My Start to Big-City Life
I arrived in New York shortly after graduating from college in 2004 with a BA in English Literature (which everyone told me would be worthless). I was looking for work in book or magazine publishing, preferably as an editorial assistant; it took me eight months to find a full-time job as an administrative assistant.
If my parents had offered to pay my rent, I wouldn't have been too proud to say no, but that wasn't possible. My family lives in Raleigh, North Carolina. My dad's job is in computers and my mom is a homemaker; they love me but didn't have extra money to spare.
I did get lucky in one big way: zero student loan debt. Thanks to a combination of scholarships and an on-campus job, I managed to escape from a public university in my home state of North Carolina without any loans. But that's where my smart money decisions ended for a while.
I had ideas that I wanted to be a writer, and that I had to be in New York. My parents thought I was going to waste all my money in a big, scary city, and I knew it would be tough to stand out when I didn't have any contacts or connections … but I also figured if I didn't go for it when I was 21, I never would. I would rather be a New York failure who had to come home than someone who never tried.
I spent most of my senior year hoarding the money I earned from my campus job, but when I left for the big city, I still didn't have a huge cushion. My parents drove me to the airport, waved goodbye and told me I could have my room back whenever I wanted.
A Rocky Beginning
My first apartment was definitely a humble abode.
For two years, I lived in a Brooklyn building built illegally on a commercially zoned block, wedged between two factories. Four of us lived in an apartment designed for two, with railroad-style bedrooms. We often barged in on each other while sleeping, reading, having sex. The post office refused to recognize our address or deliver mail. Crack deals sometimes took place on our stoop.
My rent was $500 a month, due in cash. Since I was unemployed at the time, I came up with that $500 by teaching SAT prep classes, temping and maxing out a credit card. There was usually enough left over to cover some groceries, a MetroCard, my share of the utilities and the occasional thrift-store sweater.
When there wasn't enough, or when I got drunk and decided that, despite my negative bank account, I needed those tacos, I took out cash advances on my credit card. In total, I dug myself into a $2,000 hole.
How I Turned My Poverty Into a Book Deal
Poverty, as Ernest Hemingway pointed out in "A Moveable Feast," is a great motivator for an artist.
My first job was as an executive assistant at a media company. Although I was happy to have a job, my constant worry about being broke didn't disappear. Though all assistants were paid $26,000 a year, there was a clear line between those who supported themselves on that paycheck and those who used it to supplement the money they got from other people. One was being supported by a wealthy older boyfriend, and several had families who paid their rent or other living expenses.
The remaining few of us who were fending for ourselves would meet in an empty conference room at lunch, eating our brown-bag sandwiches and complaining about how much better it would be if we were also spoiled. After one assistant got a lecture from her boss about wearing cheap shoes, she came over to cry in my cubicle.
I worked my way up from administrative assistant to editorial assistant, and up the ladder until I was the editor-in-chief of a website. The jobs got increasingly better, but that first entry-level one eventually paid dividends: The sense of confusion and bewilderment I felt around office politics inspired me to launch a blog called Save the Assistants. It gained a following and eventually became a book, "Save the Assistants: A Guide for Surviving and Thriving in the Workplace."
Finally Making Financial Progress
I paid off my credit card and eventually realized it was okay to upgrade my life because I was debt-free and finally earning enough. I ditched my roommates and moved into another apartment on a better block. My room even had a door.
Although I'm more financially secure now, I've never fully shaken that feeling of perpetual panic from my broke days. Today, eight years out of college, I still buy most of my clothes from eBay and stay in hostels on vacation.
If my parents were supporting me, I would have quit the moment someone did something mean like lecturing me about buying more expensive shoes. But then I never would have learned workplace coping skills, and I definitely wouldn't have thought to create a website where assistants could connect with each other. And that wouldn't have led me to the success of getting my book published.
Where I Am Today
I got a decent advance on my book, but it actually came around the same time I was laid off from a job, in 2010, so the financial impact wasn't as great as it could have been; it also meant I didn't qualify for unemployment and had to live off the advance instead of saving it.
Last fall, I finally quit my job to become a full-time freelancer, and I love it. It was terrifying at first, but I didn't leave until I had a few regular clients in place. I earn slightly less now than I did when I had a full-time blogging gig, but I am also able to write off a lot more of my expenses (for example, part of my apartment is an office), which helps balance everything out. I budget carefully because, as a freelancer, some months are better than others. Nowadays, I pay my credit card bill in full every month, and still eat boxed mac 'n cheese sometimes. (What? It's good.)
Although the protagonists of "Girls" are women, I find that their reliance on help from others keeps them suspended in adolescence. The main character, Hannah, isn't just immature about money; she has trouble advocating for herself in a bad relationship and wrecks a job interview by making unprofessional jokes.
Remaining financially dependent on her parents keeps her from needing to fully grow up. Although I wonder how I ate so much mac 'n cheese without turning neon orange during those early years, I also look back with pride in myself and my work. If I hadn't done jobs I hated, I probably wouldn't have found the one I love.
Though I didn't know it then, I was laying the foundation for the rest of my adult life.
You know what I'd watch? A show called "Women."


text:
Naruto: Sasuke Shoes v2
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click & collect available
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text:
A 7th advertiser pulls out of Limbaugh's show
NEW YORK (AP) - A flower company is the seventh advertiser to pull its ads from conservative talk show host Rush Limbaugh's radio program in reaction to his derogatory comments about a law student who testified about birth control policy...
NEW YORK (AP) — A flower company is the seventh advertiser to pull its ads from conservative talk show host Rush Limbaugh's radio program in reaction to his derogatory comments about a law student who testified about birth control policy.
ProFlowers said Sunday on its Facebook page that it has suspended advertising on Limbaugh's program because his comments about Georgetown University student Sandra Fluke "went beyond political discourse to a personal attack and do not reflect our values as a company."
The six other advertisers that say they have pulled ads from his show are mortgage lender Quicken Loans, mattress retailers Sleep Train and Sleep Number, software maker Citrix Systems Inc., online data backup service provider Carbonite and online legal document services company LegalZoom.
ProFlowers had said on Twitter that posts it received about Limbaugh's remarks affected its advertising strategy. ProFlowers is an online flower delivery service.
Limbaugh called the 30-year-old Fluke a "slut" and "prostitute" last week after she testified to congressional Democrats in support of national health care policies that would compel employers and other organizations, including her university, to offer group health insurance that covers birth control for women.
He apologized to Fluke on Saturday after being criticized by Republican and Democratic politicians and after several advertisers left the show.
Clear Channel's Premiere Radio Networks Inc. hosts Limbaugh's program, one of the country's most popular talk radio shows. The company is supporting Limbaugh, whose on-air contract with Premiere runs through 2016.
"The contraception debate is one that sparks strong emotion and opinions on both sides of the issue," Premiere Networks said in a statement emailed Sunday by spokeswoman Rachel Nelson. "We respect the right of Mr. Limbaugh, as well as the rights of those who disagree with him, to express those opinions."
Clear Channel Media and Entertainment operates more than 850 radio stations in the U.S., and Premiere says it's the largest radio content provider in the country, syndicating programs to more than 5,000 affiliate stations.
When asked which companies or organizations were the largest advertisers on Limbaugh's show, Nelson said that that information was "proprietary." Nelson declined to say how much revenue the company will lose with the advertiser defections or how much revenue Limbaugh's show brings in.
Clear Channel's parent company was taken private in 2008 by private equity firms Thomas H. Lee Partners and Bain Capital.
Copyright 2012 The Associated Press.


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Meat and Potato Casserole
1 pound fresh green beans, trimmed
2 pounds russet potatoes, peeled and cubed
1 tablespoon plus 1 teaspoon salt
5 tablespoons unsalted butter
1 tablespoon freshly ground black pepper
3/4 cup whole milk
1 tablespoon olive oil
2 pounds ground beef
2 cups chopped yellow onions
1 cup chopped celery
1 tablespoon minced garlic
One 16-ounce can whole tomatoes, crushed with the juice
2 cups shredded Cheddar cheese (optional)
Preheat the oven to 350 degrees F.
Bring a medium pot of water to a boil. Add the green beans and cook until
tender, about 6 minutes. Drain the beans and put them in a large bowl filled
with ice and water to cool. Drain again and reserve.
Meanwhile, combine the potatoes and 1 teaspoon salt with water to cover in a medium saucepan over high heat and bring to a boil. Lower to a simmer and
cook until tender, 20 to 25 minutes. Drain the potatoes and return to the
pan. Add the butter, 1 teaspoon salt, 1 teaspoon black pepper, and 1/4 cup
milk. Mash the potatoes until smooth but slightly lumpy and reserve.
Heat the olive oil in a large heavy skillet over medium-high heat. Add the
ground beef, season with the remaining 2 teaspoons salt and 2 teaspoons
black pepper, and cook, stirring, until well browned, about 6 minutes. Add
the onions and celery and cook, stirring, until the vegetables begin to
soften, about 2 minutes. Add the garlic and cook until fragrant, about 30
seconds. Add the green beans and cook for 5 minutes, stirring occasionally.
Add the tomatoes and cook, stirring, for 5 minutes. Add the remaining 1/2
cup milk and cook, stirring, for 4 minutes. Remove from the heat and reserve
for later use.
Spread half of the potatoes in the bottom of a 9 x 13-inch baking dish. Pour
in the meat mixture, then top with the remaining mashed potatoes. Sprinkle
with the cheese and bake until bubbly and golden brown, about 1 hour. Remove from the oven and serve hot.
Makes 10 to 12 servings


text:
Designing and Implementing: Tutorials (Replication)
Replication includes tutorials that you can use to learn how to set up and run replication topologies using SQL Server Management Studio.
In the replication tutorials, "Publisher" refers to the server that contains that source data being replicated and "Subscriber" refers to the destination server. The Publisher and Subscriber may share the same instance of SQL Server, but it is not a requirement. For more information, see Replication Publishing Model Overview.
Most of the tasks shown in these tutorials can be performed programmatically. For more information, see Developer's Guide (Replication).
Replication Tutorials
Preparing the Server for Replication
Learn how to prepare servers so that replication can be run with least privileges. You must complete this tutorial before the other replication tutorials.
Replicating Data Between Continuously Connected Servers
Learn how to use transactional replication to replicate data between fully connected servers.
Replicating Data with Mobile Clients
Learn how to use merge replication to exchange data between a server and one or more clients that are only occasionally connected.
See Also


text:
The threads have finally arrived and I am desperately trying to make as many samples as I can whilst planning workshops etc. One of the workshops I will be teaching in Belgium at Kalmhout I call Form and Variation, which is basically playing with one shape or form and changing it to change the shape/lines and even colours so that you get variations on the one theme. I like playing around with the shape of things and finding details and contrasting them with larger forms. It teaches you to look carefully and notice differences and exaggerate differences and use them to create contrast and interest.
Email me if you are interested.The cost will be 65 euros per day or 120 Euros for both days per person.
The first photo is of some poppy variations, all done with polyester non- woven fibre and coloured with transfer paint.One of the problems with the threads that were sent is that they are not in the colours i would normally use- yes i requested certain colours, but my idea of colour and the person who picked out the threads is obviously different- so another challenge in that regard!
Email me if you are interested.The cost will be 65 euros per day or 120 Euros for both days per person.