text:
Responsibilities of the first Bull Run.
Joseph E. Johnston, General, C. S. A.When the State of Virginia seceded, being a citizen of That State, I resigned my office in the United States Army; and as I had seen a good deal of military service, in the Seminole and Mexican wars and in the West, the President of the Confederacy offered me a commission in the highest grade in his army. I accepted the offer because the invasion of the South was inevitable. But I soon incurred Mr. Davis's displeasure by protesting against an illegal act of his by which I was greatly wronged. 1 Still he retained me in
|Quaker gun found in the Confederate works at Manassas. From a photograph.
The provisions hereof are in the view entertained that the army was of the States, not of the Government, and was to secure to officers adhering to the Confederate States the same relative rank which they had before those States had withdrawn from the Union ... How well the Government of the Confederacy observed both the letter and spirit of the law will be seen by reference to its action in the matter of appointments.Those of the five generals were the most prominent, of course. All had resigned within the time prescribed. Their relative rank in the United States [241] Army just before secession had been: 1st, J. E. Johnston, Brigadier-General; 2d, Samuel Cooper, Colonel; 3d, A. S. Johnston, Colonel; 4th, R. E. Lee, Lieutenant-Colonel; and 5th, G. T. Beauregard, Major. All of them but the third had had previous appointments, when, on the 31st of August, the Confederate Government announced new ones: Cooper's being dated May 16th, A. S. Johnston's May 28th, Lee's June 14th, J. E. Johnston's July 4th, and Beauregard's July 21st. So the law was violated, 1st, by disregarding existing commissions; 2d, by giving different instead of the same dates to commissions; and 3d, by not recognizing previous rank in the United States Army. The only effect of this triple violation of law was to reduce J. E. Johnston from the first to the fourth place, which, of course, must have been its object. Mr. Davis continues:
It is a noteworthy fact that the three highest officers in rank were all so indifferent to any question of personal interest that they had received their appointment before they were aware it was to be conferred (p. 307).This implies that the conduct described was unusual. On the contrary, it was that of the body of officers who left the United States Army to enter that of the Confederacy. It is strange that the author
|General Samuel Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector-General, C. S. A., ranking officer in the Confederate army. From a photograph.
The forces there assembled [in Virginia] were divided into three armies, at positions the most important and threatened: one, under General J. E. Johnston, at Harper's Ferry, covering the valley of the Shenandoah ... Harper's Ferry was an important position both for military and political considerations ... The demonstrations of General Patterson, commanding the Federal army in that region, caused General Johnston earnestly to insist on being allowed to retire to a position nearer to Winchester.Harper's Ferry is 22 miles east of the route into the Shenandoah Valley, and could be held only by an army strong enough to drive an enemy from the heights north and east of it. So it is anything but an important position. These objections were expressed to the Government two days after my arrival, and I suggested the being permitted to move the troops as might be necessary. All this before Patterson had advanced from Chambersburg. On page 341, Rise and fall, Mr. Davis quotes from an official letter to me from General Cooper, dated June 13th, 1861, which began thus:
The opinions expressed by Major Whiting in his letter to you, and on which you have indorsed your concurrence, have been duly considered. You had been heretofore instructed to exercise your discretion as to retiring from your position at Harper's Ferry. 2This latter statement is incorrect. No such instructions had been given. The last instructions on the subject received by me were in General Lee's letter of June 7th.3 On page 341 Mr. Davis says:
The temporary occupation [of Harper's Ferry] was especially needful for the removal of the valuable machinery and material in the armory located there.The removal of the machinery was not an object referred to in General Cooper's letter. But the presence of our army anywhere in the Valley within a day's march of the position, would have protected that removal. That letter (page 341) was received two days after the army left Harper's Ferry to meet General McClellan's troops, believed by intelligent people of Winchester to be approaching from the west. On page 345 Mr. Davis says it was a difficult problem to know which army, whether Beauregard's at Manassas or Johnston's in the Valley, should be reinforced by the other, because these generals were "each asking reenforcements from the other." All that was written by me on the subject is in the letter (page 345) dated July 9th:
I have not asked for reinforcements because I supposed that the War Department, informed of the state of affairs everywhere, could best judge where the troops at its disposal [243] are most required. . . . If it is proposed to strengthen us against the attack I suggest as soon to be made, it seems to me that General Beauregard might with great expedition furnish 5000 or 6000 men for a few days.Mr. Davis says, after quoting from this letter:
As soon as I became satisfied that Manassas was the objective point of the enemy's movement, I wrote to General Johnston urging him to make preparations for a junction with General Beauregard.There is abundant evidence that the Southern President never thought of transferring the troops in the "Valley" to Manassas until the proper time to do it came — that is, when McDowell was known to be advancing. This fact is shown by the anxiety he expressed to increase the number of those troops. 4 And General Lee, writing [from South Carolina] to Mr. Davis, November 24th, 1861 ( Official Records, II., 515), says in regard to General Beauregard's suggestion that he be reinforced from my army:
You decided that the movements of the enemy in and about Alexandria were not sufficiently demonstrative to warrant the withdrawing of any of the forces from the Shenandoah Valley. A few days afterward, however,--I think three or four,--the reports from General Beauregard showed so clearly the enemy's purpose, that you ordered General Johnston, with his effective force, to march at once to the support of General Beauregard.This letter is in reply to one from Mr. Davis, to the effect that statements had been widely published to show that General Beauregard's forces had been held inactive by his (Mr. Davis's) rejection of plans for vigorous offensive operations proposed to him by the general, and desiring to know of General Lee what those plans were, and why they were rejected. "On the 17th of July, 1861," says Mr. Davis ( Rise and fall I., 346), "the following telegram was sent by the adjutant-general" to General Johnston, Winchester, Va.:
General Beauregard is attacked. To strike the enemy a decisive blow, a junction of all your effective force will be needed. If practicable, make the movement, sending your sick and baggage to Culpeper Court House, either by railroad or by Warrenton. In all the arrangements exercise your discretion. S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector-General.Mr. Davis asserts that I claim that discretion was given me by the words "all the arrangements." I claimed it from what he terms the only positive part of the order, viz., "If practicable, make the movement, sending your sick to Culpeper Court House." Mr. Davis adds:
The sending the sick to Culpeper Court House might have been after or before the effective force had moved to the execution of the main and only positive part of the order."Make the movement" would have been a positive order, but "if practicable" deprived it of that character, and gave the officer receiving it a certain discretion. But, as the movement desired was made promptly, it was surely idle to discuss, twenty years after, whether the officer could lawfully have done what he did not do. At the time the decision of such a question might have been necessary; but, as Mr. Davis will give no more orders to generals, and as the officer concerned will execute no more, such a discussion [244] is idle now. The use of the wagons required in the march of the army would have been necessary to remove the sick to the railroad station at Strasburg, eighteen miles distant; so this removal could not have been made after the march. There being seventeen hundred sick, this part of their transportation would have required more time than the transfer of the troops to Manassas, which was the important thing. The sick were, therefore, properly and quickly provided for in Winchester. I was the only judge of the "practicable" ; and "if practicable" refers to the whole sentence — as much to sending the sick to Culpeper as to "make the movement." Still he says ( Rise and fall, I., 347):
His [my] letters of the 12th and 15th expressed his doubts about his power to retire from before the superior force of General Patterson. Therefore, the word "practicable" was in that connection the equivalent of possible.It is immaterial whether "if practicable" or "if possible" was written. I was the only judge of the possibility or practicability; and, if General Patterson had not changed his position after the telegram was received, I might have thought it necessary to attack him, to "make the movement practicable." But as to my power to retire. On the 15th General Patterson's forces were half a day's march from us, and on the 12th more than a day's march; and, as Stuart's cavalry did not permit the enemy to observe us, retreat would have been easy, and I could not possibly have written to the contrary.5 As to Mr. Davis's telegram ( Rise and fall, I., 348)6, and the anxiety in Mr. Davis's mind lest there should be some unfortunate misunderstanding between General Beauregard and me,--my inquiry was intended and calculated to establish beyond dispute our relative positions. As a Confederate brigadier-general I had been junior to General Beauregard, but had been created general by act of Congress. But, as this had not been published to the army, it was not certain that it was known at Manassas. If it was not, the President's telegram gave the information, and prevented what he seems to have apprehended.
The battle of Bull Run.On page 349, to the end of the chapter, the President describes his visit to the field of battle near Manassas. "As we advanced," he says, "the storm of battle was rolling westward." But, in fact, the fighting had ceased before he left Manassas. He then mentions meeting me on a hill which commanded a general view of the field, and proceeding farther west, where he saw a Federal "column," which a Confederate squadron charged and put to flight. But the [245] captain in command of this squadron 7 says in his report that the column seen was a party of our troops. Mr. Davis also dilates on the suffering of our troops for want of supplies and camp equipage, and on his efforts to have them provided for. After the battle ended, officers were duly directed by me to have food brought to the ground where the troops were to pass the night. I was not in the conference described by Mr. Davis ( Rise and fall, I., 353, 354, 355). Having left the field after 10 o'clock, and ridden in the dark slowly, it was about half-past 11 when I found the President and General Beauregard together, in the latter's quarters at Manassas. We three conversed an hour or more without referring to pursuit or an advance upon Washington. The "conference" described by him must have occurred before my arrival, and Mr. Davis may very well have forgotten that I was not present then. But, when the President wrote, he had forgotten the subject of the conference he described; for the result, as he states it, was an order, not for pursuit by the army, but for the detail of two parties to collect wounded men and abandoned property hear the field of battle. This order (pages 355, 356) is "to the same effect," Mr. Davis says, as the one he wrote, and which he terms a direction to pursue the Federal army at early dawn. It is asserted ( Rise and fall, I., 354)8 that I left the command over both Confederate armies in General Beauregard's hands during the engagement. Such conduct would have been as base as flight from the field in the heat of battle, and would have brought upon me the contempt of every honorable soldier. It is disproved by the fact that General Beauregard was willing to serve under me there, and again in North Carolina, near the close of the war; and that he associated with me. As this accusation is published by the Southern President, and indorsed by General Beauregard, it requires my contradiction. Instead of leaving the command in General Beauregard's hands, I assumed it over both armies immediately after my arrival on the 20th, showing General Beauregard as my warrant the President's telegram defining my position. The usual order 9 assuming command was written and sent to General Beauregard's office for distribution. He was then told that as General Patterson would no doubt hasten to join General McDowell as soon as he discovered my movement, we must attack the Federal army next morning. General Beauregard then pointed out on a map of the neighborhood the roads leading to the enemy's camp at Centreville from the different parts of our line south of the stream, and the positions of the brigades near each road; and a simple order of march, by which our troops would unite near the Federal position, was sketched. Having had neither sleep nor recumbent rest since the morning of the 17th, I begged General Beauregard to put this order of march on paper, and have the necessary copies made and sent to me for inspection in a grove, near, where I expected to be resting-this in time [246] for distribution before night. This distribution was to be by him, the immediate commander of most of the troops. Seeing that 8 brigades were on the right of the line to Centreville, and but 1 to the left of it at a distance of 4 miles, I desired General Beauregard to have Bee's and Jackson's brigades placed in this interval near the detached brigade. The papers were brought to me a little before sunrise next morning. They differed greatly from the order sketched the day before; but as they would have put the troops in motion if distributed, it would have been easy then to direct the course of each division. By the order sketched the day before, all our forces would have been concentrated near Centreville, to attack the Federal army. By that prepared by General Beauregard but 4 brigades were directed "to the attack of Centreville," of which one and a half had not yet arrived from the Valley, while 6 brigades were to move forward to the Union Mills and Centreville road, there to hold themselves in readiness to support the attack on Centreville, or to move, 2 to Sangster's cross-roads, 2 to Fairfax Station, and 2 to Fairfax Court House. The two and a half brigades on the ground, even supported by the half brigade of the reserve also on the ground, in all probability would have been defeated by the whole Federal army before the three bodies of 2 brigades each could have come to their aid, over distances of from 3 to 5 miles. Then, if the enemy had providentially been defeated by one-sixth or one-eighth of their number, Sangster's cross-roads and Fairfax Station would have been out of their line of retreat. Soon after sunrise on the 21st, it was reported that a large body of Federal troops was approaching on the Warrenton Turnpike. This offensive movement of the enemy would have frustrated our plan of the day before, if the orders for it had been delivered to the troops. It appears from the reports of the commanders of the six brigades on the right that but one of them, General Longstreet, received it. Learning that Bee's and Jackson's brigades were still on the right, I again desired General Beauregard to transfer them to the left, which he did, giving the same orders to Hampton's Legion, just arrived. These, with Cocke's brigade then near the turnpike, would necessarily receive the threatened attack. General Beauregard then suggested that all our troops on the right should move rapidly to the left and assail the attacking Federal troops in flank. This suggestion was accepted; and together we joined those troops. Three of the four brigades of the first line, at Mitchell's, Blackburn's, and McLean's fords, reported strong bodies of United States troops on the wooded heights before them. This frustrated the second plan. Two Federal batteries--one in front of Bonham's brigade at Mitchell's Ford, the other before Longstreet's at Blackburn's Ford — were annoying us, although their firing was slow. About 8 o'clock, after receiving such information as scouts could give, I left General Beauregard near Longstreet's position, and placed myself on Lookout Hill, in rear of Mitchell's Ford, to await the development of the enemy's designs. About 9 o'clock the signal officer, Captain Alexander, reported that a column of Federal troops could be seen crossing the valley of Bull Run, two miles beyond our left. [247] General McDowell had been instructed by his general-in-chief to pass the Confederate right and seize the railroad in our rear. But, learning that the district to be passed through was rugged and covered with woods, and therefore unfavorable to a large army, he determined, after devoting three days to reconnoissance, to operate on the open and favorable ground to his right, and turn our left. He had another object in this second plan, and an important one--that this course would place his between the two Confederate armies, and prevent their junction; and if it had been made a day or two sooner, this manoeuvre would have accomplished that object. General McDowell marched from Centreville by the Warrenton Turnpike with three divisions, sending a fourth division to deceive us by demonstrations in front of our main body. Leaving the turnpike a half mile from the Stone Bridge, he made a long detour to Sudley Ford, where he crossed Bull Run and turned toward Manassas. Colonel Evans, who commanded fourteen companies near the Stone Bridge, discovered this manoeuvre, and moved with his little force along the base of the hill north of the turnpike, to place it before the enemy near the Sudley and Manassas road. Here he was assailed by greatly superior numbers, which he resisted obstinately. General Beauregard had joined me on Lookout Hill, and we could distinctly hear the sounds and see the smoke of the fight. But they indicated no hostile force that Evans's troops and those of Bee, Hampton, and Jackson, which we could see hurrying toward the conflict in that order, were not adequate to resist. On reaching the broad, level top of the hill south of the turnpike, Bee, appreciating the strength of the position, formed his troops (half of his own and half of Bartow's brigade) on that ground. But seeing Evans struggling against great odds, he crossed the valley and formed on the right and a little in advance of him. Here the 5 or 6 regiments, with 6 field-pieces, held their ground for an hour against 10,000 or 12,000 United States troops,10 when, finding they were overlapped on each flank by the continually arriving enemy, General Bee fell back to the position from which he had moved to rescue Evans — crossing the valley, closely pressed by the Federal army. Hampton with his Legion reached the valley as the retrograde movement began. Forming it promptly, he joined in the action, and contributed greatly to the orderly character of the retreat by his courage and admirable soldiership, seconded by the excellent conduct of the gentlemen composing his command. Imboden and his battery did excellent service on this trying occasion. Bee met Jackson at the head of his brigade, on the position he had first taken, and he began to re-form and Jackson to deploy at the same time. In the mean time I had been waiting with General Beauregard on Lookout Hill for evidence of General McDowell's design. The violence of the firing on the left indicated a battle, but the large bodies of troops reported by chosen scouts to be facing our right kept me in doubt. But near 11 o'clock reports that those troops were felling trees showed that they were standing on the [248] defensive; and new clouds of dust on the left proved that a large body of Federal troops was arriving on the field. It thus appeared that the enemy's great effort was to be against our left. I expressed this to General Beauregard, and the necessity of reinforcing the brigades engaged, and desired him to send immediate orders to Early and Holmes, of the second line, to hasten to the conflict with their brigades. General Bonham, who was near me, was desired to send up two regiments and a battery. I then set off at a rapid gallop to the scene of action. General Beauregard joined me without a word. Passing on the way Colonel Pendleton with two batteries, I directed him to follow with them as fast as possible. It now seemed that a battle was to be fought entirely different in place and circumstance from the two plans previously adopted and abandoned as impracticable. Instead of taking the initiative and operating in front of our line, we were compelled to fight on the defensive more than a mile in rear of that line, and at right angles to it, on a field selected by Bee,with no other plans than those suggested by the changing events of battle. While we were riding forward General Beauregard suggested to me to assign him to the immediate command of the troops engaged, so that my supervision of the whole field might not be interrupted, to which I assented. So he commanded those troops under me; as elsewhere, lieutenant-generals commanded corps, and major-generals divisions, under me. When we were near the ground where Bee was re-forming and Jackson deploying his brigade, I saw a regiment in line with ordered arms and facing to the front, but 200 or 300 yards in rear of its proper place. On inquiry I learned that it had lost all its field-officers; so, riding on its left flank, I easily marched it to its place. It was the 4th Alabama, an excellent regiment; and I mention this because the circumstance has been greatly exaggerated. After the troops were in good battle order I turned to the supervision of the whole field. The enemy's great numerical superiority was discouraging. Yet, from strong faith in Beauregard's capacity and courage, and the high soldierly qualities of Bee and Jackson, I hoped that the fight would be maintained until I could bring adequate reinforcements to their aid. For this Holmes and Early were urged to hasten their march, and Ewell was ordered to follow them with his brigade with all speed. Broken troops were reorganized and led back into the fight with the help of my own and part of General Beauregard's staff. Cocke's brigade was held in rear of the right to observe a large body of Federal troops in a position from which Bee's right flank could have been struck in a few minutes. After these additions had been made to our troops then engaged, we had 9 regiments of infantry, 5 batteries, and 300 cavalry of the Army of the Shenandoah, and about 2 regiments and a half of infantry, 6 companies of cavalry, and 6 field-pieces of the Army of the Potomac, holding at bay 3 divisions of the enemy. The Southern soldiers had, however, two great advantages in the contest: greater skill in the use of fire-arms, and the standing on the defensive, by which they escaped such disorder as advancing under fire produced in the ranks of their adversaries, undisciplined like themselves. [249] A report received about 2 o'clock from General Beauregard's office that another United States army was approaching from the north-west, and but a. few miles from us, caused me to send orders to Bonham, Longstreet, and Jones to hold their brigades south of Bull Run, and ready to move. When Bonham's two regiments appeared soon after, Cocke's brigade was ordered into action on our right. Fisher's North Carolina regiment coming up, Bonham's two regiments were directed against the Federal right, and Fisher's was afterward sent in the same direction; for the enemy's strongest efforts seemed to be directed against our left, as if to separate us from Manassas Junction. About 3:30 o'clock, General E. K. Smith arrived with three regiments of Elzey's brigade, coming from Manassas Junction. He was instructed, through a staff-officer sent forward to meet him, to form on the left of our line, his left thrown forward, and to attack the enemy in flank. At his request I joined him, directed his course, and gave him these instructions. Before the formation was completed, he fell severely wounded, and while falling from his horse directed Colonel Elzey to take command. That officer appreciated the manoeuvre and executed it gallantly and well. General Beauregard promptly seized the opportunity it afforded, and threw forward the whole line. The enemy was driven from the long-contested hill, and the tide of battle at length turned. But the first Federal line driven into the valley was there rallied on a second, the two united presenting a formidable aspect. In the mean time, however, Colonel Early had come upon the field with his brigade. He was instructed by me to make a detour to the left and assail the Federal right in flank. He reached the ground in time, accompanied by Stuart's cavalry and Beckham's battery, and made his attack with a skill and courage; which routed the Federal right in a moment. General Beauregard, charging in front, made the rout complete. The Federal right fled in confusion toward the Sudley Ford, and the center and left marched off rapidly by the turnpike. Stuart pursued the fugitives on the Sudley road, and Colonel Radford, with two squadrons which I had held in reserve near me during the day, was directed to cross Bull Run at Ball's Ford, and strike the column on the turnpike in flank. The number of prisoners taken by these parties of cavalry greatly exceeded their own numbers. But they were too weak to make a; serious impression on an army, although a defeated one. At twenty minutes before 5, when the retreat of the enemy toward Centreville began, I sent orders to Brigadier-General Bonham by Lieutenant-Colonel Lay, of his staff, who happened to be with me, to march with his own and Longstreet's brigade (which were nearest Bull Run and the Stone Bridge), by the quickest route to the turnpike, and form them across it to intercept the retreat of the Federal troops. But he found so little appearance of rout in those troops as to make the execution of his instructions seem impracticable; so the two brigades returned to their camps. When the retreat began, the body of United States troops that had passed the day on the Centreville side of Bull Run made a demonstration on the rear of our right; which was. repelled by Holmes's brigade just arrived. [250] Soon after the firing ceased, General Ewell reported to me, saying that his brigade was about midway from its camp near Union Mills. He had ridden forward to see the part of the field on which he might be required to serve, to prepare himself to act intelligently. The victory was as complete as one gained in an open country by infantry and artillery can be. Our cavalry pursued as far as they could effectively; but when they encountered the main column, after dispersing or capturing little parties and stragglers, they could make no impression. General Beauregard's first plan of attack was delivered to me by his aide-de-camp, Colonel Chisolm, when I was thirty-four miles from Manassas. It was, that I should leave the railroad at Piedmont station, thirty-six miles from the enemy at Centreville, and attack him in rear, and when our artillery announced that we had begun the fight, General Beauregard would move up from Bull Run and assail the enemy on that side. I rejected the plan, because such a one would enable an officer of ordinary sense and vigor to defeat our two armies one after the other. For McDowell, by his numerical superiority, could have disposed of my forces in less than two hours; that is to say, before Beauregard could have come up, when he also could have been defeated and the campaign ended. An opinion seems to prevail with some persons who have written about the battle, that important plans of General Beauregard were executed by him. It is a mistake; the first intention, announced to General Beauregard by me when we met, was to attack the enemy at Centreville as early as possible on the 21st. This was anticipated by McDowell's early advance. The second, to attack the Federals in flank near the turnpike with our main force, suggested by General Beauregard, was prevented by the enemy's occupation of the high ground in front of our right. As fought, the battle was made by me; Bee's and Jackson's brigades were transferred to the left by me. I decided that the battle was to be there, and directed the measures necessary to maintain it; a most important one being the assignment of General Beauregard to the immediate command of this left, which he held. In like manner the senior officer on the right would have commanded there, if the Federal left had attacked. These facts in relation to the battle are my defense against the accusation indorsed by General Beauregard and published by Mr. Davis. In an account of the battle published in The Century for November, 1884, General Beauregard mentions offensive operations which he "had designed and ordered against his [adversary's] left flank and rear at Centreville," and censures my friend General R. S. Ewell for their failure. At the time referred to, three of the four Federal divisions were near Bull Run, above the turnpike, and the fourth facing our right, so that troops of ours, going to Centreville then, if not prevented by the Federal division facing them, would have found no enemy. And General Ewell was not, as he reports, "instructed in the plan of attack" ; for he says in his official report: ". . . I first received orders to hold myself in readiness to advance at a moment's notice. I next received a copy of an order sent to General Jones and furnished me by him, [251]
|Lieutenant-General Richard S. Ewell, C. S. A. From a photograph.
What discoveries would have been made, and what results would have ensued from the establishment of our guns upon the south bank of the river to open fire upon the capital, are speculative questions upon which it would be useless to enter.Mr. Davis seems to have forgotten what was as well known then as now that our army was more disorganized by victory than that of the United States by defeat; that there were strong fortifications, well manned, to cover the approaches to Washington and prevent the establishment of our guns on the south bank of the river. He knew, too, that we had no means of cannonading the capital, nor a disposition to make barbarous war. He says ( " R. and F," I, 362):
When the smoke of battle had lifted from the field . . . some . . . censoriously asked why the fruits of the victory had not been gathered by the capture of Washington City. Then some indiscreet friends of the generals commanding in that battle . . . induced the allegation that the President had prevented the generals from making an immediate and vigorous pursuit of the routed enemy.Mr. Davis has no ground for this assertion; the generals were attacked first and most severely. It was not until the newspapers had exhausted themselves upon us that some of them turned upon him. On November 3d he wrote to me that reports were circulated to the effect that he
prevented General Beauregard from pursuing the enemy after the battle of Manassas, and had subsequently restrained him from advancing upon Washington City. ... I call upon you, as the commanding general, and as a party to all the conferences held by me on the 21st and 22d of July, to say whether I obstructed the pursuit of the enemy after the victory at Manassas, or have ever objected to an advance or other active operation which it was feasible for the army to undertake. ( Rise and fall, I., 363.)I replied on the 10th, answering the first question in the negative, and added an explanation which put the responsibility on myself. I replied to the second question, that it had never been feasible for the army to advance farther [253] toward Washington than it had done, and referred to a conference at Fairfax Court House [October 1st, 1861] in reference to leading the army into Maryland, in which he informed the three senior officers that he had not the means of giving the army the strength which they considered necessary for offensive operations. Mr. Davis was displeased by my second reply, because in his mind there was but one question in his letter. I maintain that there are two; namely, (1) Did he obstruct the pursuit of the enemy after the victory at Manassas? (2) Had he ever objected to an advance or other active operation which it was feasible for the army to undertake? The second matter is utterly unconnected with the battle of Manassas, and as the question of advance or other active operation had been discussed nowhere by him, to my knowledge, but at the conference at Fairfax Court House, I supposed that he referred to it. He was dissatisfied with my silence in regard to the conferences which he avers took place on July 21st and 22d, the first knowledge of which I have derived from his book.
The withdrawal from Centreville to the Peninsula.Mr. Davis refers ( Rise and fall, I., 444-5) to the instructions for the reorganization of the army given by him to the three general officers whom he met in conference at Fairfax Court House on October 1st, 1861. But the correspondence urging the carrying out of the orders was carried on with Generals Beauregard and G. W. Smith (my subordinates) in that same October. He neither conversed nor corresponded with me on the subject then, the letter to me being dated May 10th, 1862. The original order was dated October 22d, 1861, to be executed "as soon as, in the judgment of the commanding general, it can be safely done under present exigencies." As the enemy was then nearer to our center than that center to either flank of our army, and another advance upon us by the Federal army was not improbable on any day, it seemed to me unsafe to make the reorganization then. From May 10th to 26th, when the President renewed the subject, we were in the immediate presence of the enemy, when reorganization would have been infinitely dangerous, as was duly represented by me. But, alluding to this conference at Fairfax Court House, he says (p. 449): "When, at that time and place, I met General Johnston for conference, he called in the two generals next in rank to himself, Beauregard and G. W. Smith." These officers were with Mr. Davis in the quarters of General Beauregard, whose guest he was, when I was summoned to him. I had not power to bring any officer into the conference. If such authority had belonged to my office, the personal relations lately established between us by the President would not have permitted me to use it. He says (pp. 448-9): "I will now proceed to notice the allegation that I was responsible for inaction of the Army of the Potomac in the latter part of 1861 and in the early part of 1862." I think Mr. Davis is here fighting a shadow. I have never seen or heard of the "allegation" referred to; I believe that [254] that conference attracted no public attention, and brought criticism upon no one. I have seen no notice of it in print, except the merely historical one in a publication made by me in 1874,11 without criticism or comment. In the same paragraph Mr. Davis expresses surprise at the weakness of the army. He has forgotten that in Richmond he was well informed of the strength of the army by periodical reports, which showed him the prevalence of epidemics which, in August and part of September, kept almost thirty per cent. of our number sick. He must have forgotten, too, his anxiety on this subject, which induced him to send a very able physician, Dr. Cartwright, to find some remedy or preventive. He asserts also that "the generals" had made previous suggestions of a "purpose to advance into Maryland." There had been no such purpose. On the contrary, in my letter to the Secretary of War, suggesting the conference, I wrote:
Thus far the numbers and condition of this army have at no time justified our assuming the offensive .... The difficulty of obtaining the means of establishing a battery near Evansport12 . . .. has given me the impression that you cannot at present put this army in condition to assume the offensive. If I am mistaken in this, and you can furnish those means, I think it important that either his Excellency the President, yourself, or some one representing you, should here, upon the ground, confer with me on this all-important question.In a letter dated September 29th, 1861, the Secretary wrote that the President would reach my camp in a day or two for conference. He came for that object September 30th, and the next evening, by his appointmente he was waited on by Generals Beauregard, Gustavus W. Smith, and myself. In discussing the question of giving our army strength enough to assume the offensive in Maryland, it was proposed to bring to it from the South troops enough to raise it to the required strength. The President asked what was that strength. General Smith thought 50,000 men, General Beauregard 60,000, and I 60,000, all — of us specifying soldiers like those around us. The President replied that such reinforcements could not be furnished; he could give only as many recruits as we could arm. This decided the question. Mr. Davis then proposed an expedition against Hooker's division, consisting, we believed, of 10,000 men. It was posted on the Maryland shore of the Potomac, opposite Dumfries. [See map, p. 199.] But I objected that we had no means of ferrying an equal number of men across the river in a day, even if undisturbed by ships of war, which controlled the river; so that, even if we should succeed in landing, those vessels of war would inevitably destroy or capture our party returning. This terminated the conference. Mr. Davis says, in regard to the reinforcements asked for ( Rise and fall, I., 449): "I had no power to make such an addition to that army without a total disregard of the safety of other threatened positions." We had no threatened positions; and we could always discover promptly the fitting out of naval expeditions against us. And he adds (p. 451), with reference to my request for a conference in regard to reinforcements: [255]
Very little experience, or a fair amount of modesty without any experience, would serve to prevent one from announcing his conclusion that troops could be withdrawn from a place or places without knowing how many were there, and what was the necessity for their presence.The refutation of this is in General G. W. Smith's memorandum of the discussion: "General Johnston said that he did not feel at liberty to express an opinion of the practicability of reducing the strength of our forces at points not within the limits of his command." On page 452 [referring to possible minor offensive operations.--editors ] Mr. Davis says he
particularly indicated the lower part of Maryland, where a small force was said to be ravaging the country.He suggested nothing so impossible. Troops of ours could not have been ferried across the broad Potomac then. We had no steamer on that river, nor could we have used one. Mr. Davis says ( Rise and fall, I, 452):
. .. Previously, General Johnston's attention had been called to possibilities in the Valley of the Shenandoah, and that these and other like things were not done, was surely due to other causes than " the policy of the Administration." . ..
|"Stonewall" Jackson as first Lieutenant of artillery, U. S. A. From an ambrotype taken August 20, 1847.
. . .The movement of Banks 13 will require your attention. It may be a ruse, but if a real movement, when your army has the requisite strength and mobility, you will probably find an opportunity, by a rapid movement through the passes, to strike him in rear or flank.It is matter of public notoriety that no incursion into the "Valley" worth the notice of a Confederate company was made until March, 1862. That the [256] Confederate President should be ignorant of this is inconceivable. Mr. Davis says (p. 462):
. . . I received from General Johnston notice that his position [at Centreville] was considered unsafe. Many of his letters to me have been lost, and I have thus far not been able to find the one giving the notice referred to, but the reply which is annexed clearly indicates the substance of the letter which was answered: "General J. E. Johnston: . . . Your opinion that your position may be turned whenever the enemy chooses to advance," etc.The sentence omitted by him after my name in his letter from which he quotes as above contains the dates of three letters of mine, in neither of which is there allusion to the safety (or reverse) of the position. They are dated 22d, 23d, and 25th of February, and contain complaints on my part of the dreadful condition of the country, and of the vast accumulation by the Government of superfluous stores at Manassas. There is another omission in the President's letter quoted, and the omission is this:
... with your present force, you cannot secure your communications from the enemy, and may at any time, when he can pass to your rear, be compelled to retreat at the sacrifice of your siege train and army stores .... Threatened as we are by a large force on the south-east, you must see the hazard of your position, by its liability to isolation and attack in rear.By a singular freak of the President's memory, it transferred the substance of these passages from his letter to my three. Referring again to the conference at Fairfax Court House [October 1st], Mr. Davis says (p. 464):
Soon thereafter, the army withdrew to Centreville, a better position for defense, but not for attack, and thereby suggestive of the abandonment of an intention to advance.The President forgets that in that conference the intention to advance was abandoned by him first. He says on the same page:
... On the 10th of March I telegraphed to General Johnston: " Further assurance given to me this day that you shall be promptly and adequately reinforced, so as to enable you to maintain your position, and resume first policy when the roads will permit." The first policy was to carry the war beyond our own border.The roads then permitted the marching of armies, so we had just left Manassas. 14 On the 20th of February, after a discussion in Richmond, his Cabinet being present, the President had directed me to prepare to fall back from Manassas, and do so as soon as the condition of the country should make the marching of troops practicable. I returned to Manassas February 21st, and on the 22d ordered the proper officers to remove the public property, which was begun on the 23d, the superintendent of the railroad devoting himself to the work under the direction of its president, the Hon. John S. Barbour. The Government had collected three million and a quarter pounds of provisions there, I insisting on a supply of but ;, million and a half. It also had two million pounds in a meat-curing establishment near at hand, and herds of [257] live stock besides. On the 9th of March, when the ground had become firm enough for military operations, I ordered the army to march that night, thinking then, as I do now, that the space of fifteen days was time enough in which to subordinate an army to the Commissary Department. About one million pounds of this provision was abandoned, and half as much more was spoiled for want of shelter. This loss is represented ( Rise and fall, I., 468) 15 as so great as to embarrass us to the end of the war, although it was only a six days supply for the troops then in Virginia. Ten times as much was in North Carolina railroad stations at the end of the war. Mr. Davis says (p. 467):
It was regretted that earlier and more effective means were not employed for the mobilization of the army, . . . or at least that the withdrawal was not so deliberate as to secure the removal of our ordnance, subsistence, and quartermaster's stores.The quartermaster's and ordnance stores were brought off; and as to subsistence, the Government, which collected immediately on the frontier five times the quantity of provisions wanted, is responsible for the losses. The President suggested the time of the withdrawal himself, in the interview in his office that has been mentioned. The means taken was the only one available,the Virginia Midland Railroad. Mr. Davis says ( Rise and fall, I., 465):
To further inquiry from General Johnston as to where he should take position, I replied that I would go to his headquarters in the field, and found him on the south bank of the river, to which he had retired, in a position possessing great natural advantages.There was no correspondence in relation to selecting a defensive position. I was not seeking one; but, instead, convenient camping-grounds, from which my troops could certainly unite with other Confederate forces to meet McClellan's invasion. I had found and was occupying such grounds, one division being north of Orange Court House, another a mile or two south of it, and two others some six miles east of that place; a division on the south bank of the Rappahannock, and the cavalry beyond the river, and about 13,000 troops in the vicinity of Fredericksburg. Mr. Davis's narrative [of a visit to Fredericksburg at this time, the middle of March.-editors] that follows is disposed of by the proof that, after the army left Manassas, the President did not visit it until about the 14th of May.16 But such a visit, if made, could not have brought him to the conclusion that the weakness of Fredericksburg as a military position made it unnecessary to find a strong one for the army. Mr. Davis ( Rise and fall, II., 81) credits me with expecting an attack which he shows General McClellan never had in his mind:
In a previous chapter, the retreat of our army from Centreville has been described, and reference has been made to the anticipation of the commanding general, J. E. Johnston, that the enemy would soon advance to attack that position.This refers, I suppose, to a previous assertion ( Rise and fall, I., 462), my comments upon which prove that this "anticipation" was expressed in the [258] Presidents letter to me, dated February 28th, 1862. He says ( Rise and fall, II., 83):
The withdrawal of our forces across the Rappahannock was fatal to the [Federal] programme of landing on that river and marching to Richmond before our forces could be in position to resist an attack on the capital.This withdrawal was expressly to enable the army to unite with other Confederate troops to oppose the expected invasion. I supposed that General McClellan would march down the Potomac on the Maryland side, cross it near the mouth of Aquia Creek, and take the Fredericksburg route to Richmond. The position of Hooker, about midway between Washington and this crossing-place, might well have suggested that he had this intention.
Postcript.In the first paragraph of General Beauregard's postcript, it is asserted that I did not claim to have commanded in the first battle of Manassas until May, 1885, and that my official report of that action contains no such claim. It is, nevertheless, distinctly expressed in that report — thus:
In a brief and rapid conference, General Beauregard was assigned to the command of the left, which, as the younger officer, he claimed, while I returned to that of the whole field.And in Johnston's narrative, published in 1874, it is expressed in these words, on page 49:
After assigning General Beauregard to the command of the troops immediately engaged, which he properly suggested belonged to the second in rank, not to the commander of the army, I returned to the supervision of the whole field.So much for my not having claimed to have commanded at the "first Manassas" until May, 1885. General Beauregard in his official report states the circumstance thus:
... I urged General Johnston to leave the immediate conduct of the field to me, while he, repairing to Portiti, the Lewis house, should urge reinforcements forward.This language would certainly limit his command as mine does. He did not attempt to command the army, while I did command it, and disposed of all the troops not engaged at the time of his assignment. In his official report of the battle, General Beauregard further states:
Made acquainted with my plan of operations and dispositions to meet the enemy, he gave them his entire approval, and generously directed their execution under my command.The only "plan" that he offered me [to move via Aldie] was rejected on the 14th, before my arrival. The battle fought was on McDowell's plan, not General Beauregard's. The proof of this is, that at its commencement little more than a regiment of Beauregard's command was on the ground where the battle was fought, and, of his 7 brigades, 1 was a mile and 6 were from 4 to 7 or 8 miles from it. The place of the battle was fixed by Bee's and Jackson's brigades; sent forward by my direction. At my request General Beauregard did write an order of march against the Federal army, finished a little before sunrise of the 21st. In it I am invariably termed commander-in-chief, and he (to command one of the wings) "second in command," or General Beauregard-conclusive proof that the troops were not "under his command." [259] Two letters, from General Lee and Mr. Walker, Secretary of War, are cited as evidence that General Beauregard commanded. Those gentlemen were in a position to know if I relinquished the command or not. But I had this letter from General Lee:
In conclusion, I cannot discover that my unfavorable opinion of the Federal general's tactics, quoted by General Beauregard, indicates a fear to command against him.


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Windows Programming/Dialog Boxes
People are familiar with dialog boxes. They are the grey windows that pop up on Windows systems to display messages, and allow the user to set parameters. There are 3 types of dialog boxes: modeless, modal, and system modal.
- Modal
- Modal dialog boxes are generally used inside a program, to display messages, and to set program parameters. Modal dialog boxes come to the front of the screen, and you may not use the program while the modal dialog box is open. to continue using the program, the modal dialog box must be closed.
- System Modal
- System modal dialog boxes are like modal boxes, except that they supersede the entire desktop area. When a system modal dialog box is open, nothing else on the screen can be clicked or selected.
- Modeless
- Modeless dialog boxes are able to be deselected, and control can be taken away from a modeless dialog box and transferred to some other window. Modeless dialog boxes are frequently used as a fast and easy way to create a window, without having to register a window class. Modeless dialog boxes are common in the Windows control panel.
MessageBox[edit | edit source]
The most simple type of dialog box is the MessageBox function. The MessageBox function takes 5 parameters: a handle to a parent, a message, a title, and an option. If the parent handle is NULL, the message box is modeless. If you provide a handle for a parent window, the MessageBox can become Modal to the parent window.
MessageBox dialog boxes have a number of different options that can be specified: Button types, Icons, modality (modal/modeless), and text justification. These options are specified as bit flags, that can be used by bitwise ORing them together.
Buttons[edit | edit source]
Message boxes can have standard OK or Cancel buttons, or they can have a "Yes, No, Cancel" configuration, or a number of derivatives. Only one primary button scheme can be used per message box:
- MB_ABORTRETRYIGNORE: The message box contains three push buttons: Abort, Retry, and Ignore.
- MB_CANCELTRYCONTINUE: Same as MB_ABORTRETRYIGNORE, but preferred on Windows 2000/XP.
- MB_OK: The message box contains an "OK" button. This is the default.
- MB_OKCANCEL: The message box contains two push buttons: OK and Cancel.
- MB_RETRYCANCEL: The message box contains two push buttons: Retry and Cancel.
- MB_YESNO: The message box contains two push buttons: Yes and No.
- MB_YESNOCANCEL: The message box contains three push buttons: Yes, No, and Cancel.
To display an icon in the message box, specify one of the following values. In addition, a message box can add an additional "Help" button by specifying the "MB_HELP" flag. A "Default Button", a concept that we will see frequently in this chapter, is the button that is automatically selected when a dialog box is opened. Windows provides the ability to set the default button to any of the buttons on a message box, by using the MB_DEFBUTTONx macro. Here is an example:
MessageBox(NULL, "This is a Test", "Test", MB_OKCANCEL|MB_HELP|MB_DEFBUTTON2);
This will have a message box with an "OK", a "Cancel", and a "Help" button, and the "Cancel" button will be automatically selected.
Icons[edit | edit source]
A message box may have no icons, or it may have one. You shouldn't specify a message box to have multiple icons. The different icons, according to MSDN are:
- MB_ICONEXCLAMATION: An exclamation point icon appears in the message box.
- MB_ICONWARNING: An exclamation point icon appears in the message box.
- MB_ICONINFORMATION: An icon consisting of a lowercase letter i in a circle appears in the message box.
- MB_ICONASTERISK: An icon consisting of a lowercase letter i in a circle appears in the message box.
- MB_ICONQUESTION: A question mark icon appears in the message box.
The question mark message icon is no longer recommended because it does not clearly represent a specific type of message and because the phrasing of a message as a question could apply to any message type. In addition, users can confuse the message symbol question mark with Help information. Therefore, do not use this question mark message symbol in your message boxes. The system continues to support its inclusion only for backward compatibility.
- MB_ICONSTOP: A stop sign icon appears in the message box.
- MB_ICONERROR: A stop sign icon appears in the message box.
- MB_ICONHAND: A stop sign icon appears in the message box.
Modality[edit | edit source]
Finally, the MessageBox can be defined as being Modal, Modeless, or System Modal, by using another identifier: MB_APPLMODAL, MB_SYSTEMMODAL, or MB_TASKMODAL. MB_APPLMODAL is the default value, and only works if a parent window handle was specified to the function. There are a number of other options available, check out MSDN for more details.
Dialog Box Procedures[edit | edit source]
Dialog box procedures are slightly different from window procedures. Specifically, they return BOOL values, instead of LRESULT values. Also, dialog boxes do not have a default message processing function, because messages don't always need to be handled. Specifically, Windows manages dialog boxes, and Windows will handle the unused messages. If a dialog box processes a certain message, it should return TRUE. If the message is not processed, the function should return FALSE. Also, Dialog boxes do not get a WM_CREATE message, but instead get a WM_INITDIALOG message. Furthermore, when a dialog box has finished its business, it should call the EndDialog function.
Here is an example of a skeleton dialog box function:
BOOL CALLBACK MyDlgProc(HWND hDlg, UINT msg, WPARAM wParam, LPARAM lParam) { switch(msg) { case WM_INITDIALOG: return TRUE; case WM_DESTROY: EndDialog(hDlg, 0); return TRUE; } return FALSE; }
Creating Modal Dialog Boxes[edit | edit source]
Once a dialog box procedure has been defined, a dialog box can be created by calling either the DialogBox or DialogBoxParam function. These functions return an NRESULT value, that is the integer number passed to the EndDialog function in the dialog box procedure.
The DialogBox function will not return until the dialog box is closed. This means, essentially, that the program is frozen in time until we close the dialog box. The DialogBox function requires 2 handles: the module instance handle and the handle of the parent window. Also, the DialogBox function requires that a string be passed naming the resource where the dialog box is defined. The last argument to DialogBox is a pointer to the dialog box procedure function, that you have already defined.
To pass a parameter to a dialog box, the function DialogBoxParam can be used. DialogBoxParam has all the same parameters as the regular version, except it takes a fifth argument as a 32-bit pointer. This 32 bit value will be passed as the LPARAM element of the WM_INITDIALOG message.
Indirect Dialog Boxes[edit | edit source]
DialogBox and DialogBoxParam both require that the dialog box be defined in a resource. However, if you want to make the dialog box on the fly, you can use the DialogBoxIndirect or the DialogBoxIndirectParam functions. When defining a dialog box indirectly, we need to fill out a DLGTEMPLATE structure, and pass a pointer to that structure to the function, in place of a resource identifier. The DLGTEMPLATE contains fields for determining some of the characteristics of the dialog box, such as the dimensions and screen location.
The DLGITEMTEMPLATE structure is used to define individual dialog box items. For more information on this subject, search MSDN.
Creating Modeless Dialog Boxes[edit | edit source]
Modeless dialog boxes are a breed of a different color, and are more like windows than dialog boxes. First, we need to modify the message loop, to ensure that dialog box messages are routed correctly:
while(GetMessage(&msg, NULL, 0, 0)) { if(!IsDialogMessage(hDlg, &msg)) { TranslateMessage(&msg); DispatchMessage(&msg); } }
Now, there are 2 ways we can define a message box in a resource script, with a class or without. We will discuss each in turn.
Without Class[edit | edit source]
We can define a dialog box in a resource script with the DIALOG keyword. The resource will have an ID associated with it (either a number or a string), and this ID can be passed directly to the CreateDialog function.
With Class[edit | edit source]
If we want to define a modeless dialog box in terms of a window class, we can use a few additions to make the job easier. First, we create a WNDCLASS structure with the information about our dialog box. However, there is one difference, in that we must set the cbWndExtra field to the value DLGWINDOWEXTRA value:
wnd.cbWndExtra = DLGWINDOWEXTRA;
Then, we register the class like normal. Since we are registering our window classes like normal windows, it shouldn't come as a surprise that Modeless dialog boxes use a regular window procedure, and not a dialog box procedure. Now, Windows identifies classes by name, so we should remember the name of our class. Let's say we named our class "MyDlgClass". We could create a dialog box resource as such:
MYDLGCLASS DIALOG DISCARDABLE 100, 100, 200, 200 CAPTION "My Dialog Box" CLASS "MyDlgClass" FONT 8, "MS Sans Serif" BEGIN ... END
Notice the field that says "CLASS"? This is the same string that we used in our WNDCLASS structure to name the class. It is important that these two strings be identical, because Windows needs this string to link the WNDCLASS and the dialog box resource together. Notice also that we used the string "MYDLGCLASS" to identify the dialog resource. This isn't mandatory, but it does make things convenient later on.
Now, instead of calling CreateWindow, we will call the easier-to-use function CreateDialog. We do not use the DialogBox function, because CreateDialog returns immediately, and doesn't halt program execution.
Here is an example:
HWND hDlg; hDlg = CreateDialog(hInst, "MyDlgClass", hwndParent, MyDlgProc);
Here, we are saying that "hInst" is the instance handle of the application, and "hwndParent" is the handle to the parent window of our dialog box. If the hwndParent parameter is NULL, the dialog box won't have a parent. When the modeless dialog box is finished, it calls "DestroyWindow", not "EndDialog", like a modal dialog box would.
Common Dialog Boxes[edit | edit source]
The Common Dialogs is a library of functions that automatically produce some of the most common dialog boxes in Windows. This is an effort to make some amount of continuity between different programs, so that each different program doesn't create its own proprietary "File Open" dialog, for instance.
Each Common Dialog generally has a single function that takes a pointer to a structure. This structure is defined specifically for each different control. The common controls can be added to a project by including the <commdlg.h> header file, and linking to the comdlg32.dll library.
Some of the common controls available through this library are the "Choose Font" dialog box, the "File open" and "File save" boxes, and the "Color Palette" dialog box.
ChooseColor[edit | edit source]
The ChooseColor function brings up the color palette window, and returns a 32-bit color value to your program.
BOOL ChooseColor(LPCHOOSECOLOR lpcc);
ChooseColor takes a single argument, in the form of a pointer to a CHOOSECOLOR structure. This structure is initialized with various values, and when the function returns, the CHOOSECOLOR structure contains the color value code.
GetOpenFileName and GetSaveFileName[edit | edit source]
These two functions bring up the familiar file open and file save dialog boxes that are found in nearly every Windows application.
BOOL GetOpenFileName(LPOPENFILENAME lpofn); BOOL GetSaveFileName(LPOPENFILENAME lpofn);
Both of these functions take a pointer to an OPENFILENAME structure. This structure controls such things as the file extensions that may be loaded, and the starting path to look in. When the function returns, the structure will contain the name of the file selected. Once your program has this information, you can use the File I/O API to access the file.
ChooseFont[edit | edit source]
The ChooseFont function brings up a familiar dialog box that allows the user to select a font and various font attributes such as size, underline/bold/italics, color, etc. This function takes a pointer to a CHOOSEFONT structure.
BOOL ChooseFont(LPCHOOSEFONT lpcf);
Dialog Box Resources[edit | edit source]
Dialog boxes can be specified in a resource script, to handle the tricky task of creating all the various child windows (buttons and editboxes, etc.) that a dialog box may contain. This process is described in detail in the Resource Script Reference in the appendix. Here, we will discuss some of the basics of using a resource script to define a dialog box.
The DIALOG keyword[edit | edit source]
A dialog box resource is specified with the DIALOG (must be all caps) keyword. The DIALOG keyword is preceded by the resource identifier, and is followed by a series of dimension values:
X and Y are the location coordinates of the upper-left corner of the dialog box, in relation to the upper-left corner of the screen. Remember, all the coordinates start at (0,0) in the upper-left hand corner. The next set of numbers, CX and CY, are the dimensions of the dialog box. These dimensions do not include the title bar (if any), so setting your Y value to 0 will make a dialog box that is only a title bar.
+---------------> X ["DialogBox" [_][O][x]] + | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | v | | Y | | | | | | | | +-----------------------+
After the DIALOG declaration, there are a number of other fields that can be filled in, to provide information about your dialog box:
ID_DLGBOX DIALOG 100, 100, 200, 150 STYLE WS_OVERLAPPED | WS_CAPTION | WS_VISIBLE CAPTION "Title Bar Text" FONT 8, "MS Sans Serif"
The STYLE declaration contains all the window styles, bitwise OR'd, that you would have used in the WNDCLASS structure, or in the style field of the CreateWindow function. All the same values are available. The CAPTION is the title of the dialog box. The FONT is the point-size and the TrueType font to be used on all the surfaces of the dialog box. Any font and size can be specified, although if the font is too big, your dialog box will be very annoying.
Now, once we have our dialog box sized and shaped the way we want it, we can start to fill it with control buttons and edit boxes, and all sorts of other goodies. First, we use the BEGIN and END tags:
ID_DLGBOX DIALOG 100, 100, 200, 150 STYLE WS_OVERLAPPED | WS_CAPTION | WS_VISIBLE CAPTION "Title Bar Text" FONT 8, "MS Sans Serif" BEGIN ... END
Next, we can start to fill in the dialog box with buttons, checkboxes, or whatever we want, using the following format:
ID_DLGBOX DIALOG 100, 100, 200, 150 STYLE WS_OVERLAPPED | WS_CAPTION | WS_VISIBLE CAPTION "Title Bar Text" FONT 8, "MS Sans Serif" BEGIN PUSHBUTTON "OK", IDOK, 10, 10, 50, 15, WS_TABSTOP CHECKBOX "Box 1", IDC_CB1, 10, 30, 50, 15, WS_TABSTOP EDITTEXT IDC_EDIT1, 10, 50, 100, 100 END
After the declaration, you may optionally include one or more style flags, to specify how you want a particular control to appear. The WS_TABSTOP identifier specifies which controls can be selected when you press the TAB key on the keyboard. When you press the TAB key, control switches among the dialog box controls in the same order that they are specified in the resource script (top to bottom).

subset: commoncrawl


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Earthlings is a 2005 documentary film about humanity's use of animals as pets, food, clothing, entertainment, and for scientific research. Since we all inhabit the Earth, all of us are considered earthlings. There is no sexism, no racism, or speciesism in the term earthling. It encompasses each and every one of us, warm or cold-blooded, mammal, vertebrae or invertebrate, bird, reptile, amphibian, fish, and human alike.
Humans, therefore, being not the only species on this planet, share this world with millions of other living creatures as we all evolved here together. Earthlings is a feature length documentary about humanity's absolute dependence on animals (for pets, food, clothing, entertainment, and scientific research) but also illustrates our complete disrespect for these so-called "non-human providers." The film is narrated by Academy Award nominee Joaquin Phoenix (GLADIATOR) and features music by the critically acclaimed platinum artist Moby.
With an in-depth study into pet stores, puppy mills and animals shelters, as well as factory farms, the leather and fur trades, sports and entertainment industries, and finally the medical and scientific profession, EARTHLINGS uses hidden cameras and never before seen footage to chronicle the day-to-day practices of some of the largest industries in the world, all of which rely entirely on animals for profit.
Powerful, informative and thought-provoking, EARTHLINGS is by far the most comprehensive documentary ever produced on the correlation between nature, animals, and human economic interests. There are many worthy animal rights films available, but this one transcends the setting. EARTHLINGS cries to be seen. Highly recommended!
Trailer: https://vimeo.com/ondemand/earthlings/138586659
Source: https://www.nationearth.com/earthlings-1/


text: how do i set this up properly? i have a domain dat.co.nz www.dat.co.nz goes too the main website i have a directory called /something www.dat.co.nz/something - works now, how do i make a domain like test.dat.co.nz foward too www.dat.co.nz/somthing??? i have tried using the foward option under the co-domains section in the users site but when i type in test.dat.co.nz it goes too the main site - www.dat.co.nz instead of www.dat.co.nz/something ? how can i fix this up? in the co-domains i have set test.dat.co.nz to foward too http://www.dat.co.nz/something, and many others (with and without http:// with and without www.) - what am i doing wrong in ispconfig? how can i do this manually?


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Contact: Lisa Higgins, 610.282.9455, ext. 4
January 31, 2014
Center Valley, PA — The Pennsylvania Shakespeare Festival announces its sixth Shakespeare Competition for high school students to be held Saturday, March 15th on the Center Valley campus of DeSales University. All high school students in public, private, or home school are eligible to participate. The registration deadline for the competition is Friday, February 21.
The Shakespeare Competition provides multiple performance opportunities for students, direct evaluation of each performance by professional actors and teaching artists from New York and Philadelphia, and observation of peer and university performances. Participants will also have the opportunity to engage in workshops and panel discussions with the professional artists.
Prizes range from $1,000 to $5,000 in renewable scholarships to major in the performing arts department at DeSales University. In addition, adjudicators will nominate candidates to present pieces of outstanding merit in a showcase performance at the conclusion of the event.
"The competition creates a unique opportunity for students and teachers to explore Shakespeare's characters and text and gain feedback from professional evaluators," says PSF Director of Education Jill Arington.
Past competitions have featured up to 21 schools and 68 students.
The Pennsylvania Shakespeare Festival is a professional theatre company and the official Shakespeare festival of the Commonwealth. The 2014 summer season features Shakespeare's Macbeth and The Two Gentlemen of Verona; the Tony Award-winning musical Fiddler on the Roof, the madcap comedy Lend Me A Tenor, Tina Packer's Women of Will, Cinderella, and Shakespeare for Kids. The Festival runs May 31 through August 3.
The season sponsor is Breslin Ridyard Fadero Architects. The Associate Season Sponsors are the Harry C. Trexler Trust, Drs. Frank and Carol Szarko, Linda Lapos and Paul Wirth.
For information, contact Education Director Jill Arington at email@example.com or call 610-282-9455 ext. 9. Download guidelines and registrations at www.pashakespeare.org/competition.


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This past weekend, something strange happened in the U.S. media landscape: Twitter helped shape coverage of the Iranian elections protests.
12 top Twitter toolsSafe tips for social networking
The protests were sparked by what Iranian reformists and several Middle Eastern reporters and analysts believe to be a widespread fraud at last week's Iranian presidential election that saw controversial incumbent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad allegedly win 63% of the vote. Because the Iranian government has successfully stifled serious dissent within its borders for the past 30 years, the spectacle of mass demonstrations in its capital streets was something tailor-made for America's 24-hour cable news networks
But all throughout Saturday, as the demonstrations engulfed the Iranian capital of Tehran, America's three cable news stations were taking flack for their relative silence. As Huffington Post blogger Nico Pitney documented through searching the transcript database at TVEyes.com, American news networks on June 13 were mentioning Iran with far less frequency than networks overseas. Although CNN led the way among American networks with 91 mentions, it was still dwarfed by Canada's CTV (124 mentions), Britain's Sky News (149 mentions) and BBC News (177 mentions).
This disparity led several frustrated users on Twitter to angrily complain that CNN, which had made its mark covering foreign events such as the first Gulf War and the Tiananmen Square protests, had dropped the ball. Using the Twitter hashtag "#CNNfail," Tweeters mocked the network's lack of coverage, particularly its decision to show a Larry King repeat on Saturday night while Iranians marched through the capital streets and clashed with riot police.
By Sunday morning the "#CNNfail" hashtag had climbed into Twitter's trending topics list and CNN felt compelled to respond. As Pitney noted in an update at Huffington Post on Sunday night, "for the last few hours, CNN has been airing pretty consistent coverage of the Iran unrest, even referencing the Twitter-driven protests of their coverage." By Sunday evening, Pitney showed that CNN had stepped up its game and made more mentions of Iran on Sunday than any of the big international networks.
But Twitter wasn't merely used to pressure the major networks to get on the story – it was also being used to deliver on-the-ground reports from both professional journalists and Iranian protestors themselves. Native Iranian Tweeters such as persiankiwi, StopAhmadi, IranElection09 and Change_for_Iran were providing real-time updates of protests in their areas, as well as linking to pictures and videos of riot police beating demonstrators with batons and breaking up peaceful protests.
Although the Iranian government's main telecommunications provider had shut off text messaging services and had cut off access to most social networking Web sites by Monday morning, Iranian Tweeters were still able to communicate with the outside world using a continuously shifting series of proxy servers that they were posting periodically on Twitter throughout the day. Additionally, the Tweeters were instructing their followers to use pagereboot.com, a site that automatically refreshes Web addresses every second, to launch distributed DoS attacks on key government Web sites. Iranians also used Twitter to organize nighttime rooftop rallies where demonstrators would climb to the roofs of their buildings and chant slogans protesting the alleged fraudulent election.
On the more traditional journalism side of things, ABC News reporters Lara Setrakian and Jim Sciutto provided news reports through Twitter all throughout the weekend, despite the fact that foreign journalists had been instructed to leave by the Iranian government. This morning, Setrakian continued to provide updates on the planned elections protests that have occurred despite being explicitly banned by the government.
"Thousands of people attend Tehran rally, despite government ban," wrote Setrakian at around 9:20 am this morning. "Reuters reporting clashes with Ahmadinejad supporters."
Atlantic Monthly blogger Andrew Sullivan, who spent a large portion of the weekend writing about the developments in Iran, described the tweets as "the raw data of history, as it happens." Whatever you'd like to call it, it seems that Twitter has finally hit the big-time as a respected journalistic medium.
This story, "Twitter spearheads Iranian elections coverage in U.S." was originally published by Network World.


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Last year a total of 172,000 books were published in the United States. Although that number reflects a 10 percent decrease from the previous year, it's easy to see how any one book could get lost in the shuffle—especially if it's one among the many memoirs being published every season. With the idea that there's strength in numbers, four memoirists who published books earlier this year have joined forces to promote their titles, developing a community of like-minded authors—and fostering emerging writers—along the way.
Hillary Carlip, Maria Dahvana Headley, Josh Kilmer-Purcell, and Danielle Trussoni formed the Memoirists Collective after meeting on the community Web site MySpace. After exchanging e-mails, in April the group posted its own profile on MySpace, at www.myspace.com/thememoiristscollective (more than thirteen hundred people have since joined as "friends"). Shortly thereafter the collective launched its own site, www.memoiristscollective.com.
One of the authors' original objectives in banding together was simply to publicize their books as a package. Headley's The Year of Yes (Hyperion), Kilmer-Purcell's I Am Not Myself These Days (HarperPerennial), and Trussoni's Falling Through the Earth (Henry Holt) are all debuts, while Carlip's Queen of the Oddballs (HarperCollins) is a third book. "[We thought] maybe it would be more attractive. Instead of getting one interview, we'd get four," says Kilmer-Purcell. The authors began sharing advice online to help navigate the relatively unfamiliar territory of the book business. "We were really new not only to the publishing industry but to the idea of publicizing a book, and we spent a lot of time in the beginning comparing notes about the publishing industry," says Trussoni.
In addition to allowing them to pool their resources and exchange work, the group's cyberexchanges helped build a strong sense of community among the four authors, each of whom lives in a different city—Seattle, Los Angeles, New York, and Providence. "Writers don't have a lot of chances to commune together. As we were e-mailing we were learning so much from each other," says Kilmer-Purcell. "It's like being in the best MFA program you can imagine, where you actually really like all of the other writers," says Headley.
The collective has extended its support to unpublished writers through literary contests held online at MySpace. None of the contests have required entry fees, and prizes have included a meeting with the authors (the "Win a Date With the Memoirists Collective" contest) and an opportunity to have an agent at the William Morris Agency read the winner's book proposal. The third and most recent contest, held from June 12 to July 19, called for eight-hundred-word memoir submissions. Several hundred writers from the United States and abroad—ranging from seventeen to ninety-one years old—posted work online to win the chance to have a manuscript read by editors at the publishing houses of the collective's members. During the contest MySpace users could read and comment on the entries. "It's so unusual," says Headley. "Most contests, you go behind closed doors. In this case, it's been a totally transparent contest." Seven finalists were chosen by the collective and asked to proceed with an additional two-thousand-word submission.
On August 7, twenty-four-year-old Luke Son of New York City was announced as the winner via a live Webcast of a reading by the four members of the collective—the first time they had all read together—at Joseph-Beth Booksellers in Cleveland. Over seventy people attended the event, and a portion of the profits from book sales went to the Ohio Center for the Book at the Cleveland Public Library.
While the James Frey and Nasdijj controversies have exposed the art of memoir to some criticism, the group says they hope to use the Memoirists Collective as a platform for calling positive attention to the genre. "We saw the memoir genre getting knocked by the mass media, by people we didn't think were fair critics. Why is Oprah critiquing literature? Shouldn't it be writers, academics?" asks Kilmer-Purcell. "Part of us getting together was to get another playing field for debate on memoir."
Anna Mantzaris is a freelance journalist.


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Now, I have to decide what's next. I have a few more in my head, and darling husband is out of town again, so I have free sailing to make as big of a mess as I'd like. Stay tuned........


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This summer we'll be launching an entirely new website, TechHive. This is not that site. At least, not yet. The TechHive Beta Blog is a small preview of what's to come.
My name is Jason Snell, and I'm leading the editorial team that will be building the new TechHive website, as well as continuing to publish PCWorld and Macworld in just about every conceivable format.
I've been writing about technology products since I was in college (see embarrassing photo, right). This is a job that combines the two biggest passions I've had since I was a kid: a love for writing and media, and a geeky enthusiasm for the latest tech stuff.
Now I get to play with tech toys for a living—yeah, it's a tough job, but someone has to do it. The rest of our team has stories similar to mine. Everyone who works here shares a real passion for technology.
Macs and PCs are just part of the rich tapestry of the tech world. There are iPhones and Android phones, iPads and Kindle Fires, Roku streaming video players, Canon T3i cameras, and of course Facebook and Google and Netflix.
Macworld and PCWorld do a great job serving their respective audiences, thoroughly covering the Apple and PC/Windows ecosystems, and will continue to do so. In the middle will sit TechHive, where we're free to cover smartphones and tablets, Android and iOS and Windows Phone, digital cameras and Facebook privacy settings and E Ink Bluetooth watches and whatever the next big tech thing is.
That's where we're headed, but it'll take us a few months to get there. And that's why we're launching this Beta Blog today. Over the next few months, your Beta Blog team will be trying out its voice here while we plan the launch of our full site this summer.
I love writing about technology because I truly believe the story of technology is the story of the future being written right before our eyes. Just in the past 10 years, tech advances have changed how we live our lives and interact with each other, in person and on the Internet. There's no story I would rather write about, and the same is true for the rest of the TechHive team.
So enough with the introductions! Let's launch this thing.
-Jason Snell, Editorial Director South of Market, San Francisco
p.s. You can follow @techhive on Twitter or like our Facebook page for more updates about what we're doing.


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Smith's Bible Dictionary
(enlarger of the people). Son of Solomon, by the Ammonite princess,
Naamah, 1Ki 14:21;
1Ki 14:31, and
his successor. 1Ki 11:43.
Rehoboam selected Shechem as the place of his coronation, (B.C. 975),
probably as an act of concession to the Ephraimites. The people demanded
a remission of the severe burdens imposed by Solomon, and Rehoboam,
rejecting the advice of his father's counsellors, followed that of his
young courtiers, and returned an insulting answer, which led to an open
rebellion among the tribes, and he was compelled to fly to Jerusalem,
Judah and Benjamin alone remaining true to him.
Jeroboam was made king of the northern tribes. See Jeroboam. An expedition to reconquer Israel was forbidden by the prophet, Shemaiah,1Ki 12:21, still, during Rehoboam's lifetime, peaceful relations between Israel and Judah were never restored. 2Ch 12:15; 1Ki 14:30. In the fifth year of Rehoboam's reign, the country was invaded by a host of Egyptians, and other African nations, under Shishak. Jerusalem itself was taken and Rehoboam had to purchase an ignominious peace, by delivering up the treasures, with which Solomon had adorned the Temple and palace.
The rest of Rehoboam's life was unmarked by any events of importance. He died B.C. 958, after a reign of 17 years, having ascended the throne B.C. 975, at the age of 4.1Ki 14:21; 2Ch 12:13. He had 18 wives, 60 concubines, 28 sons and 60 daughters.
|Taken from: Smith's Bible Dictionary by Dr. William Smith (1884)


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Governor Deval Patrick launched a public campaign Monday to win support for raising taxes to repair and reinvigorate the state's beleaguered transportation system, seeking Beacon Hill approval for $1.02 billion a year in new or higher taxes and fees dedicated to transportation.
In a sign of a shifting political landscape, legislative leaders acknowledged that more money is needed to shore up the state's transportation system and that they are open to discussing tax increases, a nonstarter in previous efforts to address the long-simmering transportation funding crisis.
"We all agree something has to be done," House Speaker Robert A. DeLeo said, after he and Senate President Therese Murray emerged from an hourlong, closed-door meeting with Patrick.
DeLeo said lawmakers would take a close look at how Patrick wants to spend that money, how much may be raised, and how to raise it.
With that debate looming, Patrick laid out a menu of tax and fee possibilities, but saved his own preferences for Wednesday's State of the Commonwealth address and the proposed budget he will submit to lawmakers next week. Among the menu options were a hike in the gas tax; increased tolls; and stiffer fees on vehicles that emit more pollution or are driven farther.
Patrick sought to set up the debate by making a case for investment in the name of economic vitality and quality of life, warning that inaction or insufficient action could prove dire.
"What's as plain as day is we have choices to make," he said. "We can choose to invest in ourselves, to invest in a growth strategy that has proven time and again to work, or we can choose to do nothing. But let's be clear and honest with each other: Choosing to do nothing is a choice, too, and that choice has consequences."
In a presentation earlier in the day at the University of Massachusetts Boston, Patrick unveiled what analysts and advocates considered perhaps the fullest accounting ever of the state's transportation red ink, coupling plans to balance annual budgets with targeted spending on infrastructure, mostly to fix and modernize highway and transit systems.
The Legislature, which in the past has looked skeptically at higher taxes for transportation while embracing a "reform before revenue" policy, called last June for Patrick to document the system's needs and explore funding options. The directive came as lawmakers provided a one-time cash infusion to help avoid widespread cuts and larger fare increases than the ones that eventually took effect last summer.
The result Monday was a 63-page document dubbed "The Way Forward" and an accompanying PowerPoint presentation that was both wonky and frank for a state that has avoided raising the gas tax since 1991.
Patrick called the findings "stark, clear-eyed, nonpartisan, and, above all, fact-based."
Transportation-minded lawmakers and municipal leaders who packed the front rows at his UMass Boston presentation responded enthusiastically, promising to take the case to Beacon Hill.
"We're out in full force," said Mayor Kimberly Driscoll of Salem, president of the Massachusetts Mayors' Association, citing the critical role smooth roads, sturdy bridges, and timely and reliable transit play in making any city or town attractive to residents and businesses. "There's never an appetite for new revenues, but I hope and believe people can recognize this is not a problem we can walk away from or take small bites at."
At the State House, legislative leaders said new revenue must be accompanied by cost-cutting and intend to hold the debate this year, knowing next year is an election year.
DeLeo said the governor's tax or fee proposals will "take quite a bit of time and discussion," but said lawmakers will be excited by the possibility of bringing new transportation projects to their districts.
Patrick's "Way Forward" plan contained something for everyone, from the Berkshires to the Cape. It includes, for example, rebuilding the Interstate 91 viaduct in Springfield, replacing the I-93/I-95 interchange in Woburn, and assembling new Red and Orange Line cars at plants employing Massachusetts workers. Murray called the proposal ambitious.
"We have to figure out what's in here first, and we'll digest it," she said. "I know we need to do something."
Senator Thomas M. McGee, a Lynn Democrat and Senate chairman of the Joint Transportation Committee, said he hopes lawmakers will support increased transportation funding, years after nonpartisan analysts first agreed that the crisis was too big to be solved through cuts and would require substantial new revenue.
"The key piece is making the case for how important this is, and I think we're getting to that place," McGee said after attending Patrick's presentation.
Patrick considers transportation a legacy issue and has been laying groundwork for years, an effort he intensified last week by announcing proposals intended to streamline government and cut costs.
Those proposals would slash regulations for businesses, called for consolidating local housing authorities into regional entities, and aimed to save $20 billion in retiree health costs over three decades.
House Republican leader Bradley H. Jones Jr. called the governor's presentation "very disheartening."
He and Senate Republican leader Bruce E. Tarr said GOP lawmakers will be hesitant to support higher taxes and that the governor has yet to persuade them that $1 billion in additional annual spending is needed.
But some advocates thought the governor's plan did not include enough new projects, leaving proposals such as the Urban Ring transit loop and a North Station-South Station connection in mothballs.
More than half the proposed $1 billion annually would help balance highway and transit budgets, relieve some MBTA debt, run buses at night and on weekends in cities such as Springfield, and end a practice of borrowing for basic highway operations such as mowing and striping.
The rest would cover initial payments on what the state considers good debt, borrowing to double infrastructure spending to $25 billion over the next decade.
Eric Moskowitz and be reached at firstname.lastname@example.com; Michael Levenson at firstname.lastname@example.com.


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