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When, about a year ago, the United Nations declared that Zionism was a form of racism, a measure of comfort for the state of Israel and its supporters could be found in the fact that an impressive degree of opposition was mounted to this "obscene" idea—as the American representative called it—both within the General Assembly itself and in the world outside. At Mexico City in 1975, where the same resolution was first introduced, it was approved with only two opposing votes: that of Israel and that of the United States. Then, at meetings of the OAU in Kampala and of the Group of 77 at Lima (in which neither the United States nor Israel could participate), it was introduced again and passed with no opposition at all. This time, at the UN, Israel and the United States were joined by thirty-three other nations in voting against the resolution, while another thirty-two abstained, leaving its sponsors with a majority but nothing remotely approaching the overwhelming endorsement to which they had by now become accustomed. This time too there were protests from private groups, especially within the United States, where much outrage against the resolution was expressed and virtually no support. Indeed, so great did the revulsion against the resolution appear that in the opinion of the British ambassador to the UN, the net result was a victory for Israel rather than a defeat.
If, however, the Zionism-racism resolution was a victory for the Israelis, it was a victory of the type of which they might with perfect precision have said: One more such and we are undone. Certainly the response to the resolution revealed that Israel was not entirely isolated. But on closer inspection it revealed a deterioration in Israel's position which went much deeper than the gross voting statistics or the mere volume of public protest by themselves could even begin to suggest.
In order to appreciate the extent of that deterioration, it is necessary to bear in mind what the Zionism-racism resolution said about the state of Israel. The resolution did not merely condemn the state of Israel for alleged crimes against the Palestinians, or for discriminating against its own Arab citizens. What the resolution did was to denounce the state of Israel itself as an illegitimate entity. The very idea of a sovereign Jewish state in the Middle East (Zionism), let alone the actuality of one, no matter what its boundaries might be, was by definition declared criminal (racist). In the eyes of this resolution, Israel could only cease to be criminal if it ceased to be both Jewish and sovereign—if, in other words, it ceased to exist. Returning to the boundaries of 1967 or even the boundaries of 1948 would make not the slightest difference. For the resolution did not concern boundaries or occupied territories; it concerned the right of a sovereign Jewish state of any size or shape to exist in the Middle East.
From Israel's point of view, it was bad enough that a majority of the member-states of the United Nations—under whose auspices the state of Israel had come into being in the first place—when asked whether a sovereign Jewish state had the right to exist in the Middle East, should have answered No. Yet the manner in which most of the member-states who answered Yes to this question chose to do so was in its own way almost as bad. The United States argued vehemently that the resolution was wrong in principle, that it was based on a perversion of language and a distortion of the historical record. But no more than two or three of the other countries who either voted against the resolution or abstained (Costa Rica and Barbados come to mind) acted on any such principled basis. One after another the delegates who had been instructed by their governments to oppose or abstain rose to the rostrum to make speeches "in explanation of vote"; and one after another they argued not that the resolution was wrong but that it was politically unwise. Far from defending Israel, moreover, most of the countries that refused to endorse the resolution went out of their way to assure the world that they yielded to no one in their disapproval and indeed detestation of Israel's many crimes. In effect, while they were not prepared to go so far as to say that Israel had no right to exist, neither were they quite prepared to affirm unequivocally that Israel did have a right to exist.
For all practical purposes, then, the United States remained Israel's only real defender. If the United States had not spoken out so forcefully in defense of Israel, there would in all probability have been no country to speak out in defense of Israel but Israel itself. Yet forceful as the American support for Israel was in the case of the Zionism-racism resolution, it held only cold comfort for Israel. The reason is that while the United States would unquestionably have opposed such a resolution under any circumstances, it is by no means clear that the opposition would have been as passionate or as effective if anyone but Daniel P. Moynihan had been the American representative at the time. The strong language in which Moynihan denounced the resolution and the tactics he used in lobbying against it originated with him and not in Washington, and they were tolerated rather than enthusiastically endorsed by his superiors in the State Department. Consequently, if not for the accident of Moynihan's presence in the UN when the issue arose, the resolution might well have passed without serious principled opposition and by a margin approaching the near-unanimity achieved by the Arabs at Lima, Kampala, and Mexico City.1
In short, Moynihan's behavior, far from being an accurate barometer of American policy toward Israel in general, was—and in retrospect looks more and more like—an aberration in an otherwise consistent pattern of weakening American support for the Israeli position. Officially, of course, the United States continues to affirm its commitment to Israel, and not merely in words. American military aid continues to be supplied to the Israelis in greater quantities than ever, and American votes continue to be cast in the Security Council, in the Human Rights Commission, in UNESCO, in the International Labor Organization, and in the World Health Organization against the endless parade of resolutions condemning Israel and all its works. At the same time, however, everyone senses the presence of powerful undercurrents pulling in the other direction. In the UN, Moynihan's "lectures on democracy arid decency"—as, according to the New York Times, they are scornfully called by "several diplomats" of unspecified nationality—have given way to the "courtesy and restraint of William Scranton"Arab diplomats, the Times reports, "lauded what they said was a new 'tone' that Mr. Scranton had introduced in the Middle East debate's." And indeed there was a new tone. In the Security Council, in his very first statement as the American ambassador, Scranton praised Jamil M. Baroody of Saudi Arabia for his "inimitable wit and remarkable eloquence and, most important of all and truly and seriously his very extraordinary knowledge of history." This was just after Baroody had demonstrated "his very extraordinary knowledge of history" by asserting, among other things. that the Zionists had forced Woodrow Wilson into World War I. Baroody then proceeded to put his "inimitable wit and remarkable eloquence" on full display the next day in a speech to the security Council declaring that the Diary of Anne Frank was a forgery and that the Holocaust would some day be exposed as a myth "just as it came out that the Germans did not eat babies when they invaded Belgium in World War I."
The ebbing of political and ideological support so evident in the UN since the departure of Moynihan is matched by a weakening of support in other areas as well. There was a period when few difficulties, if any, seemed to attend the matter of military aid to Israel. Nowadays questions always seem to be raised as to whether the Israelis will get the kinds of weapons they need and as many of them as they need. Anxieties are also aroused by the new cordiality of the United States toward several Arab governments—a cordiality which has already been translated both into the shipment of arms to these governments and into the exertion of pressures on Israel, which grow more and more open with every passing month, to withdraw from the territories occupied in the 1967 war.
In itself this demand for an Israeli withdrawal constitutes nothing new. Even Lyndon Johnson, whose administration represented perhaps the high point of American sympathy for Israel, said that while the United States supported Israel's existence, it did not and could not endorse Israel's conquests in the Six-Day War. But the Johnson administration took the position that the occupied territories were to be returned—and only to be returned—as part of a settlement which would entail recognition of Israel's existence by the Arab countries and direct negotiations among the parties to fix the precise boundaries of the now-recognized state in such a way as to insure its future security. In essence this was also the position taken by the Security Council in Resolution 242. The Israelis were to give up the territories, and the Arabs were to give up their efforts to destroy the state of Israel. The Israelis would move physically and the Arabs would move politically. According to Lord Caradon of Great Britain, who was the chief draftsman of Resolution 242, what it envisaged was "a package deal." The resolution was "a balanced whole." There was to be a quid and there was to be a quo. Until the Arabs moved politically, the Israelis were under no obligation to move physically. This was what Resolution 242 said, and it was the basis of American policy as well—at least until the election of Richard Nixon.
One of the first things Nixon did upon being elected President was to send William Scranton on a mission to the Middle East in the course of which Scranton—the same William Scranton who, perhaps significantly, was later chosen to succeed Moynihan as American ambassador to the UN—announced that American policy would henceforth be more "evenhanded"; and the same theme was subsequently stressed by Nixon's first Secretary of State, in the so-called Rogers Plan. Yet in view of the fact that nothing could have been more evenhanded than official American policy had already been since 1967, the Israelis and their friends could be forgiven for wondering whether the term might not be a euphemism for, precisely, a move away from evenhandedness and toward an entirely different policy altogether.
By now, it would be hard to deny that these apprehensions were justified. But until the outbreak of the Yom Kippur War, nothing significant occurred to substantiate the idea that a change in American policy was either being planned or was actually taking place. Since the Yom Kippur War, however, the difference between the old evenhandedness and the new has come more and more clearly into focus.
As Theodore Draper describes it: "The old concept used to be that there could be no peace in the Middle East unless Israelis and Arabs came to terms with each other," whereas the new policy "has tended to interpose the United States between Israel and the Arabs." That is, the United States has undertaken to do for the Arabs what the Arabs have been unable to do for themselves: force Israel to surrender the territories. But the United States has not undertaken to force the Arabs to accept the existence of a sovereign and secure Jewish state in the Middle East in return for those territories. Instead of insisting in truly even-handed fashion on a quid pro quo from the Arabs, the new American approach is to compensate the Israelis for the absence of any reciprocal concessions on the part of the Arabs themselves. For example (to quote Draper again): "If a return to the pre-1967 boundaries decreases Israeli security, the United States considers making up the difference with an American or American-plus guarantee. If Israel surrenders the Abu Rodeis oil field in the Sinai, let the United States arrange to get an equivalent amount of oil from Iran."
The former Secretary of Defense, James R. Schlesinger, seeking a more accurate name than "evenhandedness" for an approach involving pressures by the United States on a reluctant ally to make unilateral concessions in the face of a deadly enemy, and in exchange only for promises of compensatory American support, recently characterized the new American policy as "the Vietnamization of Israel." In using this term, of course, Schlesinger was thinking not of the process through which the United States got into Vietnam but of the way in which we got out.
Two different explanations have been advanced for this shift from the old policy of evenhandedness to the new policy of "Vietnamization." According to the first and more widely accepted view, the primary objective of the United States is to insure an uninterrupted flow of oil to itself and its allies in Western Europe and Japan, and this can best be accomplished by in effect bribing the Arabs with vigorous political support—a policy carrying the further advantage of increasing American influence in the Arab world at the expense of the Soviet Union. According to the second view, the primary objective of the United States is not to step up its competition with the Soviet Union, but on the contrary to avoid any future confrontation with Soviet power, and this can best be accomplished by a gradual contraction of the American involvement in such regions of potential conflict as the Middle East.
So far as Israel is concerned, however, it scarcely matters—at least in the short run, which in the case of so precariously situated a country may be all the run that is relevant—whether the first explanation is correct or the second. If oil and the displacement of Soviet influence are now the keys to American policy, they clearly seem to dictate American pressures on Israel to make territorial and eventually other concessions involving the PLO without commensurate concessions from the Arabs. (For why should the Arabs make commensurate concessions if no one is forcing them to do so?) Yet even if the overriding imperative of American policy is not to enter into serious competition with the Soviet Union for influence in the Arab world but rather to avoid the danger of serious conflict with an increasingly powerful and increasingly expansionist Soviet Union, one-sided pressures on Israel to accept a "peaceful" settlement would still be required in order to set the stage for an "honorable" American withdrawal from the area. This was what the United States did toward the end in Vietnam, and it may well be—as James Schlesinger for one appears to suggest—what the United States is preparing to do in the Middle East.
Is Israel then to be abandoned? Henry Kissinger thinks not. It would, he once said, be an act of "extraordinary cynicism" for the United States to "negotiate over the survival of Israel"—that is, to bargain the existence of Israel away for the sake of oil or détente or any other objective. Neither the United States, he predicted, nor "in the last analysis Europe" would ever do such a thing. Of course nations (the United States itself supplying one of the most recent examples) have behaved with just such "extraordinary cynicism" throughout history. Why then is Kissinger so confident that Israel represents a limiting case? Perhaps because he thinks that guilt over the Holocaust is still a potent enough factor to prevent the Western world from acquiescing once again, let alone conniving, in the destruction of an entire Jewish community. If so, he has failed to notice that the statute of limitations has, as it were, run out on the Holocaust by now.
It is true that for many people old enough to have fought against the Nazis in World War II, any threat to the physical security of Jews as Jews—which today of course means Israel—remains anathema. This explains why a figure like Jean-Paul Sartre, whose general political stance would naturally incline him toward support of the Arabs and especially of the PLO, continues to side with Israel. It also explains why the West European governments, all of which are run by members of the World War II generation, have not yet deserted Israel entirely despite their almost total dependence on Middle Eastern oil. (They all, for example, voted against the Zionism-racism resolution; and while they have all moved a considerable distance since then toward the Arab position on the PLO and on various indictments of Israel in the Security Council and other UN agencies, they are, the New York Times says, still resisting "Arab demands that [they] adopt stronger anti-Israel policies in exchange for economic ties.")
Nevertheless, it is also true that the memory of World War II has been growing dim even for those who lived through it. And for those too young to have been marked by the experience of Nazism, Israel has for some time looked more like a nation of conquerors than like a nation of survivors. Since 1967, indeed, the anti-Israel propaganda emanating from both the Soviet Union and from the Arab world has portrayed the Israelis as the new Nazis and the Palestinians as the new Jews. Shortly after the Six-Day War cartoons were published depicting Moshe Dayan as Rommel, with swastikas on his uniform (and as an added fillip dollar-signs for eyes). More recently, there was the condemnation of Israel by UNESCO for crimes against culture—a charge meant to conjure up the burning of books by the Nazis—and more recently still the Soviet ambassador to the UN accused the Israelis of "racial genocide," while the Committee on the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People (which was created by a General Assembly resolution passed on the very same day as the Zionism-racism resolution) compared "the sealing of a part of the city of Nablus" by the Israelis after a series of riots had broken out there to "the ghettos and concentration camps erected by the Hitlerites in several cities of Europe."
In one form or another this theme has struck a responsive chord throughout the Western world (the caricature of Dayan as Rommel was even published in the newsletter of SNCC, one of the most prominent of the radical civil-rights organizations of the mid-60's). And despite the new "even-handedness" of American policy, an even greater success has been enjoyed by the idea that Israel is the spearhead of American imperialism in the Middle East (the dollar-signs in Dayan's eyes). But the greatest success of all has been scored by the newest twist in Arab-Soviet propaganda, which is to portray the Jews of Israel (half of whose population actually stems from the Arab countries themselves—from North Africa and the Middle East) as a community of European colons and the Palestinians as a dark-skinned native population fighting for its natural rights. It was these two ideas—the Israelis as Nazis and the Israelis as white imperialists—which were brought together with such brazen neatness in the identification of Zionism with racism.
To the extent that some such version of the nature of the Arab-Israeli conflict is accepted, the dissolution of the state of Israel, whether by force or by political means, will seem not an act of "extraordinary cynicism" but an act of historic justice. And this, to judge by the debate over the Zionism-racism resolution and the unrelenting ideological offensive which has followed, is how it already seems to many people in many countries. Some of these people live in countries which voted against the resolution for one set of political reasons or another, and they even include a number of American Jews who think that a Jewish state has no right to exist unless it conforms in every detail to the dictates of the contemporary liberal conscience.
Not only, then, is the memory of the Holocaust ceasing to serve as a barrier against the ultimate betrayal of Israel. It even seems powerless to prevent the emergence of a new anti-Semitism especially tailored to the reappearance after so many centuries of a Jewish state in the world. There is a reluctance among some of Israel's friends to describe the hostility to Israel in certain circles as anti-Semitic—a reluctance based on the desire to see the Arab-Israeli conflict as a conventional international dispute amenable to resolution by conventional diplomatic means. Certainly a good part of that conflict does partake of the character of a conventional dispute. But the conclusion seems unavoidable by now that anti-Semitism has also entered the picture to an appreciable degree. For what other epithet can reasonably be applied to a current of opinion which singles out the Jews as the only people in the world who are not entitled to otherwise universally acknowledged rights? All other peoples are entitled to national self-determination; when the Jews exercise this right, they are committing the crimes of racism and imperialism. All other nations are entitled to defend themselves against armed attack; when a Jewish nation defends itself, it is committing the crime of aggression. Of the estimated thirty-five million refugees who have been displaced by war and other calamities since 1945 alone, only the three-quarters of a million displaced in the Jewish war of national liberation are expected to be repatriated. Quoting the Rev. Dr. Douglas Young, President of the American Institute of Holy Land Studies in Jerusalem, who points out that this demand runs "contrary to all treatment of all refugees through the whole world in the last ten or more years," Theodore Draper comments: "There is something suspicious and ominous about a world which permits one rule for refugees from a Jewish state and another rule for refugees from all other kinds of states."
Draper also quotes former Senator Fulbright on the issue of the territories conquered by Israel in 1967 which, of the many millions of square miles of territory conquered during the past thirty-five years alone, are the only ones which are expected to be returned. Fulbright said: "It is natural enough for Israel to resist the honor of being the first modern military victor to be obliged to abide by the principles and specifications of the United Nations Charter, especially when the greater powers who dominate the Security Council have set such a wretched example. Be that as it may, the principle is too important to be cast away because of the hypocrisy or self-interest of its proponents." To which Draper replies: "In short, all the self-interested hypocrites have a right to ask of Israel what they would not dream of doing themselves."
Another thing all the self-interested hypocrites would not dream of doing themselves but have a right to ask Israel to do is break off relations with South Africa. Almost every country in the world—including Arab and Black African countries—does business with South Africa. When Israel does business with South Africa, this means that there is a "Tel Aviv-Pretoria Axis" (the term axis calculated to associate Israel again with Nazism).
In addition to singling out the Jewish state as uniquely illegitimate, and in addition to branding the things it does in common with all other states as uniquely criminal, this current of opinion exposes its anti-Semitic character in a compulsive propagation of precisely the kind of "big lie" in which Hitler himself specialized. Thus Israel—the only democratic society in the Middle East, the only one in which the press is free and speech is free, and the only one in which minorities of every kind, ethnic, religious, and political, enjoy civil and political liberties—is condemned for violations of human rights by tyrannical and barbarous regimes in which there is no freedom of speech or of the press, in which no political opposition is permitted, and in which minorities are systematically persecuted. The PLO, to be sure, claims to be different; it speaks of an intention to found a "secular democratic state." But there is no reason to suppose that the state which an organization of radical Arabs means to establish would be any more secular or arty more democratic than the nineteen Arab states already in existence. Every one of these states (including those, like Syria and Iraq, which are ruled by parties of the Left) makes Islam the official religion, and not a single one of them is democratic in any intelligible sense of that word.
To represent the conflict between such regimes and a country like Israel as a struggle of oppressed Third World peoples against Nazi-like aggressors is a stunning inversion of the truth. But it is also a testimony to the persisting vitality of anti-Semitism which, expelled more or less successfully from domestic society in the countries where once it flourished, now reappears, suitably translated into the current language and modalities of international life, to deal with the phenomenon of a Jewish state among other states as it once dealt with Jewish individuals and communities living in states dominated by other religious or ethnic groups.
An additional bonus of the "big lie" in this case is that it undermines the other basis on which the abandonment of Israel by the Western democracies and the United States in particular might be considered an act of "extraordinary cynicism": the fact that Israel is a democratic country. To some extent, at least—and perhaps to a greater extent than toughminded analysts think—the American commitment to Israel has rested on and been strengthened by this fact. Public-opinion polls indeed have shown that the reason most Americans are sympathetic to Israel is not that it is a Jewish state but that it is "a small democratic country which is trying to preserve its independence" against heavy odds and against the hostility of the Soviet Union. Schlesinger expresses a similar sentiment when he asks: If the United States will not defend a democratic country like Israel, whom will we defend? Obviously, then, if democracy in Israel can be "exposed" as fraudulent, abandoning our commitment to the Israelis becomes easier and all the more thinkable.
Most people in the Western countries, to be sure, remain unpersuaded by the portrayal of the Israelis as Nazis or racist imperialists, or the concomitant transmutation of the Arab states into victims of aggression and the PLO into fighters for freedom and democracy. Yet even in the minds of many of the unpersuaded, the moral burden has now been placed on the Israelis who are challenged to prove that they are not guilty of all "the affronts to humanity" with which the Arabs, as usual using language reminiscent of the indictments drawn up against the Nazi war criminals at Nuremberg, keep charging them in various agencies of the UN: "mass arrests," "confiscation and appropriation," "ill-treatment, deportation, expulsion, displacement and transfer of . . . inhabitants," and so on. Not surprisingly, some of the mud has stuck. At a recent conference of American intellectuals convoked to discuss measures which might be taken against the expulsion of Israel from UNESCO, for example, many of the participants were so anxious to dissociate themselves from Israel's "policies" that they scarcely found time to deal with the subject the meeting had been called to consider, which was the outrage committed by UNESCO against Israel.
More generally, and in consonance with this spirit, a new understanding of the Arab-Israeli conflict has lately taken hold which makes it possible for many people in the United States and Europe to encourage exactly what Kissinger was once so certain neither the United States nor Europe would ever do—"negotiate over the survival of Israel," and to believe themselves to be acting, moreover, not out of "extraordinary cynicism" but with a clear and perfect conscience.
Unlike the thinking behind phenomena like the Zionism-racism resolution, this new understanding has nothing to do with anti-Semitism. It is based, rather, on the premise that the major obstacle to a peaceful settlement in the Middle East is not the refusal of the Arabs to accept the existence of a sovereign Jewish state in their midst, but the "intransigence" of the Israelis. Although the Arabs, in this view, may once have entertained the hope of overrunning the state of Israel and driving its Jewish inhabitants into the sea, and although there are still extremists among them who continue to dream such dreams, moderates who are at least willing to tolerate if not embrace the state of Israel have been gaining the upper hand in the major "confrontation states," and even within the PLO. What these new Arab leaders want is the return of the territories captured by Israel in the Six-Day War and the establishment of a Palestinian state on the West Bank and Gaza under the moderate leadership of Yassir Arafat. If—the argument concludes—Israel agrees to this, the Arabs will live in peace with Israel.
Hence, in this new interpretation, Israel's refusal to surrender the occupied territories and to recognize the PLO is now the only obstacle standing in the way of a resolution of the conflict in the Middle East. Pressuring the Israelis is therefore not merely good for the Arabs or for the United States; it is also good for Israel. Far from being an expression of cynicism, such one-sided pressures are a favor to Israel, a way of saving the Israelis from their own most short-sighted instincts.
This, roughly, is Kissinger's own view of the situation; it is the view of the State Department; and it is evidently the view of the White House as well. It is the view of an ever larger number of Congressmen and Senators, including several who have in the past seemed very friendly toward Israel. ("In the first of a series of hearings on Middle East policy," the Washington Post reported a few weeks ago, "Senator Javits and others who recently visited the area . . . described Arab leaders as relatively flexible on crucial points of an eventual agreement in the area, including the right of Israel to exist. But most of the Senators described Israeli leaders as intransigent in their approach to an agreement.") The same view is prevalent within the Council on Foreign Relations and other institutions of what used to be called the foreign-policy establishment. It is also the view most often expressed or reflected nowadays in the national press, from the New York Times to Time, from Newsweek to the Washington Post. And it is the view of that increasingly vocal and increasingly visible fraction of the American Jewish community to whom support of Israel is conditional on Israel's good behavior as measured by the liberal pieties in fashion on any given day.
When one considers that the literal survival of Israel may very well ride on the issue, one is bound to be astonished and even flabbergasted at the thinness of the evidence which so many people have taken as proving that the Arabs are finally ready to accept the existence of a sovereign Jewish state in their midst and to desist from any future effort to wipe it out. The best that can be said for this evidence is that it is ambiguous and inconclusive. Sadat has made statements in English or French for Western consumption suggesting or hinting—never declaring unequivocally—that he is' now willing to live in some peaceful or at least non-belligerent arrangement with a sovereign Jewish state. Yet for every such statement, he has made another (or is it ten others?) in Arabic, and sometimes even in English or French, pledging never to settle for anything less than the "rights" of the Palestinians as defined in the PLO charter; and the PLO charter explicitly calls for the dissolution of Israel as a sovereign Jewish state and its replacement by a Palestinian Arab nation in which only those "Jews who had normally resided in Palestine until the beginning of the Zionist invasion" (no one is quite sure whether this means 1947 or 1881) would be permitted to remain as a tolerated religious minority.
As for the other so-called moderate Arab leaders, few have gone even as far as Sadat, and none has ever gone any further. Bourguiba of Tunisia has earned his reputation as a moderate through the authorship of a strategy designed to destroy Israel by stages, beginning with a political offensive which strongly resembles what has been occurring in the past few years and ending with a final assault against a reduced, weakened, and isolated Israel. Assad of Syria, only yesterday a partisan of the "rejection front," has gained his reputation as a convert to peaceful coexistence with Israel by whispering hints into the ears of a succession of American diplomats, politicians, and newspaper columnists who obligingly return and spread the word, adding that "naturally" he cannot be expected to say such things in the open; and Arafat has been transformed from a bloody terrorist into a moderate by means of the same technique. All public statements by these Arab leaders reasserting their commitment to the dissolution of Israel as a sovereign Jewish state are dismissed as "rhetoric" which every sophisticated observer knows better than to take seriously.
As against these hints and whispers there stands not only the continually reaffirmed commitment of all the Arab countries to the PLO and its declared aim of doing away with the state of Israel by the combined force of political pressure and arms. There also stands the evidence of the Zionism-racism resolution. Through this resolution the Arab countries, with not a single exception, unmistakably announced their conviction that a Jewish state in the Middle East, no matter where its boundaries might be drawn, was morally and legally unacceptable. Senators "visiting the area" might be told differently, but the rest of us—the rest of the world—were told that returning the Sinai to Egypt, the Golan Heights to Syria, and the West Bank to the Palestinians for a new state of their own ruled by the PLO would not make Israel any more legitimate or morally acceptable in the eyes of the Arab countries than holding on to these territories and refusing to negotiate with the PLO have done.
And why indeed should it? The Arabs did not begin to oppose Israel after the Sinai, the Golan Heights, and the West Bank were occupied or after the Arab refugees had been transmuted into a Palestinian nation in exile. They opposed Israel from the very start and made repeated attempts to destroy it. In the words of Walter Laqueur: "The basic issue in the Arab-Israeli conflict is not the border problem or a Palestinian state—the conflict existed before there were occupied territories and before there was a demand for a Palestinian state." The real issue, writes Elie Kedourie, is the right of the Jews, "hitherto a subject community under Islam, to exercise political sovereignty in an area regarded as part of the Muslim domain." Professor Kedourie asks why the Arabs, who have steadfastly refused to grant this right to the Jews, should suddenly relent just when Arab power and influence have so greatly increased. It is a good question, and one might phrase it in another way to sharpen the point still further: why should people who have dreamed of achieving an objective for so long without much hope of success give up on that objective just at the moment when success for the first time seems attainable?
In sum, the idea that it is the intransigence of the Israelis which has prevented a peaceful settlement in the Middle East is yet another stunning inversion of the truth. The only thing about which the Israelis have been intransigent is their right to live in peace as a sovereign Jewish state among their Muslim Arab neighbors. For this they have always been ready to make territorial and other concessions, and they still are. There is of course a small if strident minority of Israelis who wish at all costs to hold onto all the territories forever. But the polls and every other indication show that the great majority of Israelis are still willing to do whatever may be necessary to achieve a secure and lasting peace. Not only do they know that peace would be desirable in itself; they also understand that retaining territories in which so many Arabs live would in the long run pose a demographic threat to the Jewishness of Israel and (because of the repressive measures which the simple maintenance of order under such circumstances would require) a political threat to its democratic character as well. It is not, then, the Israelis who are the intransigent party in this conflict. The real intransigents in the Middle East are the Arabs who for twenty-eight years have been unwilling or unable to reconcile themselves to the presence of a sovereign Jewish state in their midst, and who on the evidence are no more willing today than they ever were before.
Whatever Kissinger or anyone else may intend, therefore, in abandoning the old policy of evenhandedness and embarking instead on a course of one-sided pressures on Israel, the United States is "negotiating over the survival of Israel." For if the change in American policy is dictated by the need to assure an uninterrupted flow of oil from the Middle East to the United States and the other advanced industrial nations, there are no grounds for believing that it can succeed on the diplomatic cheap. Given the intransigent determination of the Arabs to do away with a sovereign Jewish state in their midst, and given their belated discovery that the oil weapon is so potent an instrument for accomplishing this purpose, why would they stop using it after the first victory (the return of Israel to the 1967 boundaries) or even the second (the establishment of a Palestinian state on the West Bank) were won? With Israel reduced and weakened, the way would be open for a military coup de grâce. Even if Israel's existence were guaranteed by the United States or some combination of countries, the Arabs would have no great cause for concern. After all, if the United States and the other Western nations are so afraid of an oil embargo now, and so reluctant to use force against the threat or even the actuality of one, why would they be any the less fearful then?
The logic is as inexorable as it is terrible: a Middle East policy based on oil is a policy based on the eventual abandonment of Israel. To make matters almost morbidly ironic, if such a policy is also supposed to pay off in the coinage of a victory over the Soviet Union in the competition for influence in the Arab world, the indications are that it will fail. Already the much-trumpeted triumph of the new "evenhandedness" in leading to a break between Sadat and Brezhnev more and more begins to seem rather less conclusive than advertised, as the facts become known concerning the uninterrupted flow of arms from Moscow to Cairo after the putative break was announced.2 Even Jordan, traditionally the most pro-American of the Arab countries, is now making moves in the direction of Moscow for the purchase of arms which, the Jordanians say, they can get from the Soviet Union at a lower price.
But if, conversely, the purpose of the new policy is to prepare the way for a "guaranteed" settlement and an "honorable" American withdrawal from the Middle East in order to preclude the danger of future confrontations with Soviet power, the ultimate abandonment of Israel is just as inexorably indicated. For why, having gone to such lengths to minimize the risk of clashing with an adversary of greater determination in the use of force than we are now evidently able to mount, would we suddenly decide to rush back into the breach again? Paper guarantees, as the South Vietnamese are only the most recent people to have learned, are a very weak reed indeed for weakened nations to lean upon.
Nor would a joint Soviet-American guarantee be any better for Israel. Even if it could be negotiated, which is highly doubtful, it would not eliminate either the problem of Israel's security against an Arab attack or the problem of a possible confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union in case an attack were to occur. Such a guarantee, as Draper points out, "would give the Soviet Union a veto power or at least a potentially fatal power of obstruction; the United States would be faced with the alternative of negotiating with the Soviet Union or hurriedly breaking with it on the operation of the guarantee." In the former eventuality, the guarantee would for all practical purposes be nullified; in the latter, the danger of confrontation between the two superpowers would once again arise.
Vietnam, however, is not the only ghost hovering over the idea of a Middle East settlement guaranteed by the United States or some combination of outside powers. The ghost of Munich is also there. Less than a year after a treaty was negotiated at Munich under which the Czechs agreed to "return" the Sudeten regions to Germany and were promised in exchange that Britain and France would come to their aid in the event of an armed attack, Hitler sent his armies across the new boundaries of Czechoslovakia; at that point the British and the French found reasons not to honor their commitment and Czechoslovakia was overrun. Munich has accordingly become the preeminent symbol of exactly the kind of "extraordinary cynicism" Henry Kissinger had in mind when ruling out the possibility of "negotiations over the survival of Israel"—the kind of act, he said, through which the world is "morally mortgaged."
Yet one of the many lessons Munich teaches is that even nations, perhaps the most amoral of human creations, are reluctant to mortgage themselves morally, and will consequently act with extraordinary cynicism only when they can persuade themselves and others that what they are doing is in truth morally justified. Thus in the months leading up to the Munich agreement, the papers in Britain and France were full of articles badgering the Czechs. Their country was criticized for mistreating the German minority in the Sudeten regions, for being an artificial creation, and for posing a danger to world peace: a combination of charges which simultaneously justified forcing the Czechs first to give up the Sudeten territories and then, a bit later, acquiescing in the dissolution of what was after all a "a misbegotten state."
These criticisms of Czechoslovakia bear, as Walter Laqueur has pointed out, "an uncanny resemblance" to the criticisms which have been leveled at Israel in the past few years. As Czechoslovakia, a democratic country, was accused of mistreating the German minority in the Sudeten regions, so Israel, also a democratic country, is accused of mistreating the Arab minority within Israel itself and also, of course, in the occupied territories. As the creation of the Czechoslovak state after World War I was called a mistake by Hitler and Neville Chamberlain, so the creation of the Jewish state after World War II is called a crime by contemporary totalitarians and their appeasers. The insistence by the Czechs that surrendering the Sudeten regions to Hitler would leave Czechoslovakia hopelessly vulnerable to military assault was derided, especially on the Left, as a short-sighted reliance on the false security of territory and arms; so a similar insistence by the Israelis with regard to the occupied territories is treated today with lofty disdain by contemporary descendants of these believers in the irrelevance to a nation's security of territorial buffers and arms. And as the effort of the Czechs to hold out against Hitler's demands for a surrender of the Sudeten regions was called a threat to the policy of "conciliation between the totalitarian states and the democratic states," and therefore a threat to world peace, so Israel's "intransigence" over the occupied territories and the program of the PLO is said to be leading to a new Arab-Israeli war which will in turn lead to another oil embargo, a disruption of the policy of détente between the United States and the Soviet Union, and even a nuclear war.
What this "uncanny resemblance" between the attacks on Israel today and the attacks on Czechoslovakia in 1938 seems to suggest is that the Western powers may indeed be preparing to act with the same "extraordinary cynicism" in the Middle East as they did in Central Europe nearly forty years ago. And what it also suggests is that they mean to do so while pretending to themselves and others that they will not thereby be "morally mortgaged" but on the contrary morally justified.
Just as Israel is not Vietnam, however, Israel is not Czechoslovakia. Israel might well be forced into a Paris-type or a Munich-type agreement, but unlike the South Vietnamese in 1975 and unlike the Czechs in 1938, the Israelis would not thereafter allow themselves to be overrun. The lsraelis would fight. They would fight with conventional weapons for as long as they could, and if the tide were turning decisively against them, and it help in the form of re-supply from the United States or any other guarantors were not forthcoming, it is safe to predict that they would fight with nuclear weapons in the end. No one doubts any longer that they have such weapons, and no one can doubt that they would unleash them in the final extremity. It used to be said that the Israelis had a Masada complex—that, like the Jewish Zealots of the 1st century whose mountain fortress in the Judean desert was about to be stormed by an irresistible force of Roman legionnaires, the Jews of Israel today would commit suicide rather than submit to subjugation by their enemies. But if the Israelis are to be understood in terms of a "complex" involving suicide rather than surrender and rooted in a relevant precedent of Jewish history, the example of Samson, whose suicide brought about the destruction of his enemies, would be more appropriate than Masada, where in committing suicide the Zealots killed only themselves and took no Romans with them.
It follows that the new American policy in the Middle East is not only immoral and ineffective but mortally dangerous as well. For the specter so often invoked of a nuclear war breaking out in the Middle East because of the "intransigence" of the Israelis is yet one more stunning inversion of the truth concerning the Arab-Israeli conflict. The real danger of nuclear war lies in the opposite direction. It lies in the ideas which have been placing the Israelis under such intolerable moral pressures in the past three years, blaming them and hectoring them, putting them in the dock and on the defensive, magnifying their every fault and discounting their every virtue; and it lies in the policies which are calculated to strengthen the hands of their enemies while isolating and weakening and finally forcing the Israelis into a desperate corner where only the memory of Samson will serve.
If a nuclear war should ever erupt in the Middle East then, be it on the head of all those in the United State and elsewhere—inside government and out, in the foundations and in the universities, in the councils and in the press—who under cover of self-deceptions and euphemisms and outright lies are "negotiating over the survival of Israel" instead of making the survival of that brave and besieged and beleaguered country, the only democracy in the Middle East and one of the few left anywhere on the face of the earth the primary aim of their policies and the primary wish of their hearts.
1 The contrast between these earlier votes and the one in the General Assembly obviously disposes of the often-repeated charge that Moynihan's tactics "made things worse" for Israel. The truth is mat as a result of those tactics, opposition to the resolution grew as it passed through the parliamentary process on its way to final approval. In the Third Committee, where it was first introduced, the opposing vote (negatives plus abstentions) was 56; in the next stage (a vote to post pone), opposition increased to 61; and in the vote in the General Assembly itself, it rose to 67.
2 See Uri Ra'anan's "The Soviet-Egyptian 'Rift,'" in last month's COMMENTARY for a detailed accounting of these facts.


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Extension of Weighted Sum of Gray Gas Data to Mathematical Simulation of Radiative Heat Transfer in a Boiler with Gas-Soot Media
In this study an expression for soot absorption coefficient is introduced to extend the weighted-sum-of-gray gases data to the furnace medium containing gas-soot mixture in a utility boiler 150 MWe. Heat transfer and temperature distribution of walls and within the furnace space are predicted by zone method technique. Analyses have been done considering both cases of presence and absence of soot particles at 100% load. To validate the proposed soot absorption coefficient, the expression is coupled with the Taylor and Foster's data as well as Truelove's data for CO2-H2O mixture and the total emissivities are calculated and compared with the Truelove's parameters for 3-term and 4-term gray gases plus two soot absorption coefficients. In addition, some experiments were conducted at 100% and 75% loads to measure furnace exit gas temperature as well as the rate of steam production. The predicted results show good agreement with the measured data at the power plant site.
1. Introduction
One of the most important modes of heat transfer in a boiler furnace of a large power plant is radiation. Thus determination of the radiative properties of combustion products is vital to predict the temperature and heat flux distribution. The main products of combustion in an enclosure contain carbon dioxide and water vapor [1]. Some studies have been done on modeling of gas mixture in furnaces. Different models for calculation of the radiative properties of real gases have been proposed by researchers such as statistical narrow band (SNB), the full-spectrum correlated-k (FSCK) distribution, and the weighted-sum-of-gray gases (WSGG) [2–6]. Among these models, the last one is more reasonable in engineering calculations in view of the accuracy and computing time. The WSGG model was developed by Hottel and Sarofim [1]. Modest [7] stated that this model can be applied for any solution methods for the transport equation. Based on WSGG concept, Taylor and Foster [8] utilized a "three gray plus one clear gas" model. A three-term mixed gray gas model with third order polynomial for weighting factors was employed by Smith et al. [9]. Soufiani and Djavdan [10] proposed a five-order polynomial for gas combustion, where . After that a lot of efforts were given to model the radiative properties from semitransparent media containing a mixture of nongray gases and soot [11, 12] which was applied for analyzing the radiative heat transfer inside the furnace [13]. Among the different methods of modeling the combusting environments such as inverse methodologies, hybrid method, discrete-ordinates method, and finite volume method [14–17], the zone method is more practical and many attempts on radiative heat transfer analysis were conducted based on this method [18–20]. Zone method was originally developed by Hottel and Cohen [21] for an absorbing, emitting, nonscattering gray gas with constant absorption coefficient. Later Hottel and Sarofim [1] extended it to deal with three-dimensional problems. Also Larsen and Howell [22] presented a method for calculations related to the direct exchange areas in zonal analysis based on last-squares smoothing. Tucker [23] conducted a numerical integration and suggested an exponential expression for exchange areas which covers a range of optical thickness from 0 to 18. Lawson [24] proposed an improved method for smoothing approximate exchange areas. To achieve the total exchange areas, Noble [25] presented the explicit matrix relations. Batu and Selçuk [26] analyzed the radiative heat transfer in the freeboard of a fluidized bed combustor by using the zone method. Bordbar and Hyppanen [27] employed the zone method for predicting temperature and heat flux on the water walls of a steam boiler furnace. Recently, Méchi and coworkers [19] proposed a radiative model to extend the zonal method to semitransparent inhomogeneous composed of nongray gas and soot. Also Moghari et al. [18] used the zone method to predict thermal radiation behavior in the D-type water-cooled steam boiler furnace. Crnomarkovic et al. [28] used the simple gray gas (SGG) and WSGG to model the radiative properties of the two-phase mixture composed of gas and particles inside the lignite fired furnace.
In this study a new expression for soot absorption coefficient has been presented depending on temperature which could be coupled with nonluminous flame data containing several gray gases and one clear gas. The results are based on the suggested soot absorption coefficient coupled with the data generated by Taylor and Foster. The validity of the calculated soot absorption coefficient is confirmed by comparison with the obtained total emissivities and the calculated values from Truelove's models. In addition, for reconfirmation of the results, the soot expression is utilized in the zone method to model the furnace of a utility boiler 150 MWe. The temperature and heat flux distributions are discussed for 2 cases (with and without soot particles) at 100% load. Furthermore the furnace exit gas temperature and amount of steam production by considering the effect of soot for the loads of 100%; 75% are presented and compared with the captured data from the site.
2. Mathematical Model
2.1. The Weighted Sum of Gray Gas
The weighted-sum-of-gray gases (WSGG) is one of the accurate techniques for modeling the radiative behavior of combustion gases. The total emissivity of real gas can be represented mathematically by a mixture of gray gases [1]: where, , and represent the absorption coefficient for the th gray gas, sum of the partial pressure of all radiating gases in the mixture, and effective path length, respectively, andis weighting factors [5, 9, 10, 12] of various commonly used correlations for the mixture of combustion products which have been reported by Taylor and Foster [8], Smith et al. [9], and Soufiani and Djavdan [10].
In fact WSGG is an appropriate tool which could be applied in the modeling of media containing CO2, H2O, and soot and, in this subject, some approaches have been developed to consider the effect of soot particles [12, 29].
Based on the suggestion of Truelove [12] for the gas-soot mixture, the two absorption coefficients (gas mixture and soot) are contributed in the calculations. The expressions for emissivity of the combustion product-soot mixturecan be presented by: where is the soot concentration.
In order to determine the soot absorption coefficient, a relationship from the wavelength dependence of derived from experimental investigations is [30] as follows: where and .
By integrating over wavelength we have Introducinginto above equation, the soot absorption coefficient becomes where = 3.742 × 10 W·μm4/m2 and = 1.4388 × 104 μm·K are the first and second Planck function constants, respectively, = 5.669 × 108 W m−2 K−4 is Stephane-Boltzman constant, is Gamma function, and is Rieman zeta function. The above temperature dependence as determined from (5) is expressed by following the simple polynomial equation: where is the temperature of the radiation source in Kelvin.
2.2. Zonal Method
In zone method the enclosure is subdivided into surfaces and volumes zones which could be assumed isothermal [31]. Then by using the gas flow and combustion pattern, the mass flow rate from/to each volume zone, generated heat by combustion and convection coefficients are obtained. A steady state energy balance is considered for each zone and then a set of simultaneous equations based on the temperatures and heat fluxes are produced. By solving these equations, the temperature and heat flux distributions are obtained.
Calculation of the Direct Exchange Areas and Total Exchange Areas. For finding the radiative heat transfer between two zones, the first step is to calculate the direct exchange areas (DEA) and then the total exchange areas (TEA). There are three types of DEAs: surface-surface, volume-surface, and volume-volume. For instant, the volume-surface direct exchange area as illustrated in Figure 1 can be determined as follows:
The DEAs obey the reciprocity definitions where and . Direct numerical integration can be applied to calculate the respective areas.
For the gray gas the total flux between two zones and must be proportional to and the proportionality constant, called the total exchange area, is indicated by [1]. All of these terms are calculated by using the methods that have been reported by Hottel and Sarofim [1] and Modest [7].
Direct Flux Areas. The radiant energy between any two zones is proportional to the a-weighted summation of the total exchange areas for each gas. For example, the net flux between zones and is given by [1]: whereandare replacing the terms in the brackets. These are called directed-flux areas [1, 29]. Similarly expression for surface-surface transfer is And for gas-gas transfer it is expressed by
Total Energy Balance. For a volume zone , the total energy balance can be stated by whereand are the number of volume and surface zones, respectively. is the number of gases in the model, is the convection heat transfer to all surfaces in contact with the volume zone, andis the total sensible heat presented by whereis the mass flow rate of gas entering the zone from a neighboring zone , andis representing the total mass flow rate of gas leaving the zone . Also is heat released due to combustion plus the heat content in the combustion air, so this term can be expressed [27]:
On the other hand for a surface zone , the total energy balance could be represented by where is heat transfer rate to water walls.
Finally, the energy balance for the total number of volume and surface zones generates a series of nonlinear algebraic equations. These equations should be solved by the iterative techniques in order to achieve the temperature distribution in zones. In this study, the surfaces have been assumed gray and the combustion is complete in the zones in front of burners.
3. Experimental Facility
The experimental data were obtained from the furnace of a 150 MWe utility boiler. Schematic of boiler is shown in Figure 2. The dimensions of the boiler furnace arewhich is equipped with 9 natural gas fired burners in three rows of three. They are located at the left side wall of the furnace chamber. The operating conditions of the boiler and fuel characteristics are mentioned in Table 1. The experiments were conducted to measure the furnace exit gas temperature by a thermocouple with reasonable accuracy (0.05% of reading) located adequately far from the last raw of burners at the furnace outlet at 100% and 75% loads.
4. Results and Discussion
The soot absorption coefficient suggested in (6) can be coupled with available models for nonluminous flam with gray gases and one clear gas to obtain the total emissivities of gas-soot mixture and to be applied in the zone method.
Validation of Presented Soot Absorption Coefficient with Truelove's Model. The total emissivities of gas-soot mixture are obtained by coupling the calculated by using (6) and Taylor's data. The evaluated total emissivities at the different temperatures with soot concentration of 0.0001 Kg/m3 for gas combustion are well compared against benchmark data which are "three-gray gas plus two-soot" and "four-gray gas plus two-soot" models suggested by Truelove (Figure 3). Also to show the suitability of using the present expression in other models, the suggestedis coupled with Truelove's models without soot which are three-term (two-gray plus one clear) and four-term (three-gray plus one clear) gas models and the results are presented in Figure 3 as well.
Table 2 presents the discrepancies between the computed total emissivities by using the coupled models and benchmarks.
Figure 4 demonstrates the comparison between the calculated gas-soot mixture total emissivity and benchmark data. The total emissivities are plotted versus path length on a logarithmic axis with two different soot concentrations (0.0001 Kg/m3 and 0.005 Kg/m3) for gas, at 800, 1600, and 2400°K.
It is seen that the obtained results coincide with the benchmarks; deviations are acceptable specially in comparison of two cases of models: (i) present model coupled with Taylor's data and (ii) present model coupled with 3-term Truelove's data with the Truelove's model (three-gray gas plus 2-soot). The errors are not greater than 4.8 percent at > 0.1 m for the first case and 2 percent at all path lengths for second case for small soot concentration (0.0001 Kg/m3) at 1600°K.
Application in the Zone Method. The proposed soot absorption coefficient coupled with Taylor's data is used for radiative heat transfer analysis inside the boiler furnace. The emissivity of tube wall is considered 0.8. The zones of furnace are obtained by dividing the height ( direction) into five equal sections, the length ( direction) into 2 equal sections, and the width ( direction) into 2 equal sections; thus the furnace has been divided into 46 surface and 18 volume zones, as shown in Figure 5.
The results are based on the effects of existence and absence of soot particles. Tables 3 and 4 show the temperature distribution on height direction of front wall at 100% load for case 1 (excluding soot particles) and case 2 (including soot particles). It is noticeable that in the results of case 2, the value is fixed at an average of zones temperature which is obtained from results by excluding soot particles. The amount of excess air is 5% and soot concentration is 0.00005 Kg/m3.
The heat flux distribution along walls (front wall, right side wall, and left side wall) for both cases with soot and without soot is shown in Figure 6. It is observed that existence of soot raised considerably the heat flux on the wall. Similar result was reported in the literature [19, 32–34]. In fact the existence of soot enhances the radiative intensity because of continuum radiation in the visible and infrared regions of the wavelength spectrum [35] and in this situation the radiative transfer is conducted towards the wall and as a result of this, temperature of the medium has reduced.
To confirm the obtained results and validate the applied mathematical model, Tables 5 and 6 present a comparison between the calculated data and measured practical data. Available results of measurements are furnace exit gas temperature and rate of steam production at 100% and 75% loads.
The table shows that there is a good agreement between the present results and the experimental data.
5. Conclusions
A new soot absorption coefficient proposed in this paper has been assessed though coupling with WSGG parameters suggested by Taylor. It has been utilized for modeling the radiation heat transfer in a utility boiler 150 MWe. The total emissivities are calculated and compared with the Truelove's parameters for 3-term and 4-term gray gases plus two-soot absorption coefficients. In addition, some experiments were conducted at 100% and 75% loads to measure furnace exit gas temperature as well as the rate of steam production and the following results are obtained.(1)The soot absorption coefficient model is compatible with WSGG models containing gray gases and one clear gas.(2)The existence of soot particles leads to a decrease in gas temperature and an increase in wall heat flux.(3)The exhaust gas temperature and steam production could be estimated with reasonable accuracy at different loads.
|Surface area (m2)
|Weighting factor
|Mass concentration (Kg/m3)
|First Planck function constant (W μm4/m2)
|Second Planck function constant (μm K)
|Specific heat capacity at constant pressure (kJ/kg K)
|Black body emissive power (W/m2)
|Direct exchange area, total exchange area, and flux exchange area for volume to volume , (m2)
|Direct exchange area, total exchange area, and flux exchange area for volume to surface , (m2)
|Extinction coefficient of the medium (m−1)
|Soot absorption coefficient (m2/Kg)
|Effective path length (m)
|Number of gases
|Partial pressure of gas (atm)
|Heat transfer rate (W)
|Distance between two zones (m)
|Stoichiometric air/fuel volume ratio
|Direct exchange area, total exchange area, and flux exchange area for surface to surface , (m2)
|Temperature (K)
|Volume (m3)
|Percentage excess air level.
|Gas absorptivity
|Gas emissivity
|Emissivity of gas-soot mixture
|Angle between the beam joining the center points of two zones and the normal to one of the two zones (Rad)
|Gamma function
|Rieman zeta function
|Stephane Boltzman constant (W/m2 K4)
|Density (Kg/m3).
|Surface or volume zone
|Number of volume
|Number of surface
|th gray gas
|Surface or soot.
Conflict of Interests
The authors declare that there is no conflict of interests regarding the publication of this paper.
The authors gratefully acknowledge High Impact Research Grant UM.C/HIR/MOHE/ENG/45 and UMRG Grant RP012D-13AET, University of Malaya, Malaysia, for support to conduct this research work. The authors are also grateful to the persons in charge in power plant site for their technical support during the experiments.
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subset: commoncrawl


text:
Working with charts¶
python-pptx supports adding charts and modifying existing ones. Most chart types other than 3D types are supported.
Adding a chart¶
The following code adds a single-series column chart in a new presentation:
from pptx import Presentation
from pptx.chart.data import CategoryChartData
from pptx.enum.chart import XL_CHART_TYPE
from pptx.util import Inches
# create presentation with 1 slide ------
prs = Presentation()
slide = prs.slides.add_slide(prs.slide_layouts[5])
# define chart data ---------------------
chart_data = CategoryChartData()
chart_data.categories = ['East', 'West', 'Midwest']
chart_data.add_series('Series 1', (19.2, 21.4, 16.7))
# add chart to slide --------------------
x, y, cx, cy = Inches(2), Inches(2), Inches(6), Inches(4.5)
XL_CHART_TYPE.COLUMN_CLUSTERED, x, y, cx, cy, chart_data
Customizing things a bit¶
The remaining code will leave out code we've already seen and only show imports, for example, when they're used for the first time, just to keep the focus on the new bits. Let's create a multi-series chart to use for these examples:
chart_data = ChartData()
chart_data.categories = ['East', 'West', 'Midwest']
chart_data.add_series('Q1 Sales', (19.2, 21.4, 16.7))
chart_data.add_series('Q2 Sales', (22.3, 28.6, 15.2))
chart_data.add_series('Q3 Sales', (20.4, 26.3, 14.2))
graphic_frame = slide.shapes.add_chart(
XL_CHART_TYPE.COLUMN_CLUSTERED, x, y, cx, cy, chart_data
chart = graphic_frame.chart
Notice that we captured the shape reference returned by the
add_chart() call as
graphic_frame and then extracted
the chart object from the graphic frame using its
chart property. We'll need the chart reference to get
to the properties we'll need in the next steps. The
add_chart() method doesn't directly return the chart
object. That's because a chart is not itself a shape. Rather it's a graphical
(DrawingML) object contained in the graphic frame shape. Tables work this
way too, also being contained in a graphic frame shape.
XY and Bubble charts¶
The charts so far use a discrete set of values for the independent variable (the X axis, roughly speaking). These are perfect when your values fall into a well-defined set of categories. However, there are many cases, particularly in science and engineering, where the independent variable is a continuous value, such as temperature or frequency. These are supported in PowerPoint by XY (aka. scatter) charts. A bubble chart is essentially an XY chart where the marker size is used to reflect an additional value, effectively adding a third dimension to the chart.
Because the independent variable is continuous, in general, the series do not
all share the same X values. This requires a somewhat different data
structure and that is provided for by distinct
XyChartData and
BubbleChartData objects used to specify the data behind charts of these
chart_data = XyChartData()
series_1 = chart_data.add_series('Model 1')
series_1.add_data_point(0.7, 2.7)
series_1.add_data_point(1.8, 3.2)
series_1.add_data_point(2.6, 0.8)
series_2 = chart_data.add_series('Model 2')
series_2.add_data_point(1.3, 3.7)
series_2.add_data_point(2.7, 2.3)
series_2.add_data_point(1.6, 1.8)
chart = slide.shapes.add_chart(
XL_CHART_TYPE.XY_SCATTER, x, y, cx, cy, chart_data
Creation of a bubble chart is very similar, having an additional value for each data point that specifies the bubble size:
chart_data = BubbleChartData()
series_1 = chart_data.add_series('Series 1')
series_1.add_data_point(0.7, 2.7, 10)
series_1.add_data_point(1.8, 3.2, 4)
series_1.add_data_point(2.6, 0.8, 8)
chart = slide.shapes.add_chart(
XL_CHART_TYPE.BUBBLE, x, y, cx, cy, chart_data
Let's change up the category and value axes a bit:
from pptx.enum.chart import XL_TICK_MARK
from pptx.util import Pt
category_axis = chart.category_axis
category_axis.has_major_gridlines = True
category_axis.minor_tick_mark = XL_TICK_MARK.OUTSIDE
category_axis.tick_labels.font.italic = True
category_axis.tick_labels.font.size = Pt(24)
value_axis = chart.value_axis
value_axis.maximum_scale = 50.0
value_axis.minor_tick_mark = XL_TICK_MARK.OUTSIDE
value_axis.has_minor_gridlines = True
tick_labels = value_axis.tick_labels
tick_labels.number_format = '0"%"'
tick_labels.font.bold = True
tick_labels.font.size = Pt(14)
Okay, that was probably going a bit too far. But it gives us an idea of the kinds of things we can do with the value and category axes. Let's undo this part and go back to the version we had before.
Data Labels¶
Let's add some data labels so we can see exactly what the value for each bar is:
from pptx.dml.color import RGBColor
from pptx.enum.chart import XL_LABEL_POSITION
plot = chart.plots[0]
plot.has_data_labels = True
data_labels = plot.data_labels
data_labels.font.size = Pt(13)
data_labels.font.color.rgb = RGBColor(0x0A, 0x42, 0x80)
data_labels.position = XL_LABEL_POSITION.INSIDE_END
Here we needed to access a Plot object to gain access to the data labels. A plot is like a sub-chart, containing one or more series and drawn as a particular chart type, like column or line. This distinction is needed for charts that combine more than one type, like a line chart appearing on top of a column chart. A chart like this would have two plot objects, one for the series appearing as columns and the other for the lines. Most charts only have a single plot and python-pptx doesn't yet support creating multi-plot charts, but you can access multiple plots on a chart that already has them.
In the Microsoft API, the name ChartGroup is used for this object. I found that term confusing for a long time while I was learning about MS Office charts so I chose the name Plot for that object in python-pptx.
A legend is often useful to have on a chart, to give a name to each series and help a reader tell which one is which:
from pptx.enum.chart import XL_LEGEND_POSITION
chart.has_legend = True
chart.legend.position = XL_LEGEND_POSITION.RIGHT
chart.legend.include_in_layout = False
Nice! Okay, let's try some other chart types.
Line Chart¶
A line chart is added pretty much the same way as a bar or column chart, the
main difference being the chart type provided in the
add_chart() call:
chart_data = ChartData()
chart_data.categories = ['Q1 Sales', 'Q2 Sales', 'Q3 Sales']
chart_data.add_series('West', (32.2, 28.4, 34.7))
chart_data.add_series('East', (24.3, 30.6, 20.2))
chart_data.add_series('Midwest', (20.4, 18.3, 26.2))
x, y, cx, cy = Inches(2), Inches(2), Inches(6), Inches(4.5)
chart = slide.shapes.add_chart(
XL_CHART_TYPE.LINE, x, y, cx, cy, chart_data
chart.has_legend = True
chart.legend.include_in_layout = False
chart.series[0].smooth = True
I switched the categories and series data here to better suit a line chart. You can see the line for the "West" region is smoothed into a curve while the other two have their points connected with straight line segments.
Pie Chart¶
A pie chart is a little special in that it only ever has a single series and doesn't have any axes:
chart_data = ChartData()
chart_data.categories = ['West', 'East', 'North', 'South', 'Other']
chart_data.add_series('Series 1', (0.135, 0.324, 0.180, 0.235, 0.126))
chart = slide.shapes.add_chart(
XL_CHART_TYPE.PIE, x, y, cx, cy, chart_data
chart.has_legend = True
chart.legend.position = XL_LEGEND_POSITION.BOTTOM
chart.legend.include_in_layout = False
chart.plots[0].has_data_labels = True
data_labels = chart.plots[0].data_labels
data_labels.number_format = '0%'
data_labels.position = XL_LABEL_POSITION.OUTSIDE_END
Odds & Ends¶
This should be enough to get you started with adding charts to your presentation with python-pptx. There are more details in the API documentation for charts here: Charts
About colors¶
By default, the colors assigned to each series in a chart are the theme colors Accent 1 through Accent 6, in that order. If you have more than six series, darker and lighter versions of those same colors are used. While it's possible to assign specific colors to data points (bar, line, pie segment, etc.) for at least some chart types, the best strategy to start with is changing the theme colors in your starting "template" presentation.


text:
Openet Telecom Secures IPDR Version 3.0 Certification
June 18, 2002 - Openet
Dublin, 18th June 2002, Openet Telecom, a world leader in convergent mediation, today announced that its product FusionWorks™ Mediation, has been certified on the recently released version 3.0 of the IPDR standard and is currently one of the few IPDR-member companies to be certified to this standard.
- supports multiple evolving services such as voice over IP, wireless applications, streaming media, etc.
- offers both high-volume binary and easy XML encodings
- future-proofed with schema-contract definition and self-describing records.
About Openet


text:
Lo yacht veloce e sportivo GTM 90 è stato sviluppato non solo per intrattenere gli ospiti, ma anche per dare loro protezione con qualsiasi condizioni atmosferiche. Il ponte di poppa principale e il sun deck offrono ampio spazio per rilassarsi all'aria aperta, e il beach club, la spa, la sala da pranzo e la cucina open style con bar, possono essere aperti con paratie abbattibili per godersi la fresca brezza marina. Lo stile esterno unico ed esclusivo ricorda le linee delle attuali supercar, e uno scafo a spigolo super efficiente permette una velocità massima di oltre 30 nodi con un'autonomia di 750 nm a 12 nodi.
La prima edizione del GTM 90 è stata sviluppata in collaborazione con l'esclusivo tuner di auto Klassen, con decor interno che rispecchia il design degli esclusivi van realizzati da Klassen: diversi tipi di pelle, pannelli in legno pregiato ed eleganti luci di cortesia a LED. Klassen sarà anche responsabile di molti elementi esterni, incluse parti in pelle, cuciture e altre dettagli unici ispirati al design automobilistico.
Hard chine hull shapeDevised by leading Dutch naval architects, the GTM 90 unique hull features a round-bilge shape for remarkably low resistance and low fuel consumption while still being capable of high speeds. The design decreases vertical accelerations of the hull, which translates into a far more comfortable motion when sailing. The bow shape with a vertical stem maximizes the waterline length, enhancing performance even more. To keep spray levels low, an integrated spray rail deflects water hitting the bow area. Built entirely from marine grade aluminium, the GTM 90 hull guarantees unparalleled comfort and safe operation for more than 25 years
Robust full aluminium constructionCertified marine-grade 5083 aluminium and stronger 5383 Sealium, a lightweight alloy that weighs three times less than steel, is used for GTM 90 hull and superstructure. A lighter hull provides better performance, shallower draft, lower fuel consumption. Another benefit is that aluminium guarantees a stiff, robust and vibration-free vessel that is very comfortable and behaves well in a heavy swell or choppy seas. The strength-to-weight ratio of aluminium is equivalent to that of steel and there is much less risk of serious damage in case of a collision than with a fibreglass hull.
Curved Stabilizer FinsVector Fins stabilizers dramatically reduce roll as well as undesired yaw and sway motions caused by active fins. Their vertical concave shape creates a net force direction, both in cruising and at-anchor modes, so the work is more up-down instead of side-to-side. By changing the net force angle, this also increases the leverage arm around the boat's rolling point, further increasing the physical forces that work on the boat to reduce roll. This provides more efficient stabilization per fin size, which means that drag and power consumption are less than with other fins offering comparable roll reduction.
ENGINE ROOM COOLINGThe engine room cooling offers two main benefits: on the one hand it cools down the ER quicker on arrival in port or anchorage without having the blowers running full power for an hour; and on the other hand, it keeps the ER at a comfortable and steady temperature while at anchor to preserve electrical equipment. Overall, the benefit is reduced noise as there is no need to have the blowers running when the yacht is static, and the temperature cooling in the engine room makes it a more comfortable environment to work in. A long-term benefit is that it extends the longevity of all the equipment and especially the electronic parts.
Bentley Home exclusive furniture collectionFeel the way you drive, with a new range of handmade furniture inspired by the techniques, materials and finishes that characterise Bentley's renowned car interiors. Browse through a selection of loose furnishings and accessories from cult brand Bentley Home and lamps from Tom Dixon and Flos. Marbles, fabrics, leathers and accessories can be customised by the client with Bentley Home designers to ensure individual selections. Hand-tufted carpets in pure silk, bamboo and finest New Zealand virgin wool are supplied by OT (Germany), a world leader in the manufacturing and laying of exclusive hand-made carpets.
High-end audio by Bowers & WilkinsDynamiq has partnered with iconic British sound maker Bowers & Wilkins to deliver pristine sound to its discerning customers. All luxury spaces and each guest cabin will be carefully analysed and studied by experts to ensure the ideal positioning of the speaker systems to have the best possible sound expertise on board.
Wheelhouse by KlassenDynamiq and German VIP car outfitter Klassen carefully developed the "Wheelhouse by Klassen" option. The GTM 90 wheelhouse will be designed for yacht owners and captains who appreciate the quality and style of Klassen VIP shuttles with the same sporty trim and high end finishes as you have in Klassen cars.
XIR glassThe GTM 90 features next-generation laminated XIR glass that allows maximum light transmission, while keeping solar heat gain at bay. Harmful UV rays are almost completely blocked, and heat transmission reduced by 60%. The result is an interior that offers the wide panoramas of large windows without the penalty of heat build-up. This means significantly reduced air-conditioning loads and therefore lower running costs. The glass manufacturer is Isoclima, an Italian high-tech company that also supplies glass for luxury automobiles such as Bentley, McLaren, Mercedes and BMW.
MAIN Dimensions
Interior headroom (max)
- Main deck
- 2.3 meters / 7'6''
- Lower deck
- 2.07 meters / 6'9''
- Length overall
- 27.5 m / 90'
- Beam overall
- 6.7 m / 21'11"
- Draft
- 1.75 m / 5'9"
- Tonnage
- Material
- Full aluminium, 5083
- Hull type
- Hard chine
- Main engines
- 3x Volvo Penta D13 IPS 1350, 735 kW
- Generators
- 2x 28 kW, Kohler
- Stabilisers
- 2x Side Power curved fins,
Humphree interceptors + Seakeeper 26 (option)
- Max speed
- 30 knots
- Cruising speed
- 17 knots
- Range
- 750 nm @ 12 knots
450 nm @ 20 knots
- Fuel
- 9,400 l / 2,480 US gallons
- Fresh water
- 2,050 l / 541 US gallons
- Grey & black water
- 1,250 l / 330 US gallons
- Guests
- 8 (+1) in 4 cabins
- Crew
- 4 in 2 cabins
- Tender
- Williams 445 (4.5 m / 14' 9'')
- Class
- ISO Class A, MCA MGN 280
- Exterior Design
- Dobroserdov Design
- Interior Design
- Giuseppina Arena / Dynamiq
- Build time
- 18 months


text:
Amenity Request Form
We look forward to welcoming you to Hotel Adeline. Please submit the form below a minimum of 10 business days in advance of your stay dates. Amenity requests are not guaranteed until a hotel staff member has confirmed payment. A 20% service charge will be added to all amenity requests. 24-hr notice required.
Items marked with (*) are required.


text:
Womanizer Liberty Clitoral Stimulator
Ladies, get ready for takeoff! The Womanizer Liberty Clitoral Stimulator guarantees pleasure in every place on the planet with it's petite travel-friendly size and six levels of stimulation. If you're looking for an amazing, new sex toy (who isn't?!) that can help you reach climax in a completely unique way, then you definitely need to try this product. The revolutionary design does not require penetration and provides touch-less stimulation to the clitoris through pulsating pleasure waves and a gentle sucking motion that feel surprisingly both gentle and powerful at the same time. Uh, yes! Fun for nipple play too.
You can easily switch between 6 levels of intensity using the simple buttons on the handle until you find the level that's right for you. There are two interchangeable suction heads made of soft, hygienic silicone to accomodate various sizes and comfort preferences.
The Liberty is quiet and offers an ergonomic design that is waterproof, for fun in & out of the water and easy cleanup.
Get ready to go from 0 to 60 in no time!
Pink Rose Color
• Touchless stimulation via unique Pleasure Air technology
• 6 levels of amazing intensity
• Waterproof
• Magnetic USB rechargeable lithium ion battery
• Charging cable is included
• Super-quiet
• Made of body-friendly silicone
• Easy to clean device
• Comes with two head sizes for comfort
• Manufacturer 2 Year Warranty


text:
Tea Party
14 comments:
oooh you lucky duck! tres fab- and pray tell more on this above the law website lady- I'll have to start doing updates on that as well!ReplyDelete
xo and kick some fanny this week
Very cute gift and I will hop over there right now to check it out! congrats:)ReplyDelete
Lucky Girl! What a great surprise!!ReplyDelete
Congrats on winning. Have you ever made a pink lilly? It's a great drink!ReplyDelete
Hey!!! Reading through your blog...love it!! Joined as a follower. You look great! Glad to see you are happy and doing well. Thanks for visiting my blog!!!ReplyDelete
Awesome goodies!! Congrats and enjoy :)ReplyDelete
Adorable!! So fun and summery!ReplyDelete
Congrats on the win! What great goodies to get. I will have to pick up a copy of Essentially Lilly and use some of the tips on my next soiree.ReplyDelete
Thanks for joining my blog as a follower. I have been stopping in on yours since we both won the award from the Luckiest Mrs.
OK here it isReplyDelete
2 cup white rum
1 cup seltzer water
1/2 cup grapefruit juice
1/2 cup pineapple juice
splash of grenadine
sprig of mint (in each cup)
I also like to use the sugar they rim the cups with for cosmo's--but not necessary. It is a great drink! So fun for any preppy party--but we've mostly been serving it at Social Climbers book signings.
Congratulations! I won this book from Kappa Prep's giveaway and it is awesome! I opened the package and read it cover to cover. You're going to love it!ReplyDelete
Congrats on winning the giveaway! You completely deserve it. I want to check the Lilly book for sure and those martini glasses are so cute!ReplyDelete
Congrats...love those Martini glasses! And I will be trying that drink as well!ReplyDelete
I LOVE Lilly, and I adore that cookbook! I read it just to read it sometimes, lol!ReplyDelete
How perfectly fun! Love them!ReplyDelete


text:
There's something about fall that makes orange food taste even better. Pumpkin-flavored goodies are offered at every coffee shop. Candy corn is calling from the shelves of every drug store. And butternut squash soups like this one from the new release The Karma Chow Ultimate Cookbook: 125+ Plant-Based Vegan Recipes for a Fit, Happy, Healthy You by Melissa Costello are simmering on many a stovetop. I was drawn to this particular recipe because Costello's soup gets it's velvety consistency and vibrant color from a trifecta of hearty orange veggies that are now in season: butternut squash, sweet potato, and carrots. Try it this weekend and let each bite warm you right down to your toes.
Dreamy Roasted Butternut Squash Soup
I love the fall because squash is in season, and butternut is one of my faves! This soup is so good you will want to eat the whole pot
—that's why I termed it "dreamy." Top with some lightly toasted pumpkin seeds right before serving for presentation, crunch, and a little extra calcium and magnesium.
6-8 servings
1 large butternut squash, roasted
(this can be done a day before serving)
2 tablespoons olive oil or coconut oil
1 large shallot, diced small
½ large yellow sweet onion, diced
1-inch piece fresh ginger, peeled and grated
1 large garnet yam or sweet potato, peeled and cubed
2 stalks celery, diced
5 carrots, peeled and chopped
½ teaspoon cumin powder
4 cups vegetable broth
2 tablespoons agave nectar or maple syrup
Sea salt and pepper, to taste
1 teaspoon cinnamon
¼ teaspoon nutmeg
Pinch of cloves
1½ cups unsweetened almond milk or coconut milk
Toasted pumpkin seeds (for garnish)
Heat the oven to 400 degrees F. Cut squash in half lengthwise. Line a baking dish or cookie sheet with parchment paper and lightly coat with cooking spray (olive oil or coconut). Place the squash cut side down on the baking dish or sheet and poke holes in it with a sharp knife or fork, then spray squash with cooking spray. Bake for about 45 minutes or until the squash can be easily pierced with a fork. Take out of the oven and let it cool.
Heat the oil in a large pot over medium heat. Add the shallot, onion, and ginger, and sauté for about 3 minutes until soft and translucent. Add the yam, celery, and carrots. Sauté for a few minutes and then add the cumin powder, stirring to incorporate. Add the broth. Cover the pot and bring to a boil. Turn down the heat and simmer until the vegetables are tender, about 20 minutes.
While the soup is cooking, remove the seeds from the squash and discard. Scoop out the flesh from the skin and add to the pot, stirring to incorporate the squash with the other vegetables. Add a bit more broth if necessary. Cook for about 5 more minutes, then remove from the heat and add the agave nectar, salt and pepper, cinnamon, nutmeg, cloves, and the almond milk. Puree the soup using a hand blender or in batches in a regular blender. Serve garnished with toasted pumpkin seeds.
*Did You Know? Maple syrup is chock-full of vitamins and minerals. Make sure to buy grade B, which is the most nutritious and least processed. It's a low-glycemic sweetener, so it won't spike your blood sugar as fast as some other sweeteners.
Per Serving: Calories 170, Total Fat 4.5g, Saturated Fat 0.5g, Cholesterol 0mg, Sodium 260mg, Carbohydrate 32g, Fiber 5g, Protein 3g
Recipe from The Karma Chow Ultimate Cookbook by Melissa Costello. (HCI; October 2012; $18.95/Paperback: ISBN-13: 978-0757316333). http://www.hcibooks.com/.
Photo: Nataliya Vaitkevich/ pexels


text:
Annex Printing And Mailing Services is a Printers business in Arvada, CO.
|Annex Printing And Mailing Services
|Business Address:
|5310 Ward Road # G07, Arvada, CO 80002
|Phone Number:
|No number given
|Contact Name:
|James Albany Full Name Report
|Business Category:
|NAICS Code:
|SIC Code:
|Business Type:
|B2B (Business to Business)
|Employee Count:
|1 to 4
|Location Type:
|Single Location
|Annual Revenue ($):
|$100.000 to $499.999
|Share This Business:
|Related Businesses:
Cortado Inc - Arvada, CO 80002
C Keith Fujisaki Pc - Arvada, CO 80002
Fedex Office Print & Ship Center - Arvada, CO 80002
Thin Print Ink - Arvada, CO 80002
Instant Signs & Printing - Arvada, CO 80002
The Printing Link Inc - Arvada, CO 80002
Digital Printing Partners - Arvada, CO 80002
Alpine Printing Inc - Arvada, CO 80002
Richard Paige Gn - Arvada, CO 80002
Print Team - Arvada, CO 80002
Ken's Reproductions - Arvada, CO 80002
Annex Printing And Mailing Services started in the year and is categorized under Printers. James Albany Full Name Report makes sure they only deliver high quality merchandise, superior than most of its competitors.
Manned by 1 to 4 and fast-growing equally competitive individuals, at a strategically located Single Location, Annex Printing And Mailing Services supplies full line of products that are carefully planned and manufactured before they reach its customers.
Their physical company can be found in 5310 Ward Road # G07, Arvada, CO 80002. You can also navigate using these coordinates - 39.793374,-105.137832. Annual sales are continuously strong at $100.000 to $499.999. Their service-oriented approach keeps them on top of their B2B market and sub-markets , and they remain up to date with current marketing trends.
Assigned SIC code is 2752, and NAICS code is 323111. You can visit the site at to check their full listing, ask support or refunds.
You can create your own account for better communication. Reliable sales personnel and maintenance support will be there to assist you. Any queries will also be handled by contacting No number given. Contact numbers are available during business hours.


text:
The Big Fun Second Grade Activity Book, Grade 2
- Brand: Highlights
Remember looking forward to getting your copy of Highlights when you were growing up? Now you can introduce your second grader to the joy and fun of learning while working through their own Highlights The Big Fun Second Grade Activity Book! With a fresh new approach to preparing children for success and confidence in 2nd grade, this activity book is made especially for your kids ages 6-8 years old.
- - Highlights The Big Fun Second Grade Activity Book
- - Build essential skills and confidence in children
- - Includes hands-on activities and simple teaching tips
- - Over 250 colorful pages full of creative puzzles and learning activities
- - Ideal workbook for home, daycares, grandparent's house, and more
- - Recommended for 2nd grade students ages 6-8 years old
Product Details
|Package Count
|1 Each
|Home Helpers
|Skills Review
|Content Language
|Binding Type
Item not available in Mardel Stores.
Check your local store for availability.
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