text:
No related resources
Lincoln's debates with Stephen Douglas in 1858 brought him nationwide attention. His reputation continued to grow as he spoke to audiences across the Midwest in 1859. He was now spoken of as a possible Republican candidate for president. Stephen Douglas, hoping to be the Democratic presidential candidate in 1860, continued to defend his doctrine of popular sovereignty in speeches around the country and in a widely read article in Harper's New Monthly Magazine in September 1859. John Brown's attack on the federal armory in Harper's Ferry, Virginia, in October 1859, part of a plot to foment a rebellion of slaves in the South, outraged slaveholders and their sympathizers. They linked the views of Republicans with those of abolitionists like Brown and claimed that Republican opposition to slavery was the cause of Brown's raid and a threat to the Union.
In the midst of this fraught political situation, New York Republicans invited Lincoln to give a speech in February 1860. Lincoln believed that if Douglas became president, slavery would spread throughout the nation. To keep slavery local and on the path of ultimate extinction, he had to beat Douglas. But to beat Douglas, he needed first to win the Republican nomination for president; and to do that he needed the support of eastern Republicans. The consequences of Lincoln's speech could not have been greater—for him and for the country.
Lincoln prepared for his speech with a thorough study of historical records. He presented the evidence he found with commanding clarity and precision, building a compelling case that the Founders intended the federal government to regulate slavery in the territories. Lincoln then defended the policy of the founding generation to limit the spread of slavery as still the best policy. Finally, he defended Republicans against the charge that they were a regional party, indistinguishable from abolitionists. Republicans, he said, stood for a principled moderation between the extremism of both slaveholders and abolitionists, and were thus best suited to lead the country through the coming political crisis. He concluded his speech with a warning about the intentions of Douglas and the Democrats and with a resounding call for Republicans to do their duty.
Lincoln's speech was a triumph and helped him secure the Republican nomination for president in 1860.
Source: "Republicans at Cooper Institute; Address by Hon. Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois. Remarks of Messrs. Wm. Cullen Bryant, Horace Greeley, Gen. Nye and J. A. Briggs. Speech of Wm. Cullen Bryant. Speech of Mr. Lincoln, New York Times, February 28, 1860, https://www.nytimes.com/1860/02/28/archives/republicans-at-cooper-institute-address-by-hon-abraham-lincoln-of.html.
The facts with which I shall deal this evening are mainly old and familiar; nor is there anything new in the general use I shall make of them. If there shall be any novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting the facts, and the inferences and observations following that presentation.
In his speech last autumn, at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in the New York Times, Senator Douglas said: "Our fathers, when they framed the government under which we live, understood this question just as well, and even better, than we do now."
I fully endorse this, and I adopt it as a text for this discourse. I so adopt it because it furnishes a precise and an agreed starting point for a discussion between Republicans and that wing of the Democracy[1] headed by Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry: "What was the understanding those fathers had of the question mentioned?"
What is the frame of government under which we live?
The answer must be: "The Constitution of the United States." That Constitution consists of the original, framed in 1787 (and under which the present government first went into operation), and twelve subsequently framed amendments, the first ten of which were framed in 1789.
Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution? I suppose the "thirty-nine" who signed the original instrument may be fairly called our fathers who framed that part of the present government. It is almost exactly true to say they framed it, and it is altogether true to say they fairly represented the opinion and sentiment of the whole nation at that time. Their names, being familiar to nearly all, and accessible to quite all, need not now be repeated.
I take these "thirty-nine," for the present, as being "our fathers who framed the government under which we live."
What is the question which, according to the text, those fathers understood "just as well, and even better than we do now?"
It is this: Does the proper division of local from federal authority, or anything in the Constitution, forbid our federal government to control as to slavery in our federal territories?
Upon this, Senator Douglas holds the affirmative, and Republicans the negative. This affirmation and denial form an issue; and this issue—this question—is precisely what the text declares our fathers understood "better than we."
Let us now inquire whether the "thirty-nine," or any of them, ever acted upon this question; and if they did, how they acted upon it—how they expressed that better understanding?
In 1784, three years before the Constitution—the United States then owning the Northwestern Territory, and no other, the Congress of the Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting slavery in that territory; and four of the "thirty-nine" who afterward framed the Constitution were in that Congress, and voted on that question. Of these, Roger Sherman, Thomas Mifflin, and Hugh Williamson voted for the prohibition, thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from federal authority, nor anything else, properly forbade the federal government to control as to slavery in federal territory. The other of the four—James McHenry—voted against the prohibition, showing that, for some cause, he thought it improper to vote for it.
In 1787, still before the Constitution but while the Convention was in session framing it, and while the Northwestern Territory still was the only territory owned by the United States, the same question of prohibiting slavery in the territory again came before the Congress of the Confederation; and two more of the "thirty-nine" who afterward signed the Constitution were in that Congress, and voted on the question. They were William Blount and William Few; and they both voted for the prohibition—thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from federal authority, nor anything else, properly forbids the federal government to control as to slavery in federal territory. This time the prohibition became a law, being part of what is now well known as the ordinance of '87.[2]
The question of federal control of slavery in the territories seems not to have been directly before the Convention which framed the original Constitution; and hence it is not recorded that the "thirty-nine," or any of them, while engaged on that instrument, expressed any opinion on that precise question.
In 1789, by the first Congress which sat under the Constitution, an act was passed to enforce the ordinance of '87, including the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory. The bill for this act was reported by one of the "thirty-nine," Thomas Fitzsimmons, then a member of the House of Representatives from Pennsylvania. It went through all its stages without a word of opposition, and finally passed both branches without yeas and nays, which is equivalent to a unanimous passage. In this Congress there were sixteen of the thirty-nine fathers who framed the original Constitution. They were John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman, Wm. S. Johnson, Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, Thos. Fitzsimmons, William Few, Abraham Baldwin, Rufus King, William Paterson, George Clymer, Richard Bassett, George Read, Pierce Butler, Daniel Carroll, James Madison.
This shows that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, properly forbade Congress to prohibit slavery in the federal territory; else both their fidelity to correct principle, and their oath to support the Constitution, would have constrained them to oppose the prohibition.
Again, George Washington, another of the "thirty-nine," was then president of the United States, and as such approved and signed the bill; thus completing its validity as a law, and thus showing that, in his understanding, no line dividing local from federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, forbade the federal government to control as to slavery in federal territory.
No great while after the adoption of the original Constitution, North Carolina ceded to the federal government the country now constituting the state of Tennessee; and a few years later Georgia ceded that which now constitutes the states of Mississippi and Alabama. In both deeds of cession it was made a condition by the ceding states that the federal government should not prohibit slavery in the ceded territory. Besides this, slavery was then actually in the ceded country. Under these circumstances, Congress, on taking charge of these countries, did not absolutely prohibit slavery within them. But they did interfere with it—take control of it—even there, to a certain extent. In 1798, Congress organized the territory of Mississippi. In the act of organization, they prohibited the bringing of slaves into the territory, from any place without the United States, by fine, and giving freedom to slaves so bought. This act passed both branches of Congress without yeas and nays. In that Congress were three of the "thirty-nine" who framed the original Constitution. They were John Langdon, George Read, and Abraham Baldwin. They all, probably, voted for it. Certainly they would have placed their opposition to it upon record if, in their understanding, any line dividing local from federal authority, or anything in the Constitution, properly forbade the federal government to control as to slavery in federal territory.
In 1803, the federal government purchased the Louisiana country. Our former territorial acquisitions came from certain of our own states; but this Louisiana country was acquired from a foreign nation. In 1804, Congress gave a territorial organization to that part of it which now constitutes the state of Louisiana. New Orleans, lying within that part, was an old and comparatively large city. There were other considerable towns and settlements, and slavery was extensively and thoroughly intermingled with the people. Congress did not, in the territorial act, prohibit slavery; but they did interfere with it—take control of it—in a more marked and extensive way than they did in the case of Mississippi. The substance of the provision therein made, in relation to slaves, was:
- First. That no slave should be imported into the territory from foreign parts.
- Second. That no slave should be carried into it who had been imported into the United States since the first day of May 1798.
- Third. That no slave should be carried into it, except by the owner, and for his own use as a settler; the penalty in all the cases being a fine upon the violator of the law, and freedom to the slave.
This act also was passed without yeas and nays. In the Congress which passed it, there were two of the "thirty-nine." They were Abraham Baldwin and Jonathan Dayton. As stated in the case of Mississippi, it is probable they both voted for it. They would not have allowed it to pass without recording their opposition to it if, in their understanding, it violated either the line properly dividing local from federal authority or any provision of the Constitution.
In 1819–20 came and passed the Missouri question. Many votes were taken, by yeas and nays, in both branches of Congress, upon the various phases of the general question. Two of the "thirty-nine"—Rufus King and Charles Pinckney—were members of that Congress. Mr. King steadily voted for slavery prohibition and against all compromises, while Mr. Pinckney as steadily voted against slavery prohibition and against all compromises. By this, Mr. King showed that, in his understanding, no line dividing local from federal authority, nor anything in the Constitution, was violated by Congress prohibiting slavery in federal territory; while Mr. Pinckney, by his votes, showed that, in his understanding, there was some sufficient reason for opposing such prohibition in that case.
The cases I have mentioned are the only acts of the "thirty-nine," or of any of them, upon the direct issue which I have been able to discover.
To enumerate the persons who thus acted, as being four in 1784, two in 1787, seventeen in 1789, three in 1798, two in 1804, and two in 1819–20—there would be thirty of them. But this would be counting John Langdon, Roger Sherman, William Few, Rufus King, and George Read each twice, and Abraham Baldwin three times. The true number of those of the "thirty-nine" whom I have shown to have acted upon the question, which, by the text, they understood better than we, is twenty-three, leaving sixteen not shown to have acted upon it in any way.
Here, then, we have twenty-three out of our thirty-nine fathers "who framed the government under which we live," who have, upon their official responsibility and their corporal oaths, acted upon the very question which the text affirms they "understood just as well, and even better than we do now"; and twenty-one of them—a clear majority of the whole "thirty-nine"—so acting upon it as to make them guilty of gross political impropriety and willful perjury if, in their understanding, any proper division between local and federal authority, or anything in the Constitution they had made themselves, and sworn to support, forbade the federal government to control as to slavery in the federal territories. Thus the twenty-one acted; and, as actions speak louder than words, so actions, under such responsibility, speak still louder.
Two of the twenty-three voted against congressional prohibition of slavery in the federal territories, in the instances in which they acted upon the question. But for what reasons they so voted is not known. They may have done so because they thought a proper division of local from federal authority, or some provision or principle of the Constitution, stood in the way; or they may, without any such question, have voted against the prohibition on what appeared to them to be sufficient grounds of expediency. No one who has sworn to support the Constitution can conscientiously vote for what he understands to be an unconstitutional measure, however expedient he may think it; but one may and ought to vote against a measure which he deems constitutional if, at the same time, he deems it inexpedient. It, therefore, would be unsafe to set down even the two who voted against the prohibition as having done so because, in their understanding, any proper division of local from federal authority, or anything in the Constitution, forbade the federal government to control as to slavery in federal territory.
The remaining sixteen of the "thirty-nine," so far as I have discovered, have left no record of their understanding upon the direct question of federal control of slavery in the federal territories. But there is much reason to believe that their understanding upon that question would not have appeared different from that of their twenty-three compeers, had it been manifested at all.
For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I have purposely omitted whatever understanding may have been manifested by any person, however distinguished, other than the thirty-nine fathers who framed the original Constitution; and, for the same reason, I have also omitted whatever understanding may have been manifested by any of the "thirty-nine" even, on any other phase of the general question of slavery. If we should look into their acts and declarations on those other phases, as the foreign slave trade, and the morality and policy of slavery generally, it would appear to us that on the direct question of federal control of slavery in federal territories, the sixteen, if they had acted at all, would probably have acted just as the twenty-three did. Among that sixteen were several of the most noted antislavery men of those times—as Dr. Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, and Gouverneur Morris—while there was not one now known to have been otherwise, unless it may be John Rutledge, of South Carolina.
The sum of the whole is that of our thirty-nine fathers who framed the original Constitution, twenty-one—a clear majority of the whole—certainly understood that no proper division of local from federal authority, nor any part of the Constitution, forbade the federal government to control slavery in the federal territories; while all the rest probably had the same understanding. Such, unquestionably, was the understanding of our fathers who framed the original Constitution; and the text affirms that they understood the question "better than we."
But, so far, I have been considering the understanding of the question manifested by the framers of the original Constitution. In and by the original instrument, a mode was provided for amending it; and, as I have already stated, the present frame of "the government under which we live" consists of that original, and twelve amendatory articles framed and adopted since. Those who now insist that federal control of slavery in federal territories violates the Constitution, point us to the provisions which they suppose it thus violates; and, as I understand, that all fix upon provisions in these amendatory articles, and not in the original instrument. The Supreme Court, in the Dred Scott case, plant themselves upon the fifth amendment, which provides that no person shall be deprived of "life, liberty, or property without due process of law"; while Senator Douglas and his peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the tenth amendment, providing that "the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution" "are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people."
Now, it so happens that these amendments were framed by the first Congress which sat under the Constitution—the identical Congress which passed the act already mentioned, enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory. Not only was it the same Congress, but they were the identical, same individual men who, at the same session, and at the same time within the session, had under consideration, and in progress toward maturity, these constitutional amendments, and this act prohibiting slavery in all the territory the nation then owned. The constitutional amendments were introduced before, and passed after the act enforcing the ordinance of '87; so that, during the whole pendency of the act to enforce the ordinance, the constitutional amendments were also pending.
The seventy-six members of that Congress, including sixteen of the framers of the original Constitution, as before stated, were preeminently our fathers who framed that part of "the government under which we live," which is now claimed as forbidding the federal government to control slavery in the federal territories.
Is it not a little presumptuous in any one at this day to affirm that the two things which that Congress deliberately framed, and carried to maturity at the same time, are absolutely inconsistent with each other? And does not such affirmation become impudently absurd when coupled with the other affirmation from the same mouth, that those who did the two things, alleged to be inconsistent, understood whether they really were inconsistent better than we—better than he who affirms that they are inconsistent?
It is surely safe to assume that the thirty-nine framers of the original Constitution, and the seventy-six members of the Congress which framed the amendments thereto, taken together, do certainly include those who may be fairly called "our fathers who framed the government under which we live." And so assuming, I defy any man to show that any one of them ever, in his whole life, declared that, in his understanding, any proper division of local from federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the federal government to control as to slavery in the federal territories. I go a step further. I defy anyone to show that any living man in the whole world ever did, prior to the beginning of the present century (and I might almost say prior to the beginning of the last half of the present century), declare that, in his understanding, any proper division of local from federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the federal government to control as to slavery in the federal territories. To those who now so declare, I give, not only "our fathers who framed the government under which we live," but with them all other living men within the century in which it was framed, among whom to search, and they shall not be able to find the evidence of a single man agreeing with them.
Now, and here, let me guard a little against being misunderstood. I do not mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever our fathers did. To do so would be to discard all the lights of current experience—to reject all progress—all improvement. What I do say is, that if we would supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in any case, we should do so upon evidence so conclusive, and argument so clear, that even their great authority, fairly considered and weighed, cannot stand; and most surely not in a case whereof we ourselves declare they understood the question better than we.
If any man at this day sincerely believes that a proper division of local from federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbids the federal government to control as to slavery in the federal territories, he is right to say so, and to enforce his position by all truthful evidence and fair argument which he can. But he has no right to mislead others, who have less access to history, and less leisure to study it, into the false belief that "our fathers who framed the government under which we live" were of the same opinion—thus substituting falsehood and deception for truthful evidence and fair argument. If any man at this day sincerely believes "our fathers who framed the government under which we live" used and applied principles, in other cases, which ought to have led them to understand that a proper division of local from federal authority or some part of the Constitution, forbids the federal government to control as to slavery in the federal territories, he is right to say so. But he should, at the same time, brave the responsibility of declaring that, in his opinion, he understands their principles better than they did themselves; and especially should he not shirk that responsibility by asserting that they "understood the question just as well, and even better, than we do now."
But enough! Let all who believe that "our fathers, who framed the government under which we live, understood this question just as well, and even better, than we do now," speak as they spoke, and act as they acted upon it. This is all Republicans ask—all Republicans desire—in relation to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let it be again marked, as an evil not to be extended, but to be tolerated and protected only because of and so far as its actual presence among us makes that toleration and protection a necessity. Let all the guarantees those fathers gave it be, not grudgingly, but fully and fairly, maintained. For this Republicans contend, and with this, so far as I know or believe, they will be content.
And now, if they would listen—as I suppose they will not—I would address a few words to the southern people.
I would say to them: You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and justice you are not inferior to any other people. Still, when you speak of us Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, or, at the best, as no better than outlaws. You will grant a hearing to pirates or murderers, but nothing like it to "Black Republicans." In all your contentions with one another, each of you deems an unconditional condemnation of "Black Republicanism" as the first thing to be attended to. Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be an indispensable prerequisite—license, so to speak—among you to be admitted or permitted to speak at all. Now, can you, or not, be prevailed upon to pause and to consider whether this is quite just to us, or even to yourselves? Bring forward your charges and specifications, and then be patient long enough to hear us deny or justify.
You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the burden of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? Why, that our party has no existence in your section—gets no votes in your section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove the issue? If it does, then in case we should, without change of principle, begin to get votes in your section, we should thereby cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, are you willing to abide by it? If you are, you will probably soon find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get votes in your section this very year. You will then begin to discover, as the truth plainly is, that your proof does not touch the issue. The fact that we get no votes in your section is a fact of your making, and not of ours.[3] And if there be fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and remains until you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or practice. If we do repel you by any wrong principle or practice, the fault is ours; but this brings you to where you ought to have started—to a discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If our principle, put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit of ours, or for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, then, on the question of whether our principle, put in practice, would wrong your section; and so meet it as if it were possible that something may be said on our side. Do you accept the challenge? No! Then you really believe that the principle which "our fathers who framed the government under which we live" thought so clearly right as to adopt it, and endorse it again and again, upon their official oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong as to demand your condemnation without a moment's consideration.
Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against sectional parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less than eight years before Washington gave that warning, he had, as president of the United States, approved and signed an act of Congress, enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied the policy of the government upon that subject up to and at the very moment he penned that warning; and about one year after he penned it, he wrote LaFayette[4] that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, expressing in the same connection his hope that we should at some time have a confederacy of free states.
Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon you who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right application of it.
But you say you are conservative—eminently conservative—while we are revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort. What is conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against the new and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy on the point in controversy which was adopted by "our fathers who framed the government under which we live"; while you with one accord reject, and scout, and spit upon that old policy, and insist upon substituting something new. True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be. You are divided on new propositions and plans, but you are unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some of you are for reviving the foreign slave trade; some for a congressional slave-code for the territories; some for Congress forbidding the territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; some for maintaining slavery in the territories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-reat pur-rinciple" that "if one man would enslave another, no third man should object," fantastically called "popular sovereignty"; but never a man among you is in favor of federal prohibition of slavery in federal territories, according to the practice of "our fathers who framed the government under which we live." Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or an advocate in the century within which our government originated. Consider, then, whether your claim of conservatism for yourselves, and your charge or destructiveness against us, are based on the most clear and stable foundations.
Again, you say we have made the slavery question more prominent than it formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, but we deny that we made it so. It was not we, but you, who discarded the old policy of the fathers. We resisted, and still resist, your innovation; and thence comes the greater prominence of the question. Would you have that question reduced to its former proportions? Go back to that old policy. What has been will be again, under the same conditions. If you would have the peace of the old times, readopt the precepts and policy of the old times.
You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. We deny it; and what is your proof? Harper's Ferry! John Brown!! John Brown was no Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single Republican in his Harper's Ferry enterprise. If any member of our party is guilty in that matter, you know it or you do not know it. If you do know it, you are inexcusable for not designating the man and proving the fact. If you do not know it, you are inexcusable for asserting it, and especially for persisting in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the proof. You need to be told that persisting in a charge which one does not know to be true is simply malicious slander.
Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged the Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that our doctrines and declarations necessarily lead to such results. We do not believe it. We know we hold to no doctrine, and make no declaration, which were not held to and made by "our fathers who framed the government under which we live." You never dealt fairly by us in relation to this affair. When it occurred, some important state elections were near at hand, and you were in evident glee with the belief that, by charging the blame upon us, you could get an advantage of us in those elections. The elections came, and your expectations were not quite fulfilled. Every Republican man knew that, as to himself at least, your charge was a slander, and he was not much inclined by it to cast his vote in your favor. Republican doctrines and declarations are accompanied with a continual protest against any interference whatever with your slaves, or with you about your slaves. Surely, this does not encourage them to revolt. True, we do, in common with "our fathers who framed the government under which we live," declare our belief that slavery is wrong; but the slaves do not hear us declare even this. For anything we say or do, the slaves would scarcely know there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, in fact, generally know it but for your misrepresentations of us in their hearing. In your political contests among yourselves, each faction charges the other with sympathy with Black Republicanism; and then, to give point to the charge, defines Black Republicanism to simply be insurrection, blood, and thunder among the slaves.
Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before the Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton insurrection,[5] twenty-eight years ago, in which at least three times as many lives were lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely stretch your very elastic fancy to the conclusion that Southampton was "got up by Black Republicanism." In the present state of things in the United States, I do not think a general, or even a very extensive slave insurrection is possible. The indispensable concert of action cannot be attained. The slaves have no means of rapid communication; nor can incendiary freemen, black or white, supply it. The explosive materials are everywhere in parcels; but there neither are, nor can be supplied, the indispensable connecting trains.
Much is said by southern people about the affection of slaves for their masters and mistresses; and a part of it, at least, is true. A plot for an uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to twenty individuals before some one of them, to save the life of a favorite master or mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule; and the slave revolution in Haiti[6] was not an exception to it, but a case occurring under peculiar circumstances. The gunpowder plot of British history,[7] though not connected with slaves, was more in point. In that case, only about twenty were admitted to the secret; and yet one of them, in his anxiety to save a friend, betrayed the plot to that friend, and, by consequence, averted the calamity. Occasional poisonings from the kitchen, and open or stealthy assassinations in the field, and local revolts extending to a score or so will continue to occur as the natural results of slavery; but no general insurrection of slaves, as I think, can happen in this country for a long time. Whoever much fears, or much hopes for such an event, will be alike disappointed.
In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, "It is still in our power to direct the process of emancipation, and deportation, peaceably, and in such slow degrees, as that the evil will wear off insensibly; and their places be, pari passu,[8] filled up by free white laborers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder at the prospect held up."[9]
Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of emancipation is in the federal government. He spoke of Virginia; and, as to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slaveholding states only. The federal government, however, as we insist, has the power of restraining the extension of the institution—the power to ensure that a slave insurrection shall never occur on any American soil which is now free from slavery.
John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. It was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in which the slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd that the slaves, with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not succeed. That affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with the many attempts, related in history, at the assassination of kings and emperors. An enthusiast broods over the oppression of a people till he fancies himself commissioned by Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the attempt, which ends in little else than his own execution. Orsini's[10] attempt on Louis Napoleon and John Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry were, in their philosophy, precisely the same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one case, and on New England in the other, does not disprove the sameness of the two things.
And how much would it avail you if you could, by the use of John Brown, Helper's Book,[11] and the like, break up the Republican organization? Human action can be modified to some extent, but human nature cannot be changed. There is a judgment and a feeling against slavery in this nation, which cast at least a million and a half of votes. You cannot destroy that judgment and feeling—that sentiment—by breaking up the political organization which rallies around it. You can scarcely scatter and disperse an army which has been formed into order in the face of your heaviest fire; but if you could, how much would you gain by forcing the sentiment which created it out of the peaceful channel of the ballot-box, into some other channel? What would that other channel probably be? Would the number of John Browns be lessened or enlarged by the operation?
But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of your constitutional rights.
That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated, if not fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to deprive you of some right, plainly written down in the Constitution. But we are proposing no such thing.
When you make these declarations, you have a specific and well-understood allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours to take slaves into the federal territories, and to hold them there as property. But no such right is specifically written in the Constitution. That instrument is literally silent about any such right. We, on the contrary, deny that such a right has any existence in the Constitution, even by implication.
Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is that you will destroy the government unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the Constitution as you please, on all points in dispute between you and us. You will rule or ruin in all events.
This, plainly stated, is your language. Perhaps you will say the Supreme Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in your favor. Not quite so. But waiving the lawyer's distinction between dictum and decision,[12] the Court have decided the question for you in a sort of way. The Court have substantially said, it is your constitutional right to take slaves into the federal territories, and to hold them there as property. When I say the decision was made in a sort of way, I mean it was made in a divided Court, by a bare majority of the judges, and they not quite agreeing with one another in the reasons for making it; that it is so made as that its avowed supporters disagree with one another about its meaning, and that it was mainly based upon a mistaken statement of fact—the statement in the opinion that "the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution."
An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of property in a slave is not "distinctly and expressly affirmed" in it. Bear in mind, the judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that such right is impliedly affirmed in the Constitution; but they pledge their veracity that it is "distinctly and expressly" affirmed there—"distinctly," that is, not mingled with anything else—"expressly," that is, in words meaning just that, without the aid of any inference, and susceptible of no other meaning.
If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right is affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others to show that neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in the Constitution, nor the word "property" even, in any connection with language alluding to the things slave, or slavery; and that wherever in that instrument the slave is alluded to, he is called a "person"; and wherever his master's legal right in relation to him is alluded to, it is spoken of as "service or labor which may be due," as a debt payable in service or labor. Also, it would be open to show, by contemporaneous history, that this mode of alluding to slaves and slavery, instead of speaking of them, was employed on purpose to exclude from the Constitution the idea that there could be property in man.[13]
To show all this, is easy and certain.
When this obvious mistake of the judges shall be brought to their notice, is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the mistaken statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it?
And then it is to be remembered that "our fathers, who framed the government under which we live"—the men who made the Constitution—decided this same constitutional question in our favor, long ago—decided it without division among themselves, when making the decision; without division among themselves about the meaning of it after it was made, and, so far as any evidence is left, without basing it upon any mistaken statement of facts.
Under all these circumstances, do you really feel yourselves justified to break up this Government unless such a court decision as yours is, shall be at once submitted to as a conclusive and final rule of political action? But you will not abide the election of a Republican president! In that supposed event, you say, you will destroy the Union; and then, you say, the great crime of having destroyed it will be upon us! That is cool. A highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters through his teeth, "Stand and deliver, or I shall kill you, and then you will be a murderer!"
To be sure, what the robber demanded of me—my money—was my own; and I had a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than my vote is my own; and the threat of death to me, to extort my money, and the threat of destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can scarcely be distinguished in principle.
A few words now to Republicans. It is exceedingly desirable that all parts of this great confederacy shall be at peace, and in harmony, one with another. Let us Republicans do our part to have it so. Even though much provoked, let us do nothing through passion and ill temper. Even though the southern people will not so much as listen to us, let us calmly consider their demands, and yield to them if, in our deliberate view of our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all they say and do, and by the subject and nature of their controversy with us, let us determine, if we can, what will satisfy them.
Will they be satisfied if the territories be unconditionally surrendered to them? We know they will not. In all their present complaints against us, the territories are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and insurrections are the rage now. Will it satisfy them, if, in the future, we have nothing to do with invasions and insurrections? We know it will not. We so know, because we know we never had anything to do with invasions and insurrections; and yet this total abstaining does not exempt us from the charge and the denunciation.
The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: We must not only let them alone, but we must somehow, convince them that we do let them alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We have been so trying to convince them from the very beginning of our organization, but with no success. In all our platforms and speeches we have constantly protested our purpose to let them alone; but this has had no tendency to convince them. Alike unavailing to convince them, is the fact that they have never detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them.
These natural, and apparently adequate means all failing, what will convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and join them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly—done in acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated—we must place ourselves avowedly with them. Senator Douglas' new sedition law must be enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is wrong, whether made in politics, in presses, in pulpits, or in private.[14] We must arrest and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must pull down our free state constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be disinfected from all taint of opposition to slavery before they will cease to believe that all their troubles proceed from us.
I am quite aware they do not state their case precisely in this way. Most of them would probably say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to us, and say what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone—have never disturbed them—so that, after all, it is what we say which dissatisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we cease saying.
I am also aware they have not, as yet, in terms, demanded the overthrow of our free-state constitutions. Yet those constitutions declare the wrong of slavery with more solemn emphasis than do all other sayings against it; and when all these other sayings shall have been silenced, the overthrow of these constitutions will be demanded, and nothing be left to resist the demand. It is nothing to the contrary that they do not demand the whole of this just now. Demanding what they do, and for the reason they do, they can voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. Holding, as they do, that slavery is morally right and socially elevating, they cannot cease to demand a full national recognition of it as a legal right, and a social blessing.
Nor can we justifiably withhold this, on any ground save our conviction that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and constitutions against it are themselves wrong, and should be silenced and swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its nationality—its universality; if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its extension—its enlargement. All they ask, we could readily grant, if we thought slavery right; all we ask, they could as readily grant, if they thought it wrong. Their thinking it right, and our thinking it wrong, is the precise fact upon which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it right, as they do, they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition as being right; but, thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them? Can we cast our votes with their view, and against our own? In view of our moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we do this?
Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow it to spread into the national territories, and to overrun us here in these free states? If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty, fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and belabored—contrivances such as groping for some middle ground between the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who should be neither a living man nor a dead man—such as a policy of "don't care" on a question about which all true men do care—such as Union appeals beseeching true Union men to yield to disunionists, reversing the divine rule, and calling not the sinners but the righteous to repentance—such as invocations to Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington said, and undo what Washington did.
Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the government nor of dungeons to ourselves. LET US HAVE FAITH THAT RIGHT MAKES MIGHT, AND IN THAT FAITH, LET US, TO THE END, DARE TO DO OUR DUTY AS WE UNDERSTAND IT.
- 1. Democratic Party.
- 2. The Northwest Ordinance (1787).
- 3. Southern states prevented or discouraged the expression of antislavery views and also prevented Republican candidates appearing on ballots.
- 4. Marie-Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de La Fayette (1757–1834) was a French aristocrat who fought with the Americans in the Revolution. He and Washington became friends.
- 5. Nat Turner's Rebellion (1831). Turner (1800–1831) was a slave who led a rebellion among slaves in Southampton County, Virginia.
- 6. A rebellion in Haiti in 1791 that led to the eventual independence of Haiti in 1804.
- 7. A failed attempt to kill King James I in 1605.
- 8. At the same rate, that is, as the former slaves leave the United States, their places will be taken by free white laborers.
- 9. Lincoln quoted from Jefferson's Autobiography (1820).
- 10. Felice Orsini attempted to assassinate Louis Napoleon, Napoleon III, on January 14, 1858.
- 11. Southerner Hilton Helper (1829–1909) published an antislavery book, The Impending Crisis of the South: How to Meet It, in 1859.
- 12. Lincoln referred to obiter dictum, a judge's opinion offered in a decision that has no bearing on the decision and does not establish a precedent. In Dred Scott, Chief Justice Taney ruled that the slave Dred Scott was not a citizen and thus had no right to bring a case before the Court. That could have been the end of his decision, but he went on to claim that the federal government had no constitutional authority to prohibit slavery in the territories.
- 13. In the Constitutional Convention, on August 25, James Madison said he "thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea that there could be property in men."
- 14. In the first session of the thirty-sixth Congress, which convened in December 1859, Douglas proposed the sedition law Lincoln described.
Conversation-based seminars for collegial PD, one-day and multi-day seminars, graduate credit seminars (MA degree), online and in-person.
Our Core Document Collection allows students to read history in the words of those who made it. Available in hard copy and for download.


text:
2024 Tide & Current Tables Out Now!
National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA)
Region: Mid-Atlantic
Latest Edition: 19 Ed. (1-Aug-2014)
Last Correction: 8-Nov-2019
Cleared Through: NTM 47/2019 (23-Nov-2019)
Paper Size: 46" x 36"
Chart Image Size: 43" x 34"
Scale: 1:40,000
Captain's Nautical Supplies is a Print-on-Demand nautical chart dealer for US Waters. All charts are printed up-to-date and corrected to the latest Notice to Mariners and meet commercial carriage requirements. Charts are printed on high-quality heavy paper with waterproof ink unless otherwise selected.
Category: Approach (1:20001 – 1:50000), Chesapeake Bay, Mid-Atlantic, Portsmouth to Hog Island, withdrawn
Type: Paper Chart
Vendor: National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA)
Sign up to get the latest on sales, new releases and more …
226 W. Florence Ave | Inglewood, CA 90301
main: 800.481.6277
We are proud to be an ISO 9001 Certified Company.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Pneumatic Screwdrivers Manufacturers online
A mix of international news, innovations, trade fairs, trade at home and abroad. Be informed before the others and subscribe now to the Exportpages newsletter.
You may unsubscribe at any time using the link in our newsletter.
We use Brevo as our marketing platform. By Clicking below to submit this form, you acknowledge that the information you provided will be transferred to Brevo for processing in accordance with the terms of use.


text:
1.5 To 2 Ton TXV Kit - R-410A Refrigerant - For Use With SEER2 Units
1.5 To 2 Ton TXV Kit - R-410A Refrigerant - For Use With SEER2 Units
Model: Goodman TXV-FX-KX-2T
Model: Goodman TXV-FX-KX-2T
Thermostatic Expansion Valves (TXVs) are:
- A requirement for 14 SEER or higher split system heat pumps
- A requirement for many condensers or heat pump systems that use the new R-410A refrigerant
- An optional upgrade for any other air conditioner or heat pump system
Your system will operate more precisely and with greater efficiency with a TXV. These valves offer more control over how much liquid refrigerant enters the evaporator coil. The valves only allow a precise amount of liquid into the evaporator coil to ensure that all liquid that enters fully evaporates. This prevents too little liquid from entering the evaporator making the system run less efficiently. It also prevents too much liquid from entering the evaporator which can cause excess liquid in the suction line. Thermostatic Expansion Valves can be mounted in any position on the evaporator coil inlet and are reliable, efficient and virtually trouble-free. Select the TXV to correspond with the tonnage of your air conditioner or heat pump, as well as to match the type of refrigerant your systems uses, R-22 (standard) or R-410A (new alternative).
When using a TXV, manufacturer's recommend also installing a hard-start capacitor in your heat pump or condenser. This capacitor gives an extra "jolt" of electricity upon startup to push the refrigerant against higher head pressures that are present with a TXV system. If a hard-start capacitor isn't installed, the equipment compressor may sometimes have difficulty starting.


text:
Business Process Jobs in Washington DC
Your success is just a train ride away.
Amtrak has over 40 years of rich American history — and we're proud of the efforts we've put into rail passenger service. Since our formation in 1971, we've worked ceaselessly to transform a classic form of transportation, preserving those aspects of train travel that are timeless, and modernizing those that are ripe for it. Record ridership is proof, if any is needed, that America's longstanding love of travel still embraces our classic and storied mode of transportation in its modern form.
Why apply for Business Process Jobs in Washington DC at Amtrak?
Amtrak trains connect businesses and communities across the country and move America's workforce toward the future. We seek qualified, dedicated professionals with demonstrated work experience and/or relevant skills to join our team. The safety of our passengers, our employees, the public and our operating environment is our priority and the success of our railroad is the result of our employees.
Explore Business Process Jobs in Washington DC with Amtrak.
We also invite you to join our Talent Community to receive updates about Business Process Jobs matching your interests.
Principal Project Mgr Hybrid- 90364944 - Washington, NY, NJ, PA, MD ,VA Washington, DC, US, 20001 Dec 1, 2023
Spring 2024- Operations Network Support Intern - 90366891 - Washington Washington, DC, US, 20001 Nov 16, 2023


text:
Learn Tennis in Just 1 Week
Yes! You can Learn all you need to know about Tennis this quickly in our all ages course in Ulysses KS. Our service's Tennis For Complete Strangers course can really help you achieve that! .
Exciting Tennis Lessons in Ulysses KS
Our lessons teach beginners proper grip on the racket for a variety of beginner strokes like forehand and backhand strokes. At the semi-private lessons you will learn how to play doubles as well as a lot of really good tennis strategies.
What We Teach:
-Proper Grips for all Strokes and Serves
-Forehand and Backhand Strokes
-Rallys from the Baseline
-Net Shots and Over head Shots
-Serves and Returns
-Singles and Doubles Strategy
TennisProNow.com uses the best pre-screened certified instructors and on average the have over four years in the tennis training background and has the top instructors in Ulysses KS.
Tennis is rated commonly among the best games the planet needs to offer. The bitter pill to swallow is the fact that unlike a game title for example football, it is only couple of those who are conversant with the majority of the rules which govern tennis training. Like a sharp contrast privately, many parents are actually encouraging their kids to consider the overall game. It has brought towards the soaring of coaches who're after training these modern children in the professional sphere or leisure.
Nowadays, it is a regular phenomenon to determine teens, children and teenagers thronging sports complexes. The Ulysses KS tennis lessons begin with a reason of the very fundamental fundamental recommendations which govern the overall game amongst showing the grave objectives connected with playing tennis. Youngsters are taken through a listing of the things that that are needed for a game title to become of tennis, the utilization the items as elder gamers illustrate for them. Additionally, these youngsters are also trained the dynamics from the tennis training and lesson court practically.
From there henceforth, the coach commences the explanations towards an all natural knowledge of the tennis game. During these Ulysses KS tennis lesson explanations the scholars discover the reason as the reasons gamers always prefer striking the tennis ball way over the tennis court and high within the small internet and in to the opponent's court, the ball never touching the floor within this entire instance. This time within the overall explanation is after emphasizing the truth that the ball must remain within the tennis court play area, in the process of staying away from a score concession.
Following the children happen to be familiarized using the tennis training, game and it is objectives, including all of the rules regulating the overall game, they move towards the next thing of learning the strategy of score hunting. This important period should be trained, trained or tutored, which is sensibly made by giving the kids that ample opportunity to play one another and gain the practical abilities. To children, this is among the most difficult and sophisticated stage within their tennis training outcome.
But unknown for them, they'll eventually gain the fundamental rules and overall objectives quite fast but make time to discover the action part since many of them are extremely fragile and weak. For a kid to understand the abilities active in the serving the ball to another court, the coaches are extremely patient, resilient, persistent and kind because it is among the most important points in tennis training game. These children need to be given instructions including the constant maintenance from the right posture, how you can contain the racket and fundamental actions.
Ulysses KS tennis lessons are equipped to handle the various demands within the instruction of these young children, through sheer delivery of instigating and encouraging words towards these children to maintain on trying, consistently without quitting. If these youngsters are held carefully, the speed by which they gain abilities increases plus they become meshed up in the overall game perfectly and have fun with such sophistication agility
Select a video to load:
Copyrighted Learning SystemDo you want to learn 20 new techniques in the next 2 weeks? TennisProNow Instructors teach the copyrighted Tennis Explained learning system. This is the fastest step-by-step system out available in Ulysses KS.


text:
In order to adapt to various environments,the upload data will be converted automatically and the Download size may differ from the original file size.
Please contact the seller directly if you want to download the original file.
No Subject
Average rating of this reviewer
No Subject
Average rating of this reviewer
1650ptObtain Affiliate Link
1650ptObtain Affiliate Link
Adult contents from here on
Adult content words and images are included.
Persons under the age of 18 are prohibited
Are you over the age of 18?
( Please follow the laws and regulations of your country of residence.)


text:
Ender's Game
by Orson Scott Card (Published by Tor)
Winner, Best Novel in 1985
Winner of the Hugo and Nebula Awards®
In order to develop a secure defense against a hostile alien race's next attack, government agencies breed child geniuses and train them as soldiers. A brilliant young boy, Andrew "Ender" Wiggin lives with his kind but distant parents, his sadistic brother Peter, and the person he loves more than anyone else, his sister Valentine. Peter and Valentine were candidates for the soldier-training program but didn't make the cut—young Ender is the Wiggin drafted to the orbiting Battle School for rigorous military training.
Ender's skills make him a leader in school and respected in the Battle Room, where children play at mock battles in zero gravity. Yet growing up in an artificial community of young soldiers Ender suffers greatly from isolation, rivalry from his peers, pressure from the adult teachers, and an unsettling fear of the alien invaders. His psychological battles include loneliness, fear that he is becoming like the cruel brother he remembers, and fanning the flames of devotion to his beloved sister.
Is Ender the general Earth needs? But Ender is not the only result of the genetic experiments. The war with the Buggers has been raging for a hundred years, and the quest for the perfect general has been underway for almost as long. Ender's two older siblings are every bit as unusual as he is, but in very different ways. Between the three of them lie the abilities to remake a world. If, that is, the world survives.
Ender's Game is the winner of the 1985 Nebula Award for Best Novel and the 1986 Hugo Award for Best Novel.


text:
Your shopping cart is empty!
1 rice paper decoupage sheet featuring charming images of Christmas scenes in blue. Sheet measures 12-1/2" x 9". Made in Italy.
Largest angel image measures 4" tall x 3" wide. The word Christmas is distressed and measures just over 4" long.
Please note that these images are printed on rice paper specifically for use in decoupage projects. To apply, cut out the desired image and adhere to your project with a decoupage glue like Mod Podge. Images appear most vibrant when applied over white or light colors. If you wish to apply images over a dark color, you can apply several light coats of white acrylic paint to the back of your cut-out image.
0 reviews / Write a review


text:
The following 3 products are guaranteed to work in your ML 2552W printer:
Genuine Samsung
Product details
By Tru Image
By Inkrite
Ask a Question
No questions have been asked for this printer yet. Why not ask the first one?
Write a Review
No reviews have been written for this printer yet. Why not write the first one?


text:
Exploring Bitrue Exchange: A User-Friendly Platform for Cryptocurrency Trading and Investing
I. Introduction
Welcome to the world cryptocurrency! Many platforms have emerged to cater for the growing demand for digital currencies. One such platform that has gained popularity is Bitrue Exchange. In this article, we will explore Bitrue Exchange in-depth, discussing its features, supported cryptocurrencies, trading pairs, fees, and more.
Bitrue, a Singapore-based cryptocurrency exchange, was established in 2018. It is a platform that allows users to trade and invest in cryptocurrency. The platform is available globally, with a strong focus on customer service, security, and user experience.
III. Bitrue Exchange Features
User-friendly Interface: Bitrue's platform is designed with a user-friendly interface, making it easy for beginners and experienced traders alike to navigate and execute trades.
High liquidity: Bitrue has high liquidity which allows users to execute trades quickly at the best prices.
Bitrue has low trading fees: Bitrue charges lower trading fees than other exchanges on the market.
Multi-lingual support: Platform supports multiple languages, catering to a global user base and making it more accessible for non-English speakers.
API Integration: Bitrue offers API integration for developers and traders who wish to build custom trading tools and bots.
IV. Getting Started with Bitrue
To start trading on Bitrue, you need to follow these simple steps:
To create an account, visit the Bitrue website. Click on "Register".
Complete the captcha verification by filling in the required information such as password and email.
Verify your email by clicking on the link sent to your inbox.
For added security, set up two-factor authentication (FA2)
For certain activities like withdrawals, you must complete the KYC (Know Your Customer).
Deposit funds into your account and start trading.
V. Supported Cryptocurrencies
Bitrue supports a wide range of cryptocurrencies, including popular ones like Bitcoin (BTC), Ethereum (ETH), Ripple (XRP), Litecoin (LTC), and many more. The platform constantly adds new coins, so users always have access to the most exciting projects in crypto.
VI. Trading Pairs and Fees
Bitrue has many trading pairs. Most cryptocurrencies can be paired with BTC, Ethereum, XRP and BTR. This gives users flexibility and options when trading digital assets.
Bitrue charges an flat 0.098% fee to both takers and makers, making it one the most competitive exchanges for trading fees. Users who have Bitrue's native token BTR can receive discounted trading fees depending upon the amount of BTR in their account.
VII. VII. Security Measures
Bitrue is serious about security and has taken several steps to ensure that users' information and assets are protected. These measures include:
Cold Storage: The majority of funds are kept in cold wallets that are offline and are less vulnerable to hacking attempts.
Multi-Signature Wallets: Bitrue uses multi-signature wallets for added security, requiring multiple approvals before transactions can be processed.
Two-Factor Authentication (2FA): Users are required to enable 2FA to access their accounts, adding an extra layer of protection.
Anti-Phishing measures: Bitrue uses anti-phishing methods to protect users' information and prevent phishing attacks.
VIII. Customer Support
Bitrue offers responsive and helpful customer support through various channels, including live and social media platforms like Twitter and Telegram. The support team is available 24/7 to assist users with any issues or queries they may have.
IX. Bitrue Mobile App
Bitrue offers a mobile app for iOS and Android that allows users to trade, manage and monitor their portfolios from anywhere. It has a simple interface, and all of the functionality available in the desktop version. This allows for seamless trading across platforms.
X. Bitrue Coin, (BTR).
Bitrue Coin (BTR) is the native utility token of the Bitrue ecosystem. Holding BTR in your account offers several benefits, including:
Trading fees at a discount
Higher interest rates in the Power Piggy program
Bitrue Loans: Higher loan-to-value ratios
Access to exclusive events and promotions
XI. Power Piggy
Power Piggy, Bitrue's passive income program, allows users to earn interest from their cryptocurrency holdings. Bitrue will distribute the daily interest earned by users who deposit their coins in Power Piggy. The interest rates vary depending on the cryptocurrency and demand, and BTR holders receive preferential rates.
XII. Bitrue Loans
Bitrue Loans is a crypto-backed lending service that allows users to borrow funds using their cryptocurrency holdings as collateral. Users can access liquidity from their assets through this service. The interest rate and loan-to-value ratio (LTV) depend on the cryptocurrency being used as collateral. Holding BTR can increase LTV and lower interest rates.
XIII. Bitrue Ambassadors Program
The Bitrue Ambassadors Program aims to grow the Bitrue community by rewarding users who actively promote the platform. Ambassadors may earn BTR tokens or other rewards for hosting events, creating content, and helping with community management.
XIV. Pros and Cons
User-friendly interface suitable for both beginners and experienced traders
Wide range of supported cryptocurrencies and trading pairs
Competitive trading fees and discounts for BTR holders
Strong security measures in place
Responsive customer support available 24/7
Power Piggy offers passive income opportunities
Bitrue loans and crypto-backed loans
Mandatory KYC verification for certain activities
Regulator restrictions may not allow all countries to be supported
Bitrue Exchange is a reliable and user-friendly platform for trading and investing in cryptocurrencies. With its wide range of supported coins, competitive fees, and various features like Power Piggy and Bitrue Loans, it caters to both beginners and experienced traders. Bitrue is still a great option for anyone looking to get into the world of digital assets, despite some restrictions.
XVI. FAQs
Is Bitrue Exchange safe? Yes, Bitrue has implemented various security measures, such as cold storage, multi-signature wallets, and 2FA, to protect users' assets and information.
Does Bitrue offer a mobile app? Bitrue offers a mobile app for iOS and Android that allows users to trade and manage accounts from anywhere.
What are the trading fees on Bitrue Exchange? Bitrue charges an annual flat 0.098% fee to both takers and makers. Users who hold BTR can enjoy discounted trading fees depending on the amount of BTR in their account.
What is Power Piggy? Power Piggy, Bitrue's passive income program, allows users to earn interest from their cryptocurrency holdings by depositing them in the program.
Do I need to complete KYC verification to use Bitrue? KYC verification is required for certain activities such as withdrawals. You can trade or deposit funds even if you have not completed the KYC process.


text:
Since 2010, OraERP is a Oracle Forums, Community of Oracle Professionals including Fusion/Cloud Application Consultants, Enterprise Architects, ERP Cloud, HCM Cloud, CX Cloud and OCI Experts, ERP Experts, Oracle Apps Functional Consultants, Apps DBAs, DBAs, Cloud DBAs, Digital Architect, PaaS Experts, IaaS, OCI Architects, Technical Consultants, Fusion Middleware Experts, SQL, PL/SQL Developers and Project Managers. Welcome to OraERP.com Social Community, a friendly and active community of Oracle Technology Professionals who believe that technology can 'make the world a better place'. By joining Oracle ERP Community you will have the ability to Post Topics, Receive our Newsletter, subscribe to threads and access many other special features. Registration is Quick and Simple. Get unlimited access to Oracle Tutorials, Articles, eBooks, Tools and Tips .
Oracle Forum - The Knowledge Center for Oracle Professionals - Looking Beyond the Possibilities
Board Message
Board Message
|Oracle Forum - The Knowledge Center for Oracle Professionals - Looking Beyond the Possibilities
|The member you specified is either invalid or doesn't exist.
Current time: 12-09-2023, 10:39 AM Powered By MyBB, © 2002-2023 MyBB Group.


text:
Parkland Pirates Aquatic Club
Business Address: 221 Jennifer Heil Way Spruce Grove Alberta T7X 0A1
Additional Information
Parental supervision Optional
Registered Child Carer provider No
Costs Per Term, Registration Fees, Other Costs
Kids age groups 4-6 years old, 7-9 years old, 10-12 years old, 13-15 years old, 15-18 years old
Opening & Closing time Mostly after school hours
Special Offers
This business has no special offers.
This business has no events.
This business has no reviews yet. Be the first to write a review.
Expert Articles
This business has no expert articles.
Business Categories
This business offers the following services or products:
- Swimming Classes & Lessons
- Swimming Clubs
- Swimming Coaches & Instructors
About Us
Our mission at CanadianKidsActivities is to connect parents and carers with providers of kids activities and make it quick and easy to find, compare and select the best activities based on your search criteria. We are building the most comprehensive online marketplace in Canada of activities for children and toddlers for all occasions including kids events, general activities and school holiday activities. You can quickly find and easily contact kids activity providers using our online marketplace.
If you have used one of the kids activity providers on CanadianKidsActivities, can you please add a review about that business to the website?
If you offer kids activities of any description, please add your details to the site and become part of our online marketplace today.


text:
TH2016-1880 - Tutu diary
Tax included.
Fine Art print
Carina C Casa polishing her ballet skills
The Image is printed on a High-End inkjet/Giclee printer using the most modern color management technology to ensure accurate color rendition and the best possible print quality. The print is not sold framed but printed with a small proportional white border around image frame to make it fit standard frame sizes. Print will be carefully rolled up with silk paper to safeguard for shipping and handling, and will be shipped in in a cardboard tube. We recommend having the print framed behind glass or museum glass for an optimal viewing experience and preservation over time.


text: Welcome to the HSG The University of St.Gallen focuses on high-class teaching, international research and regional roots. In this way, it is well equipped for the competition for the best heads. Thank you for being interested in the University of St.Gallen (HSG), one of Europe's leading business universities. 8,337 students, thousands of participants in our executive education programmes, more than 90 professors and just under 500 lecturers and researchers, all in all a staff of 2,900, create a centre for thinking, research and teaching in St.Gallen which also intends to keep abreast of the increasingly fierce international competition among universities. Answers to social questions We want to prepare our students for the challenges of global competition with its interlinked markets and intercultural challenges. Students and teachers alike should be able to profit from the HSG's growing international reputation. Our international presence and culture of cooperation should attract excellent teachers and researchers to St.Gallen. This creates the prerequisites for the HSG to be able to offer solutions to topical issues of social and economic significance. Through this, but also through the value it creates, the HSG wants to make an essential contribution to the region, to Switzerland and to the international research community. Integrativeand responsible In future, too, we will rely on the following success factors: active contacts between economic sciences, law, social sciences, the humanities and international affairs; the vibrant campus life with over 120 student associations, our high course quality; the entrepreneurial research culture practised by our institutes, which is based on a culture of trust; the bonds with our alumni; and internationalisation and the simultaneous cultivation of regional roots – in full awareness of our social responsibility. The conditions for this consist of a predictable funding basis (which is strengthened by our high self-financing ratio of 50%), a service-oriented and efficient administration. We see ourselves as a presence university. That is why we create attractive and innovative spaces on our campus for stimulating encounters and inspiring learning experiences. We are pleased to welcome you to the University of St.Gallen as students, as participants in executive education programmes, as auditors in our public lecture programmes, as research partners, as members of staff, as alumni or as someone who is generally interested in the HSG. Prof. Dr. Bernhard Ehrenzeller President


text:
There are a few big differences between Fiverr and Upwork. For starters, Fiverr is a website where individuals or businesses post their projects for freelancers to bid on. They do not publish the bids, but they also don't require payment for it. Instead, you simply bid on projects that match your qualifications and then decide which projects you would like to bid on.
Then there are two Websites like Fiverr: Fiverr Guru and Fiverr Elite. While the two of these are used for freelance jobs, Fiverr Pro is more popular and is more focused on larger companies. The only problem with Fiverr Guru is that you have to be an affiliate to earn any money out of it. This means you've got to pay Fiverr's fees for using their service.
Fiverr Elite is yet another popular website, but it is a whole lot more focused on freelancing. This is because they also provide large numbers of jobs for freelancers to bid on. The problem with this website is that it is extremely competitive. This means that while some people are making good money with it, many others aren't.
On the other hand, Fiverr Elite has a very easy interface. The cause of this is that they have to spend more time on creating it than Fiverr Pro. This is not to say that Fiverr Elite is bad. It is just that their focus is much more on their smaller customers. With that being said, you will find more jobs posted on Fiverr Elite than Fiverr Pro.
So, what does this mean for Fiverr Pro? I personally prefer Fiverr Pro, as it is really easy to use and it provides more variety for its customers. However, if you are seeking work, then you need to attempt Fiverr Elite first before jumping in. I am pretty sure you will find the difference worth the few extra bucks it costs you.
Another thing to consider when deciding which freelancing company to use is how easy or difficult the website is to navigate. A whole lot of freelance webmasters have concerns about how difficult Fiverr and Upwork are to use. I think these are two very different websites.
Among the best things about Fiverr, which makes it so appealing to the majority of freelancers, is their webmaster's interface is extremely clean and easy to navigate. While you will need to use it so as to use the site, it's still relatively easy to comprehend. Most Fiverr jobs are fairly short and you can actually bid on them in less than 5 minutes.
Upwork, on the other hand, is more user friendly but can be quite hard to use. If you want to run quickly, then it can be very confusing. That's the reason I prefer Fiverr Elite over Fiverr Pro because you can move through their pages very quickly and easily.
When using a website that's both straightforward and easy to navigate, it is a fantastic idea to make your profile as professional as possible. After all, the goal here is to have as many clients as possible. If you aren't careful, your profile will take away from your ability to get jobs. So, be as professional as possible.
Another thing you can do to make your profile look a little bit more professional is to make sure that you have the ideal picture. of yourself. You might think that this seems like common sense, but lots of people don't make the change. And still have a terrible profile.
It is far easier to sell to a client that you are yourself, than to try and sell to another person that has nothing to go off of except a picture. That is just a bad way to go about this. Additionally, you can't assume that because you are selling something, you have to have the ability to sell it as well.
Most online freelancer and webmasters webmasters nowadays are very aware of the importance of having a professional site. They are trying to get customers to feel comfortable with the site, but many just do not know how to do this.


text:
Your privacy is critically important to us.
It is Indiphoto.com's policy to respect your privacy regarding any information we may collect while operating our website.
This Privacy Policy applies to https://Indiphoto.com.
We respect your privacy and are committed to protecting personally identifiable information you may provide us through the Website.
We have adopted this privacy policy ("Privacy Policy") to explain what information may be collected on our Website.
How we use this information, and under what circumstances we may disclose the information to third parties.
This Privacy Policy applies only to information we collect through the Website and does not apply to our collection of information from other sources.
This Privacy Policy, together with the Terms and conditions posted on our Website, set forth the general rules and policies governing your use of our Website.
Depending on your activities when visiting our Website, you may be required to agree to additional terms and conditions.
Website Visitors
Like most website operators, Indiphoto.com collects non-personally-identifying information of the sort that web browsers and servers typically make available.
Such as the browser type, language preference, referring site, and the date and time of each visitor request.
Indiphoto.com's purpose in collecting non-personally identifying information is to better understand how Indiphoto.com's visitors use its website.
From time to time, Indiphoto.com may release non-personally-identifying information in the aggregate, e.g., by publishing a report on trends in the usage of its website.
Indiphoto.com also collects potentially personally-identifying information like Internet Protocol (IP) addresses for logged in users and for users leaving comments on https://Indiphoto.com blog posts.
Indiphoto.com only discloses logged in user and commenter IP addresses under the same circumstances that it uses and discloses personally-identifying information as described below.
Gathering of Personally-Identifying Information
Certain visitors to Indiphoto9's websites choose to interact with Indiphoto in ways that require Indiphoto to gather personally-identifying information.
The amount and type of information that Indiphoto gathers depends on the nature of the interaction.
For example, we may ask visitors who sign up for a blog at https://Indiphoto.com to provide a username and email address.
The security of your Personal Information is important to us, but remember that no method of transmission over the Internet, or method of electronic storage is 100% secure.
While we strive to use commercially acceptable means to protect your Personal Information, we cannot guarantee its absolute security.
Ads appearing on our website may be delivered to users by advertising partners, who may set cookies.
These cookies allow the ad server to recognize your computer each time they send you an online advertisement to compile information about you or others who use your computer.
This information allows ad networks to, among other things, deliver targeted advertisements that they believe will be of most interest to you.
This Privacy Policy covers the use of cookies by Indiphoto and does not cover the use of cookies by any advertisers.
Links To External Sites
Our Service may contain links to external sites that are not operated by us.
If you click on a third party link, you will be directed to that third party's site.
We strongly advise you to review the Privacy Policy and the terms and conditions of every site you visit.
We have no control over and assume no responsibility for the content, privacy policies or practices of any third party sites, products, or services.
Site May use Google AdWords for Remarketing
https://Indiphoto.com may use the remarketing services to advertise on third party websites (including Google) to previous visitors to our site.
It could mean that we advertise to previous visitors who haven't completed a task on our site, for example using the contact form to make an inquiry.
This could be in the form of an advertisement on the Google search results page or a site in the Google Display Network.
Third-party vendors, including Google, use cookies to serve ads based on someone's past visits.
Of course, any data collected will be used in accordance with our own privacy policy and Google's privacy policy.
You can set preferences for how Google advertises to you using the Google Ad Preferences page,
and if you want to you can opt-out of interest-based advertising entirely by cookie settings or permanently using a browser plugin.
Protection of Certain Personally-Identifying Information
Indiphoto discloses potentially personally-identifying and personally-identifying information only to those of its employees, contractors, and affiliated organizations.
that (i) need to know that information in order to process it on Indiphoto's behalf or to provide services available at Indiphoto's website,
and (ii) that have agreed not to disclose it to others.
Some of those employees, contractors, and affiliated organizations may be located outside of your home country; by using Indiphoto's website, you consent to the transfer of such information to them.
Indiphoto.com will not rent or sell potentially personally-identifying and personally-identifying information to anyone.
Other than to its employees, contractors, and affiliated organizations.
As described above, Indiphoto discloses potentially personally-identifying and personally-identifying information only in response to a subpoena, court order, or other governmental requests.
Or when Indiphoto.com believes in good faith that disclosure is reasonably necessary to protect the property or rights of Indiphoto, third parties or the public at large.
If you are a registered user of https://Indiphoto.com and have supplied your email address.
Indiphoto may occasionally send you an email to tell you about new features, solicit your feedback, or just keep you up to date with what's going on with Indiphoto and our products.
We primarily use our blog to communicate this type of information, so we expect to keep this type of email to a minimum.
If you send us a request (for example via a support email or via one of our feedback mechanisms), we reserve the right to publish it in order to help us clarify or respond to your request or to help us support other users.
Indiphoto.com takes all measures reasonably necessary to protect against the unauthorized access, use, alteration, or destruction of potentially personally identifying and personally-identifying information.
Aggregated Statistics
Indiphoto may collect statistics about the behavior of visitors to its website.
Indiphoto may display this information publicly or provide it to others.
However, Indiphoto does not disclose your personally identifying information.
Affiliate Disclosure
This site uses affiliate links and does earn a commission from certain links. This does not affect your purchases or the price you may pay.
To enrich and perfect your online experience, Indiphoto uses "Cookies", similar technologies and services provided by others to display personalized content, appropriate advertising, and store your preferences on your computer.
A cookie is a string of information that a website stores on a visitor's computer, and that the visitor's browser provides to the website each time the visitor returns.
Indiphoto uses cookies to help Indiphoto identify and track visitors, their usage of https://Indiphoto.com, and their website access preferences.
Indiphoto visitors who do not wish to have cookies placed on their computers should set their browsers to refuse cookies before using Indiphoto's websites, with the drawback that certain features of Indiphoto's websites may not function properly without the aid of cookies.
By continuing to navigate our website without changing your cookie settings, you hereby acknowledge and agree to Indiphoto's use of cookies.
Privacy Policy Changes
Although most changes are likely to be minor, Indiphoto may change its Privacy Policy from time to time, and at Indiphoto's sole discretion.
Indiphoto encourages visitors to frequently check this page for any changes to its Privacy Policy.
Your continued use of this site after any change in this Privacy Policy will constitute your acceptance of such change.


text:
Brain Test The boxer on the left should win [ Answers ]
We will go today straight to show you all the answers of Brain Test The boxer on the left should win . In fact our team did a great job to solve it and give all the stuff full of answers. This is what we are devoted to do aiming to help players that stuck in a game. This Handfull topic will give the data to boost you without problem to the next challenge. We already know that this game released by Unico Studio is liked by many players but is in some steps hard to solve. You can read directly the answers of this level and skip to the next challenge.
Brain Test The boxer on the left should win Answers :
PS: if you are looking for another level answers, you will find them in the below topic :
Brain Test Answers
Answer is :
- Make his gloves looke like bigger by moving the white ball. Then punch
Need a support for the next level ? : Brain Test Tom must jump to the other side Answers .
Thank You


text:
Weather Radar & Satellite Images
Radar Images
AccuWeather Local Radar Loop
Regional Snow/Ice/Rain Radar
State Radar
Past Precipitation Radar 24 Hr
Intellicast Radar Loop
Forecast Radar
Regional Radar Loop
Metro Radar Loop
Storm Radar Summary
Java Loop
1Km Storm Watch Radar Loop
Metro Storm Watch Radar Loop
MyForecast.com Radar | Metro Loop
National Weather Service Enhanced Radar Loop
Long Range Radar Loop
Storm Total Precipitation Loop
Unisys Northeast Radar
WPVI-TV 6 Radar
WTXF-TV 29 Radar
Weather.com Interactive Radar Classic Radar
Weather Underground Radar
WunderMap Interactive Radar & Weather Stations
Storm Tracks Loop
Regional Radar (Loop links below images)
Total Storm Precipitation
Satellite Images
AccuWeather Radar/Sat Combo | Loop
Intellicast Satellite Loop
Current Satellite
Visible Satellite Loop
Unisys Northeast Enhanced IR Satellite
More Radars: National Images, Plus Weather News/Video, Space & Photo Links
Know of a Philadelphia Doppler/weather radar (or one in this region of Pennsylvania) not listed here? E-mail us!
Live Cams & Streaming Webcams
Webcams have moved to this dedicated page!
Current Conditions & Forecasts
Forecast blank? Force Update
|National Weather Service Forecast
Forecast from NOAA-NWS for . (Zone forecast)
WXnation.com Hourly Forecast - 48 HourView From NWS
AccuWeather 15-Day Forecast
AWS Local Schools (Top of page ZIP code search)
Intellicast 10-Day Forecast
KYW-TV 3 Weather
MyForecast.com 7-Day Forecast
National Weather Service 7-Day Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Weather Forecast
National Weather Service 7-Day Dover, Delaware Weather Forecast
NWS Local Weather Observations | Hourly Conditions At Airport
WCAU-TV 10 Weather
WFMZ-TV 69 Weather
WPHL-TV 17 Weather
WPVI-TV 6 Weather
WTXF-TV 29 Weather
Weather.com 10-Day Forecast
Weather Underground 7-Day Forecast/Personal Weather Stations Data |
Weather Stations On Google Map | Monthly/Current Conditions At Airport
Weather Warnings, Watches & Advisories
National Weather Service Watches, Warnings, Advisories Map/Local Forecast Office
NWS Current Warnings | DE Warnings
NWS Current Watches | DE Watches
NWS Special Weather Statements | DE Special Weather Statements
Weather Alerts From MyForecast.com
Severe Weather Alerts For E-mail & Phone
National & International Weather
WXnation National/Int'l - U.S. & world weather
Satellite/Radar Image - Automatically updates every 15 minutes
Listen To Local Radio Coverage Of Severe Weather Via Radio-Locator.com (AM, News/Talk best bet)
Air Traffic
FAA - Airport Delays
Philadelphia International Airport
Road Traffic
Google Maps Traffic
KYW-TV 3 Traffic
PA DOT Traffic Info | Traffic Cams
SmarTraveler Traffic Info
Traffic.com Traffic Map
WCAU-TV 10 Traffic
WPVI-TV 6 Traffic
School Closings
WCAU-TV 10 School Closings
WPVI-TV 6 School Closings
WTXF-TV 29 School Closings
Climatology & Advanced Weather Data
Climate Summaries - National Weather Service
College Of DuPage Next Generation Weather Lab
Plymouth State College Weather Center - Images/Data
rssWeather.com RSS Feed
Weather Data, Images From Ohio State University
Home Pages
National Weather Service
NWS Internet Weather Source
Unisys Weather
Weather Underground
Now you can get to WXnation.com faster! Simply type wxna.com or wxna.com/yourcity


text:
Instead Of Backpage
Looking for a naughty rendezvous with my very horny girlfriend on Orlando
Instead Of Backpage
First name: Pascalina, Age: 25 yo, City: Orlando (FL)
We would prefer to give you an appointment so that we can find each other. We're also available on Friday. I'm only on this dating site to play around with other swingers. My partner is totally in agreement with this ad. I'm looking for a man who is confident and well-endowed so that my partner can see me enjoying myself. We are a really passionate couple who loves doing unusual things. We mainly like exhibitionism and watching couples fuck in public with other people around. To contact us, you need to send a comment. We only want libertinage betweenlibertines.
I'm a shy naughty girl looking for some BDSM fun on Las Cruces
Instead Of Backpage
First name: Soussaba, Age: 24 yo, City: Las Cruces (NM)
My name is Soussaba, I'm 24 years old from Las Cruces and I work in an import / export company. I'm a naughty woman who likes to flirt and take control of the guys. I'm not complicating my life right now, I'm doing what I want with who I want. I want a libertine guy. Someone to do exhibition without anything forbid. I am free at the beginning of the week and rather in the morning. We can meet at my place. I love making love for hours and hours. I don't hide from my friends that I often have relations with men that I don't know very well. I am alone and live a totally free life. I'm sort of a sex addict. If you would like to get to know me better, please write me. I hope you understood me and that you will be able to satisfy me. Bye!
This naughty, married woman would love to make love with a stranger in Carmichael
Instead Of Backpage
First name: Lila-rose, Age: 41 yo, City: Carmichael (CA)
Hello naughty ones, my name is Lila-rose and I am 41 years old. I am with someone and we are quite naughty. I agree to give you a date in a public place. I would add that I am not against meeting up for a date in a forest on Carmichael. We love being in swingers clubs to enjoy ourselves. We are a libertine couple. I personally love threesomes because I'm greedy and my husband is okay with it. If we make a sex announcement, it's to have a good time with a libertine couple during an unlimited sex encounter. I'm a hot chick who's good at making dicks grow. I look forward to meeting you soon. Kisses.
Mature libertine for a candaulist fuck on Irvine
Instead Of Backpage
First name: Tressia, Age: 49 yo, City: Irvine (CA)
Hello everyone, my name is Tressia and I am with a guy. I just turned 49 and my boyfriend is 50. We're on this libertine dating site because we're hot. There are different types of libertine practices. We're fans of group sex and exhibitionism in particular. Kissing in nature is one of our favorite pastimes. We can do this in the evening, but we prefer that it happens at our apartment. We have a lot of outfits to choose from. We just want to enjoy ourselves together. This is why we write on this libertine site because we love meeting new kinky people during sex sessions. If our naughty ad caught your attention, then leave us a comment. We are very excited to be on this libertine dating site. See you later.
Couple looking for sex in a swingers club
Instead Of Backpage
First name: Yocheved, Age: 46 yo, City: Alameda (CA)
Hello naughty ones, I am a beautiful married woman, my name is Yocheved and I'm 46 years old. I live on the Alameda side and I'm pretty perverse. We would prefer to give you an appointment at our apartment and rather in the evening if that suits you. We prefer a guy who is roughly the same age for this swingers' plan. I'm a naughty little slut who loves to get fucked hard so I can cum really hard. I engage in candaulism because I want to sleep with another lover, but only under the watch of my husband. I'm really greedy when I fuck and I especially like it when someone licks me with delicacy. Since you know what I want, you have the right to contact me. I'm sure to share a very moment in your company. I'll see you soon. See you soon.
I'm a 26-year-old girl who's desperate for some sex. I'm looking for a good time in Chula Vista
Instead Of Backpage
First name: Alisee, Age: 26 yo, City: Chula Vista (CA)
Hi guys, I'm with you to find a guy and I live in Chula Vista. My name is Alisee, I am 26 years old. I am free and I work as an accountant. I'm looking for a masculine guy. Someone to do exhibition without anything forbidden. The easiest way to give yourself a date at my apartment for this libertine plan. I am available mostly during the day and rather on weekends. I love foreplay because it gets me so excited. I'm a really hot young lady when I'm with an overnight lover. So I'm here to have some fun with a nice guy. If you like it, please leave a comment. It will be a pleasure to provide you with my email or phone so we can talk. Kisses!
A libertine woman would like to have a hot encounter in La Habra so she can orgasm in front of her husband
Instead Of Backpage
First name: Muriella, Age: 40 yo, City: La Habra (CA)
Hi guys, my name is Muriella and I'm 40 years old. I am married to a guy who is 38 years old. We are true naughty people. We prefer to set up a date for you at a swingers club. We are also available every evening. Age is not a requirement, however a good feeling is always essential to have fun with us. We are only looking for a hot guy for some ass. We're big fans of swinging. I'm a pretty slutty girl, I enjoy fucking other guys besides my boyfriend. Now that you know what I want, you can leave me a message. I'm sure I'll have a good time in your company. I'll talk to you soon. Kisses.
Cougar woman from Burnsville wants a casual encounter with a nice guy
Instead Of Backpage
First name: Misaki, Age: 43 yo, City: Burnsville (MN)
I really enjoy showing myself off in the forest and having my picture taken. However, what really turns me on are relationships in atypical places (parking lots, bathrooms, etc.), it's up to you to be creative in the streets of Burnsville. I am available on weekends and in the evenings. We can meet at the hotel. I'm looking for a guy who is quite macho. Someone to practice swinging without taboos. So, leave me a message if you're interested in a one-time libertine encounter with a hot cougar. I kiss you, bye.
Bdsm games on Summerville for charming hot couple
Instead Of Backpage
First name: Remise, Age: 20 yo, City: Summerville (SC)
If we write a libertine ad, it is in order to have a good time with a good fuck during an evening of unrestricted sex. I'm a free-spirited woman who's good at making dicks grow. We are a really passionate couple who loves to try out new things. We mainly like to exhibition and watch couples fuck in the open air in the company of other kinky people. We would like to arrange a meeting with you in order to sort this out. We're finally available on Friday. To conclude, we are on this hot plan site to enjoy life with libertines. You must leave us a comment if you want to meet up. Big kisses.
A nymphomaniac in a relationship wants an uninhibited sex date at Hillsboro
Instead Of Backpage
First name: Darline, Age: 34 yo, City: Hillsboro (OR)
Hi guys, I'm a very attractive and exciting woman of 34 years. My name is Darline. We are free this weekend for a naughty rendezvous in Hillsboro. We want to meet you in a public place. We are fans of candaulism. I'm a particularly naughty girl, and I love having sex with other couples as well as my boyfriend. I don't think I have a criterion for beauty because it's just for one night... But on the other hand, I want a virile man, he must especially see another man make me go wild. We'll be playing together soon. Kisses.
- Stuttgart, AR Outcall Escorts
- Cuba Escorts
- Grand Cayman Escorts
- Ts In San Jose
- Japanese Pornstar Escorts
- Shemale In San Diego
- Port Allen, LA Outcall Escorts
- Lakeland Escorts
- Bellevue, WA Outcall Escorts
- Nina Mona Escort
- Private Escorts New York
- Escorts Delaware
- Escort Sofia
- Chester, SC Outcall Escorts
- Instead Of Backpage
- Scorts Service
- Sexoservidoras Cerca
- Chicoescort
- Masajes En Anaheim
- Cairnsescorts