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It's been ages since I've posted in Wetpixel (but I do regularly enjoy this forum for the awesome images that get posted), but the images I took yesterday have moved me to share them. I'm still getting to know my new Olympus E-PL5 having upgraded from the E-PL1 two months ago, and yesterday showed me just how good the dynamic range of this little marvel really is.
These are self portraits in my local river in Dartmoor national park, it's a wooded valley so you actually get more sun in the water during the winter while there are no leaves on the trees.
For light I used a single, YS-D1 with a custom snoot.


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All kind of quiet on the blog front, been pretty swamped at work and home. Started a new job this week - same company, different area - so lots of head filling with new knowledge and faces. Changing things up occasionally is a good thing and the extra dough is much needed.
Bike commuting has totally fallen off the map, new job also means different building, now deeper into downtown Seattle. Bike pal at work showed me the bike rooms and other logistics a few days ago. Will get my commuting story configured out soon, driving daily is too expensive and a total waste of time.
There is a bright side however, been hitting the local trails on the mountain bike after work. The long June days much appreciated, light almost until 10:00 PM, as long as the cloudy Northwest scenario stays away.
With that - a little rock to end this post, courtesy of a pal's band practice session. I dig what they're doing, video as proof (not shot by me), it builds nicely at the end. Give it a go.

subset: commoncrawl


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Hours ago a prototype LG device leaked out that might be the next Nexus, but its final design was hidden by an outer casing. Thankfully another source has come forward with an even newer revision of the LG Nexus that appears to be the final design. The new pictures reveal an LG device that looks very similar to the Samsung Galaxy Nexus and one that is closer to the hands-on description we received last week.
Now that we know the LG Nexus has the codename Mako, we can confirm some of the other specs thanks to a Nenamark benchmark result. As previously reported, the LG Nexus will feature Qualcomm's 1.5 GHz quad-core Snapdragon S4 Pro with Adreno 320 GPU. Check out our previous post 5 reasons your next smartphone might be from LG to get a better idea of what to expect from the LG Nexus.
What do you guys think? Is this newer design an improvement on the earlier leak from tonight?
Update: We received a response from the source of the LG Nexus hands-on report, and he has confirmed that this is the same device he played with in person. His exact quote was, "YES! This is the phone I handled. 100%." The only difference is that the version he saw had a Nexus logo on the back with the "X" in multiple colors.
Thank you Mark for the tip.


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Senior Yellowjackets special to head coach
There are 22 reasons why the Starkville Yellowjackets should find extra motivation for tonight's final regular season football game against Columbus.
That's how many seniors are on the SHS roster in 2010 and head coach Jamie Mitchell calls them a "special group." They are to be honored prior to the 7 p.m. kickoff at Yellowjacket Stadium.
"I'm so proud of what they've given to me the last six months that I've been here, but they've been Yellowjackets a lot longer than that," Mitchell said. "I told them we'll look back in a couple of years and be able to talk about the group that laid the foundation here of what we're going to build on.
"They have endured a lot and stayed with football when it wasn't the thing to do. I've got a lot of respect for those guys and will certainly them, but we're not ready to talk about that because we hope to have a lot of football left in front of us."
Starkville (5-5 overall, 3-3 in Class 6A, Region 1) is hoping things fall into place for them to capture a playoff spot.
For that to happen, the Jackets have to beat the Falcons and Olive Branch has to knock off Tupelo.
Mitchell wishes his squad could have taken care of business earlier in the season where it didn't have to come down to the last game.
He knows there won't be any need for scoreboard watching if the Jackets don't intend to do the things it takes to win.
"I worried about that Olive Branch-Tupelo scenario a little bit, but quickly you figure out there's nothing you can do about that," Mitchell said. "We're trying to concentrate on us and get our guys as ready as we can to play."
Starkville has experienced every type of emotion possible in losing the last three games to Southaven 28-27, Olive Branch 40-36 and South Panola 47-13.
Mitchell admits the last-second losses and being dominated last week have taken a toll, but has watched the character of Jackets shine through the adversity.
"We've had our feelings hurt, our hearts broke and have been through it, but that's built some toughness in our guys and they just keep coming back to work," Mitchell said. "They've taken the approach that our playoffs start (tonight)."
One of the seniors has led Starkville this season with his arm and his legs.
Quarterback Jaquez Johnson has completed 63 of 142 pass attempts for 1,095 yards and 15 touchdowns, while carrying 131 times for 586 more yards and 12 touchdowns.
Columbus coach Tony Stanford knows the Jackets are dangerous, but said it starts with Johnson.
"The quarterback is what he's been the last two years," Stanford said when reached Thursday morning. "They are swarming to the football (on defense) and the offensive line looks like they are better than what they were last year and the running back is really improved."
Garrett Smith, who is the second-leading rusher for the Jackets with 566 yards on 82 attempts, has been slowed the last couple of weeks with an ankle injury.
"He was hurt at Olive Branch," Mitchell said. "He tried to go a little bit, but just couldn't run on it. We've got our fingers crossed hoping he'll be ready to go this week. For us to click like we need to, we need him on the field."
The Falcons (3-7, 1-5) have been regulated to primarily a spoiler's role, but the rivalry factor always exists when one or the other makes the short trip down Highway 25 for the Golden Triangle matchup.
Columbus intends to finish the season strong and stop a two-game losing streak to Starkville.
"We feel like we gave the game away for the last two years and we hope to play better this year and get us a victory," Stanford said.
Stanford knows what it's like to face the Jackets in a rivalry situation. He was also the head coach at Louisville.
Early-season injuries have been mostly the cause of the Falcons not having the type of season they wanted.
"We've had a lot of injuries and probably more injuries than I've ever had as a head coach," Stanford said. "That hurt us early and we've finally started getting some of them back. We've had a couple of games we felt like we should have won, but just didn't bounce our way in the middle of the season. Here at the end everybody has been better than us."


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I still think Tman has one 1.04 and one 1.05 TeraStation ...
And the kernel is the same, the missing kanji characters come from different text-encoding.
--Bg 20:11, 12 May 2005 (CEST)
Possibly. The CGI hack was possible however on the 1.05 which isn't consistent with what other people have reported though?
Could you mail me an ls -laR from your two TeraStations? According to the Japanese site there are a versiones with a different filesystem but no different flash.
--Bg 23:39, 12 May 2005 (CEST)
It is identical to the file listing you've uploaded for v1.04. That might explain why my v1.05 still works with the CGI hack.
I think the accusations about GPL violations are a bit too vague. What specific GPL violations exist with the TeraStation's firmware? The "Software" article here claims that Buffalo is using more GPL software than the kernel. However, as far as I can tell, they use a modified Linux kernel (which they provide sources for), a standard Montavista Linux system (for which we can get sources for, I guess) and some own scripts (the web-based admin user interface among them) which are most likely not violating the GPL.
The GPL does not mandate Buffalo to provide us a documentation on how to modify the TeraStation, although I would love to have exactly that.
I didn't find any details on gpl-violations.org
--Hanno 23:43, 16 May 2005 (CEST)
- There are no details on gpl-violations.org (yet?).
- While they are useing some version of MontaVista linux, they still have to provide their customers (aka. me) with the full sourcecode to all GPLed applicationes they include.
- Apparently they do that, at last I got a link to an arcive full of source for the applicationes used on the TeraStation. Unfortunately I did not get this link from Buffalo but from some unnamed reader of the wiki.
- BTW: I've high hopes that we'll be able to hack the TeraStation's firmware without needing to solder anything. If only I had more time :-/
- --Bg 00:20, 17 May 2005 (CEST)
- Harald Welte reports in his blog that he just got some CDs from Buffalo, but he says that the CDs do not contain the material needed to comply with the GPL.
- I will ask him for more info. I guess that we as users may help to add some pressure to his cause.
- --Hanno 13:55, 17 May 2005 (CEST)
How did you create the hacked firmware for the TeraStation using the v1.05 firmware upgrade utility?
-- Tman
does the original Japanese Update 1.04a or 1.07b for the Terastation support the english language or is the interface only japanese then??
-- Wuehli
- You can switch the Firmware to English, but it's Japanese initially. There is some instructions on how to do it, but I can not seam to find it right now.
- --Bg 23:24, 5 Jun 2005 (CEST)
- Cukagek has mentioned on the Talk:Firmware_update page what you have to do.
- --Bg 23:33, 5 Jun 2005 (CEST)
Update to new Firmware 1.08
On the JapaneseBuffalo Homepage is a new Firmware Version available since 6.June2005. I have no idea what chances are made but i was crazy enough to update my TeraStation.
My Old Version was 1.03, the TeraStation is 2 weeks old an was bougth in Germany.
The Update 1.08 can be downloaded here: Download
- After the Update the TeraStation configuration will still be english - No Data on the Station will be lost!
The Only change i can see is a now option called PCast
After Download the File you have to unpack it. Start the "HD-HTGL FWUpdate.exe"
After choosing the Station you want to flash you have to click the Firmware Update button. The a new window will ask you for the Administrator passwort of you Terastation. After clicking Ok, the Flashing begins.
-First the Red Diag led and the Power LED starts to blinking -after a few minutes the Terastation will restart dont panik! The progress window will always be shown!
-After the Restart the Terastation will blink again red and green! The progress window will always be shown! -After a Second reboot the flashing finished.
Now a final Window will appear, thats all.
Now you can connect to the Configuration Interface of the TeraStation, the update doesn't change any settings you have done before the update.
Sorry for the bad english! Have fun!
Defragging possible?
Hi all,
I am using a Terastation for a temporary DICOM store in a hospital mini-pacs. We move a lot of large images across the station on a daily basis, and I was hoping there was some kind of defrag tool on the box, but cant seem to find one. Has anyone been sucsessful using a third party tool to do this, or any other ideas?
I've never done this in using Linux for the past 8 years because I'll likely reinstall the machine before the file system would get a chance to degrade. The terastation on the other hand can't easily be reinstalled, so there might be some value in this.


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Sociedad (Buenos Aires)
Print version ISSN 0327-7712
Sociedad (B. Aires) vol.3 no.se Buenos Aires 2007
The inadmissible turned history
the 1902 Law of Residence and the 1910 Law of Social Defense
Gabriela Anahí Costanzo*
Translated by Marta Inés Merajver
Translation from Sociedad (Buenos Aires), Buenos Aires, nº 26, 2007.
The Residence Law, passed in 1902, and the Social Defense Law of 1910 allowed for many years the deportation of hundreds of foreign anarchists and unionists, resulting in a great diversity of penalties and bans. The parliamentary debates in those years, viewed through the parliamentary record of proceedings, allows access to a universe of representations that the ruling class had on the anarchists and consequently on social conflict.
"When the State persecutes those who fight it, it's because the people are listening to their reasons. If this were not so, the State would just ignore them"
Joaquín Hucha, "A través del año 1911", La Protesta, from Montevideo, December 26, 1911.
In the early 20th Century, the National Congress of Argentina passed the Law of Residence (1902) and the Law of Social Defense (1910), two crucial laws for history in general and for workers' struggles in particular. It was a time marked by the arrival of thousands of European immigrants who joined Argentina's labor market. The men and women involved in this process had escaped unemployment, starvation, wars, and poverty, and believed they would make a fresh start and find new opportunities in a new nation. The so-called founding fathers had begun to foster immigration as early as 1853. The Preamble to the Constitution of that same year issued a call for workers to integrate into the country. Although there were high expectations for immigrants of Anglo-Saxon, German, and Scandinavian descent who might contribute to the modernization or "civilization of an almost barbarous land", the ships arriving at the port of Buenos Aires poured out Mediterranean peasants and workers. The Avellaneda Law provided a large-scope legal framework, establishing a General Immigration Department and the required legal tools under whose provisions all newcomers would be lodged and fed over the first five days following their arrival, given employment, and transported to their definitive places of residence1. According to Gonzalo Zaragoza, author of Anarquismo argentino, "Buenos Aires, known as 'the big village', experienced a dramatic growth thanks to immigration. Its 200,000 inhabitants in 1869 rose to more than 300,000 in 1878, reached half a million in 1890, and one full million in 1905. In the three population surveys conducted in Buenos Aires in 1887, 1895, and 1904, foreigners systematically accounted for more than half of the inhabitants". Between 1891 and 1909, of the total number of immigrants to Argentina, 53.6 per cent were Italians, while 29.5 per cent were Spaniards2.
The governments of those times, oriented to conservatism in the political and social fields, yet supportive of liberal economic ideas, were mainly concerned with maximizing export and import derived profits. Ranging from wool to meat, they focused on securing profit for the elite dealing in such businesses, for the country's rulers themselves in fact represented the said élites. The administrations headed by Julio Roca (1880-1886 and 1898-1904), Juárez Celman (overthrown by the 1890 coup), Carlos Pellegrini (1890-1892), Luis Sáenz Peña (1892-1895), José Uriburu (1895-1898), Manuel Quintana (1904-1906), and José Figueroa Alcorta (1906-1910) safeguarded oligarchic hegemony, continuing with the liberal program they had inherited and keeping their gaze fixed in Europe as a source of inspiration and yearning. Their interlocutors were the Sociedad Rural Argentina [Rural Society of Argentina] as from 1886, the Unión Industrial Argentina [Argentinean Industrial Union] as from 1877, the Centro Industrial Argentino [Argentinean Industrial Center] of 1878 and the Cámara Mercantil [Mercantile Chamber].
The portrayal of the epoch has been preserved in only a faded black-and-white sketch, sometimes picturesque, sometimes melancholy. It would seem as if history had found it enough to record, through a technique resembling magic realism, great-grandmothers narratives about their arrival at the port of Buenos Aires after a long voyage across the seas. However, in two different ways, the image was deprived of a deep, important, tragic, blasphemous, and inadmissible part. The melting pot that constituted the base of our national unification was far from being homogeneous and egalitarian. Quite the contrary, it was achieved at the expense of immigrant suffering and effort, for these people were subject to precarious living conditions, paid meager pittances and made to work endless hours3. Such was the migratory wave destined to work the land. On the other hand, the country also received immigrants with a political tradition of militancy who mingled with the native population and started a local libertarian thought mostly influenced by Spanish and Italian nuances. Thus, the late 19th Century witnessed the advent of Anarchism, which operated on the society attempting to create uneasiness and to level criticism at the political and economic weft of the system in an attempt to disclose it to the public eye.
Through ethical and modern solidarity experiences, libertarian thought intended to oppose social and cultural practices to authoritarian systems harboring inequality and repression. In those days, anarchism mixed or was permeated by positivist and event scientific-oriented elements thought together with the paradigm of the times, which raised the progress and evolution of societies to the levels of a superior, transcendent law. Science was regarded a symbol and a tool for fighting and opposing dogmatic religious principles. According to Juan Suriano, "science and reason became enlightening, revealing factors that led mankind out of ignorance and into knowledge, out of authoritarianism into anarchy, and out of reaction into revolution and liberty"4. Anarchists deemed religious prejudice as hypotheses on the creation of the world that facilitated deceit, exploitation, torture, and slaughter of men at the hands of other men. Hence, scientific knowledge was an indispensable source to clarify such distorted notions about life. Thus anarchism also found explanations to other notions such as laws, politics, work, patriotism, and sexuality, all of which went against the grain of the times' common sense. Anarchists tried to conjure up the meanings of these notions to make workers aware of and active in history. A too modern thought for incipient modernity.
The importance of cultural activities in resistence societies, centers, circles, libraries, and the federation itself was an essential of the libertarian principles. Accordingly, anarchists viewed propaganda in the printed press as the main instrument to disseminate their ideas and as a tool to destabilize the prevailing equilibrium. La Protesta Humana and Ciencia Social5 were founded in 1897. Argentinean anarchism enriched its ranks with prominent thinkers who visited the country to spread anarchist ideas; among others, Enrico Malatesta and Pietro Gori, who encouraged the organizational movement6 that worked at systematizing workers' vindications. For example, the creation of the Círculo de Estudios Sociales and of the La Questione Sociale newspaper, together with the drafting of the bakery workers' organizational statute, was Malatesta's. Likewise, as is maintained by Iaacov Oved7, Gori made an ideological contribution to the movement, and his propaganda lured into anarchism such Argentinean intellectuals as Pascual Guaglianone, Félix Basterra, and Alberto Ghiraldo. Soon after Gori had arrived in Buenos Aires, the Federación Libertaria de los Grupos Socialistas Anarquistas de Buenos Aires became established.
A short time after Gori's arrival in Buenos Aires, the first general framework of anarchist circles was created in Argentina. Between 1900 and 1902, strike movements acquired extraordinary proportions both in Buenos Aires and in various ports located on the Paraná river. Just to give an idea of their scope, let us say that the new century began with a great strike of 4,000 port workers. In 1901, the conflict worsened through strikes by sailors and stokers working for the Mihanovich Shipping Company, who were later joined by workers at the ports of San Nicolás, Ramallo, Bahía Blanca, and Ensenada. The strikes involved a number of other unions, such bakers', Bunge & Born workers, Rosario cigarette workers, in addition to small strikes in hat and espadrille factories, railroad workers along the Bahia Blanca Pringles branch line. In September, La Popular (cigarettes) was boycotted.
Toward the end of 1901 there were strikes in the ports where Mercado Central de Frutos [Central Fruit Market] workers were involved. Escalation of the 'social conflict' marked the period that started at the beginning of 19028. On January 13, a strike in support of Rosario stevedores paralyzed the city. Toward the end of that same month, there were strikes by railroad workers in Bahia Blanca and tram workers in Buenos Aires, while in February sailors and stokers in the Capital City port went on strike. On March 4, Barracas, La Boca, and the Riachuelo laborers followed suit, while conflict started at the Vasena foundries. In early April, coachmen striked against a municipal ordinance that demanded they be registered workers with the corresponding card to prove it. On July 26, Buenos Aires bakers went on a big strike, and on the first days of November 1902, the Stevedore Federation continued to struggle for a weight reduction in sacks to reach a maximum of 65/70 kilos. The conflicts that broke out in Buenos Aires were accompanied by others in the ports along the Paraná river, most specifically in Campana and Zárate, where the police arrested a number of workers. Back in Buenos Aires, laborers at the Central Fruit Market demanded better wages and working conditions, and that their Association be acknowledged by their employers. In view of governmental support of employers, the port's Stevedore Society and the Vehicle Federation called a strike in solidarity. Thus came about the November 22 general strike, the most comprehensive one in Latin America to that date: "Docked ships were left to their own devices, hundreds of carts containing agricultural products crowded the piers, exports and imports ceased, and Customs revenues decreased"9. At the end of the day, an unconstitutional law was passed: the so-called Law of Residence.
What would become of History without men? The origins of the Law of Residence are to be found in 1899, when Senator Miguel Cané submitted to the Senate a draft about deportation of foreigners who endangered national order and security. Ever since he had been our consul in Spain in 1889, Cané had advocated the need for a legislation that might establish a difference among the types of immigrants arriving in Argentina, since there lay the roots of social conflict. During the debate held at the Senate, Cané stated that together with "the men of good will who were called upon to work the land, practice the arts, and set up industries, there came enemies of social order with the intent of committing the foulest of crimes in pursuit of a so to speak a chaotic ideal that defies intelligence and chills the heart"10. Cané's imprint, conceived in Spain, concluded with the presentation of the draft that was not passed in 1899.
Amidst continual curfews, demonstrations, and general strikes, Law 4144 finally fitted into the right historical moment and was passed by Congress at an extraordinary session held on November 22, 1902 attended by Home Office Minister J. V. González, Foreign Affairs Minister A. Drago, and Treasury Minister N. Avellaneda. The five articles of the law authorized the Executive to expel from the country any foreigner who had been convicted or was being tracked down by foreign courts for criminal offenses against Common Law. In addition, the law empowered the Executive to order out of the country any foreigner who compromised national security or disturbed public order. The law established a three-day term to leave the country, and the individual/s expelled could be remanded in custody until they boarded the outgoing ship.
This powerful answer from the State achieved its objective of expelling hundreds of Spanish, Italian, and even Argentinean anarchists. In the first week after the passing of the law, five hundred people were deported11. The measure was countered by a general strike called by the Federación Obrera Argentina [Argentinean Workers' Federation]. After three days, repression, press censorship and the hunt for anarchists had redoubled. Through its persecution campaign, the State managed 'a new equilibrium'. In 1903 anarchist newspapers were published again, under constraints and the threat of the application of the law12.
The time that passed between both laws was marked by curfew, deportations of anarchists, press censorship, and closure of cultural centers and resistance societies. Anarchist publications strove to keep circulating. After the 1903 curfew, the strikes restarted13. Labor Day celebrations, demonstrations, and strikes were as central as ever and, despite the moments when agitation dwindled, the anarchist movement remained on the political arena. Still, the threat of the application of the law was latent. Decisive events occurred, such as the 1907 Tenants' strike, the massacre following the Plaza Lorea demonstration in 1909, and the murder of Colonel Ramón Falcón.
Between June 27 and June 28 1910 the Congress passed the so-called Law of Social Defense. On this occasion, Home Office Minister Dr. Gálvez , Foreign Affairs Minister Dr. Victorino de la Plaza, Treasury Minister Dr. Manuel M. de Iriondo, Justice and Public Instruction Minister Rómulo S. Naón, Public Works Minister Ezequiel Ramos Mejía, and Navy Minister Rear-Admiral Onofre Betbeder attended the House of Representatives. The next day, the Senate welcomed the Home Office, Justice and Public Instruction and Public Works Ministers. The urgency of the passing of the law was related to a bomb that had gone off at the Colón Theater on June 26, wounding a few and spreading a horrific feeling of panic among the political leaders.
On the basis of on a draft submitted by Representative Carlos Meyer Pellegrini and developed in collaboration with Nicolás A. Calvo and Lucas Ayarragaray, the legislators modified and rewrote the articles composing the three parts of the law. Divided into commissions, they discussed the need for the law and it took them a few hours to study the various articles and their respective implications. Chapter 1 comprised six articles and focused on the prohibition of entry to anarchists into the country, including those who had already been expelled by the Law of Residence. If they persisted in returning to Argentina, they would be sentenced to a minimum of three or a maximum of six years' confinement at a place chosen by the Executive Power. Some of the articles dealt with the responsibility of transportation company owners, ship captains, or middlemen who brought anarchists to the country: the sentences returned on them depended on the extent to which they knew about the political affiliations of their passengers. Chapter 2 comprised five articles, which banned all associations and meetings aiming to disseminate anarchist ideas or instigate illegal actions. Associations wishing to hold meetings had to request due authorization. Still, even if it were granted, the meetings would be broken up if they disregarded the provisions of the law. Thus, anarchist emblems, banners, and flags were forbidden. Chapter 3 listed the criminal offenses an action and/or doer resorting to written, verbal, or printed media included in the law. The chapter dwelt on the making, possession of explosives, or intent of either with the purpose of inspiring fear or causing riots or public unrest, and punished these crimes with three to six years' imprisonment. The twenty-two articles in this part contemplated sentences ranging from three years in prison to the death penalty, depending on the blast of an explosion and on the resulting consequences, with damages to public buildings at the bottom of the scale and casualties at the top. Article 25 the last ordered the repression of those who resorted to threats and injury in order to persuade others to go on strike or boycott. The penalties of the law made no distinctions between the sexes, and the only extenuating circumstances to avoid capital punishment were to be under 18 years of age. However, in the original draft, only those under 15 were spared death.
Congress debates recorded in the transcriptions of sessions14 allow access to the universe of anarchist representations entertained by the ruling classes, translated into the ways in which they viewed social conflict.
In the eleven years that elapsed between Miguel Cané's first draft (1899) and the passing of the 1910 Law of Social Defense, there were no substantial changes in the views about anarchism. Some of the legislators' speeches emphasize the need for punishment, for longer sentences, or for downright deportation. This discourse has built up a corpus of tropes that may impress as if Cesare Lombroso15 were embodied in one or more Argentinean legislators of the times. Other discourses transpire glimpses of fear that reveal how threatened the speakers feel; finally, certain 'more moderate' speeches agree that it is necessary to rid the workers' movement from anarchism, but at the same time object to the faculties granted to the Executive by the laws while also demanding the Executive's accountability regarding the outcomes of the curfews it imposed. One could establish a division and gather denominations within sets that would determine universes of what is describable, of what is speakable, and of what is logically inadmissible. The first universe would comprise all the names related to disease (an exotic one at that): virus, germ, bacteria, which inevitably leaves to the 'hygiene-oriented' reasoning stemming from the whole of positivism, early criminology theories, and the science of the times. A second set might include such epithets as equate anarchism with a sect, whether religious or political, and from there it would earn names such as 'doctrines teeming with irrational hatred'. Lastly, the third set would define anarchist practices and actions resulting from the premises stated in the former two as criminal, delinquent, monstrous, hoary priests of the creed, or mentally deranged.
The three sets described above are but an analytical definition, since the actual speeches by representatives, senators, and ministers all three overlap, mix, and complement one another to end up in a single voice justifying the passing of repressive laws and the persecution of anarchists. Representative Mariano Vedia declared that the Law of Residence "was addressed to those who intended to delay the consolidation of the social regime, inoculating viruses of diseases for which we are no fertile medium, and which can only succeed in stirring up brief upheavals like the ones we are now undergoing"16.
It is interesting that representatives' and senators' speeches alike 'imported' not only their epithets but also the 'cures' from Europe. For example, in 1910 Senator Salvador Maciá said that "the outer world that lands exotic diseases on our shores also provides us with the devices and means to combat them. Europe, which has given us civilization, progress, and liberty through examples and doctrines, also sends us subversive trends which, after originating, developing, and influencing its territories, reach us as diseases [...] I am equally frightened by facts that appear to be remarkably huge and by others that look trivially small. I am shocked at anarchist manifestos, for they are symptoms of one and the same profound disruption, like the one in which they call our government "the Nation's provisional government', no less serious than the seemingly petty fact of wrenching the rosettes from the lapels of helpless primary school children in the streets (loud rounds of applause from the gallery)"17.
The large variety of details, characteristics, and traits that shape up anarchism exposes the legislators' ductility in their attempt to construct, from their discourse, a dehumanized identity, an imported disease or, in a number of cases, metaphors pointing to its savage, irrational, or monstrous nature.
On the day when the Law of Social Defense was passed, Representative Lucas Ayarragaray emphatically maintained that "he had been thinking that it was essential to keep madmen and epileptics away from the country, by which I mean that this country, Mr. Representative, has the same fundamental rights, acknowledged by every Constitution in the world, to defend itself, through laws that preserve its society, from imported foreign dangers, whether these be epidemics, thieves, convicted criminals, anarchists, prostitutes, or caftens (sic) [...] ...We have the right to deny entry to epileptics, madmen, and degenerates; I mean, all those alleged anarchists, since when they become prey to anarchist preaching, their minds easily accept crime, attempts, arson, and bombs. I have no doubts that international anarchism recruits its best elements among these people. For in fact, Mr. Chairman, anarchism amounts to a gang of degenerates and fanatics who reject civilized struggle. Anarchism ignores the supreme law, the law of evolution, which not only rules social life, but the life of the universe at large"18. This Representative subsumes in one same group an interesting variety of social subjects, all of them condemned and persecuted at the time, and every one of them posing a social, moral, health, or political threat to society. The danger of their infiltrating the country implies the greatest menace to 'civilization and moral values'. Patricio Andrés Geli maintains that 'social efficacy of the new criminological discourse lies both in giving scientific status to the prevailing view of the criminal as manufactured by journalism and literature and in its power to reduce uncertainty, since it provides an infallible tool to detect dangerous individuals. Such preventive criterion lay on the cornerstone that there is such a thing as a born criminal (a biosocial type that can be equated with the savage doomed to commit crimes because of his atavistic origins), stigmatized by certain anthropometric and physiognomic traits as well as by behaviors supposed to define primitivism, such as the use of slang, tattoos, and play."19.
Representative Eduardo Oliver described anarchists as "hordes of criminals... yes, Mr. Chairman, this is the sort of anarchism that preaches extermination and dissolution of what is; the sort of anarchism that publicly and shamelessly boasts of having no laws, homeland, or religion; that hides in the shadows to manufacture the most lethal weapons leading to the indiscriminate slaughtering of helpless women, old people, and innocent children. I maintain, Mr. Chairman, that no social law should protect these monsters. Speeches, Mr. Chairman, are unnecessary to prove that, under these circumstances, anarchism is the most infamous, cowardly crime. It has been amply proved by the sundry events that it has protagonised worldwide. Such events are much more eloquent than anything I could say"20.
One fundamental concern that surfaced both in 1902 as 1910 was the threat on economic development. Like Representative Rufino Varela Ortiz, many other Congressmen who, at the same time, represented the benefits of industry, agreed that "looking after our interests for once, let us consider the issue behind the discussion of the draft that the Executive is asking us to pass in order to put a stop to the threat a very serious threat indeed on our present economic and social interests" 21. The ruling class laid emphasis on the reproduction of the necessary conditions to preserve the economic model and continue to profit from it. Yet as strikes, work stoppages, boycotts, and demonstrations attacked the model, they believed that the only possible solution lay in hardening the laws and in giving more power to the police, improving and specializing their methods, in order to wipe off anarchism from the political arena, for once and again it threatened the system's legitimacy and the daily ways of life.
Lastly, during a parliamentary session, Representative Ayarragaray explained the importance of selecting the right type of immigration, along with the ban on anarchism. His notion aimed mainly at Argentina's ethnic consolidation: " Since the country's population already includes ethnic components of a quite inferior nature, it must counteract this by bringing in superior components, selecting the migratory flow in order to incorporate healthy elements into the society with a view to have a physiologically healthy population in the future on the basis of ethnically cleansed individuals"22. He went on to say that "we do not need yellow immigrants, but white, European parents who may superiorize (sic) the hybrids and half-castes who constitute the basal population of this country"23. Hence, the history of immigrant arrival in the country did not cease once they set foot on the country, since many of the newcomers did not meet the required standards, either because they were not of Anglo-Saxon descent or because their political affiliation was unsavory. The ruling class of the times found that social conflict arose from the quality of immigration, from the interference of (outsider) militants into the labor market, or from the notion that demonstrations and protests amounted to riots that paralyzed industrial production.
On the other hand, anarchism, chiefly through La Protesta newspaper, also constructed a gradual notion of a universe from which they offered their own explanations of the laws and, consequently, of the ruling classes. From the opposite side of the fence, they interpreted the world that they grappled with as the realm of the capitalist system, the source of exploitation, social inequality, oppression, slavery, iniquity; in other words, the realm of the inadmissible. The divide between both universes could not be bridged. In the eyes of anarchism, all the institutions of the State reproduced and guaranteed social order; therefore, they did not trust any kind of dialogue or negotiation with politicians or public officials, since none of them would acquiesce to proletarian needs of unrestrained freedom and absolute equality.
Different issues of the newspaper repeated lengthy characterizations and descriptions about the features and purposes of the laws. On February 14, 1903, Alberto Ghiraldo wrote about "the passing of such an iniquitous law as is the one that legalizes the expulsion of foreigners, a ruthless, cowardly, Draconian law that delivers into the hands of the Police the lives and property of responsible, haughty men struggling for relief from exploitation in their embittered lives"24. This criticism was followed by a construction depicting an anarchist as a responsible man in constant struggle against domination. On March 14 of that same year, La Protesta published that "the law makes a good sword for whoever is holding it by the hilt"25. The wording of the law somehow resembled the lettres de cachet of 19th Century France, which gave the king direct power above the individuals and whose punitive form implied that an individual's imprisonment depended on the royal will.
Descriptions made in 1904 had not changed: "The Law of Residence is evil, brutal, and far too crushing. We do not want it. We do not accept it, least of all as a barbarian imposition"26. Anarchist discourse used the terms 'barbarianism' and 'civilization' to qualify the actions undertaken by the Argentinean government, with a meaning that exactly opposed the one that the ruling class had in mind when using the same words about anarchism. However, the paradigm of the enlightenment and sometimes the hygienist as well pervaded the discourse of the times, even the anarchist thought, which did not succeed in keeping its idiom free from words involving some evolutionist premise. For example, on July 14, 1904, La Protesta declared that "the Law of Residence is a step backwards in the country's evolutionary process"27.
In 1910, the newspaper published that "there are no historical precedents for the terrible and barbarous laws issued by the Argentinean government. Not even Russia, the most autocratic nation in the world, has such iniquitous laws as the ones recently passed in Argentina, laws that undermine individual and collective freedom"28. Comparisons with countries like Russia showed that anarchism gave little or no importance to different political regimes. Despite its denunciation of the repressive measures adopted by the State, the comparison did not go deep into the reach of such laws within the context of a country boasting bourgeois democratic goals.
Eight years after the passing of the Law of Residence, the Law of Social Defense became the new tool to combat libertarian thought. From Uruguay, only four days after the law was passed, La Protesta maintained that "[it] modified the previous Law of Residence, so that no free-spirited lover of liberty will be able to dwell on Argentinean soil. Only those who will submissively yield to the tyrant's whip, to the henchman's machete, and to the capitalist's exploitation will be allowed to vegetate on Argentina's virgin land. The mildest protest against the said trinity of pillage would imply immediate expulsion. Neither libertarian publications nor information released by anarchist groups will be allowed, and the postal service will not deliver any revolutionary publication coming from abroad. Workers' unions will be dissolved because they are regarded as disturbing factors in the harmony between capital and labor, and strikes will be banned, while the full weight of the law will fall on instigators"29.
The net of meanings that anarchism was trying to construct in relation to these repressive laws found its correlation in their definition of the legislative/ruling class. The features of the laws were not the only elements mentioned in the articles published by La Protesta. The construction of a visible enemy, one that embodied and advocated the measures adopted by the State, took on a protagonic role endowed with features and attitudes of his own. Anarchism gathered all forms of exploitation under the capitalist system, without detecting differences of shade between countries or regions, but rather encompassing them in a sole system of inequality. It likewise attempted to characterize legislators as accommodating slaves to the system. Along these lines, the construction of another who entertained no ideals of justice or liberty whatsoever was a necessary step to reinforce anarchistic thought. Ranging from a description of characteristics supposedly inherent to legislators to a general classification of public officials as belonging to the ruling class, there were diverse approaches to such a complex object, composed of parliamentary manipulation and class positions.
A number of articles make reference to congressmen's lack of practical knowledge when it came to vote or enforce the Law of Residence or the Law of Social Defense. It was assumed that the measures at stake involved ignorance of the social conflict rather than a governmental decision to safeguard the social system. On July 16, 1904, La Protesta declared on its front page that "those who legislate show their ignorance as they vainly attempt to stall the triumphant progress of the beauteous libertarian ideal"30. One year before, they had made a similar point, declaring that "Ignorant as they may be, we assume that General Roca and his statesmen must be aware that identical or very similar decisions [were] made in France under the naive belief that workers' unrest was due to sectarian agitators rather than the outcome of logical reaction against social order"31.
Together with the characteristics of the laws and of the ruling class, La Protesta denounced the names of the deported, persecutions, illegal detentions (such as that of Valenzuela, La Protesta's Argentinean editor, detained and interrogated in 1903 under the provisions of the Law of Residence), tortures, imprisonment, and the compilation of a corpus of 'knowledge' about anarchist militants on the basis of anthropometric records or the long lists of classified information provided by the specialized police. This context ruled that anarchism constituted the danger of the times. On May 1, 1903, the libertarian newspaper published that "Honest, hard-working heads of large households, who had settled down in Argentina many years before and whose children had been born in the country, were expelled with outrageous brutality. For the single offense of having taken part in workers' revolts or freely expressed their ideas, these honest men were arrested as if they were criminals and shipped off to their countries of origin, without the benefit of an hour's time to make ready for their unexpected voyage. The brutality of the policial (sic) operations was such that many of the deported were not allowed to take leave of their wives, children, and mothers. No words can describe such aberration"32.
The Law of Residence and the Law of Social Defense threatened individuals' civil and social rights as they continued to shape the authoritarian, persecutory nature of the modern State, in this case, by trying to wipe anarchism off the political arena. All representations and arguments, both in the Congress Journals and in La Protesta, attempted to draw a clear border dividing two universes, two opposed notions that were inadmissible, intolerable, improper, at times even incoherent. Still, they composed meanings in accordance with the precise historical place occupied by the class struggle at the beginning of the century; in brief, they portrayed an era framed by an accursed history.
Juan A. Alsina. La inmigración en el primer siglo de la Independencia, 1910.
Diario de sesiones, House of Senators, Argentine National Congress, Argentine Republic, June 8, 1889.
Diario de Sesiones, House of Representatives, Argentine National Congress, Argentine Republic, November 22, 1902.
Diario de Sesiones, House of Senators, Argentine National Congress, Argentine Republic, May 14, 1910.
Diario de Sesiones, House of Representatives, Argentine National Congress, Argentine Republic, June 27, 1910.
Diario de Sesiones, House of Senators, Argentine National Congress, Argentine Republic, November 23, 1902.
Diario de Sesiones, House of Representatives, Argentine National Congress, Argentine Republic, June 27, 1910.
Patricio Andrés Geli. "Los anarquistas en el gabinete antropométrico. Anarquismo y criminología en la sociedad argentina del 900", in Entrepasados magazine, #2. Buenos Aires, 1992.
Alberto Ghiraldo. "Sobre la ley de expulsión. Un descubrimiento y una opinión"(fragment), in La Protesta Humana of February 14, 1903.
Iaacov Oved. "El trasfondo de la Ley N° 4.144 de Residencia", in Desarrollo Económico magazine, #61, vol. 6. Buenos Aires, 1976.
Iaacov Oved. El anarquismo y el movimiento obrero en Argentina. Mexico, Siglo XXI Editores, 1978.
Juan Suriano. "El Estado argentino frente a los trabajadores urbanos: política social y represión, 1880-1916", in 14 Anuario, second period, Rosario, UNR Editora, 1990.
Juan Suriano. Anarquistas. Cultura y política libertaria en Buenos Aires 1890-1910. Buenos Aires, Editorial Manantial, 2001.
Gonzalo Zaragoza. Anarquismo argentino. 1876-1902. Madrid, Ediciones de la Torre, 1996.
* The author holds a Licenciate's degree in Communication Sciences issued by the School of Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires. Assistant professor at Communication II at the said School.
1 Gonzalo Zaragoza. Anarquismo argentino. 1876-1902. Madrid, Ediciones de la Torre, p. 24.
2 Source: http://www.revistapersona.com.ar/11Ramella08-3.htm., on data taken from: Juan A. Alsina, La inmigración en el primer siglo de la Independencia. 1910, p. 22.
3 According to Iaacov Oved, in 1901 235,000 wage-earners lived in Buenos Aires. The number comprised blue-collar workers, employees, public servants, etc. However, 46,500, or 25 per cent of them, had lost their jobs, so 5,5 per cent of the city's total population lived in a permanent state of scarcity and need.
4 Juan Suriano. Anarquistas. Cultura y política libertaria en Buenos Aires 1890-1910. Buenos Aires, Editorial Manantial, 2001, p. 43.
5 For further reading on anarchist publications at the beginning of the century, see Gonzalo Zaragoza, Anarquismo argentino 1876-1902. Madrid, Ediciones de la Torre, 1996; and Juan Suriano, Anarquistas. Cultura y política libertaria en Buenos Aires 1890-1910, Buenos Aires, Editorial Manantial, 2001.
6 The beginning of anarchist thought was marked by two tendencies: the individualistic trend and the organizational branch. Both were representative of small groups devoted to disseminating their ideas. They held different views about the revolutionary struggle and about the conception of anarchism and its role in the political arena. Eventually, the organizational branch prevailed, since it not only attracted very important people but also successfully communicated the needs of the Argentinean proletariat.
7 Iaacov Oved. "El trasfondo de la Ley N° 4.144 de Residencia", in Desarrollo Económico magazine , n° 61, volume 6. Buenos Aires.
8 The chronology of the strikes preceding the passing of the Law of Residence has been taken from Iaacov Oved (1976), op. cit., pp. 142 and 143. Also from Juan Suriano (1990), "El Estado argentino frente a los trabajadores urbanos: política social y represión, 1880-1916", in 14 Anuario, second era, Rosario, UNR Editora.
9 Oved, Iaacov (1976). Op. cit., p. 147.
10 Diario de sesiones, Senate, National Congress of the Argentine Republic, June 8, 1899, p. 135.
11 Iaacov Oved. El anarquismo y el movimiento obrero en Argentina. México, Siglo XXI Editores, 1978, p. 275.
12 In 1904, Socialist representative Alfredo Palacios submitted a draft to abolish the Law of Residence. After the Senate had debated it for several days, the draft was discarded.
13 Between 1902 and 1910 five curfews were imposed, with a total duration of eighteen months. They were explained away as preventive measures against workers' demonstrations.
14 Transcription of the debates held in Congress, and a change of medium (the conversational register becomes text).
15 Cesare Lombroso was one of the founders of the Positivist School of Criminal Law toward the end of the 19th Century. His theories about physiognomic attributes of criminals were used for search and detection, strengthening the certainty that science had an answer to criminal behavior. The repercussion of his ideas in Europe determined the appearance of the first laws against anarchism. In Argentina and Uruguay, these ideas supported the reasons and justifications expressed by certain legislators about 'the undesirables'. Physical features (atavistic stigmata) determined whether someone might become a criminal.
16 Diario de Sesiones, House of Representatives, National Congress of the Argentine Republic, November 22, 1902, p. 432.
17 Diario de Sesiones, Senate, National Congress of the Argentine Republic, May 14, 1910, p. 125.
18 Diario de Sesiones, , House of Representatives, National Congress of the Argentine Republic, June 27, 1910, p. 326.
19 Patricio Andrés Geli. "Los anarquistas en el gabinete antropométrico. Anarquismo y criminología en la sociedad argentina del 900", in Entrepasados magazine n° 2. Buenos Aires, 1992, p. 10.
20 Diario de Sesiones, House of Representatives, National Congress of the Argentine Republic, June 27, 1910, p. 295.
21 Diario de Sesiones, Senate, National Congress of the Argentine Republic, November 23, 1902, p. 432.
22 Diario de Sesiones, House of Representatives, National Congress of the Argentine Republic, June 27, 1910, pp. 325 and 326.
23 Diario de Sesiones, House of Representatives, National Congress of the Argentine Republic, June 27, 1910, p. 326.
24 Alberto Ghiraldo. "Sobre la ley de expulsión. Un descubrimiento y una opinión" (Fragment), in La Protesta Humana, February 14,1903, p. 1.
25 "Otro deportado: Salvajismo policial inaudito", in La Protesta Humana, March 14, 1903, p. 4.
26 "Semanas", in La Protesta, July 17, 1904, p. 1.
27 "La ley de Residencia", in La Protesta, July 14, 1904, p. 1.
28 "La tragedia en Buenos Aires; ¿Quién tiró la bomba?, Las Leyes terribles", in La Protesta, July 2, 1910, p. 1.
29 "La Federación Obrera Regional en Uruguay", in La Protesta Humana, July 2, 1910, p. 1.
30 "La ley de Residencia", in La Protesta, July 16, 1904, p. 1.
31 "Sigue la razzia: Deportaciones, arrestos, persecuciones", in La Protesta Humana, January 31, 1903, p. 1.
32 "La apertura del Congreso y la Ley de Expulsión", in La Protesta Humana, May 1, 1903, p. 2.


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I am new to bento and already obessed. I tend to jump into hobbies in a big way. I have been consistently monitoring all of the favorite bento sites and have decided to join the journal community as a start. I do not think I have enough time or energy to blog but we'll see. I have been on a quest in Miami for bento supplies. Wouldn't you know I ordered one shipment from IchibanKan before the online store closed. How sad. I was on vacation without computer when they announced their closing and lost the opportunity to shop...boo hoo. I have made up for it quickly with 7 bento boxes to start.
Any one else out there from Miami, Florida?
Cool, I don't know of any places in florida but I got hooked just as easily... funny how that works...
Foodies do it better.
Hi again! Well I might be going to Boyton Islands for Christmas and we might fly somewhere near Miami so I was wondering if you know of any Japanese stores in that area! Thanks=^_^=
Sorry I live very south of Boyton Beach, Florida...about 1 1/2 hours away. We do not seem to have any Japanese stores that sell bento. I have found a very nice Oriental Market in Homestead Florida called Tim's Oriental Mart. This store has everything as far as oriental food stuffs.
Opps I forgot we also have several Sanrio stores where you may find lock and lock style bento boxes if you like the Hello Kitty Gang. One store is located in The Falls Shopping Center, Pinecrest Florida south of the city of Miami, another is located in Saw Grass Mills Malls in Fort Lauderdale that would be much closer to you in Boyton. Good luck
I'm in North Florida near Gainesville. Just dropping a line to let you know that there is another bento enuthusiast in the state.
Thanks, stop by my blog sometime. www.new2bento.blogspot.com and stay a while...
Hello I have been trying to get a bento box for my daughter and it seems very difficult to find a store that seels them. I went to 163 st and there is a lot or oriental stores there and they didn't seem to know what bento boxes were , funny huh thats becuase all those stores are owned by chinese people .................... I am still looking and I will find a store or maybe just have to order one online I really want to get into it . I think it looks soo cool
I recommend you try Borders books for a stack box style container. They carry several sets from Paperchase a stationary company from England. I like the versitility of their boxes. Also I purchase many online at www.bentocrazy.com and www.iloveobento.com.
Hi, I'm from Kendall and recently became addicted to Bento! Funny thing is that I've been playing around with food to make it more interesting for a while now!... Just frustrated that there seems to be nowhere in Miami to buy bento supplies!
there's a very nice and cheap store in Miami on sunset dr and... i believe its 92nd ave...
Not sure. It's called PK's Oriental Mart... i go there regularly and i know they sell bento boxes but thats all ive seen. I havent been there in a while though... maybe i should start making bento boxes for my hubby and daughter... im such a nut for all jap stuff >_>
I live in Miami! I bought a few items from ichibankan right before they stopped their online store as well. BOO! I love bento since I go to high school and there'snot much space in my bag. I'm still trying to find places to find bento boxes. A friend said something about a PK Mart in South Miami that may carry them. I haven't checked it out yet. I do remember seeing Borders selling some ok looking ones by Paperchase, but they don't appeal to my eye. Plus they're overpriced if you ask me. Nothing can keep up to my ichibankan's standards or boxes under $5...
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Polar Sensor Folder
Keep your transmitter sensors completely safe and protected with the Polar Sensor Folder. Each sensor slips into its own compartment keeping them in perfect order. Mark the sensors with the stickers included for easy identification.
- Holds up to 20 sensors
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Wet Your Feet: Eco-Friendly Shower Curtains
Olive oil–based soaps? Check. Organic-cotton bath towels? You wouldn't dare wrap your bod in anything else. But as city dwellers know all too well, a small bathroom takes on the personality of the biggest item in it—and most often, that's the shower curtain. The options below the jump promise to make your bathing routine all the kinder to Mother Earth.
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4. Bring botanical bliss into the bath with a new line of couture shower curtains from British textile designer Kaniez Abdi for NYC-based home-accessories brand Kontextür. The collection includes four distinct designs (from $150); Blossom, shown, is made of found glow-edge PVC embroidered onto white bamboo.
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7. Embrace your inner DIY'er with Urban Outfitter's DIY Shower Curtain ($36). A recyclable HDPE plastic curtain (PVC-free) serves as a canvas for whatever you devise with a non-toxic marker. (Machine wash curtain before drawing.)


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The process of buying a new Volkswagen car or truck can seem overwhelming if you don't know where to begin. Edmunds.com can get you started on the right track with a convenient directory of Volkswagen car dealerships in and around Sykesville, Maryland. Compare online price quotes on the new or used car, truck, SUV, minivan, or wagon of your choice to locate the best deals. Edmunds.com makes it easy to find trusted Volkswagen car dealers in Sykesville, saving car buyers time and money on what will be an important purchase.
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Prime Video Memberships
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"As campaigns enter their final month, a number of candidates are flooding the airwaves with advertisements demonizing Wall Street. From the presidential race to local Congressional contests, from Montana to New Mexico, candidates — both Democrats and Republicans — are relentlessly attacking their opponents by linking them to bankers and bailouts, no matter how tenuous the connection.
"'Candidates are bashing each other over the heads for being in Wall Street's back pocket,' said Elizabeth Wilner of Kantar Media's Campaign Media Analysis Group. 'Wall Street is this campaign season's punching bag, and it's bipartisan and it's escalating.'"
Yes, it's true, commented Hullabaloo (digbysblog.blogspot.com) blogger David Atkins on the report. People hate Wall Street—so much so that campaigns on both sides are stretching the truth to tie their opponents to Wall Street because it looks so bad.
As he sees it, "That's what happens when a small class of very, very wealthy people crashes the entire economy, gets bailed out at the expense of everyone else, roars back to greater riches than ever, and then has the audacity of sneer at the downtrodden for not being as 'productive' as they are."
Yes, he added, they're insecure about both their wealth and their position in society, emotionally and morally.
Atkins concluded, "Good. It's called social guilt, and it's a survival mechanism. The big question is who will be left surviving if they bring it all crashing down again."
However, in case you haven't noticed, Wall Street has unlimited amounts of money via its ownership of the Federal Reserve System to buy an unlimited number of politicians once the pols get through bashing next month and are sworn into office. Your vote is not going to change that. Check the voting records of the so-called "Tea Party"-sponsored U.S. representatives sent to Washington, D.C., two years ago. You'll find that most of them have been voting for the Wall Street agenda, in direct opposition to what they promised while running for office, ever since they received their first legal bribes (aka campaign contributions) upon arriving on Capitol Hill.
"When it comes to Wall Street, we don't have a 2-party system. We have an ongoing Wall Street contribution party," said Jeff Connaughton, author of The Payoff: Why Wall Street Always Wins. He has a particular insight into this, having spent his career on both Wall Street and Capitol Hill, having worked as a lobbyist and a fundraiser and a White House lawyer before making one last-ditch effort to reform the system as chief of staff to U.S. Sen. Ted Kaufman of Delaware.
Maybe that's why about half of the eligible population doesn't vote even in presidential elections and up to 80 to 90 percent don't vote at all other times. If your vote really mattered, you wouldn't be allowed to vote.
But if it makes you feel better to vote (registration ends Tuesday for those not already registered), go ahead by all means. It is your right to do so (even though the powers that be are attempting to make it more difficult to vote) and it is the right of those who don't vote to not do so. No one should be harassed for opting out of performing what seems to be a meaningless ritual.
Wall Street will both survive and thrive at our expense as long as it owns both parties ((and only two are ever allowed) and thus controls the drone operators and other functionaries of the total surveillance police state which has been erected to "protect" the American people since 9-11. Even though they knew playing the "war card" always worked well with Americans, it actually probably astounded many of the Wall Streeters how easy it was to enslave a nation of more than 300 million people.
Wall Street is often likened to a casino. You might say they made a bet that the people wouldn't figure out the war was mostly on them until it was too late. And it looks like they were right.


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posted by Kroc Camen on Sun 3rd Jan 2010 22:34 UTC
The problem with the future is that by the time you get there, everything is pretty normal. Now that we've arrived in 2010 (something I could hardly imagine 10 years ago), we're now met with the annual tradition of predicting what will happen this year. Now that Kroc, Thom and Tess have recovered enough from the new year we discuss KDE 4, desktop OSes vs. the web and the issues of privacy and government involvement in the Internet--that is, when we managed to stay on topic. More coffee!
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Thats The Hood: Lindsay Lohan Moves Out Of Venice & Her Neighbor Threatens The Paps With A Bat! "Get The Fxck Outta Here Cuz, I Dont Care About That Bxtch.. The Pistols Are Coming"
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Shopping is a sport, and everyone knows we take our sports very seriously in Massachusetts. Warm up by finding treasures at one-of-a-kind places like the country's first mobile vintage shop, Haberdash Vintage; the antique stores of Essex; or the world's only Curious George Store in Harvard Square. Score huge deals shopping in Massachusetts' many awesome outlets, and then go into shopping overtime at Yankee Candle's flagship store that's so epic, it's an entire village. Then hit the big leagues shopping in Boston, from the cobblestone streets of the world famous Faneuil Hall Marketplace to the chic store windows on Newbury Street. If you're planning on going shopping in Massachusetts, you're clearly going home a winner.
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Girls Getaway: It's All Here
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Girls Getaway: It's All Here
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2012-10-31 / Opinion
The Record's endorsements for 2012
In this election, voters have unique opportunities to direct the course of government at the state and federal level. Some of the distinctions between the candidates are clear, while others are not. In some cases the candidates agree on what must be done to bring peace around the world and here at home and to address the dismal economy that has halted growth and prosperity here at home.
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Mulger bill wrote:And yet they still haven't followed the (self appointed) world leaders in cycling safety after how many years? Now why do you think that might be? Maybe it's because they WANT all cyclists to be killed off ASAP, thereby making the world a much better place. [/tic]
That's quite a leap. Not sure what the point of this post is...
il padrone wrote:No call for the slanging and aspersions.
I actually had to look up aspersions. I'm probably not as well schooled as you. Aspersions: a disparaging or malicious remark; slanderous accusation. All I said is that your comments cause you to come across to me, as arrogant. If that's malicious or slanderous, sorry. I didn't think you were so sensitive.
Worryingly, the researchers also found children who were involved in a collision were much more likely to be unhelmeted. Children aged 12 years or less comprised 19% of all those who weren't wearing a helmet at the time of their accident but just 7% of those who were.
This pattern was similar for those aged 13-19 years. Teenagers made up 35% of all those who weren't wearing a helmet when they collided with a motor vehicle but 11% of those who were.
The study does not say that this is a representation of helmet use amongst teenagers and children.
Since it's about accidents involving motor vehicles, this research can't tell us if children and teenagers are more inclined to cycle without a helmet. However it shows non-helmet wearers in this age group are significantly over-represented in accidents.
By the power of MS calculator, I've determined that there were 221 head injuries amongst children and teenagers between 2001 and 2009.
The odds of sustaining a 'moderate' head injury in a collision are 1.9 times greater if the cyclist doesn't wear a helmet.
However the odds of suffering a head injury classified as 'serious' are 2.6 times greater if the rider's unhelmeted. In the case of a 'severe' head injury they're 3.9 times greater.
When the researchers broke head injuries down by type, the estimated odds of suffering a 'serious' or 'severe' skull fracture if no helmet is worn is 4.6 times greater.
Now I agree with the anti-MHLs (heaven forbid!) that the ideal would be to have excellent cycling infrastructure, and excellent attitudes towards cyclists and cycling (road sharing) and I'm not criticising you for fantasising this ideal. But in the absence of this infrastructure and motorist attitude, don't you think it would be a good idea for children to be wearing helmets when riding bikes? il padrone, how many children's head injuries are acceptable to you?


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Wright Institute 2013 Commencement
Date: Sunday, June 9, 2013
Time: 3:30 p.m.
Location: Scottish Rite Center, Oakland, CA (http://oakland-scottishrite.org)
Directions: http://oakland-scottishrite.org/Directions.aspx
Guest Speaker: Emil R. Rodolfa, Ph.D.
Dr. Emil Rodolfa is a Professor of Psychology at California School of Professional Psychology (CSPP), Sacramento. Prior to joining the faculty at CSPP, he was the Director of the University of California, Davis Counseling and Psychological Services. He worked at UC Davis for 25 years and he was on staff at Humboldt State University Counseling and Psychological Services for 7 years. He received his Ph.D. in 1981 from Texas A&M University and completed his internship at the University of Iowa.
A Fellow of the American Psychological Association (APA), Dr. Rodolfa is the founding editor of Training and Education in Professional Psychology. He is a Past-President of the State of California Board of Psychology (BOP), serving on the BOP for ten years. Dr. Rodolfa has also served as a President of the Association of State and Provincial Psychology Boards (ASPPB), a Chair of the Association of Psychology Postdoctoral and Internship Centers (APPIC), a Chair of the Council of Chairs of Training Councils (CCTC), and a member of the governing board of the Association of University and College Counseling Center Directors (AUCCCD). Currently he is a member of the APA Commission on Accreditation and Chair of the ASPPB Assessment of Competency Task Force.
Dr. Rodolfa received the Distinguished Contributions of Applications of Psychology to Education and Training Award from the APA; the ASPPB Norma Simon Award for distinguished contributions to psychology licensure on a national level; the Lifetime Achievement Award from the AUCCCD; the John D. Black Award for Outstanding Achievement in the Practice of Counseling Psychology from the APA Society of Counseling Psychology; the Educational Advocacy Distinguished Service Award from the APA Board of Educational Affairs; and the Paul Nelson Award from the Council of Chairs of Psychology Training Councils for his distinguished contributions to enhance communication between training councils. His interests include ethical and legal issues, supervision and training, college student mental health and the treatment of anxiety and depression.


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Revenues and Spending of Michigan's Urban, Suburban, Town and Rural School Districts
In the passionate debates over providing equal educational opportunity for all children, it's frequently argued that large financial inequities create challenges for many public schools, particularly those in lower-income urban areas. This study compares the revenues and operating expenditures of Michigan's urban, suburban, town and rural school districts. The study's findings provide a new and unique perspective on Michigan's school districts.


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These themed biscuits are hand-painted and come in a luxury gift box, tied with a ribbon.
The teapot or large cup can be personalised with a maximum of 10 characters.
- Delivery
Delivered Worldwide.
Decorated biscuits take 1-3 days to make from the time you place your order. For orders made after hours on a Wednesday or later, unless previously arranged, we will delay posting until the following Monday.
More Info →
- Ingredients
Chocolate, vanilla pod or powder, butter, egg, sugar, flour, black treacle (gingerbread), golden syrup (chocolate,gingerbread), cocoa powder (chocolate), spices (gingerbread).
E numbers which are included in the food colourings are as follows: E422, E551, E133, E122, E1520, E102, E155, E124, E104.
Full ingredient list for meringue powder is as follows: Wheat starch, Dried egg albumen, sugar, modified starch, acidity regulators (calcium lactate, tartaric acid, cream of tartare, lactic acid), Dextrose, Stabiliser (guar gum).
- Shelf Life
We recommend eating the decorated biscuits within a month of receiving them. Keep at room temperature.


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Stars host Blues with chance to clinch playoff berthby Mike Battaglino
BLUES (52-21-7) at STARS (39-30-11)
Last 10: St. Louis 5-5-0; Dallas 6-4-0
Season series: The Dallas Stars have won the past two games against the St. Louis Blues after losing the first two by a combined score of 9-3. Each team has won once in overtime.
Big story: Dallas can clinch its first Stanley Cup Playoff berth since 2008 with a win. It's possible because the Phoenix Coyotes lost their sixth in a row Thursday, 2-0 at the Nashville Predators.
St. Louis has lost five of seven to fall out of first place in the Central Division. The Colorado Avalanche defeated the Vancouver Canucks 4-2 on Thursday to give the Avalanche 111 points, same as the Blues, with two games to go, but Colorado has more regulation and overtime wins (47-43).
Team Scope:
Blues: On March 28, St. Louis led the Central by eight points over the Chicago Blackhawks and nine over Colorado. The Blues held a one-point lead for the Presidents' Trophy over the Boston Bruins, who now lead them by four.
Biggest steals based on ADP, ownershipBy Pete Jensen - NHL.com Fantasy Insider
As the NHL regular season comes to a close, it's appropriate to marvel at how fantasy league champions were crowned after a six-month roller-coaster ride. READ MORE ›
"It's not fun losing," forward Jaden Schwartz told the Blues website Thursday. "These are big, important games for us, and it's a big time of the year. We're confident in here that we can turn this around, and we have two more games to do that."
Forward T.J. Oshie was injured in the second period and will not play Friday, and forward David Backes (foot) might not play again in the regular season.
"[Oshie is] such an important player to our team," Schwartz said. "At this time of the year, you don't want to see injuries like that. You just hope that he's ready to go soon and he's feeling better."
Stars: Twelve Dallas players have never participated in the NHL postseason, and four others haven't in at least five years.
"A lot of players like myself, first time in key games like this, there are learning points and learning curves to everything, and I think it's just how you come back and how you play the next game," defenseman Brenden Dillon told the Dallas Morning News after a 3-1 loss to the Columbus Blue Jackets on Wednesday.
Dallas had 12 giveaways Wednesday after 21 in a 3-2 shootout win against Nashville on Tuesday. This will be the Stars' fifth game in seven days.
"There's two things [the giveaways tell me]: There's some fatigue in our game, and some guys are feeling the pressure," coach Lindy Ruff said. "I've already talked to several guys about the fact that we need to make plays and trust that the guy is going to be there. If the opposition makes a great play defending us, I can live with that. I don't want the turnovers where we throw it at the wall or into the middle of the ice. That's something I've got to work and get these guys over."
Dallas would secure the second wild card in the Western Conference with a win Friday or Sunday against Phoenix.
Goalie Kari Lehtonen will start after Tim Thomas lost to Columbus.
Who's hot: Blues forward Alexander Steen had two assists Thursday and has nine points in his past seven games. Schwartz has two goals in three games, 25 this season. … Stars forward Tyler Seguin has seven points in his past six games and with 83 points is third in the NHL in scoring, behind Sidney Crosby of the Pittsburgh Penguins (103) and Ryan Getzlaf of the Anaheim Ducks (87). Forward Jamie Benn has six points in a four-game streak.
Injury report: Blues center Derek Roy (upper body), forward Vladimir Sobotka (lower body), forward Brenden Morrow (lower body) and forward Vladimir Taransenko (thumb) are out. Backes reportedly is in a walking boot. … Stars forward Ray Whitney (lower body) and defenseman Aaron Rome (lower body) are day-to-day.


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Ten percent of state funding for Missouri's colleges and universities would depend on whether they can meet performance goals such as improved graduation rates, according to a plan presented Monday to state lawmakers.
Ten percent of state funding for Missouri's colleges and universities would depend on whether they can meet performance goals such as improved graduation rates, according to a plan presented Monday to state lawmakers.
It's part of an initiative, required by state law, to develop a funding formula for higher education institutions similar to what exists for public K-12 education. Missouri's current approach allots money based largely on how much the colleges and universities received in the past and how much the state has available for the future.
Gov. Jay Nixon is likely to recommend that performance criteria be used for a funding increase — perhaps around 1 or 2 percent — to higher education institutions in the 2014 budget, said deputy higher education commissioner Paul Wagner. But the plan prepared by staff for the Legislature's Joint Committee on Education would take a more aggressive approach.
Committee chairman, Sen. David Pearce, R-Warrensburg, described the proposed funding model as a "starting point" for continued discussions. He asked higher education officials and others to submit comments by the end of this year. The committee is not mandated by law to develop a funding formula until the end of 2013.
Under Monday's proposal, the state would fund 35 percent of an institution's operating costs. Of that, 90 percent would be automatic and the remaining 10 percent would depend on whether it meets specific performance goals, such as retaining students from their freshmen to sophomore years, graduating students within a certain number of years and achieving success for students on licensure exams or in job placements.
The funding proposal isn't designed to benefit any particular university or category of institutions, nor would it tell institutions how to spend their state money, said Stacey Preis, the committee's executive director.
A year ago, the state Coordinating Board for Higher Education — which oversees the higher education department — recommended that Missouri should start awarding performance-based funding in the 2014 fiscal year. But that would be on top of an institution's base funding and would not exceed 2 or 3 percent of an institution's total state funding in any given year.
The proposal for a comprehensive funding formula put forth Monday could run into political trouble if the performance criteria are used to help determine a university's base budget, as opposed to serving as a bonus. That's because lawmakers often vote for or against education funding measures based on whether the schools they represent stand to gain or lose money.
"The bottom line is: Are institutions going to be able to lose money?" Wagner said about the proposed higher education funding formula. "If not, then I think it's a lot of unnecessary complications, and I think we should just focus on funding institutions that are doing well."


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GIANTS VS GREEN BAY PACKERS AT POLO GROUNDSIn the center of the photo we can see guard Russ Letlow, number 46, tracking the ball. I can't quite make out the numbers on the other Packer players.
NEW YORK CITY - Len Barnum #10 of the Giants passes to Howell #21 for a 7 yard gain in the 1st period today.
I presume, based on the brief caption, that this photo hit the wires before the end of the game. Unfortunately for Curly Lambeau and his boys, the Packers fell that day, 7 to 3.
The Packers finished the season second to the Chicago Bears in the Western Division with a 6–4–1 record. That tie came in Cleveland against the Rams, in the last weekend of the season. Had they been able to score just one more point in that game, they would have been tops in the division and gone to the championship game against Washington. The Bears went instead, and cruised to a 73–0 win and the World Championship. Who knows what would have happened had the Big Bay Blues been in that game?


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Actually, strictly speaking, an accidental handball isn't a foul. FIFA's Law 12 states "A direct free kick is also awarded to the opposing team if a player handles the ball deliberately (except for the goalkeeper within his own penalty area)."Originally Posted by FaaipDeOiad
The whole issue is murky because the law doesn't really define what is "deliberate". Referees have to judge intent which is, by definition, a subjective call.


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Bestguard Oven Mitt 13″ Long, 1 Pair – TanSEE IT
Fire-retardant mitt protects to 425 F and withstands commercial use. One size fits all.
Strategies For A Better Cooking Experience
Write out a list for all of the ingredients that you will need for a recipe before you go to the grocery store. This way, you will not forget anything. Many people forget one or two important ingredients for the recipe, which causes them to not be able to make the meal.
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Coffee Making Tips For The Frugal Brewer
You should make sure to clean your coffee pot every time you use it so that any residual flavors do not tarnish the taste of it. There are oils that will stick to the coffee pot over time. Many people do not notice the difference, but true coffee lovers will be able to tell right away.
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Anyone Can Get A Good Bottle Of Wine With These Simple Tips
Instead of throwing out your last bits of wine, consider saving it for a marinade for dinner the next night. Take your wine, add some seasoning and place it in a bowl. Add your favorite piece of meat to the bowl and let it sit for several hours or even overnight. This will add delicious flavor to your next night's meal!
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This Article Was Written For Your Online Shopping Success
Before making a purchase, compare prices on several websites. Look for special coupons and offers on these websites to make sure you are getting the best deal possible. Also look into what it will cost for the shipping on your items and if there are free shipping options available to you.


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What can adults do to encourage kids to become interested in aviation? It's a question that's on the minds of many in GA as the pilot population continues to decline.
Who better to go to to find the answers than the kids themselves? Two young men who are helping build a four-place Bearhawk for EagleFlight Aviation Ministries in Olathe, Kansas, shared their ideas:
Colby Davis, 18 (left): "I think the best way for parents to help is to first spark that interest. It can be very easy, just go flying with your kids in a small aircraft. That way they see everything that's going on in the cockpit and are part of the action. Most small airports will point you in the direction of a good pilot to take you up for a reasonable price."
"If you are interested in becoming a pilot or mechanic, I would recommend joining a small group like EagleFlight. So far it has helped me learn valuable information and put it in use without having to spend large amounts of money on books, materials, or classes."
David Pittman, 17 (left, in brown hoodie): "I grew up in Africa and I was not even close to an airport, but I enjoyed looking at planes while they were in the air. When I got a chance to fly in a plane my first time, it was like my dream coming true, even though I didn't know much about it.
Colby's dad, Todd, adds: "My oldest son has expressed his interest in becoming a professional pilot for several years. I believe that having a desire to learn about physics, technology, aviation history, and flight has been a catalyst to my kid's desire to pursue aviation as a potential career. As a parent, I feel it is important to nurture those desires when there is interest. I remember studying rocketry in the Scouting program my boys were involved in, and how that brief introduction to avionics and the history of flight really intrigued them. As that portion of the Scouting program came and went, I saw the interest still lingered, so my wife and I continued to feed into that and purchased books about flight and flight history. We invested in flight simulators, and I eventually joined the Civil Air Patrol with them so we could learn even more and serve our country simultaneously.
"I often find myself telling my friends about the blessing it is to have found a common bond with my kids and to be able to spend as much time with them doing things we enjoy, and pursuing the dream of becoming a pilot alongside them," add Davis, who at 41 is starting his flight training alongside his sons.
"I think parents should talk to kids more about aviation, encourage and give support to their kids. From very small things to big things like building a plane, kids just appreciate adults who will take time to invest in a kid and share their knowledge and passions."
Read all about the EagleFlight's Bearhawk project in the April 6 issue of General Aviation News and online in the near future.


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Carrying only proven and trusted brand names so you know you're buying high-quality merchandise that will match -or exceed- your expectations. BicyclingHub.com offers stylish women's cycling jerseys, well-padded cycling knickers and bike shorts, vibrant designs, and long sleeve cycling jerseys.
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Copyright 2002 - 2018 BicyclingHub.com All rights Reserved.


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The McDowell Arts Center (MAC) houses a 2-room gallery space upstairs, with a large classroom/studio space downstairs.
To register for classes and programs at the McDowell Arts Center, visit our Registration Site!
For more information about the facility, gallery schedule, etc.
contact Melissa Johnson at firstname.lastname@example.com.
Rentals are not available for The McDowell Arts Center