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Sociedad (Buenos Aires)
Print version ISSN 0327-7712
Sociedad (B. Aires) vol.3 no.se Buenos Aires 2007
The tragedy of development: disputes over natural resources in Argentina
Norma Giarracca
Professor and researcher at the Gino Germani Institute [Instituto Gino Germani]. Coordinates the Latin American Rural Studies and Social Movements Group [Grupo de Estudios Rurales y de Movimientos Sociales en América Latina]. University of Buenos Aires
Translated by Marta Inés Merajver
Translation from Sociedad (Buenos Aires), Buenos Aires, nº 26, 2007.
This article deals with the problem of development based on the production of natural resources which in recent years has increased substantially in Latin America. This is a trend which includes de case of Argentina where large petroleum, mining and agribusiness corporations have become some of the main economic actors of the country. What are the consequences of this type of "development" when the main objetives of these corporations is to exploit these natural resources which on the whole were preserved in our countries of the "periphery" while they were depredated in the countries of the "centre"? More then 80% of the natural resources available at present in the world for the future of humanity are localized in territories pertaining to peasant and indigenous communities and, in large measure, in Latin America. In this paper several case studies are considered: the expansion of mining, forestry related to the paper pulp industry and agribusiness. The condiciones in which these activities are expanded and the resistances and disputes developed by the populations that tend for the care of nature and the environment are considered. Finally, some reflexiones in which a critique of the concept of development based on techno-science and the activities of these large corporations as some of their fundamental supports is presented.
Key words: Natural resoucers Social Movements critique of development - Territories in dispute
The title of this article, borrows from Marshall Berman's concept "the tragedy of development"1, a critical stance in a blind drive towards the domination and appropriation of nature. Such a notion of development is based on a project in which technical change is disconnected from the needs of the majority of the population and devised for the only purpose of making a profit and achieving social control. The idea of development whose different meanings were assigned to it by the hegemonic capitalist countries, has gathered abundant criticism. In one of the most interesting books that criticize this concept, Gustavo Esteva mentions that "the metaphor of development granted global hegemony to a purely occidental genealogy of history, depriving peoples of different cultures the opportunity to define the forms of their social life" (2001: 69). According to Esteva, critical theories from Europe fell into the trap of depicting development in the original meanings of this concept. Thus development was depicted as a historical process evolving under the same necessary conditions as natural laws. Most Latin American thinkers did not question this notion in their critical work, being also traped and dazzled by the myth of capitalist development.
For many social movements in the world, particularly in Latin America, the promise of development has shown to have caused much damage to regions and populations whose living conditions have worsened after the 'modernization' scheme was put into effect. On the other hand, that after breaking with this myth, they could take the matter into their own hands, either by going back to agroecology or installing it, and performing economic activities based on their own cultures, with innovative initiatives often underlined by a high-tech complexity.
This articles deals with issues related to mining, forestry, pulp paper mills, as well as with agribusiness in Argentina. It reflects on the formation of social actors that struggle with corporations over natural resources bringing these issues to the public agenda. The last item includes some considerations concerning economic models, technoscience, and the connections between both these elements and the possibilities for expansion of democratization processes in society.
Novel conceptualizations that have abounded in recent years propose 'knowledge starting from the South' (Santos, 2006), from border epistemologies (Gerfoguel, 2006), or from colonized people's awareness of knowledge and power (Lander, 2000, Quijano, 2000). They aim at addressing the profound crisis affecting the epistemological paradigms of our times and to think these matters out from the perspective of the experimental fields constructed by social movements (Santos, 2000). The task of acquiring knowledge from such suggestive conceptualizations also involves a radical criticism of the old modernization and developmentalist views (Sachs, 2001, Santos, 2000) This work explores this new 'development' based on the devastation of natural resources and, the opposition of social movements based on these new perspectives and throughts.
The disputes
In the late 20th Century, significant disputes have taken place in Argentina as well as in the rest of Latin America involving natural resources. This has been a constant since the more advanced and transnational capital has begun to consider natural goods as the basic of their valorization proceses. In the past twenty years a new appropriation process of nature has become one of the main forms for the valorization of capital. In this context "development" implies domination over natural resources, in particular, over water, land, and biological diversity.
Territories are disputed in economic terms within a plan of world political domination. According to Ana Esther Ceceña, the "national other" loses its voice to become embodied as part of one only territory under dispute (Ceceña, 2004). In this paper we point out that in the cases of Argentina and Uruguay, the National State makes its contribution to these processes by passing laws and setting rules that facilitate new forms of investment, i.e. privatization laws, patent rights, permits for the use of transgenic seeds, etcétera.
In other words, territories that used to be in the hands of private capital within the borders of a nation that is, factories, arable land, financial niches, etc. have become part of a new worldwide territorial configuration. Thus territoriality is a process, involving spaces that are currently being constructed and disputed, and that is tearing up and reshaping geographies. It should be noted that the nation-state has changed its status as a regulator mediating private capital, to become a facilitator for change, thus generating, for example, new juridical norms and acquiescing to those created in transnational arenas such as the CIADI2.
The Case of Argentina
Argentina is the Latin American country with a one of the highest territorial and natural resource exposition to privatization and appropriation processes engineered by large transnational capital. She is the fourth petroleum producer of Latin America. Nevertheless by privatizing her petroleum and handing it over to foreign companies, Argentina has mortgaged all possibilities for pursuing an autonomous policy. Another paradigmatic example can be found in the privatization of drinking water (see Giarracca and Del Pozo, 2004). To this we may add legislation that favors the establishment of mining, with large companies that besides ripping apart the territory and depriving neighboring populations of water and other resources provides very slight incomes to the country as a whole. This is an activity that ends up being subsidized by the State just because their exports go through Patagonian ports. What is happening to arable land, shrub lands, and yungas is an additional indicator of the fact that Argentina is highly exposed to the large economic players of the world.
Different segments of the population are denouncing and taking action so as to put an end to such an outrageous situation. The inhabitants of small cities or towns from the interior, as well as peasants, and indigenous communities are organizing themselves, gathering information, and getting in touch with similar organizations in other countries in an attempt to stop these new investors. It is a long, unequal battle, for they have to confront large capital in the global economic world: the huge Canadian and Australian mining companies, the French transnational corporations that, with a few exceptions, have taken over management of water around the world, the large soy investors accompanied by Monsanto and Sygenta, and the powerful pulp mills, such as the Spanish Ence and Finnish Botnia .
1) Rejection of mining
The macro-institutional context
With a territory of 2,700,000 km2 Argentina is considerably rich in mineral resources, 75 per cent of which remain unexploited. This attracts investors as can indeed be read from advertisements in official Internet sites. The main mining areas are located in the Andes, along a mountain range of more than 4,500 km. A paper issued by the Ministry of the Economy and published in the Internet recommends investments in mining, arguing that, according to a 1999 CEPAL survey based on information provided by the Colorado Mining School (EEUU), out of 24 countries studied, Argentina provides the second highest domestic rate of return for a model gold project, and the third for a model copper project. The Ministry of the Economy supplemented this data by volunteering information on the convenience of Argentina's low cost labor, public services, and utilities.
During the neo-liberal Menem administration, the Law of Investments in Mining No.24.196/93, attracted about significant investments 3 as the number of mining companies increased4. According to a report of CEPAL in the early 90s there were seven mining companies in the country, whereas at present the number has soared to fifty-five foreign companies and a few local ones. This could be expected since the above mentioned law provides an unprecedented beneficial legal framework never subscribed before by a sovereign State. Under its provisions, foreign companies are fully entitled to obtain domestic credit, to transfer abroad realized profits, and repatriate their investments, besides mining all minerals, including nuclear matter, without any restrictions whatsoever. In addition, these companies are entitled to the following incentives, as established by the mining investment regime:
- Double deduction of exploitation expenses. In order to establish their due income tax payments, companies may deduct the total amount invested when determining the feasibility of the project.
- Reimbursement of VAT on exploration activities. Law 25.429 included reimbursement of VAT fiscal credit stemming from investments in exploration twelve months after the expenses were incurred.
- Exemption from tariffs/customs duties. Registered mining companies are exempted from paying import duties on capital goods, special equipment, or components of such goods. Mining servicing companies enjoy equal benefits.
- Tax exemptions and deductions. Profit derived from mines and mining rights devoted to construct company capital do not pay income tax.
- Exemption from Minimum Expected Profit (Assets). Capitalization of mining reserves valuation: following approval, they can be capitalized to a maximum of 50 per cent.
- VAT advanced reimbursement and financing. In the case of new projects or of a substantial increase in production capacity, the companies will obtain VAT reimbursement or financing for the following transactions: permanent import or purchase of new capital goods and investment in infrastructure applied to production.
- Tax exemption on mining property. No mining property, products, premises, machinery, workshops, or vehicles will be taxed.
- Provincial and municipal taxes. In the Federal Mining Agreement (Law 24.228), the provinces agreed to lift all municipal taxes, rates, and documentary stamp taxes that might encumber mining activities in the provinces.
- Royalties. Of the twenty-three provinces of Argentina, only seven collect royalties. Some provinces have adopted new royalty schemes, in which the amounts paid decrease as the value added of the mineral inside the province increases.
In other words, the legal framework for mining is so permissive and favors foreign investment in such a way that one cannot but understand the enormous influx of foreign capital that has flooded the country over the last few years. As we mention above, the State not only does not regulate but facilitates depleting mineral resources in Argentina.
"No to the mines": the protesters
The main players here are the 'self-convened residents'(vecinos autoconvocados), people whose home towns and environment are being affected by the exploitation of the mines. They dwell in 'medium-sized' cities (about 50,000 inhabitants each), and have different migratory and ethnic origins you will find people from European, aboriginal, 'criollo' descent, and others. These cities are inhabited by professionals with a level of education that enables them to gather and classify information on mining as well as aboriginal communities who try to articulate their own knowledge and meanings of the problem with that of the ("asambleìstas") activist protesters.
While first foreign investment and exploitation of the new era was carried out in Catamarca under the name of Bajo La Alumbrera, the first forceful collective protest took place in Esquel, Chubut, toward the end of 2002. It took place in the nation wide scenario that was a sequel to the protests of December 19 and 20, 2001 (see Giarracca and Teubal, 2004)5. The form of organization chosen in Esquel was the assembly following the model of the struggles fought in the capital.
Thus, the initial drive that would later give rise to the rejection of other megaprojects in various Andean regions began in the city of Esquel in the south. During the 'protest cycle' between 2003 and 2007, Catamarca joined the dispute and the countrywide movement through an organization of her own. A resident of Andalgalá (Catamarca), who is thinking of selling his house due to the pollution in the area, declared to a provincial newspaper: "Ten years ago, I welcomed La Alumbrera as a sign of advancement. All of us were happy with this company. But it proved to be my worst mistake. The whole thing was a lie. Far from providing job opportunities, they brought along more poverty and polluted everything. They are literally killing us". (Andalgalá, Catamarca, 12/21/05).
In this small town located in Northwestern Argentina, the confrontation involves two parties; on the one hand the gold mining companies Swiss Xstrata, Canadian Goldcorp and Northern Orion, and, on the other, an assembly composed of pensioners, teachers, professionals, and housewives who spend their leisure time learning formulas or surveying the Internet for experiences similar to theirs, in a relentless effort to reject this mining undertaking..
In 2006, Andalgalá staged a number of protests and complaints, besides having organized a referendum when word got round that a new investment project was in the making. That same year, breakage of a pipeline contaminated the waters of the nearby river.
Still, Esquel was the starting point for civil society's setting limits on extractive activities. In 2003, the city's self-convened assembly succeeded in thwarting Meridian Gold Inc.'s project, an open-sky, cyanide-based operation. Open-pit/open-sky mining was banned in Vallenar (Chile), Tambogrande (Peru), Cantón Cotacachi (Ecuador), San Luis de Potosí (Mexico), Montana (EEUU), San Marcos (Guatemala), and Valle de Siria (Honduras) among other places. As a consequence in 2002 in the province of Río Negro a network of assemblies that were emulated all over the country was started, thus giving rise to a nation wide network of assemblies that established a link with similar movements in other countries.
Due to the good work of the assemblies gathered in the localities of Epuyén, Lago Puelo, Bariloche, Jacobacci, El Maitén, Maquinchao, the governor of the Southern province of Río Negro prohibited gold mining based on cyanide or mercury, and the 'self-convened residents' demanded that a law be passed without delay in order to check this or any other mining methods using water mixed with toxic chemicals and to permanently revoke authorization for further prospecting. Both measures sought to put an end to the environmental hazards caused by ongoing and future exploration.
2) The dispute over the land
In Argentina, agriculture comprises 63 per cent of total mainland territory. It includes a region known for the fertility of its productive plains, the Pampa, and other regions with great soil diversity, productive possibilities, and biodiversity.
Argentina's agrarian social structure is quite heterogeneous. In the 20th Century, the large agricultural and cattle-raising "estancias" coexisted with small and medium-sized farms. Unlike other Latin American countries, Argentina's small and medium-sized farms including those run by peasants amounted to 78 per cent of all farm units. This was possible thanks to a number of institutional agreements that kept negotiations going between the economic actors and the State, the latter being represented by institutions created after the 1930 crisis, such as the National Grains Board [Junta Nacional de Granos], National Meat Board [Junta Nacional de Carnes], National Sugar Board [Dirección Nacional del Azúcar], and the Yerba Maté Board, among others. In 1991, the decree of economic deregulation of Menem Cavallo destroyed this coexistence (see Teubal and Rodríguez, 2002). The Neo-liberal policy of the then President and his Minister of the Economy paved the way for large - scale production, a demand of large economic actors who considered this necessary to increase profits and agrarian rents from the vast expanses of our exceptionally fertile lands.
The dispute over the land began in the mid-90s due to a significant change in the agrarian model. It coincided with the expansion of soy, but it also had to do with a change in the logic of production, i.e., it affected the role of the land, of the productive sector, of the financial sector, etc. The new 'agribusiness' model failed to take into account the coexistence of large farms with peasant and aboriginal communities. Land as a whole was absorbed into the capitalist valorization process and ended up as a mere commodity. Land was cleared without qualms, and yungas and other territories which ensured an ecological balance were eliminated to give way to new investments. According to data provided by Greenpeace Argentina, deforestation increased exponentially reaching at present about 250,000 hectares per year. This economic behavior is not exclusive of new investors, since the old sugar mills and other long-established agro-industries adopted the same logic. Thus, the dispute over the land is held throughout the country.
In sum, a whole package of public policy was originated in the deregulation decree, but also included a number of instruments used by the State in order to promote one particular mode of production rather than other ones. In this context, peasants and aboriginal communities are dealt with in the same way as the urban unemployed. They have been assigned to assistential programs while it is hoped that they will definitely give up the land.
The subjects involved in the protests: peasants and aboriginal communities
During the first part of the process herein described, the large economic actors overlooked the peasants, in the first place, because the latter did not occupy the best soils, which mattered the most and, secondly, because they never thought they might stage an organized resistance. As a matter of fact, in the 90s large economic actors had to face the stubbornness of sectors of the population that had lived on the land for decades, producing food for both their self- subsistence and the market, and therefore totally reluctant to leave or 'give away' their place. Most peasants do not have titles that prove their ownership of the land, either because they are entitled to it after having inhabited it for over twenty years or because they have inherited it.
When the 'new' agents, such as soy producers, decide to take over peasant land, they resort to a variety of strategies, including eviction with violence. They are aided by provincial judicial systems bound to the local ruling classes which are very much under the influence of these 'new powers'. The actors that play their part in this process are the evicting businessmen, the peasants or aboriginal communities, and a judiciary implicitly or explicitly under suspicion, as was the case with Santiago del Estero (see Barbetta, 2005).
Quite often, the sale of land appears to be voluntary. Nevertheless it is the consequence of cornering practices which, unlike evictions, are not ostensibly violent, so the producers' 'disappearance' is viewed as a form of 'silent exclusion'. The peasantry resisted these evictions induced by the 'new agriculture' by organizing themselves, creating organizations that initially were very incipient but which have become much stronger and which have been integrated into the National Peasant and Aboriginal Movement [Movimiento Nacional Campesino e Indígena], which includes provincial and regional movements that are rapidly being expanded.
In recent years, the kolla, mapuche, wichí, toba, and ava guaraní communities have actively resisted eviction not giving up their struggle to legalize their ownership of the land. Despite their efforts, they have often been violently evicted. Our country's legal framework acknowledges the right of aboriginal peoples to inhabit the lands of their ancestors and to live in accordance with their old culture and customs; however, the enforcement of the law is never made. In other words, in spite of the Aboriginal Law [Ley Indígena 23.302], and of the Article 75 Section 17 of the National Constitution and in accordance with all international treaties and covenants with constitutional force, such as Covenant 169 of ILO, aboriginal demands remain unanswered and the communities become ever more uncertain about obtaining their due title to the land.
It is precisely because large companies are disputing the land and its riches that the rightful aboriginal demands are not fulfilled. These are ongoing processes and it does not seem likely that they will stop, due to a juridical legality which though to a large extent socially delegitimized, is extremely difficult to overturn.
In brief, aboriginal communities need to fight for their rights which are supported by national and international legislation to which the Argentinean State is committed. Yet it does not honor this legislation, a fact which brings the State to the brink of an policy of 'ethnocide'. The human rights policies that have given this administration a worldwide positive image is not extended with regards to the social rights of the aboriginal communities' or the peasants' twenty-year ownership rights, included in the 19th Century Civil Code. The final chapter (dedicated to aboriginal populations) in the latest yearly report on human rights produced by the Center for Legal and Social Studies [Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales] is more than eloquent on this issue.
3) Caring for the Uruguay River: the protest against the paper mills
Investment scenarios in forestation and paper mills
In 2003, the Uruguayan administration of President Julio Batlle promoted the establishment of two paper mills and a river port, on the Uruguay River following previous forestation developments in the country. This was denounced by Uruguayan and Argentinean environmental organizations that pointed out that the project was flawed by procedural errors from the start. For example, no environmental studies had been made, and no consultations were held with Argentina, thus failing to comply with pre-established treaties. When the Tabaré Vázquez administration decided to continue this project in 2005, a binational organization composed of members from diverse sectors emerged opposing an initiative that could cause an ecological disaster in the Uruguay River.
The companies involved are the Spanish Ence and Finnish Matse Botnia. According to the Uruguayan scholar Raúl Zibechi the total production, of these two companies is to be greater then that of eleven Argentine paper mills operating at present. While Uruguay fulfills it demand for paper with the production of two small paper mills located in Juan Lacaze and Mercedes, the new ventures will export totally its production contributing to meet the substantial needs of Northern countries. Zibechi referred to an address by Alan Greenspan to the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee on June 7, 2006, in which he maintains that that ethanol was a byproduct of cellulose that might lead the country off its oil dependence. In other words, the new role cellulose might have been a mighty stimulus to encourage 'paper pulp basins' in the Southern Cone (Zibechi, 2006).
The Spanish company Ence, which eventually withdrew from Fray Bentos, had .set foot in Uruguay in 1989. This company established logistic terminal involving the forestation of over 62,000 hectares. The firm has announced that it will invest 600 million dollars in a eucalyptus cellulose plant near Fray Bentos, 60 km. from the Argentine city of Gualeguaychú. Uruguayan civilian governments, were encouraged by the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank, to strengthen this forestry model in their territory with a view to providing for the international paper industry. At the time when the Forestry Promotion Law was passed, a most appealing international market could be visualized.
About 34 per cent of Uruguayan soil is fit for forestry, whereas the remaining 66 per cent is agricultural and cattle-raising land. A little over 10 per cent of forest land remains available for production purposes. Moreover, in recent years a powerful concentration process took place with small and medium forestry investors selling their lands to large foreign companies.
According to the Forestry Bureau of the Ministry of Livestock, Agriculture, and Fisheries, the Uruguayan government has subsidized the development of 625,000 hectares of forest land in 2002. For a long time now the government has been subsidizing forestry, issuing a number of decrees and resolutions to this end. A paper by the UITA (International Union of Food Workers) states: "nowadays, a site declared as a priority forest land is entitled to be subsidized and to further benefits granted by the State: 50 per cent of the estimated forestation cost, preferential credits (Libor rate of interest plus 2 per cent) from the Banco República for an amount covering up to a hundred per cent of forestation costs with a ten-year grace period for both capital and interest, exemption from national and municipal taxes, including those not yet existing at the moment, and strong support for infrastructure works (railroad networks, bridges, and ports [...] According to a study conducted by economist Joaquín Etchevers, a member of GAP (Parliamentary Support Group for the Frente Amplio, between 1988 and 2000), the State contributed with a direct subsidy of 69.4 million dollars for forestry undertakings, in addition to a 55.8 million in tax exemption, 55 million in soft loans, and 234.1 million in works related to the sector. "A total of 414.3 million dollars that has been increasing year by year until reaching a sum well beyond 500 million dollars" (Falco, 2006).
This activity does not create job opportunities, since the sector only employs 1.88 per cent of rural workers. Forestry production has a very limited scope, hence the strategy of turning Uruguay into a land of forests 'with paper mills'. The integration of both activities appears to be feasible, above all because the country lacks economic projects other than agribusiness, to which our neighbors can also aspire.
The sector is entirely dominated by four transnational companies: the conflictive Botnia and Ence; Finnish and Swedish funded Stora Enso, a newcomer to Uruguay, and the US Weyer Haeuser. The Stora Enso project approved in 2005 includes forestation and the installation of a cellulose plant in the heart of the country, on the banks of the Río Negro. Weyer Haeuser is negotiating the construction of at least five wood processing plants in the Northern departments of Rivera, Tacuarembó and Paysandú. The one in Tacuarembó is in its final stage, and the construction of a related cellulose plant on the Río Negro has not been discarded.6
Contamination resulting from these undertakings is being constantly denounced all over the world. The most significant literature on this matter has been produced by Uruguayan professionals and environmentalists. It was precisely the Uruguayan Ricardo Carrere, Secretary to the World Rainforest Movement and a frequent visitor to Buenos Aires, who declared to journalists that size is one of the most dangerous features of these paper mills. "We are talking of huge mills meant to process a total of a million and a half tons. The issue is that they all use chemicals". Carrere emphatically denies the existence of new, non-contaminating techniques: "Last year, Sweden carried out a survey in the Baltic Sea. While in 1993 cellulose plants substituted chlorine dioxide for chlorine, the levels of dioxins (known to be carcinogenic and depressors of the immune system) were expected to have dropped. In fact, what they found was that they had risen." (Página/12, 2/5/2006).
On the other hand, a recent report submitted by the Universidad de La República scientists after a thorough study of the environment presented conclusive results. The effects of forestation on the ecosystemic services offered by natural pasture lands are alarming, as are the effects of liquid effluents pouring out of the cellulose plants. One of the conclusions set forth in the document is that, in order to provide enough raw materials for the functioning of the two cellulose plants under construction it is necessary to increase the area to be forested by 40 per cent relative to the existing area, which is already in excess of 700,000 hectares.
Another alarming issue is the amount of water consumed by both plants for their normal operations. The report suggests that "the functioning of the plants requires high water consumption both for the generation of raw materials (extensive monocultures) and to turn them into finished products (cellulose)". On the whole, these plants are reckoned to consume 140,000 m3 of water per day.
The actors: environmental associations and the Gualeguaychú Assembly
If we were to set a starting point for the protest, we might say that it "dawned" on April 30, 2005 when it massively came out into the open. In fact, on that saturday, Argentineans and Uruguayans staged "the largest environmental protest in history" (Página/12, 5/2/2005). The meeting place was Gualeguaychú, but protesters came over from Paraná, Victoria, Colón, Concepción del Uruguay, and Buenos Aires. About forty thousand people blocked the international bridge connecting Fray Bentos with Gualeguaychú, a city in the province of Entre Ríos known for its Carnival celebrations. The meeting point was the site destined for these celebrations the "corsódromo", and from there the crowd used assorted transportation to travel over forty kilometers and then walked four kilometers farther until they reached the highest point on the bridge. There Argentineans and Uruguayans exchanged national flags and brotherly embraces.
The conflict had been brewing for a long time, and the actors of the protest had been taking systematic action since 2003 at the very least. It should be noted that the Northwestern province of Entre Ríos enjoys a long tradition in environmentalist movements focused on the care of its rivers.
Several members of the Gualeguaychú assembly acknowledge, as their most important precedent, the Red de Asociaciones Socioambientales de Uruguay y Argentina, [Uruguayan and Argentine Social and Environmental Associations Network] known simply as "La Red' [the Network]'. Argentina is represented by the Paraná Ecologists Forum (M'Biguá de Paraná), which serves as a connection between Uruguay and Entre Ríos, while Uruguay's main reference organization is Guayubira, led by Ricardo Carrere. That same year, Spanish corporation Ence introduced itself to the public, and the Uruguayan political party Frente Amplio predicted its electoral triumph. In a public hearing held in Fray Bentos in 2003, Uruguayan organizations were in charge of revising a report on the paper mills produced by the Uruguay's National Office of Environmental Resources [Dirección Nacional del Medio Ambiente (DINAMA)]. That is to say, during the early stages, environmental organizations of both countries were jointly involved in these initiatives, and when Uruguayan organizations stepped onto the arena, they maintained their autonomy with regards to the State.
In the meantime, environmental organizations based in Gualeguaychú, Argentina, launched an information and diffusion campaign which engaged various sectors, such as local political groups, regional economic groups, and ecological movements. These groups had different interests in the matter: tourism, the possibility of including the environmental issue in the year's electoral campaigns, contamination, etc. The meetings to inform the public, were mostly held in primary and secondary schools, and were attended by about four hundred people. But on October 3, 2003, about 1,500 people, following the call of Uruguayan and Argentinean associations, blocked the bridge connecting Gualeguaychú and Fray Bentos, with the subsequent creation of a non-governmental organization that went under the name of Vecinos autoconvocados [Self-convened neighbors].
In 2004, the Vecinos Autoconvocados contacted organizations based in other countries, chiefly in Chile and Spain, which were facing similar situations concerning paper mills and the resulting environmental damage.
In both countries, public opinion became more familiar with the events that took place as from April 2005 onwards up to the present. After the important march of April 30, there were new roadblocks and diplomatic negotiations began. The World Bank was requested to take action. It did so by appointing an ombudsman to arrange meetings with the conflicting parties. However, after several months the negotiator established the conditions for a credit approval on the part of the World Bank's International Finance Corporation. In other words, three developments in just a couple of months: the issue became installed in the public arena, pressure was exerted on the government to start diplomatic action, and it became evident, thanks to the reports submitted about environmental conditions, that such undertakings should definitely not enjoy funding.
At this stage, the Assembly gathered initiatives and managed to be received by the President of Argentina. In the mean time Uruguayan organizations slipped into the background. One possible explanation for their retreat may lie in the fact that the Frente Amplio, which they undividedly supported, won the elections. To most Uruguayans, this was a long-awaited triumph, and the prevailing thought was that the new government deserved a period without opposition.
In October 2005, the presidential website of the República Oriental del Uruguay showed that 58 per cent of Uruguayans opposed the installation of the paper mills in question because of environmental hazards. This spirit of civil awareness and of respect for the environment had not yet been affected by propaganda based on a strengthening of national identity which raises its head from time to time, reviving the idea of a small country bullied by a powerful neighbor. There were also practical reasons in this scenario: trade unions, whose general meetings had voted against the paper mills, suddenly decided to reverse their previous decision even though this entailed a violation of internal regulations because a considerable number of members of the two main unions, including many of their leaders (metallurgist and construction workers) were in fact employed by the paper mills (Zibechi, 2006).
It could be said that at the beginning of the summer of 2005-2006 the Gualeguaychú Assembly had the opportunity to change the logic of its mode of protest. While so far they had relied on the logic of numbers, by gathering thousands of people in demonstrations and roadblocks, the coming of the summer provided the chance of causing 'material damage'. Circulation between Argentina and Uruguay increases exponentially during the summer months, since many middle and upper class Argentineans choose vacationing in the Uruguayan sea resorts. Although there are no official calculations of the income supplied by Argentine tourists, it is common knowledge that it provides a substantial income to the economy of the neighboring country. The strategy of impeding access by land had strong repercussions in Uruguay, which suffered its economic consequences , though the Uruguayan Government also took advantage of the damage caused by these measures to strengthen its propaganda against the Entre Ríos protests. At different times, other Entre Ríos cities joined in the protest, which derived in further bridge blockades. Thus, by the summer of 2006, a most interesting situation had developed due to the accumulated effects of the population's perseverance, the support it gathered, and the installment of the environmental issue in Argentine society.
Diplomatic efforts increased until there arose the possibility of filing a complaint at The Hague International Court, which first ruled against Argentina and then returned a second verdict that favored the Assembly. Still, the issue is here to stay, and the chances of its being reversed are slim. It would also seem as if, very slowly indeed, the Uruguayan population is its silence, something that can be inferred from demonstrations carried out in downtown Montevideo against the pulp-forestation model chosen by the government to boost the national economy.
The Assembly's activity did not slacken its pace: the claims and protests continued throughout the year. There were celebrations when Ence decided to abandon Fray Bentos, and in December 2006 a large demonstration was held at Plaza de Mayo, with the support of many other organizations engaged in the environmental struggle.
In the summer of 2007, the Gualeguaychú protesters sought consensus from the rest of the population so as to further legitimize their endeavors. To this purpose, they resorted to new strategies and joined activities staged by other environmental assemblies and social organizations.
Divided opinions were expressed in Colón, Entre Ríos: a group of merchants whose business was negatively affected by the blockade of General Artigas international bridge attempted to lift the blockage by force.
Also in the summer of 2007, Buenos Aires assembly members and leftist militants staged an original supportive protest across from the Finnish Embassy. On the ground, they installed two canvas swimming pools, one filled with clean water and the other with dirty water, as an allusion to the expected contamination of the Uruguay River. The protesters intended to involve the Finnish state in the issue. When Botnia began operations in November of that year, the protesters boiled large amounts of cauliflowers in front of the Uruguayan Embassy, so that those inside the building and nearby neighbors could sample what contamination is about: the unbearable stink given off by the plant. As to The Hague's final ruling, there is nothing left to do but to wait.
Final reflections: the tragedy of development
The Union of Citizen Assemblies (UAC, Unión de Asambleas Ciudadanas) was created in 2006. Its demands include the right to the land ownership for peasants and aboriginal communities, cancellation of mining activities and of contaminating industries (paper mills), and rejection of agribusiness. We might wonder what aboriginal rights, the Gualeguaychú, Esquel, and Andalgalá Assemblies, and peasant organizations have in common? In Laclau's words (1996), what is the "empty significant" that can articulate these specific demands? In my view, the answer lies in how we are to confront material and cultural life; that is, what we used to call "the development model". The above mentioned associations reject a manner of organization that involves life, the economy, and a particular relation with natural goods. Many of them propose, through their own actions, a different kind of economic activity (see Giarracca and Wahren, 2005; Esteva, G. 2001). Their shared identity is constructed on the basis of a rejection of a 'model' that excludes then as citizens capable of choosing a "life policy" (Giddens, 1994).
In a declaration against large scale mining, the inhabitants of Catamarca state the following: "We believe that under no circumstances should 'progress' amount to the destruction of our habitat or of our holy places, the plundering of our natural resources or of our reserves of drinkable water, the contamination of our natural environment or a systematic and increased aggression to our fragile ecosystem" (August 2006, website www.noalamina.con)
These new social movements or, at least, the new meanings acquired by actions taken by these populations have to do with a new stage of capitalism, in which once again, natural resources are fundamental and are perceived to be in danger. The notion of 'territory' and the idea that processes of 'territorialization' defining the identities of the inhabitants of the land circulate both inside the movements and among the scholars that walk the same path.
It has often been maintained that, within the framework of modern ideas, Marxism installed a relation with nature in accordance with the basic postulates of the scientific revolution. However, it should be remembered that, regarding this and other issues, Marx's thoughts alternated between the values of his times and other much more advanced conceptions. His followers, whose ideas were clearly less complex than those of the master, imposed the notion that the development of productive forces in a socially 'undetermined' way, are blind to their consequences in the social and natural world. In the 20th Century, critical theory could have made a difference, by constructing a different relation with nature and with the political and cultural aspects of economic activity, but a certain determinism spoilt that opportunity.
For most of the 20th Century, a development model based on industrial production has prevailed. While this model showed a marked tendency for the internationalization of capital, it nevertheless respected certain limits established by the national states that played a significant regulatory and juridical role. We might venture to say that these industrialist models were underlined by a scientific development which, in agreement with Paula Sibilia, I would call 'Promethean', as it aimed towards bending nature through technology, placing its faith in the liberating role of knowledge insofar as it aspired to improve mankind's living conditions (Sibilia, 2005: 45). Both capitalism and communism (particularly in the Soviet Union) promised, in their own particular terms, the same kind of 'progress': peace, food, health, and education for everyone, as the core sense of the pair comprising economic and scientific development. It is to be noted that in this context, national states valued petroleum, gas, mines, land, and water as geopolitical strategic resources, and either kept them as state property or exercised a close control over them. For example, when it came to the question of land, it was rare not to find restrictions on its sale to foreign populations. In the mid-70s the model underwent "a great transformation" (see Teubal and Rodríguez, 2002)
There is a vast literature on the special features acquired by the capitalist economy in this new stage of globalization, its connection with hegemonic power, political and military modes of generating hegemony, etc. (see Ana Esther Ceceña, 2004). Agrarian studies have also contributed to characterize the concentrating, extractive nature of this model, emphasizing the shift from agrofood and agroindustrial agriculture to agribusiness (see Giarracca and Teubal, 2006; Mançano Fernández, 2006). It remains to be added that the new model that operates at the international level aided by new legal, financial, and economic institutions have ultimately broken with what used to be the promises of modernization. The Third World is being devastated by starvation, poverty, and old and new diseases as the polarization of wealth reaches unprecedented levels. The whole process takes place amid endless wars with their concomitant high costs for the civilian population.
Some authors believe that the so-called 'technoscience' is in some way involved with these new developments. They speak of a 'technoscientific' conception that is becoming hegemonic throughout the world and which, unlike the 'Promethean' scientific myth of yore, now exhibits human aspirations that stand quite apart from the promises made by modernity. Paula Sibilia maintains that contemporary science conceals a technological program: the strengthening of a 'Faustian' tradition7. According to this author "in the Faustian perspective [...], scientific procedures do not aim to reach the truth or to know the intimate nature of things; instead, they propose a limited comprehension of the phenomena in order to predict and control: both these purposes are strictly technical. One can associate Faustian criteria to contemporary technocscience. We might go as far as to suggest the existence of some sort of affinity between the Faustian technique, with its drive to the unlimited appropriation of human and non-human nature, and capitalism, with its drive to the unlimited accumulation of capital. At present this project based on an endless technological race and its inextricable relations with globalized markets seems to be reaching its summit" (2005: 50).
Many authors agree that the new models do not intend to improve the living conditions of a majority of men and women, not even with a view to reaching some consensus that might enable governments to continue ruling. The search for consensus, which could have given rise to hegemonies and inclusive projects, was replaced by a feeling of resignation: "either this or something worse", "there is no alternative" (Sibilia, 2005; Santos, 2000).
However, not everyone is reconciled to these ideas. Whole populations are struggling against them, while conceiving other ways of living in the very process of their struggles. Likewise and this should be emphasized scientists from all over the world oppose Faustian ways of generating knowledge and, starting from scientific knowledge, seek other social and economic forms that will give due consideration to the problems posed by starvation, education, health, culture, and democratization.8
BARBETTA, Pablo (2005): "El Movimiento Campesino de Santiago del Estero: luchas y sentidos en torno a la problemática de la tierra", in GIARRACCA, Norma and TEUBAL, Miguel (Coordinators.) (2005): El campo argentino en la encrucijada. Estrategias y resistencias sociales, ecos en la ciudad, Buenos Aires, Alianza Editorial.
CAPRA Fritjof (1992) El punto crucial Buenos Aires, Editorial Estaciones
CECEÑA, Ana E. (2004): Hegemonías y emancipaciones en el siglo XXI, Buenos Aires, CLACSO.
CELS (Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales) Annual Report on Human Rights, 2006, in www.cels.org.ar
CEPAL (1999): Panorama minero de América Latina a fines de los noventa, Serie Recursos Naturales e Infraestructura No.1, Santiago de Chile.
ESTEVA, Gustavo (2000) "Desarrollo" en Sachs, W. Diccionario del desarrollo. Una guía del conocimiento como poder, Mexico, Galileo Editorial
FALCO, Walter (2006): "Uruguay, país forestal: modelo en rojo", in Publicación Rel-UITA / Brecha, available at http://www.rel-uita.org/agricultura/uruguay/forestacion/.
GERFOGUEL, Ramón (2006) "La descolonización de la economía política y los estudios poscoloniales. Transmodernidad, pensamiento fronterizo y colonialidad global" en Tábula Rasa No. 4, January-June, Colombia
GIARRACCA, Norma et al. (2001): La protesta social en Argentina: transformaciones económicas y crisis social en el interior del país, Buenos Aires, Alianza Editorial.
GIARRACCA, N. and DEL POZO, N. (2005) "To make Waves: water and privatization in Tucumán, Argentina" in Bennet et al Opposing Currents. The Politics of water and gender in Latin American, EEUU, Pittsburgh Press.
GIARRACCA, Norma and WAHREN, Juan (2005): "Territorios en disputa: iniciativas productivas y acción política en Mosconi, Argentina", in Seaone, J. (compilator), Reforma agraria y lucha por la tierra en América Latina. Territorio y movimientos sociales, Year VI, No. 16, Buenos Aires, CLACSO-OSAL.
GIARRACCA, Norma and TEUBAL, Miguel (2004): "'Que se vayan todos': Neo-liberal collapse and social protest in Argentina", in Demmers, J., Fernández Gilberto, A.E., and Hogenboom, B. (Eds.): Good governance in the era of global Neo-liberalism. Conflict and depolitisation in Latin America, Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa, London and New York York, Routledge.
GIARRACCA, Norma and TEUBAL, Miguel (2006): "Del desarrollo agroindustrial a la expansión del 'agronegocio': el caso argentino", in Mançano Fernández, B. (Coord.) Campesinado y Agronegocios en América Latina, Buenos Aires, CLACSO-ASDI (forthcoming).
GIARRACCA, Norma and PETZ Inés (2007) "La Asamblea de Gualeguaychú: su lógica de nuevo movimiento social y el sentido binacional "artiguista" de sus acciones" in Realidad Económica No 226, Buenos Aires.
GIDDENS, Anthony (1994): Consecuencias de la modernidad, Madrid, Alianza Editorial.
QUIJANO, Aníbal (2000) "Colonialidad del poder eurocentrismo y América Latina" in La colonialidad del saber: eurocentrismo y ciencias sociales, Buenos Aires, CLACSO.
LACLAU, Ernesto (1996): Emancipación y diferencia, Buenos Aires, Ariel.
LANDER, Edgardo (2000) La colonialidad del saber: eurocentrismo y ciências sociales, Buenos Aires, CLACSO.
MANÇANO FERNANDEZ, Bernardo (2006): "Um nome para 'modernizar'o sistema de latifundio", en Fórum, Suplemento do Journalunesp, Año XX, Nº 211, São Paulo, Universidade Estadual Paulista.
SACHS Wolfgang (2001) Diccionario del desarrollo. Una guía del conocimiento como poder, Mexico, Galileo Editorial.
SANTOS DE SOUSA, Boaventura (2000) A crítica da razao indolente: contra o desperdício da experiêmcia. Para un novo senso comun. A ciência, o dereito e a política na transiçao paradigmática, Sao Paulo, Cortez.
SANTOS DE SOUSA, Boaventura (2006) Conocer desde el Sur. Para una cultura política emancipadora, Peru, Universidad Nacional de San Marcos Ed.
SIBILIA, Paula (2005): El hombre postorgánico: cuerpo, subjetividad y tecnologías digitales, Buenos Aires, Fondo de Cultura Económica.
TEUBAL, Miguel and RODRÍGUEZ, Javier (2002): Agro y alimentos en la globalización. Una perspectiva crítica, Buenos Aires, La Colmena.
TEUBAL, Miguel (2004): "Rise and collapse of Neo-liberalism in Argentina: the role of economic groups", in Journal of Developing Societies, vol. 20, No. 3-4, London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi, SAGE Publications.
ULLOA, Fernando (1995): Novela clínica psicoanalítica. Historial de una práctica, Buenos Aires, Paidós.
SHIVA, Vandana (2003): Cosecha robada: el secuestro del suministro mundial de alimentos, Buenos Aires, Paidós.
ZIBECHI, Raúl (2006): "Los movimientos según Zibechi: empezar de nuevo", interview by La Vaca, available at http://www.lavaca.org/seccion/actualidad/1/1398.shtml.
1 Marshall Berman, "El Fausto de Goethe: la tragedia del desarrollo" (cited by Paula Sibilia, 2005).
2 Centro Internacional de Arreglo de Diferencias Relativas a Inversiones. [International Center for the Settlement of Investment Disputes]
3 The inflow of foreign investment went mainly to the exploration and exploitation of metal minerals. Among the outstanding undertakings mention can be made of Bajo La Alumbrera and Salar del Hombre Muerto (Catamarca), Mina Aguilar (Jujuy), Cerro Vanguardia (Santa Cruz) and Veladero (San Juan, (Barrick Gold Corp., Homestake), all of them now functioning. Among the ambitious projects that have not entered the exploitation stage we may mention Agua Rica (Catamarca), Cordón de Esquel (Chubut), Pascua-Lama and Pachón (San Juan), Pirquitas (Jujuy) and Potasio Río Colorado (Mendoza). There are many other mining undertakings, some already being exploited and others at the exploration or prospecting stage (see Ministry of the Economy).
4 The main mining companies operating in Argentina are: Bajo La Alumbrera (Xstrata, Wheaton River Minerals Ltd., Northern Orion Resources Inc.), Salar del Hombre Muerto (FMC Lithium Corp.), Mina Aguilar (Compañía Minera Aguilar S.A.), Cerro Vanguardia (Anglogold), Agua Rica (Northern Orion Resources Inc.), Farallón Negro (YMAD), Pirquitas (Silver Standard), Pascua-Lama (Barrick Gold Corp.), Pachón (Noranda), Manantial Espejo (Silver Standard, Pan American Silver Corp.), Andacollo (Andacollo Gold), Veta Martha (Coeur Dálene), Potasio Río Colorado (Río Tinto), Borax Argentina (Borax Argentina), Arizaro/Lindero (Mansfield Minera S.A., Río Tinto) [Source: Mining Secretariat]. A public officer working in the present administration confided to me the existence of about 500 mining projects under way and 250 at an advanced exploration stages.
5 Norma Giarracca y Miguel Teubal. "'Que se vayan todos': Neoliberal collapse and social protest in Argentina", en J. Demmers, A. E. Fernández Gilberto, y B. Hogenboom (editores). Good Governance in the Era of Global Neoliberalism. Conflict and Depolitisation in Latin America, Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa. Londres y Nueva York, Routledge, 2004.
6 Argentina cannot be said to have lagged behind: it boasts of eleven highly contaminating plants. Things are not too different in Brazil; we all know about the struggles of the "Sin Tierra" against the 'green deserts', i.e., forestation.
7 Sibilia remarks that 'Promethean' and 'Faustian' traditions have always coexisted, by way of tension and debate, inside the scientific system, with one or the other dominating the scenario at different times.
8 During the public discussion of this work there was an interesting debate between social scientists and a representative of the exact sciences. I do not intend to pass judgement on 'science as a whole', since I myself am a scientist. My aim is to create a space for critical reflection so that science can achieve autonomy from the large economic corporations. Many research groups all over the world are working to bring science back into the realm of an emancipating thought, reinventing it, which makes the new different from the past. The liberty, autonomy, and self-reflection of scientific communities are the main ways to reach this goal.


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A very romantic, emotional piece with delicate acoustic guitar melody, piano and light strings/drums/bass backing. Melancholic, bluesy waltz feel.
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subset: commoncrawl


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Vegan thanksgiving dinners are up there in my 'proudest culinary moments' collection, along with every time I remember to wash my hands after chopping incredibly hot peppers. As a vegetarian for years and as a new vegan, holiday celebrations tested my patience, as usual, and my attempt at culinary skills.
Thanksgiving is a day you may make the decision to bring your best vegan cookies and tub of Earth Balance to impress/challenge the level of sanity of an omni table with family and friends, pull out all the vegan stops with a homemade* seitan roast or store-bought Tofurkey for an intimate group, or aim for comfort food greatness with a contribution to a vegan potluck. Showcasing your North American-Vegan-Thanksgiving-Skills is a beautiful thing on a day revolving around stuffing yourself with a stuffed, dead bird.
It makes you want to Adopt a Turkey, naturally.
I went to my first vegan thanksgiving potluck of the season on Sunday night; my friends Michelle and Aaron host an annual pre-thanksgiving vegan thanksgiving potluck. I know I'm mentally checked out on Sunday evenings (work in the morning!), so I signed up to bring something I'm comfortable with – stuffed mushrooms. For some reason roasted garlic and brussel sprouts were calling out to me, so Side Dish Stuffed Mushrooms surfaced. I'm calling them Side Dish Stuffed, but really they're Brussel Sprout, Roasted Garlic, Mashed Potato & White Wine stuffed, but that's a bit of a mouthful. My go-to method for stuffing mushrooms is to reach for the wine & nuts and expand from there, and these have that basis, combined with a tribute to holiday side dishes.
Happy plate. Joanna's seitan* ruled my world.
Side Dish Stuffed Mushrooms (gluten-free)
- 3 lbs of white/cremini mushrooms, stems separated and minced (optional: scrape out the gills with a small spoon if you so choose)
- half a head of roasted garlic
- 1 clove of minced garlic
- 6 brussel sprouts, trimmed and chopped
- 1/4 cup of roasted almonds, finely ground
- scoop of mashed potatoes (russets mashed with plain soymilk)
- generous pinch of black pepper
- dash sea salt
- dash crushed red pepper
- 1 teaspoon of dried marjoram
- 1 teaspoon dried basil
- generous pinches of rubbed sage and thyme
- generous pinch of nutritional yeast
- 2 tablespoons of white wine
- 1 tablespooon of tamari
- dash of balsamic vinegar
- olive oil for sautéing and greasing the baking pan
- Preheat oven to 375F and lightly grease a 9×13 glass casserole dish.
- Saute the minced garlic, minced mushroom stems and chopped brussel sprouts in a teaspoon or two of olive oil in a large pan for 5-7 minutes, being careful to keep the heat below medium and not burn anything.
- Add the herbs, crushed red pepper, salt, pepper, wine, tamari and vinegar and cook for another 2-5 minutes, until much of the liquid is absorbed.
- In a large bowl, combine the cooked ingredients, the mashed potatoes, ground almonds, nutritional yeast and roasted garlic with a fork, mixing until well combined.
- Using a half tablespoon or other small spoon, fill each mushroom cap with the stuffing. Do not overstuff.
- Place filled side up in the casserole dish. If you have extras, feel free to place overlapping bottom layer mushrooms. Spritz with oil and drizzle with additional white wine.
- Bake for 23-28 minutes until golden brown, checking on them after 20.
Side Dish Stuffed Mushrooms, pre-baked (with chopped extra chunks of garlic tossed in)
As for the actual holiday this year, I'm bringing homemade seitan and cabbage stuffed gyozas to a vegan potluck, and pumpkin pie brownies from Vegan Cookies Invade Your Cookie Jar to a Turkey-roke/Faux-turkey-roke. woo!
More Get Sconed! Thanksgiving-ness (since holidays are all about memories, and pie).


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8. Aaronic Priesthood
8.1 Definition and Purposes of the Aaronic Priesthood
The priesthood is the power and authority of God. It is conferred upon worthy male members of the Church. Those who hold priesthood keys direct the administration of the ordinances of the gospel, the preaching of the gospel, and the government of the kingdom of God on the earth.
The Aaronic Priesthood holds "the key of the ministering of angels and the preparatory gospel; which gospel is the gospel of repentance and of baptism, and the remission of sins" (D&C 84:26–27; see also D&C 13:1; 107:20). The Aaronic Priesthood also "has power in administering outward ordinances" (D&C 107:14).
For more information about the purposes of the priesthood and priesthood keys, see chapter 2.
Aaronic Priesthood Offices and Duties
The offices in the Aaronic Priesthood are deacon, teacher, priest, and bishop. Each priesthood office has rights and responsibilities of service, including authority to administer priesthood ordinances. For information about ordination to the offices of deacon, teacher, and priest, see 20.7.
Worthy brethren may receive the Aaronic Priesthood and be ordained deacons when they are at least 12 years old. A deacon has the following responsibilities:
He lives a righteous life and remains worthy to exercise the priesthood. He sets a good example for fellow quorum members and other Church members.
He passes the sacrament (see 20.4.3).
He is a standing minister "appointed to watch over the church" (D&C 84:111). He is also to "warn, expound, exhort, and teach, and invite all to come unto Christ" (D&C 20:59). This responsibility includes fellowshipping quorum members and other young men, notifying members of Church meetings, speaking in meetings, sharing the gospel, and bearing testimony.
He assists the bishop in "administering … temporal things" (D&C 107:68). This responsibility may include gathering fast offerings, caring for the poor and needy, caring for the meetinghouse and grounds, and serving as a messenger for the bishop in Church meetings.
He participates in quorum instruction by being an active student of the gospel.
He assists the bishopric in other ways consistent with the office of a deacon. He also assists teachers "in all [their] duties in the church … if occasion requires" (D&C 20:57).
Worthy brethren may be ordained teachers when they are at least 14 years old. A teacher has all the responsibilities of a deacon. He also has the following responsibilities:
He prepares the sacrament (see 20.4.2).
He is to "watch over the church always, and be with and strengthen them" (D&C 20:53). One way he does this is by serving as a ministering brother. He is assigned as a companion to a Melchizedek Priesthood holder.
He is to "see that there is no iniquity in the church, neither hardness with each other, neither lying, backbiting, nor evil speaking" (D&C 20:54). This responsibility includes being a peacemaker and being an example of moral integrity and uprightness.
He is to "see that the church meet together often, and also see that all the members do their duty" (D&C 20:55).
He assists the bishopric in other ways consistent with the office of a teacher.
Worthy brethren may be ordained priests when they are at least 16 years old. A priest has all the responsibilities of a deacon and teacher. He also has the following responsibilities:
He is to "preach, teach, expound, exhort, … and visit the house of each member, and exhort them to pray vocally and in secret and attend to all family duties" (D&C 20:46–47).
When authorized by the bishop, he performs baptisms, confers the Aaronic Priesthood, and ordains deacons, teachers, and priests (see D&C 20:46, 48).
He may administer the sacrament by officiating at the sacrament table and offering the sacrament prayers when authorized (see D&C 20:46, 77, 79; see also 20.4.3 in this handbook).
The bishop's responsibilities regarding the Aaronic Priesthood are outlined in 8.3.1.
Aaronic Priesthood Quorums
A priesthood quorum is an organized group of brethren. The primary purposes of quorums are to serve others, build unity and brotherhood, and instruct members in doctrines, principles, and duties.
The bishop organizes the deacons into a quorum of up to 12 members, the teachers into a quorum of up to 24 members, and the priests into a quorum of up to 48 members (see D&C 107:85–87). If quorum membership increases beyond these numbers, the bishop may divide the quorum. Before doing so, he considers the eventual size of the quorum, available leadership, and the effect on quorum members.
In a ward or branch with few young men, Aaronic Priesthood quorums may meet together for instruction and activities.
Purposes of the Aaronic Priesthood
Young men are in a time of preparation and personal spiritual growth. Accordingly, parents and the bishopric and other Aaronic Priesthood leaders help each young man to:
Parents and leaders help young men accomplish these objectives in family home evenings, family scripture study, meetings, activities, and interviews and by encouraging them to participate in the Duty to God program (see 8.12).
Young men should not recite these objectives in their meetings or activities.
- Home
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- 8. Aaronic Priesthood


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This all fits in with the purpose of a tablet like the Kindle Fire. Bezos was pretty clear during the device's unveiling that its singular purpose is to get you to buy stuff at Amazon, and that the hardware is not supposed to turn a profit in and of itself. The ads, which are displayed on the lock screen, consist of general advertisements, and, of course, special offers from Amazon itself.
In essence, all tablets work this way - to more or lesser degrees - to get you to buy yourself into an ecosystem. The iPad, for instance, comes loaded with stuff like News Stand, which can't be removed or even placed in a folder, and, on top of that, makes it very annoying and cumbersome to buy content from other vendors than Apple. It's not surprising that Amazon would follow suit, but persistent ads on the lockscreen are, of course, way, way worse.
Interestingly enough, the one company from which you'd expect ads plastered all over the place doesn't actually do as such. The Nexus 7 does come loaded with a widget that's a front to the Play Store, but it's easily removed. With the Nexus 7 running Android, you can even switch to a different application store, and there are no restrictions put in place on where and how you can buy content.
Originally, Amazon had no intention of allowing Fire owners to remove the advertisements, but over the weekend, the company reversed this decision. In a statement to The Verge, the company said users will be able to pay a one-time $15 fee to have the ads removed, but that it doesn't expect a whole lot of users to do so. Of course, a much better solution is to simply ditch the Fire's Frankendroid altogether, and switch to CM (whenever it becomes available).
I wouldn't be surprised if we end up seeing more and more of this sort of stuff. The Xbox 360, for instance, is currently plastered with ads all over the place, even for paid Xbox Live Gold subscribers such as myself. The inability to remove crap like this from devices we supposedly "own" is just a further sign that this "post-PC" world so many people gush about is nothing but a change of ownership from user to manufacturer.


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The most amazing girl you will EVER meet! she has the most perfect gorgeous blue eyes that cut right through you, and all of your lies. She is an amazing person, who is picky about who she lets into her life, but those that she does she loves with all of her heart! Her touch alone makes you feel so loved and so cared for. and when she looks at you, your heart melts from her beauty. anyone who takes the time to know her loves her, but still only a select few will ever understand her. She is the most perfect girl in the whole entire world!! oh and she is one of the most passionate people you will ever meet! ;) Love you baby! for ever just us! <3 <3 <3 <3
by snowflake3336 January 30, 2012
buy the domain for your diy site


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I want to do a series on the basics of Brauer groups since they came up in the past few posts. Since I haven't really talked about Galois cohomology anywhere, we'll take a slightly nonstandard approach and view everything "geometrically" in terms of étale cohomology. Everything should be equivalent to the Galois cohomology approach, but this way will allow us to use the theory that is already developed elsewhere on the blog.
I apologize in advance for the sporadic nature of this post. I just need to get a few random things out there before really starting the series. There will be one or two posts on the Brauer group of a "point" which will just mean the usual Brauer group of a field (to be defined shortly). Then we'll move on to the Brauer group of a curve, and maybe if I still feel like continuing the series of a surface.
Let be a field and a fixed separable closure. We will define . This isn't the usual definition and is often called the cohomological Brauer group. The usual definition is as follows. Let be a commutative, local, (unital) ring. An algebra over is called an Azumaya algebra if it is a free of finite rank -module and sending to is an isomorphism.
Define an equivalence relation on the collection of Azumaya algebras over by saying and are similar if for some and . The set of Azumaya algebras over modulo similarity form a group with multiplication given by tensor product. This is called the Brauer group of denoted . Often times, when an author is being careful to distinguish, the cohomological Brauer group will be denoted with a prime: . It turns out that there is always an injection .
One way to see this is that on the étale site of , the sequence of sheaves is exact. It is a little tedious to check, but using a Čech cocycle argument (caution: a priori the cohomology "groups" are merely pointed sets) one can check that the injection from the associated long exact sequence is the desired injection.
If we make the extra assumption that has dimension or , then the natural map is an isomorphism. I'll probably regret this later, but I'll only prove the case of dimension , since the point is to get to facts about Brauer groups of fields. If has dimension , then it is a local Artin ring and hence Henselian.
One standard lemma to prove is that for local rings a cohomological Brauer class comes from an Azumaya algebra if and only if there is a finite étale surjective map such that pulls back to in . The easy direction is that if it comes from an Azumaya algebra, then any maximal étale subalgebra splits it (becomes the zero class after tensoring), so that is our finite étale surjective map. The other direction is harder.
Going back to the proof, since is Henselian, given any class a standard Čech cocycle argument shows that there is an étale covering such that . Choosing any we have a finite étale surjection that kills the class and hence it lifts by the previous lemma.
It is a major open question to find conditions to make surjective, so don't jump to the conclusion that we only did the easy case, but it is always true. Now that we have that the Brauer group is the cohomological Brauer group we can convert the computation of for a Henselian local ring to a cohomological computation using the specialization map (pulling back to the closed point) where .


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Trying to unlock secrets of dead serial killer
Photo: The Burlington Free Press
ADVANCE FOR SUNDAY, JAN. 27 - In this Aug. 3, 2011 photo, a poster asking for information about missing Essex couple Bill and Lorraine Currier hangs on the window the Richmond, Vt., Mobile station on U.S. Highway 2. After confessing to killing a 18-year old woman in Alaska, Israel Keyes is suspected of killing Bill and Lorraine Currier. Keyes was found dead in his cell on Dec. 2, 2012. Investigators have used Keyes' financial and travel records to piece together a timeline of his whereabouts from Oct. 4, 2004, to March 13, 2012. He traveled throughout the United States and made short trips into Canada and Mexico. (AP Photo/The Burlington Free Press, Glenn Russell) MAGS OUT; MANDATORY CREDIT; NO SALES; ONLINE OUT


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Perhaps you've heard of the "chatzos movement" that has been swelling around the Jewish world over the last couple of years. Over three years ago, when I first read about the idea of being entirely ready for Shabbos by mid-day on Friday (chatzos) in the Yated newspaper, it sparked my interest. I read about the Chofetz Chaim assuring a distressed couple with a sick child that in the merit of this commitment, their child would be healed. They couple did as suggested, and the child has indeed healed. The merit of early preparation for Shabbos was so promising, I dived into the chatzos waters with a lot of enthusiasm and no guidance of how to do it. But I figured it out, and discovered that the blessings of early preparation for Shabbos is many times what I had originally imagined. Our household is now one of peace and calm on Friday afternoons. Our children positively anticipate Shabbos, and Erev Shabbos, instead of associating Erev Shabbos with chaos and tension. Our Shalom Bayis has never been better. I think about Shabbos every day of the week now, as I prepare in some way for Shabbos every day, instead of waiting until Thursday or Friday. Best of all, I enjoy a concrete way to say, "Thank you" to Hashem, for all the blessings He has bestowed upon me.
We have created a community of fellow chatzos lovers, women all over the world, from all different Orthodox ways of life, who are joined through an email forum and chatzos website to offer one another chizzuk, suggestions, strategies, and celebrations.
Years ago when I developed the recipes for my cookbook, "After the Diet, Delicious Kosher Recipes with Less Fat, Calories and Carbs", I was focused on converting traditionally unhealthy recipes into healthier alternatives ( without them tasting like health food). Our family has been eating this way for years, with good results. We don't feel like we're "dieting" but healthy eating is a family value. My kids can read a food label, and they know what trans fats are, and how to avoid them.
Now, with chatzos on my mind, I particularly appreciate those recipes that can be made in advance and put into the freezer, so that the cooking can be spread out throughout the week and month. Some food I will make fresh, on wed, Thursday and Friday morning, but now Sunday is a very useful Shabbos prep day as well!
(And you can't beat the comfort that comes from knowing that there is Shabbos food in the freezer in case an unexpected life challenge derails your normal schedule!)
Here are two chicken recipes for Shabbos that share two things in common: One, they can be made either fresh or ahead of time for the freezer. Two, there's no potchke involved! Easy Shmeasy and oh so tasty!
1 or 2 packages of 4 chicken legs, or a whole chicken cut up
1 large onion, sliced
1 can of black olives, sliced
2-3 cups medium heat salsa ( unless everyone in your family likes it hotter)
Salt and garlic to taste
Preheat oven to 300F or use a large slow cooker
1. Remove fat from chicken and clean
2. Slice onion
3. Cut olives into slices if you didn't buy them that way already
4. Place onion in bottom of roasting pan or slow cooker. Place chicken on top. Pour salsa all over the chicken. Sprinkle olives all over the chicken. Salt and garlic to taste.
5. Slow bake at 300F degrees, covered, for about 2 hours until almost done. Remove the lid. Raise oven temp to 450F and roast chicken for another half hour until completely done. (If using slow cooker, remove from cooker and finish in the oven).
6. Serve hot with steaming brown rice cooked in vegetable broth, with Smart Balance or some other parve margarine added for extra flavor. (If you are preparing this dish early for Shabbos, prepare the chicken for the freezer, and cook the rice at the end of the week so it's fresh)
1 pullet or chicken
2 fresh lemons
1 tablespoon chopped garlic
Sliced portabello mushrooms
1 onion, sliced
Olive oil cooking spray
Garlic powder, paprika, kosher salt
1. Preheat oven to 400F.
2. Slice the onion and place with sliced portabellas on the bottom of a roasting pan or dutch oven.
3. Place the chicken over the vegetables in the pan.
4. Cut one lemon into quarters. Stuff the chicken cavity with four lemon quarters. Stuff 1 tablespoon of garlic inside as well ( two if you really love garlic).
5. Tie up the chicken or fasten a metal skewer to close up the cavity.
6. Spray the chicken lightly with cooking oil. Cut the second lemon in half and squirt it all over the chicken. Sprinkle garlic powder, paprika, and kosher salt.
7. Bake at 400F for 1 hour and 15- 30 minutes, depending on the size of the chicken/pullet. Do not open the pan. When cooking time is finished, turn oven off and let chicken stay in warm oven, inside of the dutch oven or roasting pan, for at least two more hours.
Prepare fresh towards the end of the week, or early in the week for the freezer.
Rate and Review Salsa Chicken and Lemon Garlic Chicken.
Azriela, can you tell us how to reheat the chicken once it's been frozen, so that it tastes as good as fresh? What's your method? Defrost first? Put it frozen into the oven? Covered, or uncovered?
There is no one right way and it depends a lot on the chicken recipe. Here are three very common ways I've heard of women doing this: 1) Take it out from freezer, cover it, and bake it on low temp for a few hours, 2) take it out of the freezer, defrost it, then bake or broil or do whatever to finish it off and make it taste fresh, 3) prepare it and freeze it raw, then bake it frozen, or defrost it and then bake it, 4) you find your own way that works with your recipe, using experimentation and then once you do, that's what YOU do that works. I'm not kidding when I say, there really isn't one answer, it depends!


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CFP: [20th] Pakistani Literature: Special Issue of Journal of Commonwealth and Postcolonial Studies
CALL FOR ESSAYS. For a Special Issue of the Journal of Commonwealth and
Postcolonial Studies on Modern and Contemporary Pakistani Literature, the
guest editors seek essays of between 6,000 and 8,500 words in length.
Deadline for complete essays is October 1, 2008. Suggested topics for the
essays include but are not limited to the following: movements and
trends in Pakistani poetry, fiction, and nonfiction; politics and
literature; Pakistani literature in English; Diasporas and the immigrant
experience; essays, memoirs, and travel writing; culture and cultural
productions. The Journal is devoted to and welcomes scholarly submissions
on all aspects of colonial narratives and postcolonial texts and theory:
history, language, race, gender, identity, migration and cultural
exchange, among others. While the Journal does not presuppose or advocate
a particular ideology or specific cultural approach, it prefers that
considerations of individual authors and texts be placed in the context
of literary, theoretical, sociopolitical, and cultural paradigms.
Guidelines for essays: Electronic submission, MLA Style Sheet. Please
direct inquiries or submit essays to both editors: Waqas Khwaja,
wkhwaja_at_agnesscott.edu and Ghazala Hashmi, ghashmi_at_reynolds.edu
From the Literary Calls for Papers Mailing List
more information at
Received on Tue Mar 18 2008 - 15:51:08 EST


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Left-Handed Zastava Rifles
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Every year during late autumn, auto and body shops across the Cape Fear region brace for a bumper crop of business, comprised of an influx of cars with damage from collisions with deer.
Every year during late autumn, auto and body shops across the Cape Fear region brace for a bumper crop of business, comprised of an influx of cars with damage from collisions with deer.
"When November begins, we start getting them every few days," said Kristen Harrell, co-owner of Factory Finish Collision Center in Wilmington. "The average cost is between $2,500 and $4,000, but it depends on how the deer hits. Just the way their legs and appendages are, you can smash one with the front of your car and then a hoof also hits your windshield."
Beginning in October, roads across the state become hazardous as North Carolina's deer population fans out, lurking on highway shoulders in search of food and potential mates. Deer are crepuscular mammals, meaning they're most active at dawn and dusk – which, following the onset of daylight savings time, places them near roads and byways precisely when large numbers of residents are commuting to and from work.
"Deer are looking for food, they're looking for mates," said Carolyn Rickard, a spokeswoman for the N.C. Wildlife Resources Commission. "So we're in that time of year when deer are moving, and because of the time change, rush hour is now when it's just starting to get dark.
"There are more cars on the road, there are more deer moving, and you have an increase in collisions."
Regionally, it's a significant uptick. Last year, drivers in Pender, Brunswick and New Hanover counties were involved in a total of 990 animal-related collisions, according to the state Department of Transportation. Of those, 413 – or 42 percent – occurred from October to December.
DOT doesn't track the types of animals involved in those collisions, but estimates that 90 percent of all animal-related crashes are because of deer.
Along the coast, most deer-related collisions occur, unsurprisingly, on roads that wind through rural and undeveloped areas – particularly in Pender and Brunswick counties. Last fall, drivers were involved in 49 animal-related crashes in New Hanover County, virtually all in the northern half of the county. By contrast, motorists in Pender and Brunswick counties had 364 collisions due to animals.
"There's a lot of untouched environment, particularly in Pender County and Brunswick County, where you have a lot of swampy areas and areas that don't have a lot of people," said Sgt. E.C. Harris with the N.C. State Highway Patrol. "In those areas, you do have a lot of deer, and it's particularly on your secondary and rural roads that aren't well-lit. The deer will move to the shoulder to graze the brush in those places."
The deer breeding period – called the "rut" – varies in length across the state, but typically peaks around Nov. 6, according to the wildlife resources commission. But state troopers continue to see the animals out and about in the coastal region through at least February, Harris said.
"Usually, from October through February, you have that increase, particularly now that we're into November," he said. "In New Hanover County, it's not that great of an increase, but in more rural counties – Brunswick, Columbus – it's larger."
But drivers can collide with deer in any area.
"You would be very surprised at some of the locations, but it makes sense, because we're building up their areas," Harrell said. "From a repair perspective, it's all the same for us, because none of those deer have insurance, so our customers always have to use their own policies."
Kate Elizabeth Queram: 343-2217
On Twitter: @kate_goes_bleu


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- Classico 48mm - U-Boat Classico 48 CA 925 Silver D (UB-786)
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text: Free MLB Betting Odds & Picks on the Seattle Mariners vs. Baltimore Orioles Wednesday August 8th game 3 matchup. The Orioles are -125 home favorites. The over/under is set at 9.5. Q likes the home team in this one 7-5 unfortunately. When Kevin Millwood takes the hill you are definitely going to get an honest effort. The problem is that his effectiveness varies greatly from game to game.


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Style # 223262
Slip into something sexy. Long sleeve lace dress with a stunning backless design and mini fit that gives you a legs-for-days look. Add our platform sandal and you're ready for the countdown.
- 49% polyester, 41% nylon, 10% spandex
- Imported
- Center back to hem: 22.25" (56.5 cm)
- Model is 5'10" and wears a US size S
Open Back Lace Dress is rated out of 5 by 4.
Rated 5 out of 5 by fitfreddie from WOW!! this dress is stunning on..................all eyes were on me
Date published: 2014-12-10
Rated 5 out of 5 by WHITENIGHT from very sexy Love at first sight. I wore it to a Winter gala. Very sexy and elegant at the same time. I am 5'6 and 128 lb. Size Small fits perfect.
Date published: 2014-02-06
Rated 5 out of 5 by kittykat1 from Sexy and Classy Bought this for new years my husband loved it and all the other guys in the room too : ). I didn't have the problem of it riding up . I bought an S. I'm 5'3 and 140 pounds.
Date published: 2014-01-17
Rated 3 out of 5 by FloridaCrissy from PRETTY DRESS This is such a pretty dress and runs true to size but my only complaint is that it tends to ride up as you walk, for that reason I had to return it. I'm not trying to be one of those girls who has to keep pulling there dress down all night to keep there butt from showing!
Date published: 2013-12-20


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Metronidazole Oral
(me troe ni' da zole)
Metronidazole can cause cancer in laboratory animals. Talk to your doctor about the risks and benefits of using this medication.
WHY is this medicine prescribed?
Metronidazole eliminates bacteria and other microorganisms that cause infections of the reproductive system, gastrointestinal tract, skin, vagina, and other areas of the body. Antibiotics will not work for colds, flu, or other viral infections.
This medication is sometimes prescribed for other uses; ask your doctor or pharmacist for more information.
HOW should this medicine be used?
Metronidazole comes as a tablet to take by mouth. It is usually taken two or three times a day for 5 to 10 days or longer. Follow the directions on your prescription label carefully, and ask your doctor or pharmacist to explain any part you do not understand. Take metronidazole exactly as directed. Do not take more or less of it or take it more often than prescribed by your doctor.
What SPECIAL PRECAUTIONS should I follow?
Before taking metronidazole,
- tell your doctor and pharmacist if you are allergic to metronidazole or any other drugs.
- tell your doctor and pharmacist what prescription and nonprescription medications you are taking, especially anticoagulants ('blood thinners') such as warfarin (Coumadin), astemizole (Hismanal), disulfiram (Antabuse), lithium (Lithobid), phenobarbital, phenytoin (Dilantin), and vitamins.
- tell your doctor if you have or have ever had blood, kidney, or liver disease or Crohn's disease.
- tell your doctor if you are pregnant, plan to become pregnant, or are breast-feeding. If you become pregnant while taking metronidazole, call your doctor.
- know that you should not drink alcohol while taking this drug. Alcohol may cause an upset stomach, vomiting, stomach cramps, headaches, sweating, and flushing (redness of the face).
- plan to avoid unnecessary or prolonged exposure to sunlight and to wear protective clothing, sunglasses, and sunscreen. Metronidazole may make your skin sensitive to sunlight.
What should I do IF I FORGET to take a dose?
Take the missed dose as soon as you remember it. However, if it is almost time for the next dose, skip the missed dose and continue your regular dosing schedule. Do not take a double dose to make up for a missed one.
What SIDE EFFECTS can this medicine cause?
Metronidazole may cause side effects. Tell your doctor if any of these symptoms are severe or do not go away:
- vomiting
- diarrhea
- upset stomach
- loss of appetite
- dry mouth; sharp, unpleasant metallic taste
- dark or reddish-brown urine
- furry tongue; mouth or tongue irritation
- numbness or tingling of hands or feet
If you experience any of the following symptoms, call your doctor immediately:
- rash
- itching
- stuffy nose
- fever
- joint pain
If you experience a serious side effect, you or your doctor may send a report to the Food and Drug Administration's (FDA) MedWatch Adverse Event Reporting program online [at Web Site] or by phone [1-800-332-1088].
What should I know about STORAGE and DISPOSAL of this medication?
Keep this medication in the container it came in, tightly closed, and out of reach of children. Store it at room temperature and away from excess heat and moisture (not in the bathroom). Throw away any medication that is outdated or no longer needed. Talk to your pharmacist about the proper disposal of your medication.
What should I do in case of OVERDOSE?
In case of overdose, call your local poison control center at 1-800-222-1222. If the victim has collapsed or is not breathing, call local emergency services at 911.
What OTHER INFORMATION should I know?
Keep all appointments with your doctor and the laboratory. Your doctor will order certain lab tests to check your response to metronidazole.
Do not let anyone else take your medication. Your prescription is probably not refillable. If you still have symptoms of infection after you finish the metronidazole, call your doctor.
It is important for you to keep a written list of all of the prescription and nonprescription (over-the-counter) medicines you are taking, as well as any products such as vitamins, minerals, or other dietary supplements. You should bring this list with you each time you visit a doctor or if you are admitted to a hospital. It is also important information to carry with you in case of emergencies.
Please be aware that this information is provided to supplement the care provided by your physician. It is neither intended nor implied to be a substitute for professional medical advice. CALL YOUR HEALTHCARE PROVIDER IMMEDIATELY IF YOU THINK YOU MAY HAVE A MEDICAL EMERGENCY. Always seek the advice of your physician or other qualified health provider prior to starting any new treatment or with any questions you may have regarding a medical condition.
Copyright © 2007 EBSCO Publishing All rights reserved.


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USC Upstate's senior forward had 22 points and nine rebounds to lead the Spartans past North Florida. Upstate needs two more wins for an automatic berth in the NCAA tournament.
USC Upstate leaned heavily again on the big guy, senior forward Ricardo Glenn, to beat North Florida, 80-74, Tuesday night in the semifinals of the Atlantic Sun Conference tournament.
North Florida had trimmed its 15-point second-half deficit to just six with four minutes remaining. The Ospreys, who trailed basically the entire game, were starting to feel pretty good about the situation against the No. 3 seed Spartans.
"Until they came out of a timeout and threw it in to Ricardo," UNF head coach Matthew Driscoll said.
When the Spartans have really needed a basket down the stretch this season, that's exactly what they've done. Glenn took a pass from Ty Greene and converted a three-point play. Two possessions later, he scored inside again on a pass from Fred Miller, and USC Upstate was on its way to the win.
"I just worked to get position," Glenn said. "If I'm open and they hit me, I try to make the right decision. I was able to do that and momentum went our way."
USC Upstate (19-13, 12-7) will play 8:30 p.m. Thursday in the semifinals at No. 2 seed Mercer (24-8, 15-4) with a shot at making it to Sunday's 2 p.m. championship. A victory there earns an automatic berth in the NCAA tournament.
"It's all about surviving and advancing," USC Upstate head coach Eddie Payne said. "We managed to win, so we can advance."
They managed to win on a night in which first-team all-conference senior Torrey Craig struggled with his shooting, 1-for-11 from the floor and 0-for-3 on 3-point tries, and may have conceded the league's scoring title for the first time since he was a freshman.
Craig had an otherwise solid game with five assists, four steals and five rebounds as he became the all-time leading rebounder in school history. But the school's second-best scorer of all-time finished with just six points. His points-per-game lead coming in was 16.9 compared to 16.8 by ETSU's Rashawn Rembert, who had 16 Tuesday in a double-overtime win against Lipscomb. The Bucs play Thursday at No. 1 seed Florida Gulf Coast.
"We win a game like that and (Craig) makes one out of 11? I call that a silver lining," Payne said. "Hopefully, we can get him going and we'll be a dangerous team."
Glenn, a second-team all-conference player this season as a senior, led USC Upstate with 22 points and nine rebounds. He's averaged a double-double, 17 points and 10 rebounds, during the past 13 games.
"Ricardo did it again," Payne said. "Personally, I was disappointed that he was a second-team player because I thought he was the player of the year. With the way he's been playing in the last 12 games or so, he's really carried us in a lot of ways."
USC Upstate senior Jodd Maxey had 12 points (6-for-8 shooting), seven rebounds, four assists, two steals and two blocked shots. He said he could tell early on that Craig was a little off his usual game, but that didn't change anything.
"I don't feel there is added pressure," Maxey said. "If he has a bad game, everybody else has to step up and contribute. That's what we've been doing lately."
Miller had 13 points, four assists and four steals. Greene had 14 points off the bench in his third game back from a broken hand. ShunQuez Stephens had five points and three rebounds in just nine minutes. Babatunde Olumuyiwa had four points and a rebound in just five minutes.
"We're getting a lot of contributions from a lot of different guys," Payne said. "We share the ball (20 assists on 28 field goals). We do that and it doesn't really matter who scores. The ball was finding the open guy. We moved the ball really well and people shot in rhythm. That was the key and it was good to see."
North Florida got 27 points and 10 rebounds from Chris Davenport, although he was also charged with six turnovers. Dallas Moore scored 13 and Travis Wallace 12. Former Chapman High School and Spartanburg Methodist standout Jalen Nesbitt, who scored 18 points last week in a win at Mercer, was held to just three points on 1-for-8 shooting, 0-for-6 on 3-pointers.


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Hampton Inn Yadkinville hotels are provided below. Search for cheap and discount Hampton Inn hotel rooms in Yadkinville, NC for your group or personal travels. We list the best Hampton Inn Yadkinville hotels/properties so you can review the Yadkinville Hampton Inn hotel list below to find the perfect place.
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