text:
Paying for Essentials: Resources for Humanitarian Assistance
Paper prepared for meeting at Pocantico Conference Center of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund
The Center on International Cooperation was established in 1996 with funding from the Ford Foundation to conduct a program of policy research and development on the management and financing of multilateral commitments. As global integration accelerates, the world faces unprecedented transnational problems resistant to resolution by individual states. Governments that once assumed responsibility for a wide range of multilateral activities today lack the political will or fiscal capacity to sustain the array of international organizations, development aid programs, humanitarian assistance efforts, environmental agreements, and other global public goods that they have agreed to support. At the same time, important non-state actors, including corporations and not-for-profit groups, are gaining importance in the conduct of world affairs. The cooperation of all of these stakeholders is essential to develop appropriate strategies and mobilize the financial resources necessary to meet global challenges in the years ahead.
The Center seeks to inform public debate on these broad issues by clarifying the economic, political, legal, and institutional foundations of effective multilateral action. Our current work focuses on four critical sectors: international law; humanitarian assistance; reconstruction aid; and reproductive health and population. A fifth initiative examines the comparative advantages of regional and global multilateral organizations in the provision of socially relevant public goods. In each case, the Center's multidisciplinary staff assesses current needs and financing sources and, as necessary, explores the feasibility and appropriateness of alternative funding and institutional arrangements. Research results and practical recommendations will be published in a policy paper series, "Paying for Essentials," and a database on multilateral commitments will be made available on-line. Consulting with a broad range of international policy-makers, scholars, service providers and other interested parties, the Center hopes to build political consensus on essential multilateral activities and on the means to implement and sustain them.
This paper was prepared as background for the meeting on "Resources for Humanitarian Assistance," which was held on September 11-12, 1997 at the Pocantico Conference Center in New York. It reflects the aggregate set of responses of the primary intergovernmental and non-governmental humanitarian service providers to an inquiry regarding their financial, managerial, and staffing concerns, as well as discussions with them and with other experts in the field. Without denying the importance of longer term development assistance and its interconnectedness with humanitarian relief, this paper's focus has intentionally been limited to humanitarian assistance in complex emergencies, with the recognition that effective emergency aid must be understood within the broader humanitarian framework. The paper briefly analyzes the overall financial situation facing the humanitarian enterprise; examines the ways in which patterns of funding, as well as gross amounts, affect the delivery of assistance; and identifies several options which could strengthen the capacity and performance of the humanitarian system, including investment in preparedness measures and in staff recruitment and training.
The difficulty in mobilizing resources for humanitarian assistance belies a seeming consensus regarding the legitimacy and necessity of international action for alleviating human suffering in emergencies. The years since the end of the Cold War have witnessed a dramatic increase in the number of people in need of humanitarian assistance, resulting primarily from an unprecedented surge in armed conflict within states.(1) In 1996, over 40 million people were dependent on humanitarian aid, an increase of 60% since the mid-1980s.(2) Their suffering has become a common sight on television newscasts, often stimulating demands for assistance among the citizens of donor countries in the West, the so-called "CNN effect."
Spending on humanitarian assistance has increased substantially over the past decade. The proportion of official development assistance (ODA) which the industrialized countries spend on emergency aid has quintupled since the early 1980s. Since 1990, over $30 billion has been spent on humanitarian assistance, with more than 80% coming from OECD governments.(3) Annual aggregate funding levels peaked at around $7 billion in 1994, and have since leveled off at $3-4 billion per year.
Despite this impressive growth in emergency expenditures, humanitarian assistance still constitutes a very small portion of spending in the world economy. Even at its peak in 1994, global spending on humanitarian assistance represented only .03% of world GDP, or less than 1% of world defense expenditure for the same year. While it is impossible to put a cash value on human life, the cost of humanitarian assistance is remarkably inexpensive on a per capita expenditure basis.(4) Most importantly, it is generally agreed that the loss of human life would have been much greater had the humanitarian response not been forthcoming.
The intergovernmental agencies and United Nations departments most active in humanitarian relief–the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the World Food Programme (WFP), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the World Health Organization (WHO), the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the International Organization for Migration (IOM), and the UN Department for Humanitarian Affairs (DHA)–often struggle to obtain funds from governments more concerned with identifying national interest rationales for their response. The coupling of security demands with the provision of humanitarian assistance further complicates the appeals process. For their part, the private voluntary agencies that implement and program the majority of humanitarian aid spend increased staff time and financial resources raising donations from the public and find themselves increasingly dependent on government funds for their activities. Furthermore, governmental efforts to privatize humanitarian assistance have encouraged a proliferation of voluntary aid agencies which now compete openly with each other for funds.
Without systematic and transparent needs and impact assessments, it is difficult to determine whether existing levels of aggregate expenditure are adequate to meet current needs. What is clear is that political considerations guiding government decisions seriously compromise the equitable distribution of humanitarian assistance, rendering it insufficient in many cases. Moreover, there is a strong sense of resource constraint among the community of aid providers.
The widespread perception that dwindling resources for development assistance are being diverted to short term emergency relief only exacerbates this sense of resource constraint. Many intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations have felt forced to shift their focus to emergency relief. Development organizations, such as CARE and Oxfam, now devote a substantial proportion of their resources to emergency assistance, even though preventive intervention and longer term development assistance are widely believed to be more cost-effective.(5) Similarly, many observers are concerned that UNHCR's increasing role in humanitarian operations threatens to dilute its primary protection function.
While a host of moral, ethical, and political issues now confront the legions of dedicated women and men who are struggling to stem the extraordinary tide of displacement, deprivation, and death that characterize humanitarian emergencies, the above resource concerns continue to be of critical importance to the success of field operations. In-kind and financial contributions make possible the material and staff capacities that are essential for any humanitarian response. Moreover, resolution of some of these "larger" issues requires the effective and efficient provision and management of resources. Thus by focusing on the resource issues, this project seeks to strengthen the provision of humanitarian aid through improvements in the timing, predictability, and flexibility of financing mechanisms and through cost-savings obtained with effective investment in the humanitarian preparedness system, including on-the-ground material standby and logistical arrangements, rapid deployment capacity, staffing, and coordination.(6)
Mobilizing Resources for a Humanitarian Response
Shortcomings of Current Arrangements
Mobilizing the financial resources needed for an effective humanitarian response has become a costly ordeal for both the IGOs and NGOs delivering the aid and even for the donor governments themselves. The vast array of potential funding channels creates ambiguity and often leads to inefficiencies in planning, coordinating, and implementing humanitarian responses in the field.
Efforts to rationalize the system, through the creation of the United Nations Inter-Agency Humanitarian Assistance Consolidated Appeals Process (the CAP) under DHA auspices in 1992, have only partially succeeded in resolving the complex problems of coordination and competition which accompany the need for multiple and diverse agencies to raise large amounts of money rapidly in response to complex emergencies. Donor governments continue to confront specific funding requests by UN agencies and NGOs and general funding appeals by individual UN agencies and the Red Cross Movement. Additional financing mechanisms include emergency funds and standby arrangements maintained by most UN agencies,(7) the Red Cross Movement, and the larger international NGOs; allocations from the Central Emergency Revolving Fund (CERF) administered by DHA; and public appeals by NGOs, either individually or in consortia.(8)
The percentage of financial resources derived from each of these mechanisms is difficult to determine.(9) Donor governments provide the bulk of financial support, nearly 85% in 1996 (see Figure 1 for funding breakdown). Rough estimates suggest that the CAP accounts for about half of donor government contributions; direct donor responses to general funding appeals or requests from humanitarian agencies comprise slightly less.(10) Financial support from non-government sources (corporations, foundations, and the general public) appears to be less than one-sixth of total global funding.(11)
While funding for humanitarian assistance has increased dramatically since the end of the Cold War, there is considerable evidence to suggest that existing resource levels are insufficient to meet global humanitarian needs. In 1996, only 67.0% of the Consolidated Appeals were met, down from 72.7% in 1995 and 75.8% in 1994 (see Table 1). Although the CAP does not capture all contributions, and there is some question regarding the degree to which the "requirements" stipulated in the appeals accurately reflect actual needs,(12) there is general agreement that its data provide, as one major donor suggested, a "good proxy for the trends in donor response to emergency humanitarian needs."(13) As such, they suggest that aggregate spending has become increasingly insufficient to meet overall needs.
Funding shortfalls are particularly acute in cases of "forgotten emergencies." In the case of Somalia, for example, only 20.1% of the Consolidated Appeals were met for 1996. Similarly, the Caucasus, Tajikistan, and Iraq received less than fifty percent of their 1996 appeals (See Table 2). While there may be many explanations for the uneven distribution of humanitarian assistance, patterns of funding tend to represent clear political choices on the part of the donor agencies. Indeed, some observers have noted that the current humanitarian system may involve a form of triage, in which strategically "important" areas (such as North Korea, which received 78.8% of its 1996 appeals) or widely publicized emergencies (such as the Great Lakes Region, which received 86.1% of its 1996 appeals) are well-funded, while other emergencies are largely ignored. The dominance of such political calculi undermines the "humanitarian" character of these efforts and, in too many cases, leaves humanitarian organizations without the resources necessary to carry out their missions.
Donor funding preferences also result in uneven distribution of resources across sectors. In particular, non-food sectors are consistently under-funded, reflecting the perception of many donors that such sectors are of a lesser priority. The World Health Organization, for example, received less than 15% of its CAP requirements for most emergencies in 1996; in several emergencies (Angola, Sierra Leone, Somalia, the Caucasus), WHO received none of its stipulated requirements.(14) This tendency of donors to fund only certain types of activities hinders the humanitarian agencies' efforts to strengthen the integrated programming approach of the CAP and compromises the effectiveness of the overall multi-sectoral humanitarian program.(15)
Moreover, the crisis-driven nature of donors' responses results in higher costs over the long run. Donor governments (and private sector contributors) are reluctant to respond with major commitments until compelled to do so by images of millions of lives in immediate danger. In these circumstances, agencies feel forced to defer possible early stage mitigating activities and to react to emergencies at a later stage when the complexities of the disaster have expanded exponentially. Not only are the human costs higher at these later stages, but there is widespread agreement that the impact of each aid dollar is much lower.
The short-term nature of donor commitments carries additional costs. Most of the major donor aid agencies will consider only three- or six-month project proposals.(16) These short-term commitments, together with the limited attention span of donor agencies, the media, and the general public, make it difficult for humanitarian organizations to maintain adequate levels of funding beyond a few months. Humanitarian providers are often forced to advance funds for field operations, anticipating later payments by donors. With small reserves in constant need of replenishment, aid providers often face cash-flow problems and sometimes deficit spending.(17) Financial pressures shorten the providers' "operational vision," leading them to plan and budget only for short-term projects and to present the impact of their work in terms of measurable accomplishments such as "lives saved" or "children fed," which may not reflect their actual impact beyond a very limited time-frame.(18) Crisis-driven funding not only wastes resources; it also inhibits long-range planning and undermines the sustainability and effectiveness of programs. Under these arrangements, donors find it difficult to track the impact of successive appeals or to hold providers accountable.
Short time horizons and financial dependence on donors restrict the capacity of humanitarian agencies to set their own priorities and to implement desired programs. As suggested earlier, donors' decisions to fund only certain programs can severely limit the range of choice agencies face. In cases where donors designate a lead agency as the primary channel for their funding,(19) NGOs–rhetoric regarding "partnerships" notwithstanding–may find themselves subject to the lead agency's agenda. Moreover, humanitarian agencies' ability to set their own priorities may also be diluted in a more indirect manner, as they are pressured to concentrate on only those projects which will yield the kinds of results that will maintain support from donors and the general public.
Another shortcoming of the current system is that neither the CAP nor the designation of lead agencies has fostered effective donor coordination. Lack of consultation in donor funding decisions creates confusion, inefficiency and uneven distribution of resources across regions and across sectors.(20) Uncoordinated needs assessments may exacerbate this problem, as the CAP has been criticized as being little more than the aggregation of multiple "shopping lists" compiled from the various provider agencies.(21) In at least one instance, inadequate or nonexistent donor coordination may have contributed to short-term excess. From July to September 1994, at the height of media coverage and public awareness of the Rwandan emergency, the funding "tap was turned on" so dramatically that many agency personnel recall that it was possible "to do anything."(22) Better coordination and more systematic and transparent needs assessments could have resulted in a more appropriate and sustainable allocation of resources.
The fact that virtually all humanitarian activities, with the exception of modest core costs of some of the UN specialized agencies, are financed through voluntary contributions creates several additional problems, including the unpredictability of revenues. Voluntary contributions are typically tied to the donors' annual budgetary processes and are subject to political will. Furthermore, because current financing arrangements are field-driven, many organizations have difficulties covering their non-emergency operational support costs, including those associated with personnel recruitment, training, development, and management; public education or appeals; financial management; and administration. For many organizations, current funding mechanisms–particularly funds channeled through a lead agency–do not adequately support the core functions that are so critical to their effective management. As a result, they are forced to constantly justify fixed headquarters costs and to scramble to manage steady-state or even declining budgets. While greater coordination of efforts, including a clearer division of labor, together with administrative and management reforms, might help to reduce fixed institutional costs, some provision for reasonable overhead charges is necessary if the remarkable strength and resiliency of the humanitarian agencies is to be preserved. (23)
In the current environment, humanitarian agencies find themselves competing with each other for scarce funds in order to finance their operations. Admittedly, as one respondent suggested, competition among agencies for donor support can be healthy, prompting such constructive responses as increased specialization, more efficient and effective delivery systems, and increased emphasis on cost-effectiveness and impact. At the same time, these positive effects are largely overshadowed by the negative consequences of the incessant drive for essential funds. In order to attract donor funding, agencies often vie for visibility through the media, "profiling" themselves in campaigns designed to raise public awareness of an emergency.(24) When successful, this phenomenon can create a perverse feedback loop: as donors respond, the increased funding attracts even more humanitarian organizations to the field. Well-publicized emergencies like the one in Rwanda in 1994 can become over-crowded with relief agencies, creating "the impression of a bazaar" and a "battle of logos and T-shirts."(25) The constant competition for funding may skew the humanitarian imperative and hinder coordination among humanitarian agencies.
Seeking Solutions
Service providers and other experts agree that urgent efforts are needed to resolve some of the more glaring shortcomings in the current scale and pattern of financing the humanitarian response. While it is clear that cost savings also could be achieved through better management practices in some of the individual agencies and through improved planning and coordination across the system, there are a number of possible avenues for enhancing the humanitarian response through development of more rational financing mechanisms. The following section outlines some preliminary suggestions and their implications. Examination of these suggestions should include consideration of potential trade-offs between efficiency and open participation in decision-making and service delivery.
The core competencies of the humanitarian assistance system must be maintained. While nobody can accurately predict the locations and costs of future emergencies, it should be possible to estimate the rough financial requirements of an effective global humanitarian preparedness system. As with any public service sector, humanitarian assistance involves a set of fixed costs for basic functions which must be met to ensure that the capacity is in place to provide services when circumstances demand. Yet the rapid growth in humanitarian activities in the last several years has been neither preceded nor accompanied by parallel investments in core competencies, even though investment in particular areas would improve international preparedness and response as well as reduce overall costs. How can agencies, particularly NGOs, secure essential support for core costs while maintaining their independence? Can agreement be reached on reasonable overhead charges? Whose responsibility is it to pay for core costs? Can a case be made for "institutional support grants" to ensure long-term stability? Is there a special role here for the private sector?
Up-front funding would enable service providers–both intergovernmental and non-governmental–to plan more strategically (including contingency planning and preparedness measures) and to implement programs without borrowing on already constrained resources. Current arrangements provide reserve funds, through DHA's Central Emergency Revolving Fund or through individual agency emergency funds–which can be accessed for rapid response to an emergency.(26) However, these funds are relatively small, are targeted for rapid emergency response, and are in constant need of replenishment. Could a fund comprised of advanced contributions, based on a two or three year average of annual expenditures, help to resolve some of the current problems? How would such funds be governed and administered? Would a "superfund" be feasible and appropriate? Could it help make more equitable the distribution of aid across emergencies?
Longer-term donor financial commitments for field operations are essential for effective programming. Humanitarian crises require several years of sustained and focused attention. How can this be reconciled to donors' desire for more accountability? Could agreement be reached with donors for longer-term proposals with stipulated benchmarks? How could sufficient flexibility be built in to account for changes in an emergency situation over a longer time period?
Greater coordination of donor funding is necessary for more efficient use of available resources. To be effective, such coordination must be transparent and flexible to provide adequate access to service providers and to accommodate shifting priorities. Can the CAP be adjusted to meet these goals? Does the experience of the European Community Humanitarian Office (ECHO) offer any lessons in this regard?(27) Does the "service package" concept enhance or impede coordination and flexibility?
A systematic and transparent framework for needs assessment must be developed. At present, individual donors and agencies undertake their own needs assessments, the accuracy of which may be compromised by desired outcomes.(28) How can more accurate estimates of need be determined? What would be the appropriate roles of local governing authorities and NGOs in that assessment? How can local and regional resource assessments be included in this process?
Standards and procedures for fundraising campaigns should be evaluated. The media is a powerful tool in mobilizing public support and catalyzing donor action, but its power can be misused. How can service providers work more closely with the media to provide accurate accounts of needs and accomplishments? How can competition for funding among NGOs be channeled into greater efficiency and effectiveness?
Maintaining Preparedness
In addition to financial resource mobilization and management, another critical element of an effective humanitarian response is the mobilization and deployment of human and material resources. These two essential components of preparedness constitute a significant portion of the costs of operations. Moreover, targeted investment in human and material resources would curtail the running costs of missions and increase the effectiveness of the response. The following sections examine current arrangements and suggest possible improvements in material standby capacity and the logistical arrangements for its delivery, and in staff recruitment and training.
Material Standby Capacity and Logistical Arrangements
Successful field operations require adequate preparedness and logistical arrangements. The capacity to respond quickly and effectively in an emergency can help to stem the damage and, consequently, contain the longer term costs of field operations. Conversely, accelerated deterioration of the situation on the ground can make start-up more difficult and vastly increase the overall costs. In addition, logistical support is necessary throughout an operation to deliver goods, transport aid workers, and facilitate communication. Effective preparedness requires the stockpiling of food and materials(29) as well as arrangements for the rapid deployment and on-going delivery of materials and personnel.Current material standby arrangements appear to be concentrated in Europe, including DHA's warehouse in Pisa, UNHCR's emergency stockpile in Amsterdam, UNICEF's warehouse in Copenhagen, Concern's emergency store in Rotterdam, and CARE's modular units stored in England. Despite strong transport and climate rationales for maintaining supplies in Europe, some evidence suggests that regional and local stockpiles may reduce transport and storage costs and response time. The ICRC experience with storing food and other materials in East Africa, for instance, suggests that the local procurement and management of emergency stocks can be "much more cost effective when carried out in Nairobi rather than in Geneva."(30)
Other organizations have found that local stockpiles can raise additional problems of security, technological obsolescence, and rapid deterioration of supplies in poor storage conditions. Consequently, some agencies are reducing their local or regional stockpiles to very limited quantities of urgently needed materials.
Like material stockpiles, logistical support is crucial for effective field operations. Without adequate arrangements for road haulage, shipping, storage, and/or airlift, humanitarian assistance would be impossible. Well-functioning logistical arrangements enable the timely delivery of food and supplies, provide transportation for relief workers, and facilitate communication and coordination in the field. In many emergencies, transportation infrastructure is either badly damaged, insufficient, or nonexistent, complicating the delivery of assistance–and making the provision of external logistical arrangements all the more essential.
Extensive external logistics, including airlifts, ships, all-terrain trucks, and storage depots, are expensive. In 1994, for example, UNHCR spent nearly $60 million–almost 40% of its purchasing budget–on chartering of airlift flights, air freight, shipping, land transport, vehicles, spare parts, and fuel.(31)
In recent crises, logistical arrangements have typically been ad hoc, and have varied considerably from case to case. In some cases, logistical support has been provided by donor military contingents; in others, UN agencies and NGOs have relied on commercial contractors. In several instances, both intergovernmental agencies (e.g., WFP) and NGOs (e.g., Save the Children-UK) have found it necessary to maintain their own transport capabilities. In many cases, land, sea, and air transport have all been used–though the choice of one over the other often does not seem to be guided by any explicit determination of relative costs and benefits. What is clear is that the absence of a coherent, systematic approach to the provision of logistical support often creates confusion, limits effectiveness, and increases overall costs.
The particular case of airlift is instructive. When available, air transport is often utilized instead of road or rail transport, despite its much higher costs. Commercial air transport in Rwanda, for example, cost four to five times as much as road transport; military airlift was even more expensive, costing 20 to 40 times as much as road haulage.(32) While urgency or accessibility sometimes makes airlift imperative, donors and agencies must consider the relative costs associated with alternative logistical arrangements.
The absence of a coherent logistical support system has another unfortunate by-product: resource scarcity and differential access engender competition for logistical support, a competition typically won by the "controlling entity." In the case of Rwanda, for example, NGOs complained that UNHCR's Air Operations Cell served primarily UNHCR's needs and was not made available as a common resource to all agencies.(33)
Learning from Experience
The urgency and the considerable cost of adequate logistical support and material standby capacity render these issues critical to any consideration of improvements in the humanitarian system. Several issues warrant further study.
The comparative advantage of centralized versus regional or local stockpiling of emergency supplies needs to be assessed. Does the apparently positive experience of the ICRC's regional delegation in Nairobi demonstrate the value of pre-positioning of supplies within emergency-prone regions? Are there similar experiences elsewhere? What security concerns need to be considered? What additional work needs to be done on the question of the location of standby materials and associated costs?
The possibility of consolidating current material standby arrangements should be examined for its potential cost savings. Although several UN agencies are developing methods for rapid transfer of equipment amongst themselves to meet emergency needs,(34) the major intergovernmental and non-governmental agencies still maintain separate stockpiles. Are there worthwhile economies of scale to be obtained through consolidation? Would NGOs and intergovernmental agencies both profit from the use and delivery of standby materials? Do smaller NGOs face access issues that need to be taken into account? Are there advantages to having several different stockpiles to respond to an emergency?
The efficiency of current procurement, supply, and stockpiling practices should be assessed. According to UNICEF, for example, "there might be even more cost-effective and efficient alternatives [than its Copenhagen stockpiles] through the development of agreements with manufacturers for rapid stock deployment on demand," an approach which UNICEF is using as the basis for a revision and rationalization of its own stockpile levels.(35) Can other agencies obtain similar cost savings through such alternative contracting measures?
The comparative cost-effectiveness of military and commercial provision of logistical support needs to be examined.(36) The Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda noted that the military provides "…a stand-by capacity with highly-developed systems and expertise in the field of logistics." The report concluded, however, that a "humanitarian aid stand-by capacity…developed in the commercial or non-governmental sector…would be considerably cheaper to a central finance ministry than funding the maintenance of such capacity within the military."(37)
The aid community should examine the possibility of system-wide logistical arrangements. Given the expense and potential inappropriateness of military support, the donor community should examine whether proposals for the system-wide provision of logistical support have merit. Such proposals may seek to build on those organizations (e.g., WFP, ICRC) which under current arrangements have developed the greatest logistical capacity.(38)
The pre-positioning of supplies might presume the pre-positioning of logistical bases as well. What have we learned from ICRC's experience with its comprehensive regional logistics center in Nairobi? What can WFP now tell us about its Strategic Fleet for Africa that might cast light on the potential for regionally-based transport facilities? Are there other examples?
Staff Recruitment and Training
Human capital is a prerequisite of a successful humanitarian response. The talented and dedicated staffs of intergovernmental and voluntary agencies carry out extremely difficult missions, often at considerable risk to themselves. Nonetheless, several problems exist in the current recruitment and training of qualified aid providers. Given the sheer numbers of people involved, reform will not be easy.(39) In emergency circumstances, recruitment itself is a complex process. Staff are often recruited in a hasty, ad hoc manner for overseas assignments in remote, unfamiliar places to implement programs for which they may lack training.(40) Except when UN personnel are seconded under special "mission replacement" arrangements, recruits are typically Westerners. Obviously, increasing the number of non-Western UN personnel in special field assignments would advance staff development and diversify the profile of humanitarian workers abroad. However, mission replacement often creates serious staffing difficulties at headquarters and does not guarantee that the most qualified people are in the field.
To ensure that well-trained individuals will be available on very short notice, preparedness measures must include a strong personnel component. Many agencies, including UNHCR, WFP, UNICEF, and Médecins Sans Frontières, have developed their own "rapid response teams." The Department of Humanitarian Affairs operates the U.N. Disaster Assessment and Coordination System (UNDAC) for immediate deployment in emergencies. In some severe emergencies, certain donors have sent out teams of specialists, including military officers. The United States' Disaster Assistance Response Teams (DARTs), from USAID's Bureau of Humanitarian Response/Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance (BHR/OFDA) have served in the Former Yugoslavia, Northern Iraq, Rwanda, and Eastern Zaire. ECHO sent similar teams to Rwanda, and the Canadian Forces in the summer of 1996 announced the formation of their own DART.
The apparent lack of coordination among these multiple rapid response teams raises questions about the likely overall effectiveness of such preparedness measures. To the extent that such teams are designed to establish or enhance the field presence of a particular agency, separate response teams would seem to make sense. However, greater coordination in the early response stage would encourage collaborative efforts once the agencies arrive in full force.
Furthermore, the composition of current rapid response teams seems overly restrictive. Their small size makes it difficult to include both specialists in diverse emergency sectors (e.g. water and sanitation officers, medical officers, shelter specialists, etc.) and individuals familiar with the political, economic, and cultural circumstances of a given region.
Current personnel preparedness arrangements suffer from an overlap of the several reserve rosters maintained for recruiting purposes. Although many NGOs utilize their own reserve rosters for their staffing needs, several of the intergovernmental organizations rely on standby arrangements with NGOs. Some question the self-selecting nature of these rosters and the adequacy of screening and accrediting practices. Such unstructured arrangements may not facilitate the creation of professional field staff.
Another weakness of current staffing practices is the absence of local professionals in senior operations positions. While many of the major agencies claim to hire over 80% local staff,(41) few of the latter occupy senior policy or management positions. The dominance of Westerners is problematic on a number of fronts—politically and ethically, as well as in terms of efficiency and comparative costs. Local staff bring special skills and strengths to senior positions, including a greater understanding of the particular political and cultural context in which they are operating. Building local capacity in the civil sector also contributes directly to post-emergency reconstruction goals and to long-term sustainability of programs.(42) At the same time, costs for expatriate staff tend to be considerably higher, as a comparison between local and expatriate staff costs suggests that expatriates may cost ten to forty times more than locals.(43) Finally, the relatively rapid turnover of Western recruits, many of whom are available for one to six months, adds to the extremely high costs of field personnel.
Improving Current Practice
Perhaps more than any other single element, the quality of staff recruitment and training is critical to the success of humanitarian operations. Efforts to improve humanitarian response should thus include a serious examination of several relevant staffing issues.(44)
Cooperation and an effective division of labor in deployment of rapid response teams needs to be addressed. How can the role of NGOs–both local and international–be strengthened? What mechanisms now exist and how can they be improved?
Reserve rosters need to be consolidated, and local talent included in them. To what degree are they now computerized and accessible? What information should be included in rosters, including measures of performance, with due respect to privacy concerns? The Norwegians seem to have the most developed system, including training and accreditation. Is this a useful model? What has been the experience of the Register of Engineers in Disaster Relief?
Regional training programs for local cadres of civil servants and other professionals could create trained and specialized local standby capacity. Might the various Norwegian experiments be a useful point of departure? Is peace-keeping training and deployment a useful model? Could the new UN Staff College provide effective standardized training and accreditation? Might post-graduate programs, for example those available in several European universities, have something to contribute to these efforts?
This paper has focused on specific resource issues surrounding emergency response, leaving open a set of questions regarding preventive measures and development cooperation. Because political, economic, security, and human rights concerns are embedded in complex emergencies, the quality of the emergency response has serious implications for the longer-term. Thus humanitarian assistance, even when focused on relief, should be part of a coherent strategy which includes appropriate attention to conflict prevention and mitigation, human rights monitoring, post-conflict reconstruction, and longer-term development strategies.
*See footnote 11 in text
Table 1: Percent of Consolidated Appeals Covered, 1994-1996
|Affected Country or Region
|Percent of Requirements Covered for Appeals Launched in 1994
|Percent of Requirements Covered for Appeals Launched in 1995
|Percent of Requirements Covered for Appeals Launched in 1996
|Eastern Zaire
|Great Lakes Region
|Rwanda/ Sub-region
|Sierra Leone
|Republic of Yemen
|D.P.R. Korea
|Former Yugoslavia
Data from DHA's Financial Tracking Database, available on the internet at http://www.reliefweb.int/fts/fintrack.html
Table 2: Requirements, Funding, and Shortfalls for Humanitarian Emergencies, 1996
|Affected Country or Region
|Implement-ation Period
|UN Consolidated Inter-Agency Appeals Requirements (US dollars)
| Funding
(US dollars)
| Carryover Funds
(US dollars)
|Total Funds Available (Contributions & Carryover Funds, in US dollars)
| Shortfall*
(in US dollars)
|Percent of 1996 Requirements Covered
|Eastern Zaire
|Great Lakes Region
|Sierra Leone
|D.P.R. Korea
|Former Yugoslavia
Data from the UN Department of Humanitarian Affairs' Financial Tracking Database, available on the internet at <<http://www.reliefweb.int/fts/index.html>>.
*A surplus in one commodity or for a particular agency does not offset a shortfall in another; DHA has adjusted shortfall estimates to reflect actual remaining needs.
1. While most donor agencies and humanitarian organizations do not distinguish between man-made and natural disasters in their accounting, this paper focuses primarily on complex humanitarian emergencies, generated by conflict, civil strife, or natural disasters that can be anticipated. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Sadako Ogata has defined complex humanitarian emergencies as follows: "An emergency is complex when its causes are mixed and when its very magnitude makes it difficult for any single agency to handle the emergency on its own." See Statement by Mrs. Sadako Ogata, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to the Economic and Social Council on Coordination of Humanitarian Assistance: Emergency Relief and the Continuum to Rehabilitation and Development. Geneva, 1 July 1993. (visited on 8/21/97) < http://www.unhcr.ch/refworld/unhcr/hcspeech/1ju1993.htm>.
2. According to Under-Secretary-General Yasushi Akashi, head of the Department of Humanitarian Affairs and UN Emergency Relief Coordinator, about 42 million people worldwide were dependent on humanitarian assistance in 1995. See "Security Council Debate on Humanitarian Crises, Assembly Work on Improved UN Capability, Mark New Peacekeeping Era," International Documents Review. 26 May 1997, 1. See also Global Humanitarian Emergencies, 1996 (New York: United States Mission to the United Nations, 1996) and World Refugee Survey 1996 (U.S. Committee for Refugees, 1996).
3. According to the U.S. Mission to the United Nations, OECD countries provide about five-sixths of global humanitarian aid. See Global Humanitarian Emergencies, 1996 (New York: United States Mission to the United Nations, 1996) 23.
4. Aggregate figures suggest that in 1996, for example, less than $100 was spent per person in need (less than $4 billion for 40 million in need).
5. Most agencies interviewed expressed the view that development cooperation and preventive measures are more cost-effective forms of response than emergency aid, but there is still a lack of empirical evidence in support of this belief.
6. Security arrangements have become increasingly necessary in launching and conducting effective field operations. Important as they are, these security questions are much debated elsewhere and, hence, have not been included in this inquiry.
7. For example WFP's International Emergency Food Reserve, UNHCR's Emergency Response Fund, and UNICEF's Emergency Programme Fund.
8. In addition, donors occasionally respond directly, providing resources through donor organization emergency teams, civil defense teams, or military contingents in a humanitarian delivery or support role. See the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda, The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience. Study 3: Humanitarian Aid and Effects. (Odense: Steering Committee of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda, 1996) 111.
9. According to the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda, the difficulty in determining a percentage breakdown from each mechanism is compounded by several practices: funds allocated for one activity are often used for another activity; funds allocated ahead of an appeal are sometimes subsequently counted against the appeal; and agencies sometimes make arrangements for borrowings and reimbursements at a local level.
10. In 1996, donor governments provided $1.35 billion, or about 49% of total donor funding, through the CAP. Donors reported approximately $1.21 billion, or 44% of total donor funding, contributed to NGOs and intergovernmental organizations outside the CAP. The remaining 6-7% was delivered by donor governments themselves and through bilateral channels.
11. This estimate is based on data obtained from many of the major humanitarian agencies regarding the percentage of their resources derived from non-government sources. Variation in methodologies and definitions render this figure only a very rough approximation. These private donations are critical since they represent contributions to core costs of organizations or permit flexible responses in particular emergency situations.
12. The urgency and the rapidly changing dynamics of a complex emergency necessarily complicate needs assessments, and the desire for rapid donor response may encourage assessment teams to overstate requirements. It should be noted, however, that the Consolidated Appeals are based on a synthesis of information from DHA and humanitarian agencies, in consultation with donor representatives at the country level. Moreover, these appeals are updated frequently–and scaled down as necessary–to reflect changing needs and/or more accurate assessments as they become available.
13. Global Humanitarian Emergencies, 1996 (New York: United States Mission to the United Nations, 1996) 22.
14. Conversely, WFP usually receives well over 70% (and often close to 100%) of its stipulated requirements. See The Financial Tracking Database For Complex Emergencies (visited 8/20/97) at <http://www.reliefweb.int/ fts/index.html>.
15. According to the draft report of the Secretary-General on the Review of the Capacity of the United Nations System for Humanitarian Assistance, "…when resources are inadequate for certain sectors or types of activities, the effectiveness of the overall humanitarian programme is compromised. Failure to provide assistance for rehabilitation activities, such as agricultural recovery, risks the creation of relief dependency syndrome among persons affected by crisis and may result in increased assistance requirements at a later date."
16. The added burden of continually turning out new proposals for projects not only requires staff time and resources that might be better utilized elsewhere, but also heightens competitiveness among agencies.
17. Even the ICRC, one of the most financially stable of humanitarian organizations, has experienced cash flow problems in recent years. Other organizations which have had annual expenditures exceeding annual income in recent years include UNHCR, Oxfam, Save the Children, the International Organization for Migration, and Concern.
18. Indeed, poor programming of aid may have a negative impact on recipients in the longer-term, for example through the creation of aid dependency.
19. In Rwanda, for example, the European Community Humanitarian Office (ECHO) channeled all of its refugee funding through UNHCR.
20. In Rwanda, for example, UNHCR asked donor governments to provide "service packages" in an effort to ensure that all sectors were sufficiently covered. Because these efforts were not adequately coordinated among donors, however, certain vital sectors–such as sanitation provision–received little donor support, while higher profile activities, such as the establishment of cholera treatment centers and centers for unaccompanied children, received disproportionately more funding. See The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience. Study 3: Humanitarian Aid and Effects, 72.
21. It should be noted that the intergovernmental agencies have established methodologies for the assessment of needs and would argue that the requirements incorporated in the appeals reflect the reality on the ground. Moreover, there are normally consultations in-country with donor representatives before the appeal is finalized, and there are even cases of donor participation in assessment missions.
22. The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience. Study 3: Humanitarian Aid and Effects, 117.
23. USAID, for example, negotiates a percentage for overhead charges with NGOs which regularly receive contracts and grants from USAID; this percentage is then added automatically to all contracts and grants with that NGO.
24. The Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda demonstrates the close correlation between media coverage of an emergency and the level of resources provided. The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience. Study 3: Humanitarian Aid and Effects, 114-117.
25. Richard Dowden, The Independent on Sunday, September 4, 1994, quoted in The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience. Study 3: Humanitarian Aid and Effects, 48.
26. The CERF is accessible to members of the Inter-Agency Standing Committee, and must be repaid by agency borrowers; individual agency emergency funds include those of UNHCR, UNICEF, and CARE.
27. ECHO, established by the European Commission in 1992 and currently the second largest donor agency, has a mandate not only to ensure the cohesive administration of the Community's humanitarian aid, but also to create closer cooperation between the bilateral efforts of member states and ensure better coordination with the emergency aid programs of NGOs, UN and other international organizations. See Danida, the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, "Strategies for Individual Organizations: Annex to the Plan of Action for Active Multilateralism," 81.
28. For example, agencies may inflate needs assessments in order to elicit a rapid and generous donor response; similarly, donors may be inclined to dampen estimates in an effort to defend inaction.
29. In addition to medical supplies and other provisions, necessary materials include passenger vehicles, computers, telecommunications equipment, and "offices-in-a-box."
30. The International Committee of the Red Cross, ICRC: Annual Report 1995 (Geneva: ICRC Publications Division, 1996) 93.
31. Francis Kpatindé, "Real Purchasing Power," Refugees: The High Cost of Caring. (Geneva: The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 1996) 16-18.
32. Note, however, that determination of costs of military logistical support is complicated by several factors, including the fact that "military capacity used in support of humanitarian operations would either have remained idle or been engaged in training exercises and also by the way in which governments attribute costs." The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience. Study 3: Humanitarian Aid and Effects, 61, 103.
33. See The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience. Study 3: Humanitarian Aid and Effects, 100-101. It should be noted that UNHCR's determination of priorities was guided by its role as a coordinating agency in Rwanda.
34. "Transport and Logistics–Logistics Preparedness," World Food Programme Website <<http://www.wfp.org/ Op_Logistics_Prep.html>>.
35. "Children and Women in Emergencies: Strategic Priorities and Operational Concerns for UNICEF," United Nations Children's Fund Executive Board First Regular Session 1997, 20-24 January 1997, Item 5 of the provisional agenda. E/ICEF/1997/7, 11 November 1996, 12.
36. The Refugee Policy Group has undertaken such a study, under the auspices of OECD. The conclusions are rather general, and suggest that civilian assets are generally more cost-effective than military means, but that there are certain unique contributions that the military can make (e.g. security, specialized airlift capacities, maritime resources, reconnaissance and intelligence capabilities, the rapid arrangement of effective communications networks). Further study should include consideration of the variations in costing military assets utilized by different governments.
37. The International Response to Conflict and Genocide: Lessons from the Rwanda Experience. Study 3: Humanitarian Aid and Effects, 61.
38. WFP, for example, is examining arrangements for Logistics Service Packages with donors, in such areas as port operations, rail operations, road and airstrip repair, airhead operations, logistics base establishment, field communications, long-haul trucking, and logistics advisory services. See "Transport and Logistics–Logistics Preparedness," (visited 7/15/97) <http://www.wfp.org/Op_Logistics_Prep.html>. In March 1997, the Inter-Agency Standing Committee "supported and endorsed the proposed role for WFP as an agency which offers significant comparative advantages within a system-wide response in providing logistics and transport services for material resources…"
39. The ICRC has increased staff from approximately six thousand in 1990 to over 8,500 in 1995; UNHCR has doubled its staff since 1990, to over five thousand worldwide.
40.In this regard, ICRC, for example, has developed an intensive, interactive training program specially for the benefit of new staff recruited in the face of an international crisis.
41. For example, CARE, Concern, the ICRC, and Médecins Sans Frontières report staffing figures which are 80-95% local.
42. See Alex de Waal, "Dangerous Precedents: Famine Relief in Somalia 1991-1993," War and Hunger: Rethinking International Response to Complex Emergencies. (New Jersey: Zed Books, 1994) 151.
43. This estimate is based on costs reported by one organization, without indication as to the type of work performed by expatriate and local staff (e.g. management versus support services).
44. Some work is being done in this area, including the People in Aid project, which has been active in defining and promoting a good practice code for the management and support of personnel working in relief, rehabilitation, and development.
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The Passage is one of the most talked about, most anticipated novels
of summer 2010. It was heavily publicized by the publisher, with blurbs from well
known authors, ads in national newspapers and billboards, a 17-city author tour, book trailers, interactive web
sites, iPhone apps and more.
Does the book live up to the hype? Absolutely—with
one caveat. The pre-launch publicity downplays the fact that this is the
first installment of an anticipated trilogy that won't be complete for
another four years at best. Readers with an aversion to cliffhangers beware. Not
everything is neatly tied up at the end of this book's 750-plus pages. Readers
may also be taken by surprise by some of the storytelling choices made by Justin
Cronin, an award-winning professor of creative writing at Rice University.
At first,
The Passage seems like it will be a linear thriller cut from cloth similar to Stephen King's The Stand.
It starts out depicting an epidemic that destroys most of humanity. The virus
originates in the Bolivian
jungle, and it is brought back to civilization—an Army research compound—by a military-funded scientific expedition.
The plan isn't to weaponize the virus, though. It is a
defensive tool that has the potential to cure
every disease known to mankind and heal injuries by stimulating the normally
dormant thymus gland into overdrive. An army of soldiers who can heal overnight from
battle injuries may be all that stands between America and
anarchy. The war on terror has been raging for fifteen
years with no end in sight, encroaching onto American
soil, including attacks on shopping centers. Gasoline is nearly
$15 a gallon
and there are border checkpoints between states. Civil liberties are being
trampled. New Orleans, hit by another massive hurricane, is now a toxic wasteland.
The country is on the brink.
Agent Wolgast, an FBI agent with a knack for
persuasion, travels the country convincing a dozen death row inmates (probably
not an arbitrary number, calling to mind as it does the tribes of
Israel and the number of disciples) to sign up for Project NOAH, a name inspired by the Biblical character's
longevity. It's not a tough selll—the men are desperate and grasp at any
excuse to avoid a rendezvous with the hangman.
Cronin devotes a lot
of time to Wolgast's backstory, as well as that of Carter, one of the "volunteer"
test subjects, a man who desperately wants to remember the details of the day he supposedly killed
Rachel Wood, a woman who had shown him kindness.
Wolgast is knocked off balance
when he's sent to bring in a thirteenth test subject, a six-year-old girl named
Amy who was abandoned in
a convent by her
prostitute mother. He lost his daughter to illness and his marriage broke up not long
after, so it's a sensitive situation. He delivers Amy to the military research station in
Telluride, where experiments on the twelve killers take an unexpected
turn. The virus gives them superhuman powers. They glow in
the dark, can leap
tall buildings in a single bound, and have extrasensory powers. They also shun the
daylight and suffer
blood lust. They have only a single spot where they are vulnerable to a bullet, an axe or an arrow.
However, they are fiendishly clever, and exploit human weaknesses to poke
holes in the compound's defenses. The virus affects Amy differently. It
enhances her ability to learn and makes her averse to the sunlight, but she
isn't cursed with the insatiable hunger of the others.
Instead of
depicting the stepwise destruction of society, Cronin tacks in a different direction.
The second section of the book is reminiscent of Cormac
McCarthy's The Road, dealing with Wolgost and Amy's retreat from
civilization once the agent realizes what is likely to happen after the test
subjects get loose. Amy and Wolgost come to
trust and love each other during the winter they spend at a lakeside camp in the
Oregon mountains that Wolgost knew from his childhood. He hears rumors
of what's happening in the rest of the world as the infection spreads during occasional
forays to a nearby general store.
This survival tale comes to an end with hints of
cataclysmic events just beyond the mountains. The book makes
another unexpected shift, leaping
forward to the year 92 A.V (after virus) and First Colony, a FEMA compound in the San Jacinto
Mountains in the breakaway nation of California. A group of survivors, the
descendents of children evacuated from the major cities in the late stages of
the "plague," have formed a new social order.
Cronin creates a
fully realized post-apocalyptic civilization. The rules they've developed are focused on the security and
propagation of the community. Some regulations seem arbitrary, and the
punishments for breaching them unduly harsh, but they ultimately make sense. For example,
radios are outlawed because they might draw undue attention to their group,
attracting dangerous outsiders. This means that the
colonists have no idea what's going on in the world outside their limited sphere
of travel. For all they know, normalcy might have returned elsewhere. The plague
might be under control.
Children are quarantined until the age of
eight, when they are briefed about the reality of their circumstances and
assigned to one of a few professions. Some people tend
to the wind turbine farm several miles outside the walls, excursions that bring to mind the visit to the Forbidden City in Battle
for the Planet of the Apes.
This section of the novel also brings to mind
The Omega Man and He Is Legend.
During the daytime, the colonists tend to their crops and raid the nearby shopping centers for provisions,
but once the sun goes down the colony goes into high alert. Bright lights come
on around the walls to ward off the "virals" that lurk in the shadows
and try to breach the city's defenses. It is natural to think of these these beasts
as vampires because
of their insatiable craving for blood. Some people call them "dracs." About 10% of the people they attack are
"taken in" or converted. The rest are killed.
the virals
also share traits with George Romero's zombies. They aren't intelligent or suave
like the twelve or like their namesake, Dracula. They're brutal, mindless killing machines. They instinctively
return to the place
they came from before they were taken, like dying people wanting to return
home. They leap into the air and descend on their prey, giving rise to a new curse word: flyers. When someone from the
colony is taken, a family member stands at the wall to serve the Mercy, waiting
to kill the recently converted relative when he or she returns.
As this section opens, Peter Jaxon
is waiting to kill his brother, who was lost during a recent battle with the virals. Peter's father was an eccentric who went on long
walks outside the compound before vanishing several years earlier. Peter is a diffident young man who understands the
need for the Colony's rigid regulations, but he's drifting. He let his younger
brother take the leadership position he should have inherited, and allows
potential relationships with women to remain unresolved. Though he becomes the
book's protagonist, Peter is the most bland of Cronin's characters, which makes
him more universal, easy for any reader to identify with.
Peter finds his
purpose when he and a small group of survivors realize that the batteries charged by the wind turbines
are weakening. Soon, they won't hold a charge and their main line of defense, the lights surrounding
First Colony, will go out. They keep this
information to themselves because they have no solution. Then, a glimmer of hope materializes—an
approaching radio signal picked up on an illicit radio. The signal heralds the
arrival of a surprising savior, a mute much older than she looks. Based on the
information she brings, Peter leads his friends on an excursion that takes them
from California to Colorado. On foot.
The book changes direction again,
becoming a
cross-country saga reminiscent of Robert
McCammon's Swan Song. This small band of would-be heroes traverses a mad landscape, including
a devastated, overrun Las Vegas. The group encounters other
survivors, not all of them benign, and a seemingly endless supply of dracs. They
face numerous harrowing ordeals. In one amusing scene, they
are even provided with the opportunity to screen the classic B?la Lugosi film Dracula.
goals are achieved, some storylines resolved, some questions answered, but not all. One unanswered
question is why Amy was special even before she became Patient
Thirteen. Cronin also hints at an early link between Peter and Amy via a stuffed animal
that was her constant companion before the outbreak—before Peter was even
For such a long novel,
The Passage is a surprisingly fast read. Though it brings to mind just about
every other post-apocalyptic novel ever written, it is not derivative. Cronin's
style—his interest in characters and their relationships—puts the
book in a class by itself. The only shame is that readers will now have to wait
two more years for the next installment.
Web site and all contents © Copyright Bev Vincent
2007-2010. All rights reserved

subset: commoncrawl


text:
|Property type
|Minimum Stay
|9 nights
I have a beautiful cozy 3 bedroom home with finished basement with more sleeping space. Can fit 7 people easily. w 1/2 baths, in a quiet cul de sac. Nice deck in back with grill and fire pit. The location is fantastic for running and to get on your bike for training in the hills. You are 10 minutes from Boulder Rez, 2 minutes from any grocery store, or restaurants. The neighborhood has a pool I can give you a key to if you would like to swim laps ( there is a lap lane) You will feel right at home in my house. I am flexible with dates. If you need more or less we can definitely negotiate.
I have lived in the area for 12 years, have 4 children and keep a very clean beautiful home. I work in the women's athletic industry in Boulder, sell for a company called Skirt Sports and am an avid trail runner and cyclist. This is a fantastic location for riding, running, swimming. I can definitely help you out with great bike ride and runs right from the house. I also own a coffee shop so if you need great coffee, I can arrange for that.
My home is in a fantastic community, super close to Boulder but without all the traffic. The neighborhood is very quiet at night. You will have full use of our grill, fire pit, neighborhood pool. If you are traveling with kids, our home is perfect for a family. If not, you can come with a group of athletes and all have your own sleeping area.
neighborhood pool
fire pit
relaxing lit back deck
10 minutes from Boulder Rez.
Wow, what a great place to stay, house is in a great area close to retail stores. The house itself was great, very spacious great back yard with a deck, great for bbq, and the trampoline was a bonus for the girls.
|Damage Insurance


text:
Evergreen Trail Tree
Nestled in the mountains of Western North Carolina where cool temperatures and higher altitudes offer the perfect environment for cultivating Christmas trees, you will find our signature Evergreen Trail Trees.
Chosen for their beauty, resilience and fragrance by discerning admirers, including the White House, these Fraser Firs are the perfect family holiday tradition.
Our Evergreen Trail Trees are pleasing to the eye. Uniform and pyramid-shaped, our Fraser Firs grow tall and slender, making them an ideal choice for any sized space. They feature tight, soft needles that stay longer than any other Christmas tree, strong branches that hold even heavier ornaments, and a long-lasting holiday aroma—just a few of the reasons why our trees are so cherished season after season.
This holiday season, we invite you to experience an invigorating journey through Alleghany County to find your perfect family tree.
Before heading our way, you can learn more about Evergreen Trail Tree facts, sustainability issues, and tree care, so you can enjoy your Evergreen Trail Tree with family and friends throughout the holiday season.


text:
Category : Porcelain & Ceramic Favors
C3254 - 2 Section Dish Antipasto Design
Availability : Out of stock
Product Rate
Your guests will surely be impressed with this chic elegance of this elegant hand painted ceramic 2 section dish favor. The stunning beauty of this favor lies in its simplicity and delicately placed accented embossing…not to mention its practicality. Surely a favor your guests will talk about and remember your special day whenever they use it. Ideal for any occasion. Dishwasher safe and certified for food safety. Comes packed in a semi gloss printed logo ivory box. Another quality favor by D'Lusso Designs. Measures: 11.75L x 6.5W Weight: 1.8 lbs Case pack: 60
Item : C3254
Weight : 1.80 lb
Minimum Order : 13
Price : US $6.25
|Volume Pricing (automatically applied based on quantity)
|From : 13 - To : 23
|$ 6.25
|From : 24 - To : 59
|$ 5.89
|From : 60
|$ 5.39
Shipping details
Leaves the warehouse within 1-2 business days.
Once your order is shipped allow 1-6 business days in transit for delivery within the contiguous U.S. International orders require 6-10 Business days in transit not including Custom clearance process. Deliveries will be completed by UPS, FedEx or USPS.
A Ship Confirmation email will be sent when the order is on its way.
Ships only to USA & CANADA
Made by myitalianfavors.com
All website pictures, designes and text are copyrighted of My Italian Favors Inc .All Rights Reserved Prices and products are subjected to change without notice.


text:
Disorderly conduct:
At about midnight Friday, two men, ages 30 and 40, were cited on charges of disorderly conduct in the 200 block of Front Street. Alcohol was involved.
At about 2:30 a.m. Saturday, two women, ages 21 and 34, were cited on charges of disorderly conduct in the 200 block of Front Street. Alcohol was involved.
Driving without a license:
At about 3:20 p.m. Friday, an 18-year-old woman was cited on charges of driving without a license and failure to carry insurance after the GMC she was driving struck a 2003 Subaru driven by a 31-year-old woman on Egan Drive. The Subaru sustained $500 in damage, and the GMC was impounded.
Drunken driving:
At about 8 a.m. Saturday, Joel Alan McLean, 19, was arrested and charged with drunken driving and reckless endangerment on Mendenhall Loop Road after the vehicle he was driving stuck a snow bank. He was lodged at the Lemon Creek Correctional Center and the vehicle was impounded. A 20-year-old man riding in the car was cited on a charge of minor consumption.
At about 8 p.m. Friday, a 70-year-old man was arrested and charged with trespassing on South Franklin Street. Alcohol was involved. He was lodged at the state prison.
© 2018. All Rights Reserved. | Contact Us


text:
N.H.L. ROUNDUP; New Goaltender Has the Bruins Winning
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Published: December 16, 2007
Alex Auld stopped 32 shots for his first shutout with Boston and Jeremy Reich scored his first N.H.L. goal Saturday night in the Bruins' 2-0 victory over the visiting Columbus Blue Jackets.
Auld improved to 4-1 with Boston; he was acquired Dec. 6 from Phoenix after the starter, Tim Thomas, was sidelined with a strained groin. He has four career shutouts, two this season.
Reich scored 3 minutes 20 seconds into the game, and Marco Sturm added an empty-net goal with 11.9 seconds left.
Columbus had not visited Boston since Jan. 18, 2003.
RED WINGS 5, PANTHERS 2 Dan Cleary and Brian Rafalski scored in a 1:04 stretch early in the third period to break a tie, and Valtteri Filppula converted one of host Detroit's two penalty shots, the first time in team history that the Red Wings has had two penalty shots in a game.
Florida goaltender Tomas Vokoun stopped 41 shots, including a penalty shot by Pavel Datsyuk. He could not stop Filppula's shot, a high backhander that Vokoun could only throw his stick at.
SENATORS 7, THRASHERS 3 Dany Heatley scored twice and Antoine Vermette had a goal and two assists for host Ottawa, which has won five in a row. Ilya Kovalchuk scored twice for Atlanta, which has lost four straight.
SABRES 3, BLACKHAWKS 1 Thomas Vanek had a goal and an assist, and Ryan Miller made 26 saves for host Buffalo, which spoiled the rookie Patrick Kane's homecoming. Kane, a Buffalo native, scored for the slumping Blackhawks, who have lost 5 of 6 games.
CANADIENS 4, MAPLE LEAFS 1 Saku Koivu scored twice and the rookie Carey Price made 28 saves for Montreal, which ended a six-game home losing streak. Price's shutout bid was spoiled when Boyd Devereaux scored with 4:06 left.
HURRICANES 6, FLYERS 5 Rod Brind'Amour banked in a shot off the crossbar in a shootout to give visiting Carolina a victory. Philadelphia center Daniel Bri? was the only one of the six players in the shootout who did not score; his shot went wide of the net.
CAPITALS 3, LIGHTNING 2 Brian Pothier scored a power-play goal in third period to lift visiting Washington. Tampa Bay goalie Johan Holmqvist made 29 saves after being pulled from his previous two starts.
AROUND THE LEAGUE Anaheim added defenseman Scott Niedermayer to its active roster, clearing the way for his return Sunday against San Jose. Niedermayer, 34, was pondering retirement but announced Dec. 5 that he would return. ... Tampa Bay center Chris Gratton will miss two weeks because of a hip injury, and right wing Michel Ouellet will be out four to six weeks after dislocating his left shoulder Thursday. ... Montreal assigned goalie Jaroslav Halak to the minors after Cristobal Huet was cleared to return to action. Huet sustained a groin-muscle injury Dec. 1.


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Fashion News: Is Kim Kardashian a doll, or what?
British beauty retailer feelunique.com got its shoppers to vote on best-female-celebrity-assets -- and by that I mean hair, lips, nose, cheekbones and such -- and came up with a composite of the ultimate beautiful celebrity. Adding up the winning parts (from Keira Knightley, the Duchess of Cambridge, Angelina Jolie, Megan Fox and more) the resulting image looks just like Kim Kardashian. [Telegraph]
And, interestingly, Kim and her sisters Khloe and Kourtney might be made into Barbie dolls, or at least pals of Barbie sometime soon. [UsWeekly]
Demi Moore is on the cover of the February issue of Harper's Bazaar, in a plunging Tom Ford dress, next to the words "Love & Life: Demi Moore." But reportedly the accompanying article makes no mention of Ashton Kutcher or the divorce. [The Cut]
Alexa Chung told Jimmy Fallon that her new fashion-centered show, "24 Hour Catwalk," which debuts next week, is "incredibly mean." Sounds like a must-see. [Telegraph]
Some are saying "Jersey Shore's" Season 5 premiere contained the worst style moments ever. No kidding. [New York Daily News]
JWOWW -- that would be Jenni Farley of "Jersey Shore" -- has introduced her new fragrance, called, of course, JWOWW by Jenni Farley. It's described in a press release as having top notes of Anjou pear, sparkling citron, fresh air; middle notes of rose petals, geranium blossom, sheer muguet; and bottom notes of sandalwood, deep musk and white moss. It's available at Kmart and on Amazon.com in a gift set including a moisturizer for $29.99.
More important in the fragrance world, however, is news that Louis Vuitton confirms it is soon to do its own dabbling in perfume and has hired a master perfumer. [WWD] (Subscription required.)
Drew Barrymore is sporting a new radiant-cut diamond weighing in at just under 4 carats and designed by Graff Diamonds. It's from new fiancé Will Kopelman, an art consultant. [People]
Mila Kunis is the new face of Miss Dior handbags. [Los Angeles Times]
Whoever bids on the collection of artifacts from the Titanic that is scheduled to be auctioned off April 11 will find a sampling of early 20th century fashion among the goods. Earrings, perfume bottles, spectacles and a man's vest with all the buttons preserved are among the items. [Los Angeles Times]
La La Anthony launches makeup line
Fashion News: "Celebrity Apprentice" cast to feature Cheryl Tiegs
Frugal Fashion: Denver Broncos' Tim Tebow in check
--Susan Denley
Photo: Kim Kardashian, the ultimate celebrity. Credit: Lisa Maree Williams / Getty Images


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Staff Senate to Hold Information Session
Posted: February 12, 2004 at 1:00 am, Last Updated: November 30, -0001 at 12:00 am
The Staff Senate will host the first of several information sessions on Monday, Feb. 16, at 2 p.m. Detailed information about the Staff Senate, such as its purpose, operations, accomplishments, elections process, and future plans, will be presented. A question and answer session will follow. All staff are invited to attend. The one-hour event will be hosted from the Fairfax Campus in the Science and Tech I Building, Room 110. Staff located at the Arlington and Prince William Campuses can participate via videoconference at the following locations: Arlington Campus, Original Building, Room 335; Prince William Campus, Occoquan Building (formerly Prince William I), Room 221.


text:
Barnstead History, Family Crest & Coats of Arms
England in the great wave of migration following the Norman Conquest of 1066. The Barnstead family lived in Hampshire at Binstead, which dates back to the Domesday Book of 1086 when it was listed as Benestede. [1]CITATION[CLOSE]
Williams, Dr Ann. And G.H. Martin, Eds., Domesday Book A Complete Translation. London: Penguin, 1992. Print. (ISBN 0-141-00523-8) Alternatively, the name could have originated on the Isle of Wight at Binstead which was also listed Benestede in the Domesday Book. In both occurrences, the place name means "place where beans are grown," from the Old English words "bean" + "stede." [2]CITATION[CLOSE]
Mills, A.D., Dictionary of English Place-Names. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991. Print. (ISBN 0-19-869156-4)
Early Origins of the Barnstead family
Hampshire at Binsted, today a village and large civil parish or on the Isle of Wight at the village of Binstead. Of the two, Binsted in Hampshire is generally thought to have been the most likely origin of the surname. Conjecturally, they were descended from Hugh le Port, a Norman noble, who held the lands of Binstead from the Monks of the Bishop of Winchester at the time of the taking of the Domesday Book. They were also related to the Binsteads of Sussex, from the place of that name. Early census records revealed: John de Benstede and Maud de Bensted listed in Norfolk; and William de Benstede in Kent during the reign of Edward III. [3]CITATION[CLOSE]
Bardsley, C.W, A Dictionary of English and Welsh Surnames: With Special American Instances. Wiltshire: Heraldry Today, 1901. Print. (ISBN 0-900455-44-6)
Early History of the Barnstead family
Another 169 words (12 lines of text) covering the years 1333, 1937, 1297, 1308, 1305, 1306 and 1320 are included under the topic Early Barnstead History in all our PDF Extended History products and printed products wherever possible.
Barnstead Spelling Variations
spelling variations. The frequent changes in surnames are largely due to the fact that the Old and Middle English languages lacked definite spelling rules. The introduction of Norman French to England, as well as the official court languages of Latin and French, also had pronounced influences on the spelling of surnames. Since medieval scribes and church officials recorded names as they sounded, rather than adhering to any specific spelling rules, it was common to find the same individual referred to with different spellings. The name has been spelled Bensted, Benstead, Binstead, Benestede, Bense, Benstede and many more.
Early Notables of the Barnstead family (pre 1700)
Another 29 words (2 lines of text) are included under the topic Early Barnstead Notables in all our PDF Extended History products and printed products wherever possible.
Migration of the Barnstead family to the New World and Oceana
Many English families emigrated to North American colonies in order to escape the political chaos in Britain at this time. Unfortunately, many English families made the trip to the New World under extremely harsh conditions. Overcrowding on the ships caused the majority of the immigrants to arrive diseased, famished, and destitute from the long journey across the stormy Atlantic. Despite these hardships, many of the families prospered and went on to make invaluable contributions to the development of the cultures of the United States and Canada. Early North American immigration records have revealed a number of people bearing the name Barnstead or a variant listed above: Matthew Benstead who settled in Virginia in 1650; Jo Benstedd settled in Barbados in 1635; Thomas Binstead settled in Virginia in 1730; John Binsteed settled in Virginia in 1642.
Historic Events for the Barnstead family
Halifax Explosion
Barnstead Family Crest Products
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Cauchy Sequences
Date: 09/11/97 at 02:49:34 From: Suzanne Mooney Subject: Cauchy Sequences Hi, I'm trying to prove that every Cauchy sequence has a sequential limit point. I don't have a real proof, but an idea, but don't know if it's right, and if it is, how to formulate it. My idea is that, for some N a positive integer, then for every m,n>N, a Cauchy sequence has |psubn - psubm| < epsilon for some epsilon >0. Then - epsilon < psubn - psubm < epsilon, so psubm - epsilon < psubn < psubm + epsilon which means that psubm - epsilon and psubm + epsilon are, respectively, lower and upper bounds on {psubn|n>N}. So (psubm - epsilon, psubm + epsilon) would be a segment containing all psubn for every n>N. Then, no matter how small this segment becomes, i.e. for bigger and bigger values of N, it still will contain its midpoint, psubm and all psubn for n>N, so wouldn't that make psubm a sequential limit point? And then I'm thinking psubm is just an arbitrary member of the set {psubn|n>N}, so would that mean that every member of that set would then be a sequential limit point of the Cauchy sequence? Does that make sense? It seems to me so now, but it's very late and I've been messing with this thing too long, so forgive me if my reasoning (or lack thereof) is somewhat fuzzy. Ever appreciative of your help, Suzanne
Date: 09/11/97 at 09:07:42 From: Doctor Jerry Subject: Re: Cauchy Sequences COMMENT: "Wouldn't that make p_m a sequential limit point?" For which m? I don't know the tools you have available. For example, do you know or can you assume that every bounded infinite set has a limit point? Or do you know or can you assume that each subset of R that is bounded above has a least upper bound? It's possible to show that the set {p_1,p_2,...}, where {p_m} is a Cauchy sequence, is bounded. For example, take epsilon = 1; then all p_m are within 1 of p_N. The entries p_1,...,p_{N-1} can't be too far away since they are only finite in number. So the entries of a Cauchy sequence form a bounded set. So, this set has a limit point, call it x. You can show that x is the sequential limit of the Cauchy sequence. Since it is a limit point, then, given any eps>0, there is at least one entry nearby. But, being a Cauchy sequence, the entries tend to hang around each other for large n. Etc. Rough, but the gist is here, I think. -Doctor Jerry, The Math Forum Check out our web site! http://mathforum.org/dr.math/
Date: 09/11/97 at 17:50:07 From: Suzanne Mooney Subject: Re: Cauchy Sequences Thanks again, as always. Yes, the gist is there so that even I see it (yay!). And I think may be I can even 'unrough' enough. Thanks, thanks, thanks. Suzanne :-)
Date: 09/21/97 at 16:36:32 From: Suzanne Mooney Subject: Re: Cauchy Sequences Okay. Let's see if I came up with something that works. We show that x is the limit point of the sequence, along the lines you said. Then we pick an arbitrary segment (a,b) containing x, so it has some p_m in it. Then we choose a subsegment of (a,b) that contains x but not p_m, so this subsegment must also have some p_n in it. Now there exists some N_1 s.t. m,n > N_1 ==> |p_m - p_n| < epsilon_1. Now this epsilon_1 must be less than |b-a|, since both are contained in (a,b). Then (a,b) contains all p_m s.t. m>N_1, and since (a,b) is an arbitrarily selected segment containing x, x is the sequential limit point of the Cauchy sequence. Is this an okay proof or does it have some gaping hole in it that I haven't seen? Be kind, it took me a long time to come up with this! Thanks as always, Suzanne :-) P.S. If it does have holes, just point them out to me, but please don't tell me how to fix them... I'm trying to get to where I can do this on my own! There's just not enough thanks to give you for all the help you've given me! Maybe thanks raised to the millionth power? (I have to save some for the next time you help me!)
Date: 09/22/97 at 09:34:48 From: Doctor Jerry Subject: Re: Cauchy Sequences Hi Suzanne, Since I'm retired, I can vacation anytime. I was in northern Minnesota last week listening to the loons and watching the leaves turn and so didn't see your reply until today. I'll respond on the chance that you are still interested in these questions. I made a mistake in my last reply. It's possible that the set of entries of the Cauchy sequence is finite (1,2,3,3,3,3,3,3,...). If this is so, let x be a p_j that is repeated for infinitely many values of j. If the set of entries is infinite, then let x be the limit point. Okay, now for comments on your argument. I'll start my comments in capital letters, not telling all. >We show that x is the limit point of the sequence, along the lines >you said. Then we pick an arbitrary segment (a,b) containing x so it >has some p_m in it. Then we choose a subsegment of (a,b) that >contains x but not p_m. IT COULD HAPPEN THAT X IS THE SAME AS THE p_m. I DON'T THINK THAT THIS IS A BIG PROBLEM. >So this subsegment must also have some p_n in it. Now there exists >some N_1 s.t. m,n > N_1 ==> |p_m - p_n| < epsilon_1. Now this >epsilon_1 must be less than |b-a|, since both are contained in (a,b). IT'S FUZZY HERE. GIVEN epsilon_1, there is N_1 and so on; however, you haven't said how big epsilon_1 is at this point and so can't say that epsilon_1 <|b-a|. Also, m was prescribed and we don't know how it relates to N_1. DON'T READ WHAT I'm going to say next if you want to work entirely on your own (this is often a good idea). I'll give a small hint. Choose epsilon so that the interval (x-epsilon,x+epsilon) is inside (a,b). Next, choose N so that m,n>N implies |p_m-p_m|<epsilon/2. Now, convince yourself that you can find a p_r within (x-epsilon/2,x+ epsilon/2) and r>N. >Be kind, it took me a long time to come up with this! MANY PEOPLE TAKE A LONG TIME TO GET THEIR MATHEMATICS STRAIGHT. WHAT COUNTS IN THE LONG RUN IS WHETHER THE PROOF IS CORRECT OR NOT. -Doctor Jerry, The Math Forum Check out our web site! http://mathforum.org/dr.math/
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Recent drought-breaking rains across New South Wales, Victoria and South Australia have created the perfect conditions for locusts to breed.
In the rich, loamy soil of the country's wheat and barley growing belt, the insects have laid tens of billions of eggs, which are lying dormant over winter.
But come September, when the weather warms up and the first shoots of spring emerge, the locusts will hatch, potentially wiping A$2bn (£1.2 billion) of profit off the country's agriculture industry.
Several parts of Australia were hit by locust swarms earlier this year, but scientists have warned that the worst is still to come.
The next generation of locusts could create the worst plague in Australia since 1973, affecting an area almost as large as Wales, according to the Australian Plague Locust Commission, though the severity of the infestation will depend on weather conditions.
The problem is expected to be so bad that the Victorian premier John Brumby last week announced a $43 million "war on locusts" fund to fight the plague, which he warned could reach "biblical proportions".
The money will be spent on a rebate to farmers for the cost of insecticides, three incident-control centres across the state, 400 dedicated staff for the hatching period and the lease of spraying aircraft and the treatment of 600,000 hectares of public land.
Russell Amery, president of the Victorian Farmers Federation's grain group, predicted that "all hell will break loose" in early spring.
"They need to eat three times their own body weight every day, so they can take a paddock from green to bare dust in a matter of hours, it's incredible."
Mr Amery said locusts would devour "anything green", decimating crops including canola, wheat and vegetables. The insects also posed a threat to race tracks, golf courses and even the young leaves on grape vines.
"When you see them on the wing it is just devastating. One farmer said he thought his neighbour was burning off a crop, he thought it was smoke, but it was a cloud of locusts."
Farmers faced losing 90 per cent of their income for the year if the plague was allowed to take hold, he warned. The only hope was spraying the locusts during a small window just after they hatch and when they are still too young to fly.
If that doesn't work, Andrew Broad, president of the Victorian Farmer's Federation, said the best option would be prayer.
"Once they're airborne they could be blown out to sea by a big gust of wind, so we'll have to hope for that.
"The only good thing about them is that they don't eat humans."


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By Jeremy Fox
Oskaloosa, Iowa (July 3rd, 2013) As we celebrate the fourth of july
and thank to the people that gave us the opportunity to race. On Wednesday
Night the Southern Iowa Speedway did exactly that as the speedway hosted the
18th Annual Original Budweiser Stock Car Shootout. Earlier start time because
after the races fans, crews, drivers and track officials were greeted with a
beautiful firework display by the City of Oskaloosa, also in attendance was the
Budweiser Girls.
In the Budweiser Stock Car Shootout feature it was Big Daddy Jason Cook grabbing
the lead on the opening lap but just after the completion of lap one the
caution waved track point leader Nathan Wood encountered a flat tire and spun
in turn 4. Cook had John Oliver Jr. and Kris Walker on his back bumper but
Damon Murty snuck by Walker for third on the restart meanwhile Cook and Oliver
race wheel to wheel for the lead. The caution waved again on lap four when
Shane Paris, Abe Huls and Jim Mitchell got together in turn 1. Oliver grabbed
the lead away on the restart and then Murty got by both on lap six to take the
top spot.
Zack Vanderbeek started eleventh and worked his way to second on lap ten, then
began to chase down Murty, who checked out. Vanderbeek caught up to Murty on
lap sixteen and stole the lead away from Murty on lap seventeen. Vanderbeek
pulled away to take the win and grab the $1,500 paycheck. Damon Murty finished
in the runner-up position. Donavon Nunnikhoven in only is third night behind a
Stock Car came home in third. Todd Reitzler was fourth and David Brandies started
twenty-third and finish fifth.
Before one lap was completed in the IMCA Sport Compacts feature a multiple car
incident happen in turn four forcing a complete restart. Bill Whalen Jr.
grabbed the lead on the restart and lead the entire 10 lap feature despite
several challenges from John Whalen and Merv Chandler. Merv Chandler finish
second, John Whalen finish third, Trent Orwig was fourth and Richie Arnold in
Brayton Carter grabbed the early lead in the Pyramid Graphics and Sports IMCA
Sport Mods feature before the caution waved on lap 4 when Jason McDaniel
experience trouble. On the restart, Carter was passed by Curtis VanDerWal, who
moved his way through the field after starting tenth. VanDerWal went on
to take his 5th win of the season at SIS. Josh Modde, Carter Vandenberg, Bill
Livezey and Eric Flander rounded out the top 5.
Pepsi Cola IMCA Hobby Stocks feature saw Justin Hook lead lap one before The
Dude Danny Thrasher snuck by on lap two. Just after that the caution waved for
the only time for a tractor tire on the race track. Thrasher didnt let it
bother him as he went on to take the win. Mike Hughes came home 2nd, Dustin
Griffiths finish 3rd after taking a week off a week ago. Hook and Blake Miller
finished fourth and fifth.
Bill Gibson jumped to the lead in the Musco Lighting IMCA Modified feature
before Toddzilla Todd Shute grabbed the lead on lap two. Shute had to deal
with the caution on lap 2 when Shaun Slaughter came to a stop on the
frontstretch. Shute tried to pull away but Jacob Murray worked his way into
second on lap four. Murray however went for a ride on lap five going into turn
three, hitting the tractor tire before rolling off turn 3, Murray was okay.
Shute began to pull away this time until a caution waved for the final time on
lap 12 for debris in turn 2. Shute was not to be denied the win, Steve Stewart
finish 2nd. Bill Gibson, Kyle Wahlert and Jimmy Gustin finish third through
Next Wednesday Night will be the 2nd Annual Dave Lowry Memorial Race sponsored
by Monte Motor Parts. Also on the card will be the Iowa Sportsman Series and
their will be a Sport Mod King of the Hill race. Hot Laps at 7pm and Racing at
Then get ready as the following week there will be two nights of racing as part
of the Southern Iowa Fair. Tuesday July 16th, The Hawkeye Dirt Tour and IMCA
Late Models plus Sport Mods, Stock Cars and Hobby Stocks and then the following
night Wednesday July 17th, Southern Iowa Fair Races featuring Modifieds, Stock
Cars, Sport Mods, Hobby Stocks and Sport Compacts.
Southern Iowa Speedway Results
18th Annual Budweiser Stock Car Shootout
July 3rd, 2013
Musco Lighting IMCA Modifieds
Feature: 1. 5 Todd Shute (Des Moines); 2. 17T Steve Stewart (Burlington);
3. 38 Bill Gibson (Knoxville); 4. 149 Kyle Wahlert (Pleasant Hill); 5. 19 Jimmy
Gustin (Marshalltown); 6. 77 Josh Foster (Newton); 7. 17 Tyler Groenendyk
(Oskaloosa); 8. 1+ Bill Davis Jr. (Des Moines); 9. 13 Matt Waugh (Altoona); 10.
71W Jeff Waterman (Quincy, IL); 11. 47 Josh Truman (Indianola); 12. 00X Shaun
Slaughter (Iowa City); 13. 64 Casey Greubel (Lacona); 14. 48J Jacob Murray
(Hartford); 15. 40 Scott Dickey (Packwood); 16. 22 Brandon Banks (Washington)
Heat 1: 1. Davis; 2. Waterman; 3. Gibson; 4. Foster; 5. Stewart; 6.
Wahlert; 7. Murray; 8. Greubel
Heat 2: 1. Groenendyk; 2. Shute; 3. Dickey; 4. Truman; 5. Gustin; 6.
Slaughter; 7. Banks; 8. Waugh
Budweiser IMCA Stock Cars
Feature: 1. 33Z Zack Vanderbeek (New Sharon); 2. 99D Damon Murty (Chelsea);
3. 2N Donavon Nunnikhoven (Sully); 4. 22R Todd Reitzler (Grinnell); 5. 71 David
Brandies (Atalissa); 6. 27J Jason Cook (Mt. Pleasant); 7. 05 John Oliver Jr.
(Danville); 8. 19A Alan Van Gorp (Des Moines); 9. 6J Brandon Jay (Columbus
Junction); 10. 3W Jeff Wollam (Marshalltown); 11. 93 Doug Adamy (Columbus, NE);
12. 14 Tom Bowling (Danville); 13. 94 Corey Stout (Oskaloosa); 14. M36 Clay
Mercer (Corning); 15. 52J Jeremy Pundt (Donnellson); 16. 18 Kris Walker
(Oskaloosa); 17. 7S Jason Minnehan (Churdan); 18. 19J Jay Schmidt (Tama); 19.
62 Brad Pinkerton (New Sharon); 20. 17C Shane Paris (Muscatine); 21. 30C Abe
Huls (Carthage, IL); 22. M5 Jim Mitchell (Webster City); 23. 52 Nathan Wood
(Sigourney); 24. 47 Scott Pippert (Elberon)
B-Feature 1 (top 4 transfer): 1. Jay; 2. Pippert; 3. Pinkerton; 4.
Brandies; 5. 566 Jim Lynch (Donnellson); 6. 4W John Watson (Des Moines); 7. 73C
Carl Yaw Jr. (Pleasant Hill); 8. 87 Les Blakley (Fairfield); 9. 19 Donnie
Pearson (Oskaloosa); 10. 38 Rich Vogt (Fairfield)
B-Feature 2 (top 4 transfer): 1. Paris; 2. Wollam; 3. Mitchell; 4. Pundt;
5. 44 Todd Fisher (Carlisle); 6. 77T Trent Jeanes (Chartion); 7. 00 Adam Hagen
(Des Moines); 8. 49G Leroy Groenendyk (Oskaloosa); 9. 48 Michael Larson
(Hannibal, MO); 10. 9W Ryan Walker (Wilton)
Heat 1: 1. Cook; 2. Vanderbeek; 3. K. Walker; 4. Bowling; 5. Jay; 6.
Pinkerton; 7. Lynch; 8. Watson; 9. Yaw
Heat 2: 1. Murty; 2. Nunnikhoven; 3. Mercer; 4. Huls; 5. Paris; 6.
Mitchell; 7. R. Walker; 8. Jeanes; 9. Groenendyk
Heat 3: 1. Schmidt; 2. Van Gorp; 3. Wood; 4. Stout; 5. Pearson; 6.
Pippert; 7. Brandies; 8. Blakley; 9. Vogt
Heat 4: 1. Oliver; 2. Minnehan; 3. Adamy; 4. Reitzler; 5. Wollam; 6.
Fisher; 7. Larson; 8. Pundt; 9. Hagen
Pyramid Graphics and Sports IMCA SportMods
Feature: 1. 1V Curtis VanDerWal (Oskaloosa); 2. 30X Josh Modde (Des
Moines); 3. 7 Carter VanDenBerg (Oskaloosa); 4. 29 Bill Livezey (New Sharon);
5. 12 Eric Flander (Barnes City); 6. 72 Brett Lowry (Montezuma); 7. 8T Tony
Johnson (Oskaloosa); 8. 3L Clint Luellen (Minburn); 9. 42 Tyler Heckart
(Ottumwa); 10. 10 Brayton Carter (Oskaloosa); 11. 13T Taylor Musselman
(Norwalk); 12. 64 Brandon Leeman (Roland); 13. 2 Bill Wears (Des Moines); 14.
8J A.J. Johnson (Oskaloosa); 15. 85 Jason McDaniel (Eldon); 16. 9A Logan
Anderson (Oskaloosa)
Heat 1: 1. Anderson; 2. Modde; 3. Flander; 4. T. Johnson; 5. VanDerWal;
6. McDaniel; 7. Musselman; 8. Leeman
Heat 2: 1. Carter; 2. VanDenBerg; 3. A.J. Johnson; 4. Heckart; 5.
Livezey; 6. Luellen; 7. Lowry; 8. Wears
Pepsi Cola IMCA Hobby Stocks
Feature: 1. 84 Danny Thrasher (Agency); 2. 11 Mike Hughes (Oskaloosa); 3.
10G Dustin Griffiths (Ottumwa); 4. 33 Justin Hook (Oskaloosa); 5. 2013B Blake
Miller (Des Moines); 6. 19 Bill Bonnett (Knoxville); 7. 69 Craig Brown (Eldon);
8. 96R Jamie Songer (Ankeny); 9. 32T Bobby Greene (Eddyville); 10. 77 Derek
Hodges (Des Moines); 11. 10 Dale Porter (Bloomfield); 12. 21 Nick Ulin
(Agency); 13. 79S Jason See (Albia); 14. 224 Gina Gruebel (Lacona); 15. 3S
Steve Allen (Oskaloosa); 16. 7A Aaron Osweiler (South English); 17. 3 Travis
Bunnell (Hedrick)
Heat 1: 1. Songer; 2. Hughes; 3. Griffiths; 4. Thrasher; 5. Miller; 6.
Osweiler; 7. Greene; 8. Ulin; 9. Hodges
Heat 2: 1. Allen; 2. Brown; 3. Bonnett; 4. Hook; 5. See; 6. Bunnell; 7.
Greubel; 8. Porter
IMCA Sport Compacts
Feature: 1. 00W Bill Whalen Jr. (Riverside); 2. 2 Merv Chandler (Urbana);
3. 77 John Whalen (Ainsworth); 4. 04 Trent Orwig (Blakesburg); 5. 66R Richie
Arnold (Ottumwa); 6. 33V Nicholas Van Hamert (Bloomfield); 7. 92 Kevin
Kirkpatrick (Ottumwa); 8. 2M Matt Moore (Ottumwa); 9. 22F Michael Belger
Heat : 1. Kirkpatrick; 2. Orwig; 3. Chandler; 4. Arnold; 5. B. Whalen; 6.
J. Whalen; 7. Van Hemert; 8. Moore; 9. Belger


text:
Under cover
Warm up this winter in tailored coats with head-turning details such as funky belts, prints or sequined trims.
That page: belted woollen coat ($18,850), chiffon floral blouse ($5,790) and nylon satchel bag ($3,100) from Chloe, Pacific Place, Admiralty. Felt cap ($695) and chiffon skirt ($8,395) from Sonia Rykiel, The Landmark, Central.
This page: belted woollen coat ($7,200) and leather satchel bag ($5,500) from Dries Van Noten, The Landmark. Woollen scarf ($850) from Sonia Rykiel. Leather skirt ($25,400) from Louis Vuitton, 5 Canton Road, Tsim Sha Tsui. Leather riding boots ($6,300) from Lanvin, The Landmark.
This page: landscape print taffeta coat ($26,150) from Prada, Alexandra House, Central. Rhinestone belt ($13,300) and mohair polo neck ($17,700) from Louis Vuitton. Woollen skirt ($6,000) from Celine, One Peking Road, Tsim Sha Tsui. Suede satchel bag ($7,880) by Chloe from Joyce, Queen's Road Central.
That page: military coat with corsage ($12,400) from Lanvin. Woollen scarf ($850) from Sonia Rykiel. Silk dress ($24,200) from Prada. Leather handbag ($8,550) from Mulberry, Harbour City, Tsim Sha Tsui. Woollen beanie ($890) from Dries Van Noten. Alligator pumps ($19,900) from Louis Vuitton.
HAIR AND MAKE-UP Aida Mack
MODEL Rosemary
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text:
The video shows the suspect wanted in at least four robberies around Chelsea.
The man is in his mid 30s, between 5-foot-5 and 6-feet tall, weighing 220 pounds. He is bald and has a stocky build.
Detectives say he attacks from behind, clubbing and choking his victims.
Three of the victims have been elderly men, one of whom suffered a stroke.
The first incident happened on August 13 around 7:30 a.m. at Broadway and West 28th Street. The suspect approached an elderly male from behind as he entered the N train subway entrance and choked him from behind, removing the victim's wallet. The suspect fled on foot in unknown direction. That victim sustained a stroke as a result of this incident.
Then, on August 16 at approximately 3:45 p.m. at 1178 Broadway (Urban Living), the suspect followed an elderly male into an elevator in a commercial establishment and choked him from behind, removing currency and a cell phone. The suspect fled on foot in unknown direction. There were no injuries as a result of this incident.
The suspect also struck on August 18 at Broadway and West 28th Street and August 21 at 8th Avenue and West 23rd Street. Both of those crimes fit the same M.O. as the others.
Anyone with information in regards to these incidents is asked to call Crime Stoppers at (800) 577-TIPS (8477).