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Access your enterprise information—no matter where it is stored
IBM DB2 Connect Application Server Advanced Edition extends DB2 Connect Enterprise Edition to make your host data available to large, multitier and web applications. This solution is designed for large-scale, demanding environments and is best suited for organizations that need to access DB2 on IBM System z or IBM System i platforms. It includes IBM Data Studio and the InfoSphere Optim pureQuery Runtime environment, which can significantly improve the way databases are developed, tested and deployed.
DB2 Connect Application Server Advanced Edition helps you:
- Optimize performance of new or existing applications—with development tuning for web-enabled mainframe functionality and accelerated performance of Java and .NET applications.
- Boost SQL performance—and support your efforts to mitigate the risk of SQL injection for your DB2 applications. Using IBM pureQuery technology, you can optimize SQL, improve security and speed problem resolution.
- Control costs—by taking advantage of cost-effective licensing terms. DB2 Connect Application Server Advanced Edition also helps you reduce administration costs with autonomic administration features and advances in performance, manageability and installation.
Optimize performance of new and existing applications
- Using the IBM InfoSphere Optim Query Tuner, developers can capture and visualize potential query hotspots to identify which queries are executed most frequently or take the most time. InfoSphere Optim Query Tuner provides expert recommendations to help tune queries for optimal performance.
- InfoSphere Optim pureQuery Runtime provides a runtime environment and application programming interface (API) that enhances the performance of existing in-house database client applications written using Java, C or .NET. This high-performance data access platform helps with rapid development and deployment of new applications, and optimizes database applications and services.
- You can manage large-scale environments with features such as mobility on demand, federated database support, server-based monitoring or connection concentrator, and associated load-balancing and fail-over support.
Boost SQL performance
- The pureQuery technology lets you capture, review, share and optimize SQL. You can replace poorly performing SQL with optimized SQL without changing the application.
- By converting DB2 dynamic SQL to static SQL, pureQuery can help reduce CPU consumption, provide better manageability and enforce tighter security. You can use Static SQL without changes to the development environment.
- The pureQuery technology can prevent SQL injection by restricting the SQL executed by a specific application to an approved set of SQL statements.
- You can display performance metrics within Data Studio to identify SQL hot spots. You can trace problem SQL back to its source code for faster problem isolation.
- You can use Data Studio to visualize the impact of database changes. In addition, key performance metrics and correlation metadata can be captured and displayed within Data Studio.
Control costs
- DB2 Connect Application Server Advanced Edition licensing terms and conditions are meant to address specific needs of multitier client/server applications and applications that use web technologies.
- License charges are based on the size or the number of processor value units available to the application servers where the application is running.
- License charges are not affected by the number of users of the application, the size of the DB2 Connect server itself, nor the size of the System z or System i database server.
- Time-saving features include non-administrator installation on Windows, response file installation enhancements, and support for coexistence of multiple copies of the DB2 database system. Now your IT staff can spend more time supporting your business needs instead of installing and deploying database systems.
- Autonomic features include adaptive self-tuning memory allocation and object maintenance policy wizards for DB2 for z/OS. They reduce the time required to administer and tune your database system.
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text: The White Barn Inn & Spa Hotel rating Quick Specs Commissions 10.0%Rates $290-$450Year Built 1850Year Renovated 2001 View Large Interactive Map Address 37 Beach AveKennebunk, ME 04043 Web http://www.whitebarninn.com Phone + 1 207-967-2321 Fax + 1 207-967-1100 Toll-free 800-735-2478 Email email@example.com OverviewMeeting SpecsPhotos & videosRatings & Reviews Description Elegant 3-story Country Inn in traditional New England-style Farmhouse & Barn dating from the 1850s.Year Built: 1850Year Renovated: 2001Check in Time: 3:00 PMCheck out Time: 11:00 AMNumber of Floors: 3Total Number of Rooms: 26Rates: $290-$450Commissions: Room Only 10.0%Chain: Relais et ChateauxChain Website: http://www.relaischateaux.com GDS Hotel Reservation CodesAmadeus GDS: WB PWME01Galileo/Apollo GDS: WB 15166Sabre GDS: WB 011646WorldSpan GDS: WB USWB The White Barn Inn & Spa Location & Neighborhood70 miles from Boston. Situated across from Franciscan Monastery. Beach. The White Barn Inn & Spa Rates & PoliciesThe White Barn Inn & Spa rates are Daily in USDStandard: $290-$450 Credit Cards Are AcceptedReservations must be guaranteed with a credit cardMeals: Continental PlanDeposit Policy: 100% for 1 night stay; 50% for multi nightsCancellation Policy: 14 days(Nov-May); 30 days(Jun-Oct)Hotel Discounts offered: Group discountCorporate discount Nearby AirportsIntl Jetport (21 miles northeast)Manchester/Boston Rg (56 miles southwest)Edward L Logan Intl (73 miles southwest)More Airports » The White Barn Inn & Spa Room AmenitiesThe White Barn Inn & Spa amenities are in All rooms unless noted otherwiseAir ConditioningBalcony/Terrace (some)Coffeemaker (some)Daily Maid ServiceFireplace (working) (some)Free NewspaperRooms for Non-smokersTelephoneRefrigerator (some)Cable/Satellite TelevisionTelevisionDVD/VCRWhirlpool (some)Internet Access (Wireless) Guest ServicesComplimentary CoffeeConcierge ServicesLaundry RoomLaundry/Dry Cleaning ServiceMulti-lingual StaffPaid Onsite ParkingWheelchair Access to Common/Public AreasCommon Area Internet Access (High Speed & Wireless) Security ServicesSmoke Alarm in RoomsSprinkler in RoomsValet Parking Service On-Site RecreationBicyclingHealth Spa/MassageHot TubPool (Outdoor Pool)Nearby RecreationBeachBoating/SailingFishingGolf CourseHorseback RidingJogging TrailsScuba DivingShopping Mall/AreaSnow SkiingTennis (Outdoor Tennis)Water Skiing The White Barn Inn & Spa Meeting Rooms & Events1 Meeting Rooms holding 30 people.504 sq m of Meeting SpaceBarn IIILocation: Floor 1Flooring: carpetCapacity: , Classroom- 50, U-Shape- 40, Reception- 80, Banquet- 55Barn IILocation: Floor 1Flooring: carpetCapacity: , U-Shape- 40, Reception- 60, Banquet- 60BoardroomLocation: Floor 1Flooring: wood & rugsCapacity: , Banquet- 12 The White Barn Inn & Spa Business ServicesA-V EquipmentCopierFaxMeeting FacilitiesMeeting Room Internet Access (High Speed) The White Barn Inn & Spa Images, Videos, & Virtual Tours Photos & Videos The White Barn Inn & Spa ExteriorThe White Barn Inn & Spa RoomThe White Barn Inn & Spa Other Images Powered by VFM Leonardo travel42 Review for The White Barn Inn & Spa Want to read the full The White Barn Inn & Spa travel42 Review? For access to this review as well as 10,000 others, visit www.travel-42.com or call 1.866.566.8136 to subscribe. Situated across from the Franciscan monastery, a five-minute walk from town and a 10-minute walk from the beach, 25 miles south of Portland, this superb establishment has been wowing arrivals for nearly 100 years. Not just maintenance, but major revamping and expansion is an ongoing feature here. Since the last inspection, the May's Annex rooms and suites and May's Cottage have been given welcome makeovers. Service is excellent, but occasional complaints arise as a result of the transient sta... Subscribe to travel42 to read the full review » Copyright (c) 2018 Northstar Travel Media, LLC. travel42. Hoteliers! Is your listing up to date? With over 130,000 hotels in our database, no other source compares to our depth of information. Click here to review and be sure the travel professional knows your hotel's latest details.

subset: commoncrawl


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The National Institute of Justice Special Report Presents DNA Backlog Updates
Dec 13, 2013, 13:52 ET from Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs
WASHINGTON, Dec. 13, 2013 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ -- The National Institute of Justice (NIJ) today announced the release of Making Sense of DNA Backlogs, 2012— Myths vs. Reality. The "Special Report" is an update to the original 2009 and 2010 publications and is based on data collected from more than 120 public laboratories that receive NIJ grants.
It provides a more complete and accurate picture of DNA backlogs than previous editions because all laboratories now report data using the same definition of the term "backlog." The findings in this report offer guidance on possible solutions to backlog reduction. Ways forward include a combination of improved business and production practices in the crime lab, technological advances such as robotics, as well as additional resources to process increasing workloads.
The report also explains that looking at the raw number of backlogged cases will not account for the extent of the problem; each lab has to be looked at with respect to their productivity and turnaround time. This report also discusses process improvement practices that can boost productivity and highlights the importance for lab managers to use performance metrics as ways to improve productivity in the lab.
TITLE: Making Sense of DNA Backlogs, 2012— Myths vs. Reality
PUBLISHER: National Institute of Justice www.nij.gov
WHERE: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/243347.pdf
The Office of Justice Programs, headed by Assistant Attorney General Karol V. Mason, provides federal leadership in developing the nation's capacity to prevent and control crime, administer justice and assist victims. OJP has six components: the Bureau of Justice Assistance; the Bureau of Justice Statistics; the National Institute of Justice; the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention; the Office for Victims of Crime and the Office of Sex Offender Sentencing, Monitoring, Apprehending, Registering and Tracking. More information about OJP can be found at www.ojp.gov.
SOURCE Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs


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News Pix: Berkeley Landslide, Giants Trophy in Richmond and Views From a New Exploratorium
Consistent rain over the past few weeks destabilized a hillside on the campus of the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory in the Berkeley Hills, causing the Lab to close a road and forcing dozens of staff to relocate. (D.H. Parks/Berkeleyside)
When the Exploratorium reopens at its new location at Pier 15 in April, it will include new exhibits that take advantage of its location right on the Bay. Right now museum staff are installing exhibits. (Jenny Oh/KQED)
The San Francisco Giants World Championship Trophy Tour stopped in Richmond Monday and attracted about 2,000 Bay Area residents to see the 2010 and 2012 trophies. "This is an epic experience," Giants-Wolverine said while waiting in line to see the two World Series trophies. "I'm looking forward to next year." (Tyler Orsburn/Richmond Confidential)
Adobe Books in San Francisco's Mission District is at risk of closing its doors after 25 years. Andrew McKinley, the owner, says the used book store needs to raise at least $60,000 to stay afloat. (Deborah Svoboda/KQED)
Sponsored By
Sponsored By
Giovanni may be the oldest restaurant on Berkeley's Shattuck Avenue, but now the same family that opened the eatery 51 years ago is fighting to save it from being shuttered by the end of the month. (Ted Friedman/Berkeleyside)
Not all recycling can be automated. Workers at Recology in San Francisco get $20 to $25 an hour to manually sort mountains of material speeding by on conveyor belts at Pier 96. It's working: the company says 80 percent of what San Franciscans put in their Recology bins is going somewhere other than the landfill. (Jason Winshell/SF Public Press)


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It's been a long time coming… first there was the February launch, followed by the hands-on, the review, the versus and the pre-ordering. There was even a surprisingly familiar looking Smart Case (since pulled).
Finally, today everyone can get their hands on Samsung's Galaxy Tab 10.1 and see for themselves what all the fuss was about. Was it worth waiting for? Admittedly, the 10in tablet is late to the party, but with Honeycomb 3.1 buzzing along on a 1GHz dual-core engine (Tegra 2) – all tucked within a slender 8.6mm-thin frame – it certainly gives Apple's market leading iPad 2 a run for its money.
Talking of money, the Wi-Fi version is out today at Dixons or Currys for £400 (16GB), £480 (32GB) or £560 (64GB), while the 3G version will arrive later this month from £500.
Samsung Galaxy Tab 10.1 review
Galaxy Tab 10.1 versus Motorola Xoom


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Professor, Political Science
Copenhagen University Visiting Professor 2013-2014, Political Science
Jette Steen Knudsen is professor of business in society at the department of political science at Copenhagen University. She obtained a PhD in political science from MIT and holds visiting fellow appointments at the International Centre for Corporate Social Responsibility at Nottingham University Business School and at CBSCSR at Copenhagen Business School. She has published extensively on CSR focusing on the changing boundaries of public and private regulation of CSR, as well as on the internal organization of CSR in multinational corporations. Jette Steen Knudsen has previously served as project leader for the CEO at AP Moller Maersk (a shipping, oil and retail conglomerate) evaluating CSR threats and opportunities. She has also been a director of The Copenhagen Centre for CSR, a think tank. Jette is a consultant to companies and governments on CSR issues.


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Fun Factory, sometimes called Fun Project on the title screens of their games, is about as obscure as Japanese games companies get. There are almost no mentions in English for them online, while searching in Japanese doesn't bring up much more. Only a few obscure Japanese blogs, briefly mentioning one or two of their games (like Drainer on the MSX). In fact, the only thing they seem to be well known for is their War of the Dead games, aka Shiryou Sensen. Even then, Fun Factory is sometimes ignored in favour of Victor Musical Industries, the publisher for WotD.
Fun Factory is sadly part of a large number of obscure little companies which did some interesting videogame things pre-millennium, but then either went bankrupt, changed names, or moved out of games and into an entirely unrelated field. The kind of company which found some small success with a niche title that maybe developed some kind of cult following, but was then forgotten. The WotD 'series' comprises only two games: the first was released on three different platforms, all of them radically different. The sequel was released only on MSX2 and PC-88, but each was nearly identical. None of them left Japan, only the sequel was fan-translated (without any publicity at all), and generally only a few hardcore English-speaking retro fans talk about them.
Links and thanks:
Thanks to Trickless and Snake Plissken at Tokugawa Corp
PCE guide
PCE map and guide
MSX/PC88/PCE comparison info and screens
Generation MSX
WotD2 guide by P and P by PPPP
Kevin Gifford's blog provides the best information in English regarding the start of WotD. As he explains, a lot of people revere Capcom's Sweet Home on the Famicom as one of the earliest survival horror games, especially since it was the inspiration for Resident Evil. According to the Tokyo Metropolitan Museum of Photography, Sweet Home was released on 15 December 1989, and as Gifford points out, the original WotD came out on the MSX in 1987, at least two years earlier. Its ports to PC-88 and PC Engine meanwhile came out in January and March 1989, again putting them before Sweet Home.
Gifford goes on to quote a 2008 issue of GameSide (a Japanese magazine dedicated to obscure classic games), which interviewed the creative mind behind WotD, explaining both the game's origin and story.
Katsuya Iwamoto, producer and designer on the game, told GameSide that the project, like so many of the time, got its start from Dragon Quest. "I got a job as a game designer and they told me to come up with something, so I wrote the basic idea in two or three sheets of notebook paper," he said. "There weren't any horror games back then, really, so I wanted to make one. Dragon Quest taught me how I could tell a story through video games, so I wanted Shiryou Sensen to move along like that, too.' The game he came up with, especially in its PC Engine incarnation, certainly betrays Iwamoto's inspiration; it plays much like a modern-day Dragon Quest but with Zelda II-like battles, because Iwamoto thought turn-based fighting with guns and grenade launchers would be weird.
Set in the small town of Chaney's Hill, the game stars Lila, a member of the US Army's team of paranormal investigators: S-SWAT (Supernatural and Special Weapon Attack Team). She's sent to the area after all communications are cut off and an entire company of Marines disappears without a trace. The plot (involving a portal to another world and the family that's secretly protected it for generations) is a little bit Escape from New York and a little bit Stephen King's The Mist, both of which Iwamoto claims as inspirations.
As stated by Gifford, the game is indeed a lot like Zelda II, with its overworld map and side-on battles. Except there are no dungeons as such, only a few interior locations such as a school and hospital to explore. The basic premise is that protagonist Lila has to wander the town, rounding up surviving townsfolk and marines, and leading them back to a church (where the priest is named Carpenter, after horror film director John Carpenter). What this equates to is a series of fetch quests, since each survivor has to be saved in a specific order which can't be deviated from, and only one can be led back to the church at a time.
All three versions of the first game start off extremely linear, until you find the raft, whereupon the rivers and lake can be explored and the entire town is available to you, giving the game an almost sandbox feel to it. This is deceptive though. The first game's biggest fault is that progress, despite the impression of non-linearity, is shackled to a very archaic, specifically ordered lock-and-key quest. Even if you stumble across a key character and talk to them, unless the immediately preceding flag has been triggered, they will be absolutely useless and you will be forced to visit them again later to trigger the next flag. Mildly annoying if you can read Japanese, since you're forced to repeatedly talk to everyone multiple times for clues, it renders the game almost impossible if you can't read Japanese. Failure to pick up on names mentioned results in random traipsing around the map, hoping you stumble across the right flag-triggering person to chat with.
In spite of this steep barrier to entry, the "launch trilogy" of WotD games are worth struggling with, at least for a time, and to alleviate language woes we've provided a loosely translated walkthrough for the PC Engine version, which should suffice at least until someone does a fan-translation.
Most characters are named after someone connected to horror films, and generally are also connected to each other in some way, either as Vietnam war veterans from the same platoon, or as secret lovers. As you rescue more survivors snippets are revealed through conversation. All portraits were redrawn between ports: on the left is the MSX shot, the middle the PC-88, and right side the PC Engine portrait.
Or possibly Laila, Lyra or Raila depending on how you interpret the Katakana. Born June 5th 1966, she's the youngest member of S-SWAT (the game is set in the late 1980s). It turns out she was actually born in Chany's Hill, and is gifted with psychic powers (represented by the green bar in-game). These allow her to temporarily increase her weapon's power, and as her psychic gauge goes up so does her defence.
Named after horror film director John Carpenter. A priest from the church which survived the initial monster attack. He tends to the wounded survivors and often gives advice on where next to proceed.
Almost definitely named after Stephen King's book Carrie, which saw a film release in 1976. First survivor along with Carpenter. Studying folklore at University, Whitman is her teacher. Becomes friends with Lila and turns up in the WotD sequel.
Exclusive to the MSX version, found in the library which appears as a ruin in the PC-88 and PC Engine versions.
Maybe named after Walt Whitman. Exclusive to the PC-88 and PC Engine versions, replacing Harvard. Teacher of Carrie, he's found in the underground ruins on the small island in the middle of the lake.
The mayor of Chany's Hill is named Wells. Could be named after author HG Wells, who wrote some horror stories. Uncooperative and troublesome, he's the first survivor you rescue. Found in the town hall.
The closest we could think of, relating to horror and the name Janet, is Janet Weiss in the Rocky Horror Picture Show (there's also a character called Weiss in the game's sequel). Here she's a teacher at the local primary school, found in a classroom alongside Franklin. Slightly traumatised by witnessing the deaths of children in the recent incident.
Several obscure connections to horror - likely erroneous. Hiding in the school's top floor after being separated from her teacher Janet (in the MSX version she's inside a box). Can't be rescued until you've first saved Wells. After meeting her you need to find her teacher and then return.
Both actress Pamela Franklin (Legend of Hell House) and actor John Franklin (Children of the Corn) were known for starring in horror films. This foul-mouthed sergeant is a survivor of the initial troop deployment, found in the school.
Master sergeant of the first troop deployment, and Franklin's commanding officer. In the MSX version he teaches Lila various techniques. Loves a good smoke.
Named after horror film director George Romero. S-SWAT captain and a great team leader, he can be found in the island ruins where he was attacked by monsters and wounded.
Named after 'body horror' film director David Cronenburg. Senior to Lila, she's the assistant commander for S-SWAT. Has extremely strong psychic powers. Is found injured under the cemetery.
Probably named after film director James Cameron, a lot of whose early films were partially horror. Second-lieutenant in S-SWAT, once rescued he gives you the shotgun.
Probably named after horror director Wes Craven. Mysterious character with the surname Browning who keeps popping up in random places.
Tough talking Vietnam veteran who runs the local drugstore. Deep down is a nice guy. He doesn't leave the store until late into the game, after which he gives you the flamethrower. Himself, along with Fran and Peter, are probably named after a trio of characters from the original Dawn of the Dead.
Dr. Bus
Later in the game he's found in the hospital's underground morgue, performing autopsies on corpses to try to ascertain the cause of recent events. He gives you the key to the locked room on the second floor.
Nurse working for Dr. Bus, found in the hospital's locked room looking after Patrick. In the MSX version she performs a blood transfusion from Lila to Patrick, which results in an event that explains his nightmares.
Possibly named after 1978 horror film of the same name. Found in the same locked room as nurse Sandra. Suffers from terrible nightmares. The blood donation event in the MSX version was removed from later ports, leaving the nightmares unexplained.
Travelling with her boyfriend Stephen in the mountains, they became separated when the monsters attacked. Hides out in the log cabin on the eastern side of the map. Stubbornly refuses to be rescued, instead choosing to wait for Stephen.
In the MSX version he's killed before he can be rescued. In later ports he's discovered in Peter's store, searching for food. When brought back to the church he gives you special light.
A native American, she's the oldest person in Chany's Hill. Normally lives in the mountain log cabin on the eastern side of the map, she has a lot of knowledge regarding ancient legends, and sheds light on recent events.
As mentioned by its creator Katsuya Iwamoto, the game copies Dragon Quest albeit with a horror setting. Movement is slow and tile-based, while actions such as talk, search and take need to be selected from a menu which is in English. Battles are random like in the DQ series, except real-time instead of turn based. You're confined to a single screen with one or more enemies, whose health all contributes to a kind of collective health bar at the bottom, and have to either shoot your way out, dispatch them with a knife, or escape. You can run from most battles by reaching the rightmost side of the screen, or by pressing against the leftmost side for a bit (the amount of time varies, usually in proportion to the difficulty of the battle you're running from).
And here is its first failing. Whereas most RPGs initiate a random battle after a set amount of steps have been made, or in some cases they roll a random number each time you make a step, here it rolls a random number every real-world second the game is running, meaning it's quite possible to have two fights in a row, within one second of each other, without ever even touching the controller.
The opening sees Lila standing outside the game's church, inside of which is the only safe place without battles. Interestingly the game introduces a constantly shifting 24-hour day and night cycle, along with a counter for the number of days you've survived. Although it doesn't appear to have any affect on the game's mechanics, this is still an extremely cool idea, and there are about half-a-dozen discernable periods of light and dark depending on the time. Dawn starts off gloomy, the early morning is pleasant, midday is especially bright and midnight is pitch black. At any point you can also choose to sleep (between 1-9 hours) from the menu, which speeds up time and recharges health. Although you can sleep anywhere and no enemies will attack, sleeping the full 9 hours only refills a tiny amount of health.
Heading out from the church you have only the ability to punch, attack with a knife or shoot a basic gun which starts with 99 bullets. Ammunition is scarce and found only in a few remote crates. Until you find a better weapon it's possible to use psychic energy to temporarily enhance the power of your current weapon, but it only lasts for one battle, and you can only do this a limited number of times between sleeps, so you need to use it wisely. There is a leveling system, but the progression is invisible to the player, as experience gains happen in the background without player knowledge.
This is the game's other big irritation. You are constantly underpowered and it doesn't check what state you're in regarding health and weapons when starting a random battle. Quite often it'll throw several high-level enemies at you, which cannot even be damaged with your current weapon, and which take a little too long to escape from (or, in the case of set "boss" enemies, can't be escaped from at all). Even when you do encounter a low level fight, such as zombies, a large group can easily consume nearly your entire clip of 99 bullets before falling. The knife is more powerful, and fells a lot of enemies in one hit, but this requires getting close to an enemy which can instantly kill you. This is often mitigated by ducking when you attack, however, which increases the range of your knife while also decreasing the chance of enemies hitting you back. The later-acquired "bush knife" weapon is a bit bigger than the default knife, too, and also allows you to damage enemies simply by coming in contact with them, whether or not you actually have your weapon drawn.
While it is rather difficult, the MSX2 release has a somewhat smaller world than the later remakes. For a start you find the inflatable raft in a box in the school's attic, which is much closer to the church than in later games, while the traversable water area is considerably smaller. Some buildings such as the boat house are missing entirely, and the cemetery is much easier to reach. In fact the map bears little resemblance to later versions. Having said that, the game still goes out of its way to make this small world frustrating to explore. There are fires all over the place which block your path, turning everything into a tricky maze.
The MSX2 version also has a few exclusive things, such as the survivor named Harvard and several additional dead NPCs whose corpses you can find, along with a handful of extra enemies and a unique end boss. It also contains items not found in later games, such as the sleeping bag which increases healing when resting, and night-vision goggles which improves your attack during dark.
More than one source online has claimed that music was only introduced in the PC Engine port, but in fact both the MSX2 and PC-88 games had some fairly decent and atmospheric music. The MSX2 version's overworld and menu tunes are actually more somber than the PC Engine version.
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Casting Announced for Kenyetta Lethridge's Innocent Flesh Off-Broadway
Andy Propst • New York City • Feb 16, 2012
The social drama explores the issue and realities of sexual exploitation, forced teen prostitution & trafficking of young children all across America. The company will feature Daphne Gabriel, Clara Gabrielle, Jameelah Nuriddin and Angelina Prendergast
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One of my favorite quotes of all time is "if you aren't getting rejected on a daily basis, your goals aren't ambitious enough" by Chris Dixon. I love that philosophy.
I've always had ambitious goals. In both my professional and personal life. Sometimes to the point of being flat out unrealistic. And when I want something, I make it happen. Being ambitious and taking action means a lot of rejection.
Getting rejected has thickened my skin. I've been rejected enough times to no longer be afraid or effected by it. I almost try to take pride in it lol. It means I'm pushing myself – as I should be. Trying and getting rejected is much better than not trying at all. And you can't accomplish anything without trying.
Getting rejected is a learning opportunity. One of the best ways to learn is by doing. Sometimes it takes some trial and error to learn what's best.
I don't particularly like the quote "there is no knowledge that is not power" by Ralph Waldo Emerson (also from the opening screen of Mortal Kombat :). I prefer Napolean Hill's "knowledge is only potential power. It becomes power only when, and if, it is organized into definite plans of action and directed to a definite end" and Scott Britton's "a lifetime polishing your armor is worthless if you never enter a battle." Studying and preparation is important, but at a certain point, enough is enough and it's time to go out and do.
Getting rejected sucks. It's demeaning. But it's a learning experience and it makes you stronger. If you let it immobilize you then you will continue to fail. And if you're not getting rejected, you're probably not pushing yourself enough.


text: On Thu, Oct 6, 2011 at 14:55, Stefan Ott <firstname.lastname@example.com> wrote: > On Sun, Sep 25, 2011 at 18:04, Stefan Ott <firstname.lastname@example.com> wrote: >>> Thanks for noticing. I re-uploaded the package with a corrected >>> version of debian/copyright. >> >> Ah btw, I forgot to mention that this package is already in Debian. >> The reason why I'm looking for a sponsor now is that my previous >> sponsor is no longer a Debian Developer. > > Anyone? Bummer, I'd completely forgotten about this one. I noticed a comment on mentors.dn, fixed the package accordingly and re-uploaded. Further comments and/or uploads would be highly welcome. cheers -- Stefan Ott http://www.ott.net/ "You are not Grey Squirrel?"


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|Welcome to the Monastery
This could be considered poetry of the subconscious (TMTOWTDI).by anneli (Pilgrim)
|on Oct 10, 2011 at 21:19 UTC ( #930706=poem: print w/replies, xml )
|Need Help??
I woke up from an odd dream. In the dream, I was in the living room using my computer, and my wife was in the kitchen. She was asking me to bring her a Pepsi1, despite her being the one in the kitchen.
I sat there and enumerated all the different ways she could be using Perl to get the Pepsis out of the fridge, and I was being serious about it too. In this dream world, drink $_ foreach (@{$fridge->{PEPSIS}}) was a reality!
Possibly related to us discussing naming a future daughter Perl the night before.
1. Not that we have or drink any, but this is how dreams go.
Back to Perl Poetry


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2013-06-14 - Andreas Kisser, founding member and guitarist for thrash legends SEPULTURA is currently issueing updates of the current studio seesions for the band's upcoming album over at brazilian news site Pernambuco.com.
Surf to: http://blogs.diariodepernambuco.com.br/estudiosepultura/en/
The band also released 3 video updates on the site (scroll down), the latest one featuring drummer Eloy Casagrande destroying his kit.
The blog is constantly being updated – so be sure to check back.
The as of yet untitled record is scheduled for a fall release via Nuclear Blast.
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SEPULTURA - »Machine Messiah Tour« under way!
2018-02-26 17:30 - Brazilian metal legends SEPULTURA kicked off their »Machine Messiah Tour 2018« last Saturday with a sold out show at Conne Island in Leipzig, Germany. Details
SEPULTURA - tour trailer launched!
2018-01-10 18:00 - Brazilian thrash metal legends SEPULTURA are set to embark on a lengthy and extensive European headline tour in support of their highly acclaimed album next month. Details
SEPULTURA - "Machine Messiah Tour 2018"!
2017-10-19 18:00 - In early 2018, Brazilian thrash metal legends SEPULTURA will head out on a lengthy and extensive European headline tour in support of their highly acclaimed album! Details
SEPULTURA - more dates announced!
2017-05-12 10:00 - Brazilian thrash metal legends SEPULTURA have now confirmed a 2017 summer tour across Europe! Details
SEPULTURA - Summer Tour 2017 announced!
2017-03-09 11:00 - After the release of their highly acclaimed Album »Machine Messiah«, Brazilian thrash metal legends SEPULTURA have been confirmed for a summer tour across Europe in 2017! Details
SEPULTURA - "Machine Messiah" hits the charts
2017-01-27 17:00 - Brazilian heavy metal icons, SEPULTURA, have entered the charts worldwide with their new masterpice »Machine Messiah«. Details
SEPULTURA - »Machine Messiah« out now!
2017-01-13 17:00 - The wait is finally over and today sees the long awaited release of »Machine Messiah«, the new studio album from the heavy metal icons SEPULTURA via Nuclear Blast! Details
SEPULTURA - second track-by-track trailer!
2017-01-11 17:00 - Today, the band already unveils their second track-by-track trailer! If you want to know everything about the last five songs of the new record, watch this new video here. Details
SEPULTURA - first track-by-track trailer!
2017-01-04 17:00 - Today, SEPULTURA unveils their first track-by-track trailer, in which they talk about the first five songs. Watch it here via YouTube. Details
SEPULTURA - unveil new music video!
2016-12-22 17:00 - With their new music video 'Phantom Self' SEPULTURA provide another thrilling look into their 14th studio release and deliver haunting images and sociocultural criticism. Details


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Former NFL quarterback Phil Simms called it a good thing. Former NFL receiver Cris Collinsworth called the entire mess unprecedented.
When it comes to the Washington Redskins and Robert Griffin III, there are endless opinions on what has transpired. Because both Simms and Collinsworth played the game and remain in it as broadcasters, for CBS and NBC, respectively, their takes are interesting.
Talking on Showtime's Inside the NFL, Simms said benching Griffin did not bother him.
"You could say performance wise they needed to make a change to help the football team," Simms said. "There are a lot of things, are they doing for spite? Doesn't matter. I do agree with this premise: Sit him down, let him make sure he's healthy, see what he can learn from the sidelines. I don't disagree with that premise -- if you do buy that premise."
Collinsworth then spoke to the dysfunction surrounding the franchise.
"I have honestly never seen anything like what's going on in Washington right now," he said. "I mean, since maybe the old days of the New York Yankees and Billy Martin. It is a soap opera. There are so many layers to what's going on in Washington right now, you just wonder could it ever possibly be fixed. And I guess they're just going to blow it up again and start all over again. Who knows what they're going to do? But this is as strange an end to the football season as I've ever seen."
Simms then returned the conversation to Griffin.
"He did need to step back, RG3," Simms said. "He needed to step back and it does help you… When you come back I do believe it makes you a different, and most of the time a better, player."
It will certainly make him more motivated. And what will make him better is a full offseason devoted to improving in the pocket, something he could not do last offseason. He needs to have a strong offseason to show his teammate how he'll respond to this situation, especially if Kirk Cousins continues to play well.
"The most interesting part for Washington's situation is what is happening in that locker room," Collinsworth said, "and how do those players feel about Robert Griffin. I don't know the answer to that question. I've heard bits and pieces of things, but I think Robert could do a lot in this offseason with his work ethic, with his relationship with teammates, to make this football team better next year."


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Hotel St André
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A stay at Hotel St André places you in the heart of Montreal, minutes from University of Quebec-Montreal and close to Notre Dame Basilica. This hotel is within close proximity of Metropolis and Champ de Mars.
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Print this pageHistorical Text Archive © 1990 - 2018
In his keynote address, Russell Weigley discussed how and why the Civil War in the West was different from the war in the East. This essay will focus on how Confederate leaders in the West responded to those different conditions and circumstances. For the purposes of this discussion, "the West" refers specifically to the area between the Appalachian Mountains and the Mississippi River: that is, the area containing Tennessee, Kentucky, Alabama, Mississippi, and much of northern Georgia. This theater received less public attention at the time than events in Virginia, and until recently, historians, too, have often given it second place in their narratives. Public scrutiny, both contemporary and historical, focused on the great battles in the East. But a good argument can be made that the West is where the war was won--and where it was lost.
As Russell Weigley noted, perhaps the most important difference between the Eastern and Western theaters was simply the size of each theater: the Western Theater was much larger. Most of the headline-grabbing battles between 1861 and 1864 took place in a relatively small area of the Virginia Piedmont. It was bounded by the Appalachians on the west and the Chesapeake Bay on the east; Gettysburg marked its northernmost limit, and Petersburg its southernmost. Though it seemed big enough to the soldiers who had to march from place to place, it was a relatively small area: roughly the size of Connecticut. By contrast, the war in the West ebbed and flowed in an area nearly twenty times as large. Given these dimensions, railroads were critical. Braxton Bragg moved his army over a thousand miles by rail to outflank a Federal army in 1862; Longstreet took two divisions by rail across five states to reinforce the Confederate army on the eve of the Battle of Chickamauga in 1863; and Joe Johnston and Billy Sherman fought an entire campaign over the control of the Western & Atlantic Railroad in what may have been the decisive campaign of the war. In short, there was a dramatic difference of scale between the East and the West: the eastern theater was relatively confined, the western theater relatively vast.
Second, it is important to pay attention to the flow of the rivers in the two theaters. In the East, the rivers run mostly west to east, flowing into the Atlantic Ocean. Their west-east axis meant that they acted as barriers to invading armies. The Potomac, the Rapidan, the Rappahanock, the North and South Anna, the Chickahominy, even the James River each acted as a potential defensive barrier for a defending army. Indeed, for much of the war in the East, the line of Rapidan-Rappahannock was the de facto military boundary between the two sides. Historian Dan Sutherland has referred to this river line, appropriately enough, as the "dare mark" of the Confederacy.1
But in the western theater, there were no such "dare marks." Most of the rivers there run north-south. This not only made them less useful for a defending army, but it also made them highways for an invader with superior sea power. One of the several advantages that the Union forces had in this war was their superior Navyon fresh water as well as salt water. The iron industry and the manufacturing capability of the northern states meant the Union could produce shallow-draft, ironclad warships that were specially designed to operate on the western rivers, and the South could do little to contest their mastery of the major rivers.
The most important river, of course, was the southward-flowing Mississippi, but other opportunities existed in the northward-flowing Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers which also provided the northern states with ready-made avenues for invasion. The Confederates could, and did, build forts along these rivers to try to halt the gunboats, but one of the many things the Civil War demonstrated was that the advent of steam, iron armor, and explosive shells had tipped the balance of power from stationary forts to warships, and the campaign in the West would prove that passive defense against an active invader is a losing game. Like railroads, gunboats were far more important in the western theater than in the East.2
A third difference concerned the role of the press. In the East, the opposing armies fought mostly in the one hundred mile corridor between the two capitals. Field commanders nearly always had reporters wandering about their camps, interviewing officers and men alike, and sending stories back home. The close proximity of the armies in Virginia to the great cities of the eastern seaboard meant that the bright light of media scrutiny kept the eastern theater on the front pages. This scrutiny may well have contributed to the regular turn-over of Union commanders in the Army of the Potomac as well. McDowell, Pope, Burnside, and Hooker each commanded the army in only one major battle before getting the hook.
Perhaps because of this, army commanders came to distrust and dislike the reporters. But they knew there was little they could do about them. Interestingly, this affected the South less than it did the North. For one thing, southern newspapers had a greater tendency to be cheerleaders than critics, and when they did become critical it was generally to attack Jefferson Davis rather than any army commander. And this was especially true in the East where Robert E. Lee's tremendous prestige kept him exempt from public criticism.
On both sides, however, the West got less media scrutiny simply because it was further away from the big metropolitan dailies. It was as if the press shined a big spotlight on the stage of history: the eastern theater was the area inside the bright ring of that spotlight, while events in the western theater took place in the uncertain gloom on the wings of the stage.
This is not to say that newspapers did not report news from the West. But news from the interior less often grabbed the front page, and it was more often possible for army commanders in the West to limit the amount of access reporters had to military information. As John Marszalek has shown, Sherman, who despised reporters, banned them from his army, and on occasion even had them arrested. It would have been much harder for him to adopt such high-handed behavior in the eastern theater.3
And finally, there is a fourth important difference: the influence of politics. You cannot get away from politics in war. There is a tendency for Americans to think that politicians should have little to say about how wars are foughtthat it is all well and good for them to pass laws and make treaties, but when diplomacy fails and the nation turns to its armed forces, the politicians should then get out of the way and let the professional warriors do their work. In fact, or course, it has never really worked this waynor should it. As the German theorist Karl von Clausewitz warned us more than a century ago, war is simply the exercise of politics by violent means. You cannot separate war from politics any more than you can separate leadership from decision making.
But for the Union in particular, politicsthat is, the amount of active oversight of military affairs by the civil governmentplayed a much more active roll in the eastern theater than in the West. Lincoln actively involved himself in strategic decision making. ("Meddled" is the word the generals used.) And he did so mainly in the East where public and media attentionboth domestic and internationalwas focused. Union generals in the West were under somewhat less pressure to demonstrate immediate results. Unsuccessful generals could still be fired, or course: Lincoln fired William S. Rosecrans in 1863 when he seemed to have lost his sense of purpose. But on other occasions, Union generals in the West got a pass. Both Grant and Sherman allowed themselves to be surprised at Shiloh in 1862 and were nearly overrun. Their management of the field at Shiloh was not significantly better than McDowell's at Bull Run or Hooker's at Chancellorsvillethough both had more nerve than Hooker. But they survived the experience, learned from it, and went on to become the command team that won the war. It is likely that a similar performance under the bright light of the Virginia theater might have led to an early exit from the historical stage.4
On the Confederate side, Davis more or less gave Lee a free hand in the East. Lee was not only successful, but he was also very deferential to Davisso much so that reading his obsequious letters today leads one to think that he was laying it on a bit thick. For both his actions and his attitude, Davis was willing to let his general in the East pretty much have his way. But Davis had a harder time finding the right man to command in the West. In fact, the turnover of Confederate generals in the West nearly matched the turnover of Union generals in the East, as we will see.5
These four pre-conditionsgeographical size, the axis of the different river systems, press attention, and politicsinfluenced, and in some cases, defined what Confederate leaders could and could not do in the western theater. But they had to play the hand that was dealt them, and how they played that hand is the subject of this essay. It will focus on seven men, each of whom was not only a decision-maker in the West but each of whom also represented an important aspect of the Confederate strategic dilemma in that theater of war. Each individual's experience highlights some of the important differences in how the Confederacy managed, or at least attempted to manage, the war in the West, and how that effort differed from the war in the East.
The best place to start is with Albert Sidney Johnston whose brief tenure as Confederate commander in chief in the West illustrated all four of these key differences.
Sidney Johnston was 56 years old when the war began. Jefferson Davis and many others in the Confederacy believed that he was the most promising officer in the army. He certainly had all the credentials. He was a West Point graduate, the First Captain, the top cadet in the corps. He had graduated in 1826, two years ahead of Jefferson Davis. It is quite possible that the future Confederate president had been somewhat in awe of Johnston when they had both been at West Point, and perhaps some legacy of that awe carried over to the war years. In any case, Davis believed that Sidney Johnston was the best general the South had, and he assigned him the most important job he had: commander in chief of Confederate armies in the West.6
It certainly was the most challenging job in the Confederacy. Johnston'assignment was to defend a border nearly a thousand miles long end to end from the Mississippi River to the Cumberland Gap. And it was a border with no natural geographical barriers. It would have been invaluable to Johnston if he could have used the line of the Ohio River, a useful "dare mark," but in the early months of the war, Kentucky (the birthplace of both Lincoln and Davis) declared itself neutral. Fearful of offending a potential ally, both sides declined to send troops into the state.
A second problem was the sheer size of Johnston's command theater. Once Kentucky's neutrality collapsed, Union invaders were able to pick their targets and concentrate on particular sites, but Johnston had to be prepared to defend everywhere, especially along the axis of the three major rivers that Union forces were likely to use as avenues of invasion.
Johnston dealt with these circumstances by stringing out his forces in a long line west to east more or less approximating the Kentucky-Tennessee border. From west to east, a small army of about 17,000 under the command of the so-called "fighting bishop" Leonidas Polk defended the Mississippi River at Columbus, Kentucky; then moving eastward, twin forts with strong garrisons guarded the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers (Fort Henry on the Tennessee and Fort Donelson on the Cumberland); Johnston himself commanded a field army of about 22,000 at Bowling Green, Kentucky, more or less in the center of the line, and another small army of 4,000 or so guarded the Cumberland Gap. It was a not unreasonable distribution, but fatally flawed: these sixty thousand men were spread out too thin for any one of them to be sure of success, and too far apart to be mutually supporting. As might have been predicted, the Union invaders picked them off one by one.
The lynchpin of the whole line was on the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers where the two forts stood guard. And that is precisely where the Union blow fell. Four ironclad gunboats under Flag Officer Andrew Foote assaulted Fort Henry from the river while an army under Brigadier General U.S. Grant marched against the fort from the landward side. In fact, the fort surrendered to the naval gunfire before Grant even got there. Score one for the Navy. Soon afterward, Fort Donelson fell to Grant. One for the Army.7
But the strategic consequences of this campaign went far beyond the capture of a few forts. The railroad connecting Johnston's army in Bowling Green with Polk's army in Columbus crossed the Tennessee River just upstreamthat is, south ofFort Henry. Once that fort fell, Foote's gunboats could steam past it to destroy that bridge which cut the communications link between Johnston and Polk. As a result, both forces had to fall back out of Kentucky to avoid being isolated. Soon afterward, Union gunboats advanced up the Cumberland River as well, forcing a Confederate evacuation of Nashville, and eventually all of Tennessee. With the seizure of two forts, the Union gained effective control of two states. It was the railroad net and the rivers that dictated these events. Such strategic leaps were simply not possible in the East.
What Johnston learned from this experience was that he could not spread his forces out to cover a lengthy defense line. Therefore, his next gambit was to concentrate his far-flung forces and drive back Grant's army, which by now was advancing southward along the Tennessee River down to an encampment near Pittsburg Landing and a little church called Shiloh.
On April 6 Johnston's combined forces assailed Grant's army at Shiloh and drove it back to the banks of the river, but in the process, Sidney Johnston received a wound thatbecause he declined medical treatmenteventually caused him to bleed to death. Worse, from the Confederate point of view, Grant counterattacked the next morning and re-gained all that he had lost the day before. Shiloh was technically a drawn battle, but it was a chance for the South to regain the initiative in the war in the West, and it failed.8
Johnston did not live up to the high expectations that Davis had of him in part at least because he was utterly unprepared for the kind of war this one proved to be. The vast size of his command theater, the key role of the railroads, the importance of the rivers carrying armored gunboats, and perhaps his own out-dated sense of chivalry (best evidenced by his presence near the front lines at Shiloh where he was mortally wounded) all doomed him to disappointment. For all his glittering pre-war reputation, the burden of theater command was simply beyond him.
When Johnston fell on April 6, his second in command was the man with perhaps the most flamboyant name in the war: Pierre Gustav Toutant Beauregard. Beauregard already had an important victory under his belt, for he had commanded the field during the Confederacy's first victory of the war at Manassas or Bull Run. That battle had made him an instant hero in the Southbut not to Jefferson Davis. In fact, in the aftermath of the victory at Manassas, Davis and Beauregard had participated in a curious and unproductive little spat about who really deserved credit for it. In the end, Davis grew weary of Beauregard and his pretensions and shipped him off to the Western theater, not as a promotion, but to get him out of the way. Davis assumed that as Sidney Johnston's second in command, Beauregard could do little harm.
Then Sidney Johnson was killed.
Beauregard's principal characteristic as a commander was not only a personal flamboyance but also a tendency to view the strategic landscape through astonishingly rose-colored glasses. He was always coming up with one or another completely implausible scheme for immediate and total victory. Most of these went something like this: He would write to Davis and suggest that Lee bring his whole army west to join Beauregard's, that they then annihilate the enemy on their front, march across the Ohio River, then turn east to descend on Washington from the north, and dictate a peace in Lincoln's White House! (All of Beauregard's strategic proposals ended with the South dictating peace in the White House.) But he never offered specific details about how to accomplish any of this. He did not suggest, for example, what might happen in Virginia if Confederate troops evacuated the state to come West and help Beauregard win his victory. He merely asserted that it could be done and that Davis should see to it.9
No wonder Davis sent him away. But look where he sent him: to the Western theater. In some sense, Davis packed him off to the junior varsity. It was a practice that Lee employed as well. When Robert E. Lee took over the command of the Army in Virginia at about this same time, he measured his subordinate commanders by a simple standard: success. When a particular officer proved himself in combat, Lee promoted him; when he did not, Lee did not demote him (that was too confrontational, and Lee disliked personal confrontation), instead he contrived to have him sent to another theater, generally to the West. Without saying so, Lee used the Westor actually any theater outside Virginiaas a dumping ground for officers he did not want around him any more.
On this occasion, however, that strategy backfired. Davis believed he had sent the popular but mercurial Beauregard to a job where he could do little harm. Now Sidney Johnston's death made Beauregard the theater commander.
Beauregard did not handle the assignment well. After Shiloh, he fell back with the army to the railroad nexus at Corinth, in the far northern part of Mississippi, and tried to defend it from the combined armies of Grant, Pope, and Buell, each operating now under the supervision of Henry Wager Halleck. It was probably Beauregard's good fortune that it was Halleck in command rather than Grant, for Halleck's cautious, even plodding, advance gave the southern army something of a respite after Shiloh. In the end, Beauregard had to evacuate Corinth anyway, mainly because the water supply there would not sustain an army of some 40,000 men. He fell back southward twenty miles to Tupelo.
Davis had been skeptical of Beauregard to begin with. The retreat to Tupelo did not help. And then Beauregard did something that Davis could not overlook. The general declared himself ill, and without waiting for official permission, he granted himself leave to go home. That was just fine with Davis. He declared that Beauregard had abandoned his assignment, and issued a new order placing Braxton Bragg in command of the army.10
Braxton Bragg had the reputation of being the ugliest general in the Confederate army. It is not particularly evident in the most famous wartime photograph of him which instead suggests a certain ruggedness. But contemporaries noted that Bragg had a tuft of hair that grew between his eyebrows right above the bridge of his nose, so that there was an unbroken ridge of furry hair across his forehead that some apparently found repellant. Or it may be that the contemporaries who passed unflattering judgments about Bragg's looks did so because they were somehow seeing the inner man.
Bragg has few defenders among Civil War historians -- Steven Woodworth is the most prominent of them. He makes a good case that Bragg had sound strategic ideas and that he managed his army well. But for all that, Bragg found ways to annoy and irritate nearly every one of his subordinates. And eventually, he would resign in disgrace.11
But all that was in the future when Bragg took over the army from Beauregard in the late summer of 1862. He was in a tight spot: a new commander, untested, with the army already back on its heels after the bloodletting at Shiloh, and with a Federal armyif not in hot pursuit, then at least tepid pursuit. What to do? Bragg came up with a positively inspired solutiona solution that could only have worked in the western theater.
Bragg assumed command of the Confederate army at Tupelo, about 20 miles south of Corinth on the Mobile & Ohio Railroad. Buell's much larger army held Corinth and began moving eastward toward Decatur and Chattanooga. To outflank him, Bragg resorted to a movement that highlights both the vast size of the western theater and the central role of railroads. He put his army on a series of trainscramming the boxcars full to overflowing, and loading his men onto flatcarsand sent them rolling to Mobile. There they de-trained, crossed town, ferried across the Alabama River, picked up another set of trains on the newly-built railroad to Montgomery; transferred to another train to Atlanta; then to another that carried them from Atlanta to Chattanooga where they managed to arrive across Buell's line of advance before Buell had moved much beyond Decatur.
Bragg's use of the railroads, not only for logistic support, but for dramatic and unexpected troop movement, re-gained the initiative for the South in the western theater. He used that initiative to march northward into Tennessee, and then into Kentucky, at about the same time that Lee was crossing the Potomac into Maryland on the Antietam campaign.
Bragg's campaign nearly reached the Ohio River. It ended at the Battle of Perryville in October, where Bragg was forced to retreat back into Middle Tennessee at Murfreesboro. Still, it is evident that this dramatic and unprecedented use of the railroad to move an army across four states had changed the pattern of the war in the West.12
The rest of Bragg's tenure as army commander proved less flattering to him. He began to behave as if he had lost his confidence. He betrayed a curious combination of indecision and closed-mindedness. And at the same time his health began to deteriorate, perhaps as a result of the pressures of command and resulting tension. And Bragg's circumstance was also complicated by a new command structure in the western theater that pleased almost no one.
In November of 1862, Confederate General Joseph E. Johnston (who was no relation to Albert Sidney Johnston) reported himself fit for duty after recovering from the wound he had sustained outside Richmond the previous spring. Davis really had no job for him. One thing Davis was sure of: he was not going to take the Army of Northen Virginia away from Lee and give it back to Johnston. So what Davis did was create a new job for Johnston in the West: Johnston would become commander-in-chief of the Western Theater with supervisory authority over both Bragg's army of Tennessee and John C. Pemberton's Army of Mississippi.
Johnston did not like the assignment. In fact, he did not really understand it. Joe Johnston was part of a generation that saw the command of an army as the ultimate fulfillment of a soldier's career. He believed that the army commander was the man best positioned to make command decisions; he did not want to make a career of second guessing them. Besides, he believed that Bragg's force in Tennessee and Pemberton's in Mississippi were too far apart for effective cooperation anyway.
Davis disagreed. And as if to show him how it could work, Davis traveled out to Tennessee to meet with Johnston, and with Bragg. Davis thought Bragg's army in Tennessee was secure enough for the moment, so he ordered Johnston to detach 10,000 men from Bragg's army and send them to Pemberton in Mississippi. It was noteworthy that soon after the 10,000 men left Tennessee, the Federals there attacked Bragg's weakened army at Murfreesboro. And what was worse, the 10,000 men detached from Bragg arrived too late to help Pemberton in Mississippi.13
Johnston did not tell Davis "I told you so," but he was probably tempted. In fact, this incident marked an acceleration of an emerging distrust, even hostility, between Davis and Johnston. Davis eventually grew tired of Johnston's complaints and ordered him to go personally to Mississippi and help Pemberton defend Vicksburg from Grant. By the time Johnston arrived, Grant had already interposed his army between the two Confederate forces. Soon Pemberton was pinned inside the city. Johnston ordered Pemberton to fight his way out; Pemberton declined, and called for Johnston to fight his way in. In the end, neither happened, and Pemberton, after withstanding a 47-day siege, surrendered both Vicksburg and his army in early July, on the same day as Pickett's Charge at Gettysburg.
Pemberton blamed his capitulation on Johnston who, he said, had never seriously tried to relieve him or to drive off Grant's army. In a poignant moment, Johnston was sitting outside his command tent near Morton, Mississippi, in late July when he saw a tall, lean officer striding up the hill toward him. He recognized Pemberton and leaped to his feet extending his hand. "Well, Jack old boy," he called out, "I am certainly glad to see you." Pemberton ignored the offered hand and instead saluted. Johnston slowly lowered his hand and Pemberton recited his prepared remark: "According to the terms of parole prescribed by General Grant, I was directed to report to you, sir." Then he saluted again, executed an about face, and strode back down the hill. They never spoke again.14
Pemberton was not alone in blaming Johnston. Davis, too, held Johnston responsible. When an aide in Richmond suggested to Davis that Vicksburg had fallen for want of supplies, Davis spat back: "Yes, for want of provisions inside, and a general outside who would not fight."15
Davis stripped Johnston of his supervisory authority in the West and reduced him to the command of a tiny force in Mississippi. With Pemberton gone and Johnston demoted, Bragg was again on his own, but he was about to receive substantial reinforcements from the East.
Prior to the Gettysburg campaign, Lee's Old War Horse, James Longstreet, had suggested that instead of going north into Pennsylvania, the army in Virginia should send some portion of its force to the West where things seemed to need bolstering. He even offered to go personally. Longstreet's critics argue that his suggestion was less the product of a careful calculation of the Confederacy's strategic needs than it was a careful calculation of his own chances to obtain an army command. Longstreet knew, these critics insist, that he would never get command in Virginia, but out West, among the junior varsity, he just might get his chance.16
Lee had overruled him in the spring, and the army had instead gone north. But in the aftermath of the Gettysburg campaign, Lee withdrew his objections and in the early fall, Longstreet took two divisionsthose of John Bell Hood and Lafayette McLawson another round-about railroad journey from Richmond south to Wilmington and Charleston, then west to Atlanta, and north to Chattanooga. By now the Confederate rail system was pretty shaky replacement rails were hard to come by, and large portions of the South's rail net was made up of what was known as "strap and stringer": the train ran on wooden rails with a quarter inch strip of metal affixed to the top. Trains had to keep to a slow speed, stops were frequent, and there was at least one spectacular train wreck en route.17
Despite these difficulties, Longstreet's men arrived in the West in time to help win the battle of Chickamauga in late September, though almost immediately afterward, the disarray in the Confederate command began to manifest itself afresh. Civil War scholars still argue over whether this disarray was because Bragg had slipped into a distrustful funk, or because Longstreet deliberately undermined his authority by encouraging what amounted to mutiny among the officers in Bragg's army. The answer here, as in most such issues, is both.18
The feud between Bragg and Longstreet undermined morale and readiness to such an extent that Davis had to make another trip out West to adjudicate. His solutiona disastrous onewas to separate the two squabbling children: he sent Longstreet off to besiege Knoxville thus giving him the independent command he had long coveted, and he left Bragg in sole command of the army in Chattanooga, but with only about 35,000 men now to "besiege" a Federal army in the city that had grown to well over 50,000.
Predictably, the result was disaster. Longstreet's attack on Knoxville came to nothing, and in December, the Federals burst out of Chattanooga and drove Bragg's demoralized army off Missionary Ridge.
At last, too late, Bragg submitted his resignation. But who would replace him? Not, Longstreet, he went back to Virginia to assume command once again of the First Corps in Lee's army. Not Pemberton, he was utterly discredited after Vicksburg and Davis fearedcorrectlythat the army would simply refuse to serve under him. Even if Davis could tolerate Beauregard (which was unlikely) that officer was now commanding the defense of Charleston where he seemed to be doing a good job. Davis was so desperate, he even asked Lee if he would take the job. No, Lee said, no thank you.
Who did Davis have left to appoint to command the Western theater? That man was Joe Johnston. Davis was not happy about it, but in the end he had no real alternative. So he swallowed hard and hoped for the best.
In 1864, Joseph E. Johnston commanded the Army of Tennessee in its duel with Sherman's forces in what has become known as the Atlanta campaign. It began in north Georgia, near Dalton, and lasted for three months as Sherman feinted, flanked, and maneuvered his opponent southward. Russ Weigley suggested that Sherman was too obsessed with Atlanta itself to go straight after Johnston's army, but his goal was to keep Johnston fully occupied. And at least some credit has to go to Johnston's adept defense.
Scholars still argue about whether Johnston's defense tactics were appropriate to the situation, or simply reflected an unwillingness on Johnston's part to come to grips with the enemy. Whatever the answer, his constant retrograde movements did not play well in Richmond. Lee, too, was giving up ground in Virginia, at the same time, but at least he was making Grant pay for it; the casualties in the eastern theater were appalling. Not so in the West. Each side lost about ten thousand men in this three-month campaign. (As an aside, it is worth noting that the American Civil War is the sole conflict where one could use the word "only" to describe twenty thousand casualties.)19
By the time Johnston had backed himself up to the outskirts of Atlanta, Davis had decided he could wait no longer for him to show some evidence of an offensive disposition. He sent Braxton Bragg out to find out what Johnston planned to do next, and recommend whether Johnston should stay in command or be replaced.
Bragg behaved badly in this role. He misled Johnston about the purpose of his visit, and he sent coded messages back to Richmond urging that Johnston be dismissed at once and replaced by the younger, more aggressively-minded, John Bell Hood.20
Hood was only 34 when he took command of the Army of Tennessee in July of 1864. But he looked at least a decade older. Only a year earlier on the eve of Gettysburg, Hood had seemed to some of his soldiers an almost God-like creature: "a gigantic old Saxon chieftain come to life," one wrote of him.21 Tall, broad-shouldered, with gold-blond hair that streamed out behind him, he was the very personification of war. But since then he had lost an arm at Gettysburg and a leg at Chickamaugathe price of his aggressive tendency. He had become a sad-eyed warrior.
Hood had lobbied hard for command of the army, sending Jefferson Davis secret telegrams behind Johnston's back, all of which suggested that the army was missing opportunities to delivery a counter-attack. If you like and admire Hood, you conclude that he did this because he cared so much about the outcome of the campaign; if you do not like him, you conclude that he was trying to get promotion for himself and stabbing his superior officer in the back.
In any case, once Hood gained command, he knew what Davis expected him to do with it. He attacked, three times. The results were the battle of Peachtree Creek, the battle of Atlanta, and the battle of Ezra Church, all Confederate defeats, though Hood described them in his reports as at least partial victories. The fact of the matter was that the Confederacy in general, and the Army of Tennessee in particular, simply did not have the manpower to fight the kind of battles that Hood envisioned. Not only did these battles fail to drive off Sherman, but they also cost the Confederacy more of its younger men then it could afford.
By September, Hood had shot his bolt. The army he had inherited had been reduced to no more than 30,000 effectives. He had to evacuate the city, and with its fall, the hopes of the Confederacy dimmed significantly.22 One problem was manpower. The war had become a numbers game, and this was a game the South could not win. Regardless of strategy or leadership, the South could not win without more men in the ranks. Where were they to come from?
One man thought he knew. Patrick Ronayne Cleburne was a native of Ireland and had emigrated to the United States in 1849 settling in Helena, Arkansas, where he became first a pharmacist and then a lawyer. When the war broke out, he sided with his friends and neighbors and joined the Confederate army. He was elected colonel of his regiment, promoted to brigade command, and by 1864 he commanded a division in the Army of Tennessee. In that time, he had complied a reputation as the army's finest fighting general.23
In the winter of 1864-65 in Dalton, prior to the Atlanta campaign, he asked for a meeting of the army's high command at which he presented a carefully reasoned 25-page document in which he argued that the South could win the war and obtain its independence by freeing the slaves and inviting them to join the rebel army. He suggested that the South could obtain as many as half a million fresh soldiers by this means.
This statement was, needless to say, a bombshell. All but a few of the officers present were outraged. At least one insisted that Cleburne be arrested for treason. Cleburne was shocked. He had assumed that winning independence was the Confederacy's most important goal and that other issuessuch as slaverywere negotiable. He found out that for most of the officers of the army, and for the administration as well, this was not the case. Reluctantly, he agreed to shelve his plan.
Cleburne was still in command of his division, however, when Hood evacuated Atlanta and cast about for a strategy that would re-gain the initiative for the South. His solutionas brash and unrealistic as anything that Beauregard had ever conceived was to let Sherman have Atlanta, and Georgia, and invade the north. He would move west, into Mississippi, then strike north toward Nashville. Perhaps Sherman would feel compelled to follow him and thereby abandon the deep South.
But the North had sufficient resources to do both things. Sherman left the defense of Tennessee to George H. Thomasthe Rock of Chickamaugaand struck out for Savannah across an undefended Georgia, matches in hand.
Hood marched in the opposite direction: northward, to Franklin, Tennessee, where he launched his army in a giant frontal assault against prepared defenses, in an attack that all but destroyed his army. No fewer than six Confederate generals were killed in this wasteful assault, including Pat Cleburne. Then, for lack of anything better to do, Hood continued onward to Nashville where George Thomas waited for him. In mid-December, when Thomas sortied out of the city to attack, Hood's army was virtually annihilated.24
Hood's defeat at Nashville marked the collapse of Confederate military fortunes in the West. Fewer than 18,000 men made their way back out of the state to report at the army's final muster in Tupelo. Some of those men made their way east to make a last stand with Joe Johnston who was once again back in command at the Battle of Bentonville in March of 1865. But the war in the West was over.
In part, of course, the Confederate failure in the West (as elsewhere) was the result of a dearth of resources. The traditional southern explanation of the Confederacy's defeat is that it was simply overwhelmed after a good fight by superior numbersnot just manpower, but in material resources as well: in its inability to build and maintain railroads and rolling stock, and its inability to contest the rivers with modern riverine craft. All that is certainly true. But in the West, at least, Confederate defeat was also the result of a series of failures in command leadership:
- Sidney Johnston deployed his forces injudiciously, spreading them out too thinly to be effective, and then failing to recoup the situation when he finally concentrated his forces at Shiloh;
- Braxton Bragg started out well with a dramatic use of the railroads to regain the strategic initiative, but he alienated his own subordinates with his obnoxious personality, and he became almost completely dependent on support from Jefferson Davis who sustained him to the point where he had become a detriment to Confederate fortunes;
- Joe Johnston, by contrast, was much liked and admired by his soldiers and officers, but he could not get along with the administration, and his retrograde movements in Georgia against Sherman convinced Davis that he would simply never seize the moment;
- John Bell Hood was a victim of his own plotting and especially of an out-dated version of the way the Confederacy believed it ought to fight its war. His offensive tactics had worked in Richmond in 1862, but they were wholly inappropriate to strategic realities of 1864.
- Patrick Cleburne underestimated the Confederacy's dependence on, and commitment to, the institution of black slavery.
And finally, the Confederacy was undone in the West by one other factor. When, many years after the war, George Pickett was asked for his explanation of why the South had lost, he replied "I always thought the Yankees had something to do with it."
1. Daniel Sutherland, Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville: The Dare Mark Campaign (Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 1998).
2. A good general history of the role that navies played on the western rivers is H. Allen Gosnell, Guns on the Western Waters: The Story of the River Gunboats in the Civil War (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1949). A particularly insightful account of the role played by one Union officer is Jay Slagle (ed.), Ironclad Captain: Seth Ledyard Phelps and the U.S. Navy, 1841-1864 (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1986).
3. See John F. Marszalek, Sherman's Other War: The General and the Civil War Press, rev. ed. (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1999). Also valuable are J. Cutler Andrews's two books: The North Reports the Civil War (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburg Press, 1955) and The South Reports the Civil War (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970).
4. The best biography of the Union president is David Donald's Lincoln (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995). Lincoln's relations with his generals, both east and west, is thoughtfully treated in T. Harry Williams, Lincoln and His Generals (New York: Knopf, 1952), who concludes that Lincoln was a natural genius of military management.
5. Good discussions of Davis's management of the war are in William C. Davis, Jefferson Davis: The Man and His Hour (New York: Harper Collins, 1991) and in William J. Cooper, Jefferson Davis, American (New York: Knopf, 2000). The subject is treated more specifically in two books by Steven E. Woodworth: Jefferson Davis and His Generals (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1990) and Davis & Lee at War (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1995).
6. Charles P. Roland, Albert Sidney Johnston: Soldier of Three Republics (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1964).
7. Benjamin Franklin Cooling, Forts Henry and Donelson: The Key to the Confederate Heartland (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987). An excellent discussion of the overall Con-federate command problem in the West is provided by Thomas Connelly in two books: Army of the Heartland: The Army of Tennessee, 1861-62 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1967) and Autumn of Glory: The Army of Tennessee, 1862-65 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1971).
8. Wiley Sword, Shiloh: Bloody April (New York: Murrow, 1974); James Lee McDonough, Shiloh: In Hell Before Night (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1977).
9. Alfred Roman, Military Operations of General Beauregard, 2 vols. (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1884), and T. Harry Williams, Beauregard: Napoleon in Gray (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1955).
10. Connelly, Army of the Heartland; Woodworth, Davis and His Generals, 116-124. Connelly is very critical of Bragg; Woodworth is more sympathetic.
11. Grady McWhiney and Judith Lee Hallock, Braxton Bragg and Confederate Defeat (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1969 and 1991). The two books cited here were written more than 20 years apart by different authors, but were issued as a two volume set in 1991. Both authors are critical of Bragg.
12. James Lee McDonough, War in Kentucky: From Shiloh to Perryville (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1994). See also Woodworth, Davis and His Generals, 125-161.
13. Craig L. Symonds, Joseph E. Johnston: A Civil War Biography (New York: Norton, 1992).
14. Frank Vandiver (ed.), The Civil War Diary of Josiah Gorgas (University: University of Alabama Press, 1947), 50.
15. John C. Pemberton, Pemberton, Defender of Vicksburg (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1942), 241.
16. Jeffry D. Wert, General James Longstreet: The Confederacy's Most Controversial Soldier (New York: Simon Schuster, 1993); William Garrett Piston, Lee's Tarnished Lieutenant: James Longstreet and His Place in Southern History (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997). Especially pertinent to the subject of this essay is Judith Lee Hallock, General James Longstreet in the West: A Monumental Failure (Fort Worth, Texas: McWhiney Foundation, 1995).
17. A good short description of the Confederacy's railroad problems is in Scott Reynolds Nelson, Iron Confederacies: Southern Railways, Klan Violence, and Reconstruction (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999). A visual portrayal is in George B. Abdell, Civil War Railroads: A Pictorial Story of the War Between the States (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press,1961, 1989).
18. Wiley Sword, Mountains Touched With Fire: Chattanooga Besieged, 1863 (New York: Harper Collins, 1995). See also Connelly, Autumn of Glory, especially chapters four through ten.
19. For a critical assessment of Johnston's north Georgia campaign, see Richard M. McMurry, Atlanta 1864: Last Chance for the Confederacy (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000); for a more positive assessment, see Symonds, Joseph E. Johnston, chapters eighteen through twenty-one.
20. For a summary of Bragg's activities, see Hallock, Bragg and Confederate Defeat, and Connelly, Autumn of Glory, chapter fourteen.
21. The best biography of Hood is Richard McMurry, John Bell Hood and the War for Southern Independence (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1982). The quotation is from Frank S. Roberts, "In Winter Quarters at Dalton, 1863-64," Confederate Veteran (1918), vol. 26, p. 274.
22. See McMurry, Atlanta 1864, and Connelly, Autumn of Glory. The best detailed history oft he Atlanta campaign, including the fall of Atlanta, is Albert Castel, Decision in the West (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1992).
23. Craig L. Symonds, Stonewall of the West: Patrick Cleburne and the Civil War (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1997).
24.Wiley Sword, Embrace an Angry Wind: Spring Hill, Franklin, and Nashville (New York: Harper Collins, 1992). (Published in paperback as The Confederacy's Last Hurrah).


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Summer Associate (SC level) - Manufacturing Operations, Strategy
Deloitte is one of the leading professional services organizations in the United States, specializing in audit, tax, consulting and financial advisory services with clients in more than 20 industries. We provide powerful business solutions to some of the world s most well-known and respected companies, including more than 75 percent of the Fortune 100.At Deloitte, you can have a rewarding career on every level. In addition to challenging and meaningful work, you ll have the chance to give back to your community, make a positive impact on the environment, participate in a range of diversity and inclusion initiatives, and find the support, coaching, and training it takes to advance your career. Our commitment to individual choice lets you customize aspects of your career path, your educational opportunities and your benefits. And our culture of innovation means your ideas on how to improve our business and your clients will be heard.
Want to work side by side with industry leading consultants? This summer, take your professional development to the next level when you join our Strategy & Operations team. As a Manufacturing Operations Summer Associate, you'll work directly on client projects and help our consultants to assess the strengths and weaknesses of supply chains, do industry-wide research, with the added benefit of access to senior leadership. From career development to networking opportunities to hands-on learning, at Deloitte, our interns don t just sit in a back room; they see what it's like to be front and center on our team.
Work you ll do
As a Manufacturing Summer Associate, you ll be assigned to one or more client projects where you ll work with Deloitte consultants to help clients integrate business strategy with their supply chain objectives. In this role, you ll learn to leverage data and analytics and apply programmatic approaches to help enhance business growth, reduces costs and response times, and increase productivity. From product development to integrated demand planning to network logistics optimization and sustainability, you ll gain exposure and develop insights into every link of the value chain.
The team
Our Strategy & Operations practice provides a wide range of services across multiple industries and the entire value chain. As a member of this team, you ll work collaboratively with talented and innovative strategic thinkers onProduct Development, Supply Chain Strategy and Planning,Sourcing and Procurement, Logistics and Distribution Operations, Lean Operations, andMergers and Acquisitions projects. You ll also use your knowledge and experience to help clients improve and enhance their global operations to meet the challenges of a rapidly evolving business landscape.Learn more about our supply chain and manufacturing operations consulting practice.
+ An MBA or MS in Logistics, Manufacturing, or Supply Chain
+ Strong academic track record (minimum GPA of 3.5)
+ 2 years of relevant work experience; preferably in a large company
+ Experience in one or more of the following areas:Supply Chain Strategy/Planning, Sourcing & Procurement, Product Development, Logistics & Distribution, or Lean Operations
+ Experience prioritizing tasks and managing assignments in a collaborative team environment
+ Technical proficiency in MS Excel and MS Access
+ Willingness to travel
How you ll grow
During this exciting and challenging learning experience, you ll gain first-hand insights into technical skills, critical professional behaviors, standards, and mindsets to help you expand on your previous experience, knowledge and skills. You ll work with a wide variety of talented strategic leaders and learn how to leverage and analyze data, tackle real-world supply chain challenges, and experience what it s like to be a part of our organization.
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Our positive and supportive culture encourages our people to do their best work every day. We celebrate individuals by recognizing their uniqueness and offering them the flexibility to make daily choices that can help them to be healthy, centered, confident, and aware. We offer well-being programs and are continuously looking for new ways to maintain a culture where our people excel and lead healthy, happy lives. Learn more about Life at Deloitte.
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The Role of public education will be celebrated across the nation, starting November 11th. American Education Week runs through Saturday November 17th. Organizers of the event say its an opportunity to celebrate the work done by teachers and school staff. The theme of the week's schedule is "Great Public Schools: A Basic Right and Our Responsibility."
As part of the event, education support professionals will be honored on Wednesday and substitute teachers will be honored on Friday. The National Education Association, which is helping to promote the event, says its goal is for every child to receive a quality education.


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Prop. 1F would bar raises if state has deficit
SPECIAL ELECTION: Proposition 1F
Published 4:00 am, Monday, April 27, 2009
The most popular measure of the upcoming special election is the one that, if it passes, will probably have the smallest impact on the state budget shortfall that prompted the May 19 election.
Proposition 1F would bar state elected officials from receiving a pay raise when the state's reserve fund has a deficit larger than 1 percent of general fund revenues.
California lawmakers, who are paid more than lawmakers in every other state, have received raises of nearly 17 percent since 2005, while the governor, attorney general and other top officials received raises from 21 percent to 23 percent since 2006.
"When you work hard, you ought to be proud of the work you do, and when times are good, you should be rewarded," said Sen. Abel Maldonado, R-Santa Maria (Santa Barbara County), who wrote the measure. "But why do we get rewarded when we do a horrible job in Sacramento?"
Maldonado crafted the measure as part of a compromise that won his vote during the contentious budget debate in the Legislature in February. He had tried for two years without success to get the measure on the ballot as a constitutional amendment.
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A poll conducted by the Public Policy Institute of California in late March found the measure receiving support of 81 percent of the likely voters polled. While many state leaders also support the measure, the state Republican Party opposes it along with the rest of the budget package.
While Maldonado wrote in ballot arguments that the measure would save "millions of dollars," the state's legislative analyst said blocking a 3 percent raise for state officials would save less than $500,000 a year. Maldonado said savings over several years could push that number into the millions.
Well-paid leadership
Members of the Legislature earn $116,208 a year, and legislative leaders make $8,000 to $17,000 a year more. In addition, lawmakers receive a tax-free per-diem payment for days they are in Sacramento, which can total nearly $35,000 a year. They also get a car for free, along with gas.
Michigan pays its lawmakers the second-highest salary in the nation at $79,650, according to the California Citizens Compensation Commission.
California's Legislature is in charge of the state's budget, but the state's other top officials - the governor, lieutenant governor, attorney general, secretary of state, superintendent of public instruction, treasurer, controller, insurance commissioner and members of the board of equalization - also would be subject to the pay limit.
Those officials also make more than their counterparts in every other state, with the exception of the superintendent of public instruction and the treasurer. Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger has declined to take his $212,179 annual salary.
Chuck Murray, chairman of the compensation commission, called 1F "very sound."
"I think it is what anyone on our commission would try to do anyway. If the money's not there, the money's not there," he said.
Last year the commission considered cutting legislators' salaries by 10 percent, but a majority of commissioners voted that down. Murray said the commission generally looks more at the cost of living in California than what state officials make elsewhere.
But while the measure is popular among voters, it has drawn criticism from some longtime Capitol figures and former legislator - and current Board of Equalization member - Bill Leonard, who called it "a terrible idea."
Budget compromise feared
Maldonado committed "extortion" during the budget debate to get it on the ballot, said Leonard, who added that he doesn't think the measure would have any impact.
"But my strongest criticism is ... what if it worked?" asked Leonard, a Republican. "What if legislators are so concerned about losing a possible pay increase that they actually compromise their principles and constituents and vote for or against something in the budget they shouldn't have?"
The state Republican Party has recommended a no vote on the measure, along with all the others, on May 19.
What Proposition 1F would do
-- Bar pay raises for state elected officials when the reserve fund has a deficit larger than 1 percent of general fund revenue.
-- General fund revenue is anticipated to be $894 million this year. The reserve is anticipated to be minus $3.4 billion.
-- There was no reserve deficit last year, which would have made lawmakers eligible for a raise.