text:
Feminism, vegetarianism, and colonial resistance in eighteenth-century British novels.
Figuring prominently into this proto-vegetarian discourse are British perceptions of India. In eighteenth-century writings on India, the vegetarianism of the Hindus was at first considered a curiosity and later as evidence of racial inferiority. The English had associated their own hearty consumption of beef with military superiority. (3) But now (as we shall see in the writings of Dow, Orme, Falconer, and others) they were associating beef-eating with superiority over not just military rivals but colonial subjects like the East Indians, who were, according to William Smellie's 1791 Philosophy of Natural History, a "meager, sick, and feeble race" due to their vegetarian diet (144).
A vegetable diet, it was thought, contributed to weakness, indolence, and military ineptitude and, consequently, races like the East Indians were destined for subordination. But such politicized colonial discourse soon gave rise to its obverse. Female novelists like Phebe Gibbes in Hartly House, Calcutta (1789) and Eliza Hamilton in Translations of the Letters of a Hindoo Rajah (1796) opposed the denigration of the vegetarian other by contributing to an incipient feminist-vegetarian discourse (a discourse more explicit in the essays of contemporaries like Catharine Macaulay and Mary Hays). Both created a voice of female-centered authority in the literature of romantic orientalism, a voice of authority from which to critique the imperial project. They inevitably noticed an important fact about India that makes it unique among the world's cultures: vegetarianism was a normative feature of the culture.
Critics have been divided over whether these novels support or criticize the imperialist project and over the extent to which they critique structures of class, race, and gender in Great Britain. One thing is certain--both defend the colonial administration of Warren Hastings and the East India Company. Mona Narain finds in Hamilton's novel such strong support for a paternalistic vision of a "benevolent English empire" that any critique of patriarchy is compromised (598). Claire Grogan, on the other hand, asserts that Hamilton's critique of patriarchy is alive and well, as evidenced by her creation of an "alternative female discourse of the East--one that contributes to and contests the field of Orientalism" (29). Gibbes, too, explores a new discursive space in her creation of Sophia Goldbourne, a voice of moral authority on the East who speaks the language of sensibility.
In what follows, I first establish how the imperial discourse surrounding vegetarianism reflects a gendered language of emasculation. Next, I examine Hamilton's and Gibbe's novels as critical responses. Such responses, when read through a feminist viewpoint, can be understood as contributing to the emergence of a modern, politically self-conscious vegetarian discourse. These novels, through their encounter with the vegetarian other, express sensitivity to the parallel oppression of women and animals in a patriarchal culture. In doing so, they make unprecedented impulses toward a vegetarian theory and praxis.
Cultural Contexts: Imperial Discourse Surrounding Vegetarianism
From the time of the founding of the East India Company in 1600 to the middle of the eighteenth century, England's relationship to India was mostly a mercantile one (Teltscher 2, 17). Toward the latter half of the eighteenth century, however, England began to see itself more as a ruling power. Later writings of the period sought to persuade readers that British rule of India was not only possible but advantageous to all. When challenge to Company rule arose, writers began to generate "confidence-boosting images" of British rule, arguing that the British had a civilizing role to play (Teltscher 111). For such writers, the vegetarian diet practiced by many Indians was cited as evidence of an uncivilized and effeminate people.
As early as the seventeenth century, writers had remarked on the strangeness of the Brahminical diet. In John Ovington's Voyage to Suratt in the Year 1689, he expressed a particular fascination with the strict adherence of Hindus to a meatless diet:
They never taste the flesh of anything that has breath'd the common air ... they cannot be tempted ... to so enormous an offense as the tasting of flesh. Vegetable products, and the milk of cattle ... is the lawful nourishment they delight in. (178)
He believed this diet was the reason that Indians were "innocent, obsequious, humble, and patient to a miracle" (Ovington163). He wrote that the "rough" and "hot-tempered" English military men in India were "buoyed up with a strong opinion of their own valour" and a strong opinion of the "pusillanimity" of the Indians (94). The mild Indian temperament, he believed, was the consequence of vegetarian diet. He did observe that one drawback of such a diet was that it rendered the constitution weak and much more susceptible to plagues and diseases than the English constitution (164). He noted that while whole Indian families were swept away by pestilence, the sturdy meat-eating English managed to resist these same diseases (204).
Actually, Ovington was conflicted in his thoughts about the vegetarian diet. On the one hand, he praised the meat-rich diet of his countrymen for making them resistant to disease, while, on the other hand, he charged that this diet made them languid, feeble, and "much less vigorous and athletic in their bodies than the Indians" (204). Similarly, he praised the benefits of the vegetarian diet, such as "quick and nimble thinking and longevity" (187). A clergyman, Ovington acknowledged what he saw as the spiritual efficacy of this diet: "[It] disengages their affection to the world, disentangles their fears of death and passions for ... momentary things; it sets their spirits upon the wing, ready to quit this life in expectation of a better" (187).
Also glorifying the diet of the Indian Brahmin for its spiritual empowerment was Thomas Tryon, a seventeenth-century vegetarian advocate and mystic. In his 1683 tract Dialogue between an East-Indian Brackmanny or Heathen-Philosopher and a French Gentlemen concerning the present affairs of Europe, he exalts a fictitious Brahmin whose vegetarianism makes him an emblem of a virtue, humanity, and compassion not found in Europe. The Brahmin tries to persuade the Frenchman to give up the diet that makes his body the "grave of inferior creatures" and choose instead a diet that is in harmony with God's creation, rendering the body "a clean temple for the divine spirit" (Tryon 16-17). At the same time, he avers that Brahmins are so far beyond the political mundanities of the world that they care not who governs them. Foreign occupation would be a welcome relief, freeing the Indians from having to enforce the law and prosecute thieves, among other tasks. As long as they enjoy complete freedom to worship howsoever they please, they do not care who governs (10).
This idea that Indians were "designed for subordination" and that the East was characterized by despotism was most fully expressed in Montesquieu's 1748 Esprit des Lois (Teltscher 113). As Mughal rule acceded to the rule of the East India Company in the second half of the eighteenth century, writers began to emphasize the passive character of the Indian. Alexander Dow's influential three-volume work History of Indostan (1768), particularly volume 3--A Dissertation Concerning the Origin and Nature of Despotism in Indostan, argues that Indians much preferred the "evils of despotism" to the "labour of being free" (vii). Dow cites the mild and humane temperament of the Hindus resulting from a "low diet" of vegetables, as the reason India was the "most easily conquered and governed nation on earth" (xxxv). (4)
Three factors that inclined Hindus to subjugation, according to Robert Orme in his History of the Military Transactions of the British Nation in Indostan From the Year 1745, were the "horror of shedding blood," a "sparing use of animal food," and a hot climate. For Orme, this combination contributed to a "general effeminacy of character, making India the perfect candidate for foreign occupation" (5-6).
By the middle of the eighteenth century, the alleged military ineptitude of the Indians had hardened into stereotype. Thus Orme wasn't registering anything unique when he charged that Indian soldiers were "fearful, ill-disciplined and disloyal" (49). Edward Terry similarly remarked on the cowardice of the Indians (Teltscher 51). Likewise, Edward Ives in his Voyage from England to India in the Year 1754 spoke of South Indians as "tall and well-shaped" and yet "very timorous ... ill calculated for war" (23). Finally, Alexander Dow commented on the military inferiority of Indians, claiming, "It is apparent ... the immense regions of Hindustan might all be reduced by a handful of regular [British] troops" (History, vol. 2, 94).
By the 1780s many of these perceptions had devolved into prejudice. Conventional wisdom opined that vegetable-eating races were normally subordinate. In 1781, travel writer William Falconer sought to justify the superiority of the British by feminizing the vegetable- and grain-based diets of so-called inferior cultures. Falconer consistently argued for the superiority of a meat-based diet by equating it with virility. What food, he asked, could be more suited to capitalistic endeavor or the "common business of life?" (239). He stated that vegetable-eating nations like India were inclined toward political tyranny, whereas meat-eating nations possessed the qualities of resoluteness and agency necessary for a free state (243). Hence, according to Falconer's gendered logic, India, incapable of self-rule as a result of inferior diet, was in need of governance by the meat-eating British who, as a result of their carnivorous diet, were superior in every way--intellectually, physically, spiritually, and militarily.
It was not until the nineteenth century that a full-blown racist perspective on the vegetarian diet emerged. Let us fast forward to the height of empire and consider the writings of the medical doctor George Beard who advocated white superiority by way of endorsing meat as a superior food (271). In 1898, Beard wrote in Sexual Neurasthenia: "The rice-eating Hindoo and Chinese and the potato-eating Irish are kept in subjection by the well-fed English" (278). These well-fed English, according to Beard, defeated the French at Waterloo because it was the first time the French were "brought face to face with a nation of beefeaters, who stood still until they were killed" (278). Predictably, Beard argued that the intellectual and military inferiority of vegetable eaters necessitated their rule by the more intelligent, beef-fed English. For Beard, meat clearly meant colonial muscle, brainpower, and ultimately, white supremacy. (5)
But not everyone approved of this practice of devaluing other cultures on the basis of English eating habits. Women writers across a variety of genres were exploring the links between their own oppression in patriarchy and that of animals. Both Catherine Macaulay and Mary Hays, in their writings, planted the seeds of a feminist-vegetarian discourse by embracing the doctrine of metempsychosis and calling for a greater equality between not just the sexes but all creatures. They identified Britain's dominant meat culture as the culprit in visiting cruelty upon animals and keeping them in subjection. They made remarkable strides in critiquing the sexual politics of meat at a time when there was no precedent for this. Then, too, novelists Phebe Gibbes and Eliza Hamilton criticized meat culture, albeit indirectly, by creating an alternative female discourse on the East that rejected stereotypes of Indians as lazy, submissive vegetarians and promoted positive views of Hindu diet, culture, and religion. Both were fascinated by the discovery and potential of a culture in which vegetarianism and nonviolence toward animals was a norm. In their enthusiasm for vegetarianism, they registered a subtle indictment of the masculinist colonial project.
Novelistic Impulses Toward Vegetarianism
Gibbes's Hartly House, Calcutta was published in 1789, a year when political feelings about India were running high because of the impeachment trials (1786-1794) of then governor-general of Bengal, Warren Hastings. Set in the time of Hastings's final days in Bengal before being recalled to London, the novel explores British-Indian relations from the English point of view through the character of Sophia Goldboume, a young English coquette living in Calcutta who writes a series of letters to her friend Arabella in England. Such a construction of female subjectivity signaled a new voice in the discourse on India. As Betty Joseph has argued in her book Reading the East India Company: 1720-1840, Gibbes "upset the machinery of colonial truth production" (88) by critiquing it from a "female-centered moral authority, tied to the body" (83). Sophia depends not on reason but on feelings to guide her as she sympathizes with the joys and sorrows of others. Joseph explains that it was this discourse of sensibility that provided feminists like Gibbes and Wollstonecraft the language to express "felt oppression, or mistreatment by men" (88). Hence Sophia identifies with other victims of English male oppression, such as an Indian woman who is raped. In the language of sensibility, Sophia details not only how she has fallen in love with the culture of India, which produces "the most tranquil and temperate people on earth" (Gibbes 75), but also how she has fallen in love with a young Brahmin, making this novel one of the first portrayals in English literature of a romance between a white woman and an Indian man, (6) between a meat-eating Christian and a vegetarian Brahmin.
Sophia is spiritualized by her exposure to the Brahmin's philosophy and desires the improvement of her soul, according to Michael Franklin (xxvi). Consequently, she idealizes Brahmin culture--and vegetarianism and animal welfare play a huge role in this idealization. Intellectually, she is fascinated by both the doctrine of metempsychosis (Gibbes 76) and the practice of nonviolence. She gushes to her friend, "They live, Arabella ... the most inoffensively and happily of all created beings--their Pythagorean tenets teaching them, from their earliest infancy, the lesson of kindness and benevolence; nor do they intentionally hurt any living thing" (50). As Franklin argues, Sophia recognizes Hinduism as the "religion of sensibility" and claims it for her own (xxvi).
But is Sophia's kindness to animals a political statement, or is it nothing more than a sentimental effusion? After all, as Moira Ferguson argues in Animal Advocacy and the Englishwomen, 1780-1900, combating cruelty toward animals was becoming part of a middle-class "civilizing process," more sentimental and fashionable than political. (7) Is Sophia simply following the fashion of the day? Is she just a run-of-the-mill, middle-class animal welfarist who wishes to alleviate the suffering of only certain domestic animals, excluding cows, pigs, goats and chickens? Or is she part of a growing movement to spread humane feelings to downtrodden groups and defend animals by seeking to eliminate, through dietary choices, one of the structural causes of their suffering? (8) Vegetarianism is what anthropologist Julia Twigg calls a "relatively rare example in the West of an 'explicit food ideology'" (18) and, as such, it serves as a protest against what one recent writer has dubbed "carnism," the entrenched belief system that is "resistant to scrutiny" and that considers the "eating [of] certain animals ... ethical and appropriate" (Joy 30).
Granted, Sophia is not an avowed vegetarian, but her tenderheartedness toward animals extends beyond sentiment. Invidiously, she compares Christians to Hindus, exclaiming of Hindus: "How unlike the degenerate posterity of Adam ... is this order of beings!" (Gibbes 76). To call her own kinsmen and kinswomen "the degenerate posterity of Adam" is to quote directly from Pope's Essay on Man (Epistle II), a poem that looks back to a golden and "unbloody" age, when "no murder clothed ... and no murder fed" (1.154), and laments that half of modern men are butchers and walking "tombs" (11. 161-62) who ignore the "general groan" of nature as they murder animals (11. 163-64).
Sophia's disillusionment with the aliment of the West is striking given its time. Many writers of the time did not interpret the vegetarianism of the Gentoos as a mark of refinement. Innes Munro, for example, in his 1789 Narrative of the Military Operations on the Coromandel Coast, took exception to an Indian of low social rank who was so audacious as to think himself equal to or higher than his European master who ate cow's meat: "The Gentoos ... tell you that they are obliged through necessity to serve us, yet they consider themselves of a much more dignified and gentlemanly rank in life than any European" (26). Munro was genuinely puzzled by the matter.
Sophia's sympathy for Indian culture intensifies after she falls in love with the young Brahmin. She writes to Arabella that she has been fully "orientalized." In letter 26, she confides that she is so "ashamed of the manners of modern Christianity" (Gibbes 111) that she has converted to the Gentoo faith:
[Gentoos] have no dirty customs like the Europeans. For example, if a snuff-taker is mentioned, you know he, or she, is a European, insomuch that, partial as I am to my native country, I must wish that it would take a lesson from hence, and reprobate propensities I could name that are altogether incompatible with the virtue of cleanliness. (126)
After the Brahmin dies, Sophia reaffirms that she is so altered in her views that she has decided from that point on "to affect the Gentoo air" (151). She goes so far as to try to transform her newly acquired English husband into a Brahmin by instructing him in every tenet of "that human religion" such that he is not to "hurt a butterfly" or "dispatch a troublesome musketto [mosquito] without a correspondent pang" (151). Furthermore, she refuses to participate in a fishing party due to a "painful degree of sensibility" that prohibits her from taking pleasure in the "suffering or death of anything that exists" (151).
Her compassion for animals has fully blossomed. Still, though, it is her avowal to be kind to animals and not her avowal to practice the vegetarian diet that she carries forward from her India experience. But a vegetarian (or semi-vegetarian) practice might have been included in her avowal had vegetarianism been a cogent and politically self-conscious discourse in the 1780s. During the 1790s three budding movements--feminism, animal welfare, and vegetarianism--began to intersect with and reinforce one another in a type of solidarity of the oppressed. This is not to argue that feminists were vegetarians or animal welfarists. There was still no clear delineation of such identities, but the continuity among these movements was being explored. (9)
Each movement witnessed the publication of its manifesto and the first forceful articulation of its identity: feminism in Mary Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1791); animal rights in both Thomas Young's Essay on Humanity to Animals (1798) and George Nicholson's tract On the Conduct of Man to Inferior Animals (1797); and vegetarianism in John Oswald's Appeal to Mercy and Justice on Behalf of the Persecuted Animal (1791). Each movement was still finding its discursive space in which to articulate a coherent and politically self-conscious agenda. As early as 1792, Thomas Taylor had scornfully anticipated these alliances between feminism and animal advocacy in his Vindication of the Rights of Brutes. Instead of arguing in favor of egalitarianism and solidarity, however, he lampooned both Thomas Paine and Mary Wollstonecraft for promoting "that sublime doctrine" which postulates "the equality of men to each other" (Taylor 10-11). He pressed this egalitarian idea to what he saw as its ludicrous extreme: If women are men's equals, he scoffed, why then animals too must be men's equals. What is most remarkable about Taylor's Vindication is that he hit upon--albeit mockingly--the parallel oppressions of women and animals in a commodifying, patriarchal culture--a parallel that would be explored by nineteenth-century feminists, suffragists, and vegetarians. (10) It was also a parallel anticipated by two feminist writers of the 1790s--Mary Hays and Catharine Macaulay, contemporaries of Gibbes and Hamilton.
In contrast to Mary Wollstonecraft, Macaulay and Hays questioned the necessity of women's laying claim to a transcendent reason, for doing so entailed distancing themselves from animals and building new hierarchies that inevitably insured the domination of one party over another. Sandra Sherman writes about Hays's criticism (in Victim of Prejudice and elsewhere) of Wollstonecraft's failure to register how "ideologically freighted" the concept of reason was (166). Although Wollstonecraft's concept of reason seemed revolutionary, de-sexed and apolitical, it actually served to reproduce "male-engendered norms" (144). The doctrine of metempsychosis, in contrast, awarded equality to all living entities, animal and human--which might explain why writers like Hays and Macaulay gravitated toward it.
Macaulay, in her introduction to Letters on Education (1790), castigates human beings for their arrogance in supposing that they are superior to animals by virtue of their reasoning power--a reasoning power that Macaulay saw as dubious given that humans could simultaneously accommodate belief in a benevolent god while supporting violent practices against animals (2). She writes, "I own with you that it raises in me a mixed sentiment of contempt and anger, to hear the vain and contradictory creature, man, addressing the deity, as the god of all perfection, yet dealing out a severe and short mortality to the various tribes of his fellow animals" (2). She was especially critical of philosophers who viewed with a "complacent sentiment the myriads of beings brought forth to animated and feeling life, merely to serve for the support of [other] creatures" (3). She rejected the concept of the deity as a "cold inexorable being" who "draws the line of separation ... wide between his creatures" (2). She questioned why the clergy had not "laid more force on the necessity of extending our benevolence to the dumb animals, and that they had not in particular more strongly and repeatedly reprobated every species of cruelty toward them, as opposite the dictates of natural and revealed religion" (6). Not surprisingly, she embraced the "novel doctrine" that animals have souls and, consequently, argued in favor of equality of animals with humans as the only reasonable argument. She writes that the hurting of animals is not reasonable since it insults the highest and most logical conception of God.
By Letter IV, Macaulay makes dietary proposals on the basis of her support for the equality of animals. She is opposed to the idea of bringing up children to be "devourers of animal substances" and recommends cutting back on meat eating as much as possible: "The cruel necessity ... to inflict that fate on other beings which would be terrible to ourselves, is an evil of sufficient weight, were the use of animal diet confined within as moderate limits as the present state of things will admit" (38). An early critic of carnism, she asserts that "the taste of flesh is not natural to the human palate, when not vitiated by carnivorous habits." She writes:
Milk, fruit, eggs, and almost every kind of vegetable aliment, ought to be the principal part of the nourishment of children. I would not feed them with flesh above three times a week, and that well roasted and boiled. The swallowing of blood almost in its natural state fills a delicate mind with horror. It is a diet fit for savages; and must naturally tend to weaken that sympathy which Nature has given to man, as the best guard against the abuse of the extensive power with which she has entrusted him. (Macaulay 38-39)
This statement alone qualifies Macaulay's Letters for inclusion in the canon of proto feminist-vegetarian discourse. As Greg Kucich has argued, she was ahead of her time, particularly in terms of her "sympathizing tenderness" (457). At a time when totalizing and universalizing explanations were in vogue, Macaulay presented a "particularized story of the human subject" (453-54), focusing on the "situation of sufferers" and thereby offering "an alternative feminist history of the human heart in community" (457). (11)
Similarly, Mary Hays focused on animal sufferers; she criticized the concept of reason as cultivating male-engendered norms; and she preferred the Pythagorean (Hindu) doctrine of transmigration as an alternative because God intended liberty "for every living creature" (Hays 105). In An Appeal to the Men of Great Britain in Behalf of the Women (1798), Hays deplores this principle of reason that holds that "men are superior beings, when compared with women; and that, consequently, nature and reason invest them with authority over the weaker sex" (95). This principle, laments Hays, is the one on which laws are founded; it is the basis for all domestic and social politics; and, ultimately, it is "the language of prejudice all over the world" (96). Hays preferred the Pythagorean doctrine of transmigration, calling it "not only rational and philosophical, but Christian and consolatory" (10).
More important, she saw it as capable of loosening "every hold that might be taken of an original or divine claim of authority over women" (11). Hays, too, recognized the parallel oppressions of women and animals. She notes that both animals and women are taught to perform for man's pleasure and are tortured in the process. Women are forced to conform their characters and conduct to be what men would have them to be, however unnatural (58). Hays invokes here a solidarity of the oppressed and exhorts all female readers to abstain from cruel sports like "hunting poor innocent creatures to death," pleading with them not to mangle poor worms in order to lure fish to their destruction just for the sake of amusement. Such masculine amusements, she says, are "more disgusting in a woman than all the Greek and Latin in the two universities" (184). She recommends only those amusements that lead to health of body and mind and that do not disturb "the peace of any living thing, in the air above, or on the earth beneath, or in the waters under the earth" (186).
Hays and Macaulay were not the only female moral authorities critiquing the dominant culture. (12) Gibbes, too, according to Betty Joseph, established a female voice of moral authority for Sophia for the purpose of evaluating the British in Calcutta and in spite of the often parodied figure of the sojourning woman. Sophia does not comply with colonial power when she refuses to fulfill the expectation for women that she marry in the colony (Joseph 82). Moreover, the account she gives of the rape of the Indian woman erases her "entire approval of English society in India" (87). This novel, Joseph argues, goes beyond a female sensibility that represents an "anti-world" view or a "retreat into privacy" because Sophia identifies with other victims who share a "common oppression by English men" (88). (13) In fact, it is through the language of sensibility that Sophia is able to assume a "transcendent position" and "circulate in India without being implicated in British violence or rapacity" (83).
Like Hartly House, Eliza Hamilton's Letters of a Hindoo Rajah (1796) expresses both sympathy for the Indian diet and an aversion to English customs. These fictional letters, however, are not the gushings of an inexperienced and egocentric coquette. What Gibbes achieved through sensibility, Hamilton achieved through scholarship. Translations of the Letters of a Hindoo Raja is presented as a work of "Oriental" scholarship--a translation of Indian letters complete with a fifty-two-page glossary of terms and 112 footnotes. The dedication to Warren Hastings certainly positions the novel among Orientalist writings that exalt the East India Company and defend its reputation. Still, as Jeffrey Cass points out, this novel, like many works in the Romantic Orientalist canon, has been construed from "all sides of the ideological divide" (235). It has been read simultaneously as reactionary and revolutionary, both anti-Jacobean and Wollstonecraftian at the same time. It eludes easy generic classification. Some critics see a conflict between Hamilton's Orientalism and her feminism. As mentioned previously, Mona Narain sees the novel as complicit with the aims of a "masculinist imperial venture" since it supports a paternalistic vision of a benevolent English empire rescuing the Hindu oppressed from their Muslim oppressors (587). She argues that the novel's critique of English gender norms is "co-opted" and "compromised" by this (598).
But critics like Anne Mellor argue that the novel is a radical interrogation of class politics in England (154) and a radical promotion of Mary Wollstonecraft's political views on female education and companionate marriage (156-57). Hamilton was certainly daring and unfeminine. After all, the scholarly letter was not an acceptable genre for women writers in the late eighteenth century. In fact, of the fifty texts published during the eighteenth century that include a "preliminary dissertation," Hamilton's was the only one authored by a woman. According to Susan Egenolf, Hamilton "must have known that the genre had previously only been the domain of well-educated male authors, so there is some audacity in her decision to employ it" (29-30). Gary Kelly has noted that "footnote novels" were a way for women "to practice [through novel--a genre open to them] learned discourses and [to] engage in political issues conventionally closed to them" (113). Essentially, according to Claire Grogan, Hamilton combined the "elements of the typically masculine genres of Oriental satire and Orientalism" with the feminine genre of the novel "to create her own brand of Orientalist satire" (30).
In doing so, she created an "alternative female discourse on the East" that both contributes to the field of Orientalism and contests it (Grogan 29). While Hamilton presented herself as an Orientalist by incorporating some elements of Orientalism (particularly the idea that Indians were unable to govern themselves until the British colonized and democratized them), she did so as a woman writing a novel, which Grogan says complicates her Orientalism. Moreover, she chose to narrate the novel through the first-person voice of a native Hindu, offering positive views of Hindu culture and religion. Mellor presents an inventory of these positive views when she writes that Hamilton
acknowledges the superior imaginative qualities of Arabic poetry, she celebrates the government of ancient India for its religious tolerance and sustained civil peace; she recognizes that the Hindu caste-system has functioned, as has the English class system, as a 'stabilizing' social force; and she contrasts the 'amiable and benevolent' Hindu character with the 'human butchery' of those European nations who have historically slaughtered each other in religious and political wars. Hamilton is at pains to differentiate a peaceful and prosperous Hindu reign in India from that of an Islamic invasion that brought 'desolation' in its wake. (154)
Hamilton's idealization of Hindu culture was certainly influenced by the racial tolerance propagated by the Indologists of the 1780s and 1790s. Her brother Charles was both the founding member of the Asiatick Society of Bengal and an historian and translator of Indian works. Hamilton drew on both his work and that of other society members, even dedicating her novel to Warren Hastings.
In the "Preliminary Dissertation," Hamilton foregrounds the issue of diet in accounting for the temperament or "constitutional apathy" of this "mild and gentle race--their patience ... under the severest suffering" and their indifference in the face of death (62). But it is in the letters that follow that Hamilton explores the politics of the vegetarian diet. One letter writer, Zaarmilla, is a Hindu raja traveling in England. He is enthusiastic about Christianity, liberty, and casteless societies. He writes to Maandaara, his less enthusiastic friend back in India who attempts to dissuade him from staying in England, by forwarding unflattering portraits of English culture written by a third correspondent, Sheermaal--a skeptical and prejudiced Brahmin just returned home from England.
Zaarmilla can never manage to contain his horror of the "barbarous" eating habits of the English. He recounts one London feast in which he was compelled to excuse himself while the learned guests ate much and left nothing but "the mangled remains of the bipeds and quadrupeds" (232). But Zaarmilla is mild in his criticisms compared to Sheermaal who portrays the meat-eating English nation as cruel and godless and argues that slavery and cruelty to animals are required in a nation bent on procuring "a luxurious repast to the pampered appetites of these voluptuaries" (112). He chastises Zaarmilla for finding it necessary to "sojourn among infidels and impious eaters of blood, in order to acquire knowledge" (101). No other race, he asserts, can exceed the English in their cruelty "to all the other animated inhabitants of the earth" (101). Sheermaal refers to an event he witnessed that filled his soul with "indignation and disgust": the slaughter of a spotted calf--"for whom a thousand holy Fakeers would have risked their lives"--devoured with "savage satisfaction" by the English and not "one pang of remorse" (104). He views the English as being almost incapable of religious devotion until he witnesses their focus during the "poojah of the idols," actually a game of cards (96-97).
Unlike Sheermaal, Zaarmilla is eager to be impressed by British culture. He condemns, however, the hypocrisy of animal lovers and humanitarians who kill or torture animals for sport (6-7; 11-13); the "rapine of county squires who break down fences and spoil fifteen farms in pursuit of a single fox" (217); and the sadistic cruelty of the scientists who kill three hundred sparrows to satisfy their intellectual curiosity (260). Jeffrey Cass argues that this mass murder of sparrows is simply brutal, without meaning, without political, social, or cultural reason (247). According to Cass, the novel overall has "no political point of view and offers only dark satire in which Hamilton inhabits the 'satirical mask' playing the role of a 'bemused cynic'" (250). In the absence of a feminist-vegetarian context, such an interpretation is plausible. But within such a context, the murder of the sparrows is neither "stunning" nor "whimsical," as Cass claims. It is rather the predictable outcome of cultural attitudes and practices that support violence against animals. Zaarmilla says it best when he worries that his mind has been "sufficiently contaminated by the practice of Christians" who "take pleasure in beholding misery inflicted upon any part of the animated creation" (Hamilton 266).
Notwithstanding his horror at the maltreatment of animals, Zaarmilla struggles to retain broadmindedness about the English culture. He says there are a few redeeming Englishmen, after all, although they don't fit in well with the rest of society. Mr. Damly, for example, is a character who despises cruelty to animals. He is virtually an English Brahmin who prefers to spend his time studying nature, botany, poetry, and painting, and he is capable of enjoying a rural scene "without any aide from the misery of inoffensive animals" (293). It is not surprising that he is misunderstood by the neighboring squires who consider him to be a "strange, whimsical sort of creature" (302).
Despite the rare example of a Mr. Damly, in the end, Zaarmilla is forced to admit that it is the cruel feasts of the English that he simply cannot abide: "I nevertheless cannot be ... reconciled to that custom of devouring the flesh of so many ... unoffending animals, whose lives are daily sacrificed, in order to procure a short-lived, and inelegant enjoyment to [English palates]" (170). Finally, he decides that he cannot condone the injustice toward animals and awards superiority to India on the point of diet.
Returning to the question of Hamilton's support for the masculinist imperial project, clearly Hamilton was a staunch defender of Hastings and a promoter of the projects of both the Orientalists and the East India Company. As Tara Ghosal Wallace argues, the novel exculpates the East India Company from any blame of guilt in conquest, particularly the massacre of Afghans during the 1773 Rohilla war (134). Mona Narain adds that it was Hamilton's desire to redeem Hastings and the East India Company that makes her "subsume her ambivalence toward the masculinist imperial venture" (595). In her "Preliminary Dissertation," Hamilton does glorify the work of the Indologists for restoring the "annals of Hindostan" against the attacks of their Muslim conquerors, and Zaarmilla, too, extols the work of the Orientalists (67-70, 152). Zaarmilla ironically endorses the idea of British rulers in India having rescued the natives from Muslim rule when he exalts the British as follows:
Benevolent people of England! It is their desire, that all should be partakers of the same blessings of liberty, which they themselves enjoy. It was doubtless with this glorious view that they sent forth colonies to enlighten and instruct the vast regions of America. To disseminate the love of virtue and freedom, they cultivated the trans-Atlantic isles: and to rescue our nation from the hands of the Oppressor, did this brave and generous people visit the shores of Hindostan. (84)
Clearly, Hamilton's exalting of Hindu vegetarianism did not preclude her support for a national, imperialist agenda. Her criticism of British society, however--its class system, its appetite for fashion, its "luxurious repasts" of meat, its involvement in the slave trade, and, above all, its unrealized vision of women's equality--has been noted by critics, and this criticism does intersect with budding discourses like animal rights and vegetarianism.
It is through the method of multiple narrative viewpoints that Hamilton critiques patriarchy and offers a more "liberating vision of the social roles of women," particularly with regard to education and marriage (Mellor 155). Zaarmilla holds an idealistic view of the liberty of British women until he sees firsthand the inferior quality of the female system of education that instructs women to be materialistic and frivolous. According to Mellor, Hamilton's use of multiple perspectives and an epistolary format does not cause contradictions between her feminism and her so-called imperialism, for through this narrative technique, she allows readers to "occupy and ironically to distance themselves from widely disparate viewpoints" (164). Through it, she also "skillfully unveils her personal vision of utopia," which Mellor describes as "a socialistic democracy based on the pre-Pauline teachings of Jesus Christ, in which women have equality with men, in which souls have neither sex nor color, in which all souls are welcome, and benevolence, mercy and tolerance are extended to every human being" (164). And extended, I might add, to every animal.
As British writers and thinkers first began wrestling with the gendered notion of the vegetarian other, apologists for colonial policies fixed upon the vegetable diet of the Indians as just one among many justifications for Britain's colonial system. But writers like Gibbes, Hamilton, Macaulay, and Hays saw things differently, detecting a solidarity of the oppressed between women and animals, celebrating the vegetarian diet practiced by the "Gentoos." These early feminist-vegetarians happened upon the possibility that the circle of humanity be extended to include lower animals. This was at a time when John Oswald, a British member of the Jacobin Club, was penning the manifesto of modern vegetarianism in the belief that the French Revolution would hold out hope for animals as well as other downtrodden groups. Like Macaulay, Hays, and others, Oswald celebrated the diet practiced by the "Gentoos" and likewise detected in it a solidarity of the oppressed. In The Cry of Nature, he braided together social revolution, animal rights, and vegetarianism, rejoicing that the "barbarous governments of Europe [were] giving way to a better system of things" and welcoming the day "when the growing sentiment of peace and good will toward men ... [would] also embrace, in a wide circle of benevolence, the lower orders of life" (iv). Oswald's was an egalitarian vegetarianism, marking the dawning of a new realization that dietary choices do indeed cut across political commitments.
Oswald's vegetarianism also had "anti-imperialist implications," which can be traced to his time in India (Stuart 297). In 1782, he landed at Bombay as a British army officer to fight against Hyder Ali of Mysore, but while there, he witnessed the rapes and massacres committed by the British against the Indians, and, in protest, he resigned his army post to live among the Hindu population where he took up the practice of vegetarianism (295). In the words of one contemporary, Oswald "lived a considerable time with some Brahmins, who turned his head. From that period he never tasted flesh meat, from what he called a principle of humanity" (qtd. in Erdman 7). According to Tristram Stuart in The Bloodless Revolution, Oswald "perceived that the Indians were exploited by the same imperial machine as ... the British working masses" (295). His "sympathy with the political cause of the Indians merged into acceptance of their sympathy for all members of oppressed species" (295). In Britain, Oswald was part of a "growing and threatening political voice" that combined vegetarianism with "aggressive revolution-peddling" (296-97). In his manifesto, he transformed vegetarianism into "political opposition to the tyrannical British establishment" (306) and a "mandate for democratic revolution" (298). In the end, Oswald lost his life fighting against royalist insurgents to secure what he saw as the "enfranchisement of all sentient life" (306).
In the world imagined variously by Hamilton, Gibbs, Oswald, Hays, and Macaulay, oppression would be conspicuous by its absence. No sentient being would be subject to appropriation, erasure, and consumption. There would be neither meat nor colonial muscle--only fruits, grains, and vegetables--and a widening circle of benevolence in which women, animals, and colonial subjects were embraced.
Adams, Carol J. "Feminism, the Great War, and Modern Vegetarianism." Arms and the Woman: War, Gender, and Literary Representation. Ed. Helen M. Cooper, Adrienne Auslander Munich, and Susan Mcrill Squier. Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1989. 244-67.
--. The Sexual Politics of Meat: A Feminist-Vegetarian Critical Theory. New York: Continuum, 2000.
Barkas, Janet. The Vegetable Passion. New York: Scribner's, 1975.
Beard, Charles. Sexual Neurasthenia: Its Hygiene, Causes, Symptoms, and Treatment. 5th ed. New York: E. B. Treat & Co., 1898.
Cass, Jeffrey. "Revising Romantic Orientalism: Hamilton's Translations of a Hindoo Rajah." On Theorizing Romanticism and Other Essays on the State of Scholarship Today. Ed. Larry H. Peer. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellon, 2008.
Cheyne, George. The English Malady: Or, A Treatise of Nervous Diseases of all Kinds.... London, 1733.
Dow, Alexander. The History of Hindostan, from the Death of Akbar, to the Complete Settlement of the Empire under Aurunzebe.... London, 1770.
Egcnolf, Susan B. "Hamilton's Letters of a Hindoo Rajah and the Making of a Professional Woman Writer." The Art of Political Fiction in Hamilton, Edgeworth, and Owenson. Aldershot: Ashgatc, 2009. 17-42.
Erdman, David V. Commerce des Lumieres: John Oswald and the British in Paris, 1790-1793. Columbia: U of Missouri P, 1986.
Falconer, William. Remarks on the Influence of Climate, Situation, Nature of Country, Population, Nature of Food, and Way of Life.... London, 1781.
Ferguson, Moira. Animal Advocacy and Englishwomen, 1780-1900: Patriots, Nation, and Empire. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1998.
Fox, Michael Allen. Deep Vegetarianism. Philadelphia: Temple UP, 1999.
Franklin, Michael J. Introduction. Hartly House, Calcutta. By Phebe Gibbes. New Delhi: Oxford UP, 2007. xi-lvii.
Gibbes, Phebe. Hartly House, Calcutta. 1789. Ed. Michael J. Franklin. India: Oxford UP, 2007.
Grogan, Claire. "Crossing Genre, Gender and Race in Elizabeth Hamilton's Translations of the Letters of a Hindoo Rajah." Studies in the Novel 34.1 (2002): 21-42.
Hamilton, Eliza. Translations of the Letters of a Hindoo Rajah. 1796. Reprint. Peterborough: Broadview, 1999.
Hays, Mary. Appeal to the Men of Great Britain in Behalf of Women. London, 1798. Facsimile. New York: Garland, 1974.
Hinman, Robert, and Robert B. Harris. The Story of Meat. Chicago: Swift & Company, 1939.
Ives, Edward. A Voyage from England to India, in the Year 1754. London, 1773.
Joseph, Betty. Reading the East India Company, 1720-1840: Colonial Currencies of Gender. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2004.
Joy, Melanie. Why We Love Dogs, Eat Pigs, and Wear Cows: An Introduction to Carnism. San Francisco: Conari, 2009.
Kelly, Gary. Women, Writing, and Revolution 1790-1827. Oxford: Clarendon, 1993.
Kucich, Greg. '"This Horrid Theatre of Human Sufferings': Gendering the Stages of History in Catherine Macaulay and Percy Bysshe Shelley." Lessons of Romanticism: A Critical Companion. Ed. Thomas Pfau and Robert Gleckner. Durham: Duke UP, 1998. 448-65.
Macaulay, Catharine. Letters on Education: With Observations on Religious and Metaphysical Subjects. 1790. Ed. Gina Luria. New York: Garland, 1972. Fern. Controversy in England Ser. 1788-1810.
Mellor, Anne K. "Romantic Orientalism Begins at Home: Elizabeth Hamilton's Translations of the Letters of a Hindoo Rajah." Studies in Romanticism 44 (2003): 151-64.
Munro, Innes. A Narrative of the Military Operations, on the Coromandel Coast, Against the Combined Forces of the French, Dutch, and Hyder Ally Lawn. London, 1789.
Narain, Mona. "Colonial Desires: The Fantasy of Empire and Elizabeth Hamilton's Translations of the Letters of a Hindoo Rajah." Studies in Romanticism 45 (2006): 585-98.
Nicholson, George. On the Conduct of Man to Inferior Animals. London, 1797.
Nussbaum, Felicity A. Torrid Zones: Maternity, Sexuality, and Empire in Eighteenth-Century English Narratives. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1995.
Orme, Robert. History of the Military Transactions of the British Nation in Indostan from the Year 1745.... 2nded. 2 vols. London, 1775.
Oswald, John. The Cry of Nature, or an Appeal to Mercy and Justice, On Behalf of Persecuted Animals. London, 1791.
Ovington, John. A Voyage to Suratt, In the Year, 1689.... London, 1696.
Perry, Ruth. The Celebrated Mary Astell: An Early English Feminist. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1986.
Pope, Alexander. "Essay on Man, epistle 2." The Twickenham Edition of the Poems of Alexander Pope. Ed. John Butt. London: Routledge, 1993.
Regan, Marguerite Marie. "The Roasting of John Bull: Vegetarian Protest in Eighteenth Century English Literature." Diss. University of Arkansas at Fayetteville, 2001.
Reynolds, Nicole. "Phebe Gibbes, Edmund Burke, and the Trials of Empire." Eighteenth-Century Fiction 20 (2008): 151-76.
Rifkin, Jeremy. Beyond Beef: The Rise and Fall of the Cattle Culture. New York: Dutton, 1992.
Schuche, Elke. "'Shafts of Thought': New Wifestyles in Victorian Feminist Periodicals in the 1890s." Nineteenth-Century Feminisms 4 (2001): 118-34.
Sherman, Sandra. "The Feminization of 'Reason' in Hays's The Victim of Prejudice." Centennial Review 49 (1997): 143-72.
Smellie, William. The Philosophy of Natural History. 3rded. Boston, 1829.
Spencer, Colin. The Heretic's Feast: A History of Vegetarianism. Hanover: UP of New England, 1995.
Stuart, Tristram. The Bloodless Revolution: A Cultural History of Vegetarianism from 1600 to Modern Times. New York: Norton, 2006.
Taylor, Thomas. A Vindication of the Rights of Brutes. London, 1792.
Teltscher, Kate. India Inscribed: European & British Writing on India: 1600-1800. Delhi: Oxford UP, 1995.
Thomas, Keith. Man and the Natural World: A History of the Modern Sensibility. New York: Pantheon, 1983.
Tryon, Thomas. A Dialogue Between an East-Indian Brackmanny or Heathen-Philosopher and a French Gentleman Concerning the Present Affairs of Europe. London, 1683.
Twigg, Julia. "Vegetarianism and the Meaning of Meat." The Sociology of Food and Eating. Ed. Anne Murcott. Aldershot: Gower, 1983.
Wallace, Tara Ghosal. "Reading the Metropole: Elizabeth Hamilton's Translations of the Letters of a Hindoo Rajah." Enlightening Romanticism, Romancing the Enlightenment: British Novels from 1750-1832. Ed. Miriam L. Wallace. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2009. 131-41.
Walters, Kerry S., and Lisa Portmess. Ethical Vegetarianism from Pythagoras to Peter Singer. Albany: State U of New York, 1999.
Williams, Howard. An Ethics of Diet: A Catena of Authorities Deprecatory to the Practice of Flesh-Eating. London, 1883.
Young, Thomas. An Essay on Humanity to Animals. London, 1798.
(1) For general overviews of the role of the eighteenth century in the comprehensive history of vegetarianism, sec Spencer and Williams. Sec also the following, which deal with various aspects of vegetarianism: Walters and Portmess, Fox, Thomas 288-303, and Barkas.
(2) Also, in 1850, the American Vegetarian Convention convened in New York and initiated publication of its monthly journal The American Vegetarian and Health Journal. Magazines like the Vegetarian Messenger soon followed.
(3) The virile "Roast beef of Old England" was an emblem of military prowess during the eighteenth century. The British navy was glutted on meat, with each sailor consuming a remarkable 208 pounds of it per year. As early as 1726, England had already achieved eminence as the "beef-eating capital of the world," slaughtering some 100,000 cattle for the London Market alone. See Rifkin 54.
(4) To appreciate how internally conflicted the proto-vegetarianism of the eighteenth century was, consider that the famous physician and vegetarian crusader George Cheyne made use of this same popular idea that vegetable diets make people lazy in order to advocate vegetable-based diets. Cheyne sought to counter the popular and contrary idea that vegetables were not easily assimilated in the body and required strenuous work and exercise to digest. Pointing to the Scots, the Irish, and the Indians as evidence that lazy people have no problem digesting vegetables, he wrote:
Another ... objection against a vegetable diet, I have heard ... is that vegetables require great labour, strong exercises, and much action, to digest and turn them into proper nutriment.... Do not all the Eastern ... people live entirely almost on them? The Asiaticks, Moors, and Indians, whose climates incapacitate them for much labour, and whose indolence is so justly a reproach to them? Are there lazier and less laborious Men than the Highlanders and Native Irish? (Cheyne 302)
(5) Writings such as Beard's would be instrumental in paving the way for the publicists of a meat company in the 1940s to proclaim: "We know meat-eating races have been and arc leaders in the progress made by mankind in its upward struggle through the ages" (Hinman and Harris 1).
(6) This interracial romance has been construed as evidence of both the novel's complicity with and critique of empire. Most discussions interrogate race, gender, and nationality, but none mention the text's vegetarianism. See Nussbaum 182, in which she interrogates race, arguing that Sophia's idealization of the Brahmin is a mask for her attitude of superiority to Indians since her relationship to the Brahmin resembles "England's pretense to an equal and harmonious union with India rather than dominance over it." See also Narain 181, in which she argues that like India itself, the Brahmin is not a subject in his own right but an exotic prop--the mere site of Sophia's rebellion against "strictures of her free space" as she anticipates her later "imprisonment" in a domestic role in England. In contrast to Nussbaum, see Franklin xxiv, in which he argues that Sophia's flirtation with the Brahmin and her openness to and fascination with Hindu culture is "predicated upon the pluralism and enlightened tolerance of ... [the] brief Jonesian period of sympathetic and syncretic admiration for India." See also Teltscher 135-138, in which she discusses the potentially subversive and dangerous situation that exists between an Englishwoman and an Indian man, noting how critics have read Sophia's willingness to entertain interracial sexual desire as either subversive or indicative of racial harmony and humanistic tolerance.
(7) In the 1780s the moral necessity of compassion for animals was becoming normalized. Sec Sarah Trimmer's 1786 Fabulous Histories Designed for the Instruction of Children Respecting their Treatment of Animals. A few years previously, Anna Letitia Barbauld in her Lessons for Children had instructed parents regarding alternatives to the traditional games of English schoolboys--games that often involved the cruel torture of animals. No longer were the standard pastimes of crushing spiders and stealing eggs from birds' nests acceptable. Compassion was becoming fashionable for the children of the 1780s. Ferguson argues that women writers like Sarah Trimmer, Elizabeth Heyrick, Susanna Watts, Anna Sewell, and Frances Power Cobb were "insisting that issues of domesticity, gender, empire, and national identity were connected with the protection of animals" (6).
(8) See Oswald ii. In the advertisement to his 1791 vegetarian manifesto, he expressed his belief that the French Revolution would hold out hope to animals as well as other downtrodden groups.
(9) Just as feminism and animal rights provide the theory, vegetarianism provides the practice. See Adams, Sexual Politics 179.
(10) For an in-depth discussion of the later and more fully articulated link between feminism, vegetarianism, and other political concerns, see Adams, "Feminism, the Great War, and Modern Vegetarianism" 245, in which she discusses the link between vegetarianism and anti-war feminists in the years preceding World War I. See also Schuche 126, in which she discusses the practice of vegetarianism as "an important aspect in Victorian and Edwardian feminism," a practice that could be observed "in the militant as well as the non-militant wing of the women's suffrage movement." In the Victorian feminist magazine Shafts, vegetarianism, along with anti-vivisection (and bicycle riding), was promoted as an alternative lifestyle for the New Woman (124-27).
(11) Kucich refers to Macaulay's History of England (1763-1783), but the insights arc relevant to Letters on Education as well.
(12) While recommendations for at least a semi-vegetarian diet were beginning to appear in women's writing on education during the 1790s, other women writers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had been not only interested in questions of animal rights but attracted to vegetarianism. Mary Astell, according to her biographer, "abstained from meat frequently--certainly more often than her fellow Londoners." See Perry 286. Aphra Bchn wrote a praise poem at the beginning of Thomas Tryon's book on vegetarianism, acknowledging that Tryon's books caused her to experiment with vegetarianism. See Tryon, Way to Health A4. And Margaret Cavendish railed against meat eating as the worst form of murder and tyranny in her poem "The Hunting of the Hare." Sarah Scott's Millennium Hall features a sanctuary where animals were not eaten.
(13) In contrast to Joseph, see Reynolds 168 and 175-76, in which she argues that Sophia is both attracted to and repelled by "networks of colonial wealth and power" (168), and that Gibbes--in choosing to leave the rape case of the Indian woman unresolved, and in choosing to juxtapose Sophia with this "victim of colonial brutality"--demonstrates the inadequacy of Sophia's language of sensibility for "redressing colonial violence" (175-76).
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The city of Cottage Grove will pay $450,000 to settle a lawsuit filed by the mother of a 24-year-old man who died of pneumonia in the city jail three years ago.
Wendy Cooper endorsed the settlement agreement last week, bringing an end to litigation she filed in 2013 that accused the city and a number of police officers of denying proper medical care to her heroin-addicted son, Nathan Cooper, before he died of aspiration pneumonia while serving a jail sentence for possessing a single anti-anxiety pill, for which he did not have a prescription.
According to court records, $180,000 of settlement proceeds will pay Wendy Cooper�s attorneys for their work on the case, with an additional $36,611 going to cover court costs associated with the wrongful-death suit.
The remaining $233,389 will be deposited in an interest-bearing bank account that Wendy Cooper will not be allowed to touch until after it�s decided in court how the money should be split among the beneficiaries, namely her and her son�s father, Troy Pratt.
Nathan Cooper was not married and did not have any children, according to court records. His parents are not married.
Wendy Cooper�s lawyer, Megan Yarnall of Eureka, Calif., said this week that her client filed suit primarily �to ensure that what happened to her son Nathan does not happen to anyone else.�
�It goes without saying that no settlement offer or jury award will make Nathan or Ms. Cooper whole,� Yarnall said. She added that her client hopes the city and its police department �will find that, in the future, the better course is to provide adequate care to inmates under their care and custody, in part by adequately staffing the (jail) and providing appropriate training to the jail staff.�
The settlement agreement does not include any provisions regarding policy changes at the jail, and Cottage Grove City Manager Richard Meyers said the city has not updated police department policies to address issues related to Cooper�s time in custody. Meyers declined comment on the agreement made to settle the lawsuit.
Local governments� insurance carriers often make settlement payments on behalf of their clients in civil cases, although the source of Cooper�s compensation could not be confirmed on Friday.
Police Chief Mike Grover said previously that an internal investigation found that officers followed all department policies and procedures in dealing with Cooper during his time in jail.
Oregon State Police conducted a separate investigation and found no indication that Cooper had died as a result of a crime. A toxicology test revealed no sign of illegal drugs in Cooper�s system at the time of his death, police said.
On April 26, 2012 � nine days before he died � Cooper was booked into the jail to begin serving a 10-day sentence for possession of a Xanax pill.
The very next day, he was released for medical treatment related to drug withdrawal symptoms, police said.
Cooper was ordered to return to jail two days later to complete his sentence. When he did not, Cottage Grove police re-arrested him.
Wendy Cooper�s lawsuit alleged that her son still was showing severe withdrawal signs when he went back to jail to finish the sentence. Nathan Cooper was so sick that he was unable to leave his cell to appear in court on a charge of failing to return from the furlough.
As a result, a judge went to the jail cell, where the judge sentenced Nathan Cooper to additional time behind bars, according to the suit.
While police said officers had monitored Cooper during his time in custody, his mother�s lawsuit claimed that he was not given any kind of medical evaluation and that he experienced uncontrolled vomiting and other symptoms before he was found dead in his cell on the morning of May 5, 2012.
The suit claimed that the city violated Cooper�s constitutional protections against cruel and unusual punishment. It also alleged his treatment violated the Oregon Constitution, and sought unspecified damages under state law for negligence and wrongful death.
Cooper �died alone in his cell from an illness that could have been readily diagnosed and treated by an examining physician,� Yarnall said. �When jails take custody of people with addiction issues, they have a responsibility to treat them with dignity and ensure their civil rights, including the right to appropriate medical care, are not violated as a result of their incarceration.�
Follow Jack on Twitter @JackMoranRG . Email firstname.lastname@example.com .

subset: commoncrawl


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This post may contain affiliate links. I receive a small commission at no cost to you when you make a purchase using my link.
As I continue my wellness journey, I have been eliminating toxins from my diet, and skin care and now I want to detox my home. Home made natural cleaning products sound complicated, time consuming and expensive, but the reality is they are none of these. I have done quite a bit of research and found some great recipes below. My advice would be to start with just one, and as you run out of what you already have, replace it with your own natural alternative.
When I received my Wellness pack of DoTerra Essential Oils, I noticed they had an essential oil called OnGuard. This oil has antibacterial properties, so great to use as a hand sanitiser, or also ideal to use in cleaning products. It is believed to kill the MRSA virus in under 5 minutes, so anyone worried natural cleaning might not be as effective as big brand products, might be reassured by this. DoTerra also do an On Guard Cleaner concentrate which I found to be a really useful ingredient to make some of the products. The other product I absolutely love in this range is the Onguard foaming hand wash. I keep this in my kitchen, as it is great to clean your hands with, before preparing food. I also use it to wash my fruit and vegetables with, which is a task I always struggled to find the right product for.
These cleaning product recipes are the ones I have found to work to work the best, they are simple to make and very effective!
Bathroom Cleaner
- 2 tablespoons Doterra On Guard Cleaner Concentrate
- 24oz water
- Optional add 10 drops of citrus oil or spearmint
Combine all ingredients and add to spray bottle. Shake before use and spray liberally. Wipe with clean warm cloth.
Please note; (not for cat owners whose cats play in the empty bath.)
Carpet Freshener
- 1 cup baking soda
- 20 drops lemon essential oil
- Transfer to a jar with a mesh lid.
Sprinkle on carpet and vacuum off. Please note; not for cat owners
Mirror & Window Cleaner
- 2 cups water
- 1/3 cup vinegar
- 1/3 cup Rubbing alcohol
- 10 drops lemon essential oil
Combine all ingredients in a glass bottle and shake. Spray lightly onto mirror/glass and use a soft cloth to shine.
Since connecting with Amanda Montalvo on my Balancing Hormones post, I have been following her Facebook page Your Non Toxic Life. Amanda has so many great ideas on there and is really knowledgable, I have learned loads from her page and highly recommend it. I have shared her reed diffuser recipe, which I know is not a cleaning product, but I thought I would throw this in!
Amanda Montalvo's Reed Diffuser
You will need a glass bottle (you can reuse an old reed diffuser bottle)
- Reed Diffuser Sticks
- 1 cup almond oil
- 30 drops lemon essential oil
- 20 drops grapefruit (or oil of your choice)
Use a funnel to pour almond oil in the bottle. Mix ingredients around with the sticks, and turn sticks around every day.
Wood Floor Cleaner
- 1 cup Apple Cider Vinegar
- 2 tablespoons Olive Oil
- 1 Litre warm water
- (If you have no cats add 2 drops of lemon essential oil)
Put all ingredients in a bucket. Wash or mop floor with solution, then dry off floor with a dry cloth.
I also signed up to Ruth Heyerdahl's "Clean House Challenge." The challenge is for you to swap all your "normal" cleaning products over to natural ones. Ruth emails you a new recipe and video, on how to do it every day for 5 days. This was really good fun, Ruth has a lot of knowledge, and I have learned loads of great tips from her. Ruth really makes me laugh, so it made a housewife's task an enjoyable one, and I have her permission to share her multi purpose cleaner below too.
Fill glass spray bottle with water.
Add 1/2 teaspoon of Castile Soap and then add a total of 6 drops of essential oils.
- 2 drops of peppermint essential oil
- 3 drops of sweet ("wild") orange essential oil
- 1 drop of tea tree essential oil (or 1 drop of eucalyptus essential oil).
Shake well before use. Do a test spot on surfaces before using. Some surfaces do not like essential oils.
This has been a really fun post to do. I've really enjoyed learning how to make natural cleaning products, and I'm surprised how easy they were to make and how good they are, and so cost effective too.
If you are interested in Ruth's Clean House Challenge,and would like to sign up, you can contact her here., or join her on her Facebook Page or group
Let me know if you try any of these, Happy Cleaning!
Natalie x


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Fantastic ocean views, beautifully maintained 1B/2B condo right on Alii Drive in the heart of Kailua Kona. Remodeled kitchen and baths with a successful vacation rental history. Sold furnished. Walk to restaurants, shops, banking, beaches; all the amenities Kailua Kona has to offer. This one won't last long. Please ask your Realtor to set an appointment for you today! New dishwasher 2018 New oven 2018 Newer refrigerator Exterior additional storage HOA Fees include all but electricity
Coastline, Ocean, Ocean Horizon, Sunset
Front Load, Stacked Washer/Dryer
Dishwasher, Microwave, Range/Oven, Refrigerator
Elite Pacific Properties LLC - Waikoloa
This condominium is located at Kona Alii 504, , it is currently priced $485,000 . This Condo / Townhouse has 1 Bedrooms and 2.00 Bathrooms, totaling 780 Square feet. Built in 1972, this Condo / Townhouse is Contingent. Represented by Sharon Brown of Elite Pacific Properties LLC - Waikoloa, our team of Realtors can represent you at no additional cost.
IDX and Information provided herein is deemed reliable but is not guaranteed by the Hawaii Information Service, Inc. Listing Service. © 2019 Hawaii Information Service. All Rights Reserved. This website is for personal, non-commercial use only.
Listing information last updated on April 22nd, 2019 at 12:55am HST.


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|Sign In|Join Now|Suppliers:Get Listed|Help
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A place on the internet to discuss MSU sports, bourbon, and cigars, tell made up stories and generally act like an idiot when no one is watching. Sarcasm allowed.
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General Hospital GHMB. A fun, friendly place to discuss just about everything.
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A Hi-Def Community for people who want to discuss tv, film, comic books, gaming and many other interests.
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|Aprl 09, 2019
Variety's 2019 Legal Impact Report - Bryan Freedman
View original "Variety-Legal-Impact-Report-2019–Bryan-Freedman" - article by Variety.com
photo: 'Bryan Freedman'| (Credits:Courtesy of Bryan Freedman)
A well-known crisis litigator, Los Angeles-based Freedman received national press attention for extracting Megyn Kelly from NBC Television following the newsoman's on-air blackface comments, reportedly getting her hefty contract paid in full. He also settled employment termination lawsuits for Paramount executives Megan Colligan and Amy Powell. Freedman is trial counsel for Hollywood attorney Jake Bloom defending Johnny Depp's claims, and repped UTA beating back CAA's agent-poaching lawsuit. In a growing industry, hot-potato, he finds that Hollywood companies are struggling to. deal with allegations of long-ago personal misconduct by their employees in prior jobs.
Why I Serve: Freedman says that "being a lawyer seemed to be the most powerful way to help people."
-Robert Marich


text:
P!nk will be on the cover of the November issue of the magazine Shape. In a behind the scene video, the singer speaks about her very athletic body, being a mom, her new tour.
P!nk released her new album The Truth About Love and we have the opportunity listening it with these lyric videos.
After the announcement of the release her new single 'Blow Me (One Last Kiss), P!nk announces the release of her new album, The Truth About Love, on September 18th.
P!nk announced us two weeks ago her new single 'Blow Me (One Last Kiss)' will be released on July 9th but you can already listen it. What do you think?
For all P! Nk's fans, here is a good news! In a video, the singer said that she would release a new single "Blow Me (One Last Kiss)" on July 9th, 2012!
Lezbelib is the online magazine that helps LGBTQ+ women to stay updated with entertaining blogs and breaking news about LGBT rights.


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Video Games
Gamactica Officially Announces Gamactica Women
As the streaming industry continues to experience a boom, and as it continues to evolve during the boom, a social networking website is making sure that female streamers have a way to stand out in a genre dominated by men.
Gamactica announced the launch of a new section of their website, 100% dedicated to supporting, promoting, and empowering female streamers on both Twitch and Mixer.
Let's start with the fact that women in streaming hasn't been a smooth process for the ladies, who have often been met with toxicity, harassment, and "hate", making the importance of a positive section of a rising social platform more pressing.
Streaming is a lucrative industry, and one with no current ceiling, but a Business Insider report from last August, listing the 9 most popular Twitch streams and how much money they make, was noticeably void of women.
Sure, there are a number of factors involved, but it's hard to ignore that women have had an uphill climb to the top of the industry. And there are some talented female Twitch streamers trying to buck that trend.
Professional gaming and streaming has been on the rise for years, and is not going anywhere, but the toxic culture has been a topic of conversation during the industry's rise, and it's important to address it moving forward, with so much money involved.
There is a level of toxicity, and sometimes danger, that exists for women, especially regarding their relationship status, as The Verge reported on. And another, more disturbing report last year from Kotaku on toxicity.
But from popular Twitch streamers to female Mixer streamers trying to build their brand on Twitch's competitor via Mixer streams, positive environments are needed.
For now, Gamactica is focused on building the section of their website for female streamers and female gamers, and building stream teams to bring them all together under one digital roof.
The mission of the outfit is to allow female streamers to benefit from the marketing employed and exposure that Gamactica garners, but creating an environment where streamers can help one another grow and prosper through mutual support.
Gamactica built this concept, motivated by a few instances of seeing toxicity/hate directly aimed at female streamers, and even their own executive team.
Female streamers and female gamers aren't anywhere, and more and more stream teams are recognizing the talent, and recruiting them to their team.
Toxicity will always exist, unfortunately, but with more positive platforms such as Gamactica Women to empower female streamers, it makes their mission a bit harder.
NBA 2K League Announces Livestreaming Partnership with Twitch
Last week, the NBA 2K League officially announced a partnership with Twitch that makes the popular streaming platform the exclusive broadcaster for all league games.
Twitch now will be listed as the official livestreaming partner of the NBA 2K League, as well as one of the league's founding partners, via the new deal.
Earlier in April, the NBA 2K League broadcasted it's inaugural draft live on Twitch streams, an indicator that the two sides were working towards a more permanent working relationship.
The multi-year partnership deal includes all 199 potential games in the NBA 2K League season and the format includes weekly head to head matches, 3 regular season tournaments, a playoff bracket, and the finals.
Additionally, Twitch will assist in developing interactive custom overlays for use in the NBA 2K League broadcast, including other fan engagement initiatives and projects.
"This is a groundbreaking partnership for the NBA 2K League" NBA 2K League managing director Brendan Donohue said.
"Twitch shares our innovative spirit and commitment to putting the gaming community first, and is the ideal home to provide our passionate 2K, NBA, and esports fans around the world with the opportunity to catch all the excitement of our inaugural season."
Twith has been in the business of partnerships such as these, as they reportedly paid $90 million for the exclusive broadcast rights to the Overwatch League back in January of this year.
It's another big "get" for Twitch and will bring even more attention to the millions of Twitch channels on the growing platform, particularly in their Twitch sports section.
It also continues their separation from competitors such as Mixer streams, YouTube gaming, Facebook gaming, Caffeine Streams, and DLive streams, which is being aggressive to become more competitive in the streaming industry.
U.S. Soccer Federation Announces Search for First eNational Team
The United States Soccer Federation has announced that the search is underway for it's first ever eNational Team to compete in the inaugural FIFA eNations Cup set to take place from April 13th to April 14th in London.
The upcoming tournament is looking to become the premier esports competition for FIFA members association and will see six esports teams from all six of FIFA's regional confederations in action with each side competing for the bulk of a $100,000 prize pool ($75,000).
The first members of the United States national team will be selected via the 2019 eMLS Cup which takes place in PAX East on March 30th. The winner and the runner up will qualify for the team.
"The U.S. Soccer eNational Team will provide a unique platform for the best players in our country to represent the United States in a global competition" United States Soccer Chief Commercial and Strategy Officer Jay Berhalter said.
Argentina, Australia, China PR, Denmark, England, Finland, France, Mexico, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, South Africa, Spain and Sweden will join the United States in the tournament, and will likely be broadcast on Twitch streams and potentially Mixer streams as well.
Major League Soccer, Twitch Ink One-Year Partnership
Major League Soccer (MLS) has inked a one-year sponsorship deal with popular streaming platform Twitch, per an official announcement from MLS.
Starting in March, MLS will start streaming the second season of their eMLS Cup, their esports league in conjunction with EA Sports' FIFA franchise.
"FIFA is one of the main generators of the fans that we have" MLS Digital Senior VP Chris Schlosser said, via an official statement. "If you look at it historically – radio built baseball, television built the NFL and NBA, and the internet is building soccer."
The partnership between Twitch and MLS could also include content outside of the eMLS Cup, featuring highlights or media produced by MLS teams, or clips of MLS games moving forward.
"We are looking to do some esports events – this is something we are taking a hard look at" DC United Chief Executive and Managing General Owner Jason Levin said, via an official statement.
"All of esports is a dramatically growing industry. It's an opportunity to engage our current fans and connect with some younger sports fans who don't know as much about DC United. It's an exciting opportunity for us to grow our fanbase more than anything."
It's an exciting time for streaming, particularly on Twitch, as live sports such as the NBA's G League, and MLS are starting to develop Twitch streams to help tap into the streaming market, diversify their digital content, and get more involved with esports teams and esports organizations.
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Not giving a fuck about the consequences, going all out for the boys.
by anakardashian November 29, 2017
An action where the consequences are not thought through. A Full Sender gives no fucks about what might happen after the Send, as long as the Send is hype and there are cameras rolling.
by RonaBoii July 16, 2018
via giphy
by _GriffGriff October 28, 2017
When it's rona season, nobody's gonna beat you in pong, you're a fucking beauty, and you're shotgunning beers with George Hennon.
by George Henon October 31, 2017
V. 100% commitment to doing some heinous shit. Commonly used among skiiers/snowboarders.
by NastyGringo April 08, 2017
To go all out, not caring at all about the consequences.
Ethan: bro let's go pretend to work at apple and just fuck with them
Jon: fuck let's just go FULL SEND
Jon: fuck let's just go FULL SEND
by Lil_bangs November 10, 2017
When your gonna crack a cold one with the boys and when your gonna get fucked up all night long with 905 with the ronas on deck.
by NELK 905 April 21, 2018


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