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Soil nutrient supply is likely to change in the Arctic due to altered process rates associated with climate change. Here, we compare the responses of herbaceous tundra and birch forest understory to fertilization, considering both above- and below-ground responses. We added nitrogen and phosphorus to plots in both vegetation types for three years near Abisko, northern Sweden, and measured the effect on above- and below-ground plant community properties and soil characteristics. Fertilization increased ground-layer shoot mass, the cover of grasses, and tended to enhance total root length below-ground, while it reduced the cover of low statured deciduous dwarf-shrubs. The only statistically significant interaction between vegetation type and fertilization was for grass cover, which increased twofold in forest understory but sixfold in tundra following fertilization. The lack of interactions for other variables suggests that the ground layers in these contrasting vegetation types have similar responses to fertilization. The nutrient-driven increase in grass cover and species-specific differences in productivity and root characters may alter ecosystem dynamics and C cycling in the long-term, but our study indicates that the response of birch forest understory and tundra vegetation may be consistent.
Global changes in climate are expected to have major influences on Arctic ecosystems (Wookey et al., 2009), which are known to be strongly limited by nutrients, particularly nitrogen (N) and phosphorus (P). Many studies have addressed above-ground plant responses to N and P addition (e.g., Chapin et al., 1995; van Wijk et al., 2004; Shaver et al., 2014; Sundqvist et al., 2014; Zamin et al., 2014), revealing increases in density and biomass, shifts in dominant plant functional groups such as increases in deciduous shrubs and grasses, and decreases in lichens and mosses. These above-ground responses to fertilization have been found across both herbaceous and woody vegetation types (Sveinbjornsson et al., 1992; Dormann and Woodin, 2002; Shaver et al., 2014). There is, however, large variation in the way that different Arctic vegetation types respond to altered nutrient supply (van Wijk et al., 2004; Shaver et al., 2014; Sundqvist et al., 2014).
Further, Arctic ecosystems store a large portion of the global carbon (C) pool (Gorham, 1991; Tarnocai et al., 2009), and N and P fertilization leads to a net release of soil C in moist acidic tundra by stimulating decomposition of soil organic matter more than aboveground plant productivity (Mack et al., 2004). Some findings from tundra ecosystems showed increased fine root production in response to fertilization (Nadelhoffer et al., 2002; Mack et al., 2004; Clemmensen and Michelsen, 2006), while others found fertilization resulting in an increase in fine root standing crop but reduced root production (Sullivan et al., 2007). However, despite evidence that plants in high-latitude ecosystems allocate a large proportion of fixed C to roots (Shaver and Billings, 1975; Mokany et al., 2006), little is known about the collective response of above- and below-ground vegetative components to increased nutrient supply. Current knowledge about below-ground responses in tundra comes mostly from grasses, resulting in a pressing need for corresponding information about Arctic woody vegetation, which can also be sensitive to changes in nutrient availability and warming (Iversen et al., 2015).
The functional balance theory predicts that plants shift allocation of resources to maximize uptake of their most limiting resource (Johnson and Thornley, 1987; Cannell and Dewar, 1994). Hence, increasing soil nutrient availability and temperature may often be associated with greater allocation of fixed C to shoots rather than to roots (e.g., Chapin, 1980; Oleksyn et al., 1998; Balogianni et al., 2014). Shifts in plant C allocation in response to nutrient availability and temperature may also affect soil biota associated with plant roots (Wardle et al., 2004). For example, arbuscular mycorrhizal fungi (AMF) respond strongly to certain environmental changes and generally decrease with increased fertilization as plants become less nutrient-limited (Treseder, 2004; Johnson et al., 2013). These patterns are, however, not universal. Fertilization of the Arctic shrub Betula nana increased the mycelial production of their ectomycorrhizal fungi (ECM) associates (Clemmensen et al., 2006), and knowledge of the distribution and role of mycorrhizal fungi across polar regions in general is still limited (Öpik et al., 2013).
To address this gap in knowledge, we explore above- and below-ground plant responses to increased nutrient supply in both herbaceous and woody vegetation. To acheive this goal, we added N and P to plots in two widespread subarctic ecosystem types—tundra and birch forest understory—at high and low elevations, respectively, and measured above-ground plant biomass and community composition, soil nutrient availability and ecosystem respiration, and root length, root diameter, and hyphal length. In these highly nutrient-limited systems, we hypothesize that with greater soil nutrient supply (i.e., N + P fertilization):
(1) Both plant shoot and root growth will increase, but shoot growth will increase more, in line with the functional balance theory.
(2) The relative abundance of deciduous shrubs and grasses will increase in response to fertilization.
(3) Hyphal growth will decline in response to fertilization.
(4) The above- and below-ground plant responses to fertilization will be greatest in the more nutrient-limited tundra compared to in the forest understory.
Testing these hypotheses in two subarctic ecosystems will provide valuable new information about the role of nutrient limitation in governing patterns of plant C allocation across the diverse range of Arctic plant communities under future global changes (Ostle et al., 2009).
The birch forest site was located near Abisko Scientific Research Station, at 400 m a.s.l., Abisko, Sweden (68°N, 18°E). Vegetation was dominated by the tree species Betula pubescens spp. Czerepanovii with an understory of the dwarf shrubs Empetrum nigrum ssp. hermaphroditum and Vaccinium vitis-idea, and the grass Deschampsia flexuosa. The tundra site was situated in Gearggevággi valley, 20 km northwest of Abisko, at 700 m a.s.l. Tundra vegetation was dominated by herbaceous species, grasses, and sedges such as Rumex acetosa, Deschampsia flexuosa, and Carex bigelowii. The mean annual air temperature measured at Abisko is 0 °C and mean annual precipitation is 310 mm (1913–2000; Abisko Scientific Research Station), with most precipitation falling in July (51 mm) and the least in April (12 mm) (Kohler et al., 2006).
In July 2010, we set up a fertilization experiment in the understory vegetation in the birch forest and in the tundra. In each vegetation type, we randomly selected 10 circular plots with a diameter of 2 m, separated by >15 m. Half of the plots were randomly chosen to be fertilized annually with N (10 g N m-2 yr1 as NH4NO3) and P (5 g P m-2 yr-1 as superphosphate), and half were left unfertilized (control plots). Vegetation in our region is co-limited by N and P (Sundqvist et al., 2014), and we used addition rates comparable to other tundra fertilization experiments (e.g., Chapin et al., 1995; Mack et al., 2004). Plots were fertilized in late June, near the beginning of the growing season, for three consecutive years before commencement of measurements.
In September 2012, we measured ground layer shoot mass (excluding trees) in each plot by clipping all above-ground ground layer vegetation in 10 squares of 10 cm × 10 cm. Samples were pooled for each plot, dried at 60 °C to constant weight, and weighed.
At the start of the experiment we inserted a rhizotron tube in the center of each plot (5 cm diameter, 100 cm long), at an angle of 45° relative to the ground surface. In 2012, we collected images (13 × 18 mm) of the upper tube surface, along the length of each tube, using a minirhizotron camera (Bartz Technology, Carpinteria, California). Images were collected at 78 mm intervals from the first image completely beneath the surface to the bottom of the tube, resulting in nine images per tube. In each image we measured the length, diameter, and color (white: younger roots; brown: older, lignified roots) of all roots using Rootfly software (Clemson College of Engineering and Science). Rhizomes can be enumerated with this method, but we found none. We also recorded the length of fungal hyphae (mm). Total root length and diameter, and hyphal length were determined for each tube. Images were not collected from two of the fertilized forest sites because the tubes could not be located in dense vegetation. Images were not collected from two of the control tundra plots because the tubes had been removed by vandals.
In each plot, we collected three to six soil samples of the top 10 cm of the soil using a polyvinyl chloride (PVC) soil corer (4.5 cm diameter). Soil samples were pooled per plot and kept at 4 °C for 48 h, after which samples were sieved (5 mm) to remove stones and plant roots. We determined soil moisture as weight loss after drying a subsample of each soil sample at 105 °C until constant weight and soil organic matter content (SOM) by loss-on-ignition in a muffle furnace (550 °C for 4 h). Soil pH was measured in a soil:water suspension (6 g fresh soil, 60 mL of deionized water) on a Mettler Toledo pH meter (Instrument Teknik, Sweden) after shaking for 12 h at 150 RPM. For soil nutrient analysis, we extracted 6 g subsamples of fresh soil with 80 mL KCl 1M (2 h, 150 RPM) and analyzed concentrations of NH4+, NO3-, and PO43- in the extract colormetrically using an auto analyzer (SEAL Analytical, Sweden).
In the center of each plot, we recorded ecosystem dark respiration within an opaque chamber (150 cm3 ground surface area) sealed to the ground, attached to an infrared gas analyzer (PP Systems, EGM-4 and SRC-1 chamber, Hitchin, U.K.). We calculated CO2 efflux from the linear increase in CO2, concentration over two minutes within the chamber.
Data were analyzed with two-way ANOVAs with vegetation type (V; birch forest understory versus tundra vegetation), fertilization treatment (F; control versus fertilized), and their interaction as fixed factors. We tested the data for homogeneity of variances using a Levene's test and the distribution of the residuals using a Shapiro-Wilk test. Brown root length, hyphal length, soil NH4+ concentration, and ecosystem respiration data were transformed with a natural logarithm to obtain normality. We did not include soil NO3- concentrations in our analyses because these were only above the detection limit in three of our samples. A one-way ANOVA was used to test for the effect of the fertilization treatment for plant functional groups only common within one vegetation type. For the root data, we omitted one observation from a birch forest understory control plot where root length was more than 17 times higher than the root length in the other four control plots at this site. This did not qualitatively affect the outcome of our analyses. To explore plant community responses to fertilization across sites, we first conducted a detrended correspondence analysis (DCA), which revealed a total inertia >4, indicating a unimodal response (ter Braak and Šmilauer, 2002). The plant community data set was therefore further explored using a correspondence analysis (CA), and the sample scores for the first and second axis of the CA were analyzed for the effect of site and fertilizer treatment, exactly as described above. All univariate analyses were performed in IM SPSS Statistics 22, and all multivariate analyses were performed in Canoco 4.5. We report p-values of ≤0.05 as statistically significant differences, and p-values of ≤0.1 as nonsignificant trends.
Ground layer shoot mass was significantly greater in fertilized than in unfertilized plots in both forest understory and tundra, but did not differ between the two vegetation types, nor was it responsive to the vegetation type × fertilization interaction (Fig. 1, part a). Plant species richness was greater in tundra than in forest understory, but did not differ between fertilization treatments (Table 1). A full species list with plant functional group and mycorrhizal type is shown in Appendix Table A1. Plant community composition differed significantly between the two vegetation types, as was indicated by the first axis scores from the CA, and tundra vegetation tended to respond more to fertilization than the forest understory along axis 2 (marginally significant vegetation type × fertilization interaction on CA Axis 2 sample scores) (Fig. 2, Table 1). The cover of plant functional types differed between vegetation types and for some types the cover changed with the fertilization treatment (Fig. 3, Appendix Table A2). The cover of grasses was greatest in the tundra compared to the forest understory, and increased in fertilized compared to control plots, and this was particularly pronounced in tundra vegetation. The cover of deciduous shrubs overall declined with fertilization, while pteridophytes were similar across vegetation types and marginally significantly lower in fertilized plots compared to control plots (Table A2). The cover of evergreen shrubs was greatest in forest understory and unresponsive to fertilization. In tundra, the cover of forbs was marginally significantly higher in the fertilized plots compared to the controls, while sedges were unresponsive to fertilization. Shannon's diversity index did not significantly differ between vegetation types or fertilizer treatments.
Fertilizer addition had no significant effect on any below-ground plant variable, although total root length and hyphal length tended to be increased in fertilized plots (Table 1, Fig 1, part b). Brown root length and hyphal length were both greater in forest understory than in tundra, while total root length, white root length, and root diameter did not differ between vegetation types (Table 1).
Soil NH4+ was greater in fertilized plots, but no other soil abiotic properties responded to fertilization (Appendix Table A3). Concentrations of soil NH4+ and PO4-3 were not different between forest understory and tundra. Soil pH was signficantly lower in forest understory than tundra, while soil moisture content was greater in forest understory (Table A3). Ecosystem respiration did not differ between forest understory and tundra, but tended to be greater in fertilized plots (Table A3).
Fertilization significantly increased plant biomass and grass cover and decreased the cover of deciduous shrubs above-ground, while there was no significant response of roots, indicating that above-ground plant responses to fertilization were stronger than those below-ground. However, our results also revealed a number of marginally significant trends both for above- and below-ground variables, suggesting that continued fertilization could result in greater shifts in plant community composition and increased root length. Further, our results showed that above- and below-ground plant responses to fertilization were generally similar between forest understory and tundra, suggesting that the effects of nutrient addition on vegetation were generally consistent across these contrasting Arctic ecosystem types.
Above- and below-ground plant community properties (mean ± 1 SE) for each of the fertilization treatments (control and fertilized) for birch forest understory (left columns) and tundra (middle columns). The right columns display the statistical results from two-way ANOVAs (F-values, with P-values in parentheses) testing for the effect of vegetation (forest understory vs. tundra) and fertilization (control vs. fertilization), and their interaction, on vegetation properties. Values in boldface represent statistical significance at p < 0.05. Values in italics represent P < 0.10. Degrees of freedom for ground layer biomass, species richness, Shannon's H', and the CA-scores are 1, 14. For all root variables, degrees of freedom are 1, 11.
Our results do not fully support our first hypothesis that fertilization would increase plant resource partitioning above-ground because although shoot mass was significantly greater in fertilized plots, total root length also tended to increase with fertilization. Therefore, our results do not provide strong evidence for the functional balance theory, which predicts that plants would shift C preferably to shoots rather than to roots under increased soil nutrient availability (e.g., Chapin, 1980; Gedroc et al., 1996; Oleksyn et al., 1998; Balogianni et al., 2014), and which has been observed in other studies along natural gradients (Oleksyn et al., 1998; Balogianni et al., 2014). Under conditions where plants allocate more resources above-ground under high nutrient availability, roots may respond to increased nutrient supply by absorbing and translocating more N, rather than by increasing growth (Moar and Wilson, 2006). Although changes in root length in our study may not be directly comparable to changes in root biomass, our findings are broadly consistent with previous work showing increasing above-ground as well as fine root biomass in response to fertilization in the Arctic (Chapin et al., 1995; Nadelhoffer et al., 2002; Mack et al., 2004; Sullivan et al., 2007; Gough et al., 2012). In addition to roots, rhizomes may also respond to changes in nutrient availability (Jónsdóttir and Watson, 1997), but no rhizomes were encountered in our images.
The increase in shoot biomass in response to fertilization was associated with a shift in plant community composition in both vegetation types. Partly in line with our second hypothesis, we found an overall increase in grasses following fertilization, consistent with numerous previous studies (e.g., Parsons et al., 1995; Arens et al., 2008; Gough et al., 2012; Shaver et al., 2014), and this increase was greatest in the tundra. These findings reflect the well-known increase in grasses in nutrient-poor systems undergoing eutrophication (Berendse, 1994). Inconsistent with our prediction, however, we observed a decrease in deciduous shrubs over the course of our experiment. While declines in deciduous shrubs in response to short-term fertilization had been found in other shorter-term studies (Sundqvist et al., 2014), our finding is largely inconsistent with positive responses of deciduous shrubs to more long-term fertilization in the Arctic (Chapin et al., 1995; van Wijk et al., 2004). However, our result does not contradict studies showing positive responses of dwarf-shrubs such as Betula nana to fertilization, because the species that declined in response to fertilization in our system were short-statured deciduous dwarf-shrubs, namely Salix herbacea, Salix polaris, and Vaccinium ssp., which are likely to have become increasingly shaded by increased growth of grasses. This further highlights how generalizations from plant species data classified into plant functional groups should sometimes be made with caution, as species within a functional group may respond very differently to the same environmental factor (Dormann and Woodin, 2002).
Our finding that hyphal length tended to be greater (2–20 times) in fertilized than in unfertilized plots broadly agrees with findings from other subarctic studies revealing increases in fungal biomass and ectomycorrhizal production in response to fertilization (Clemmensen et al., 2006). They could be driven by an increase in the abundance of saprophytes, as has been shown in Alaskan tundra (Deslippe et al., 2011), or by a positive response of root-associated fungi to increased soil nutrient availability, in line with findings of a direct stimulation of ectomycorrhizal mycelial growth in tundra heath vegetation in Abisko, Sweden (Clemmensen et al., 2006). Alternatively, our results could be attributed to plant community responses to fertilization (Clemmensen et al., 2006). whereby the strong increase in grasses resulted in increased arbuscular mycorrizal hyphal length. Further, in a boreal forest ecosystem, ectomycorrhizal fungi have recently been shown to increase N transfer to plants under greater levels of soil nutrient availability (Näsholm et al., 2013). If this is a general pattern, and hence also occurs in tundra ecosystems, fertilization could have stimulated hyphal growth and thereby enhanced the nutrient-acquiring ability of plants. Our data do not allow us to separate out the fungal groups that were most responsive to fertilization, so further studies are required to disentangle the underlying mechanisms driving the observed tendency for a positive response of hyphal length to fertilization in our study system.
We found more differences in plant community characteristics between vegetation types than fertilization treatments. For example, above-ground, forest understory and tundra were significantly different in richness, grass and evergreen shrub cover, and species composition (Table 1, Fig 2). Interestingly, forest understory and tundra were not significantly different in terms of shoot biomass or total root length. Brown root length was significantly greater in forest understory than tundra, suggesting either that roots live longer in forest understory and have more time to undergo lignification, or that roots in forest understory undergo lignification more quickly. Further, hyphal length was 5–10 times greater in forest understory than tundra, reflecting the well-known abundance of mycorrhizal fungi associated with woody vegetation (Steinaker and Wilson, 2008; Öpik et al., 2013).
The lack of a significant interaction between vegetation type and fertilization on above-ground plant biomass and root length provides no support for our third hypothesis that fertilization would result in an overall greater response in the tundra vegetation compared to the forest understory. Instead, these results suggest that when above- and below-ground components are considered together, plant growth responses to fertilization are relatively similar in forest understory and tundra. This similar above- and below-ground plant response across contrasting vegetation types enhances confidence in predictions of Arctic vegetation responses to increased nutrient availability despite the general paucity of data from many widespread vegetation types in the region (Iversen et al., 2015). With regard to plant community responses, however, above-ground plant functional group responses to fertilization have been shown to differ among tundra vegetation types, as well as among communities adapted to different levels of soil fertility and climatic conditions (van Wijk et al., 2004; Sundqvist et al., 2014). Consistent with such findings, and our fourth prediction, the commonly observed rapid response of grasses to nutrient addition (Parsons et al., 1995; Arens et al., 2008) was stronger in tundra than in forest understory in our study (Fig. 3). This is likely related to overall differences in plant community composition between both vegetation types. Ground layer plant communities in the forest displayed a greater overlap between the fertilized and control plots than in the tundra (Fig. 2). The forest understory vegetation was mostly composed of relatively slow-growing evergreen shrubs (Fig. 3) with a lower capacity to respond to resource shifts than the faster-growing, herbaceous species dominating in the tundra. Further, the greater increase in tundra above-ground biomass following fertilization is also possibly associated with greater light availability. In forest understory, grass growth may be primarily constrained by light availability, which inhibits any fertilization-induced growth increase. Overall, our results suggest that soil nutrient availability itself may not necessarily be as important as the characteristics of the dominant species in a community in predicting plant community responses to fertilization (Sundqvist et al., 2014).
Our results show that above- and belowground plant biomass responses to fertilization may be similar between different Arctic vegetation types (Tables 1, A2, and A3), which indicates that remotely sensed increases in productivity across Arctic ecosystems (Myneni et al., 1997; Kimball et al., 2007; Bhatt et al., 2010) may also reflect belowground plant responses. Hence, remotely sensed data on plant biomass may be useful to model predictions of whole plant C storage and exchange by Arctic ecosystems under global change (Qian et al., 2010). Further, the observed trends in our study toward increased root biomass, as well as increased soil respiration under fertilization (Fig. 1, part b; Table A3) support predicted ecosystem responses to global change. For example, the alleviation of nutrient limitation and greater below-ground plant C allocation can stimulate breakdown of recalcitrant soil C (Hartley et al., 2012) and may enhance ecosystem respiration and nutrient cycling (Mack et al., 2004).
In summary, fertilization of forest understory and tundra significantly increased grass cover, decreased the cover of deciduous shrubs, and resulted in similar above-ground biomass and below-ground root responses across both vegetation types. These nutrient-driven changes in the cover of plant functional groups and plant biomass may alter ecosystem processes and C cycling in the long term.
We thank Jon De Long, A. Kadereit, and Lone Ravensbergen for help in the field, and L. Gough and anonymous reviewers for improving the paper. Veen was funded by a RUBICON grant from the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO). Wilson was funded by the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada.
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A list of all species found in the study system, their functional group and mycorrhizal type, and their occurrence (tundra, birch forest understory, or both).
Results from two-way ANOVAs (F-values, with P-values in parentheses) testing for the effect of vegetation (forest understory vs. tundra) and fertilization (control vs. fertilization), and their interaction, on the % cover of grasses, deciduous and evergreen shrubs, and pteridophytes, and one-way ANOVAs testing for the effect of fertilization on sedges and forbs in tundra. Values in boldface represent statistical significance at p < 0.05. Values in italics represent P < 0.10. Degrees of freedom for grasses, deciduous and evergreen shrubs, and pteridophytes are 1, 14. For sedges and forbs, degrees of freedom are 1, 8.
Means (± 1 SE) for soil properties in forest (left columns) and tundra (middle columns). The right columns display the statistical results from two-way ANOVAs (F-values, with P-values in parentheses) testing for the effect of site (birch forest vs. tundra) and fertilization (control vs. fertilization), and their interaction on vegetation properties. Values in boldface represent statistical significance at p < 0.05. Values in italics represent P < 0.10. Degrees of freedom are 1, 12 for soil moisture and respiration; 1, 10 for hyphal length, and 1, 14 for the other variables.
References Cited
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text:
The Swan Hotel Thame hotel is situated in Thame, it offers total of 4 rooms for bookings. The Swan Hotel Thame room prices start from just GBP per room per night. The hotel accepts American Express, Visa, Euro/Mastercard, JCB, Discover,
Set in Thame, The Swan Hotel Thame offers 3star-rated accommodation with a bar. This 3star-rated hotel accommodation offers free WiFi. Each room is fitted with a flat-screen TV with cable channels. All units in the hotel accommodation are equipped with a kettle. The units include a wardrobe. A Full English/Irish breakfast can be enjoyed at the property. Oxford is 22 km from The Swan Hotel Thame. London Heathrow Airport is 58 km from the property.
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subset: commoncrawl


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These drawstring fitted thermal pants for babies are a great option for your little one. With an elastic waistband and working drawstrings, you can always get the perfect fit for your baby, even over a diaper. We make our thermal fitted pants with certified organic cotton that is soft and comfortable. Our baby pants are also made with non-toxic and eco-friendly dyes to create these bright, bold, and beautiful colors, that are also safe for your baby. Create a full and stylish look for your little one by pairing some of these pants with one of our thermal tops!


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University of Iowa Ophthalmology
The following is a brief instructional video tutorial on the appropriate method to perform a cover test in the evaluation of a patient for ocular misalignment or strabismus. The patient should be seated and asked to fixate at distance on an accommodative target. The patient should be wearing their best correction for their refractive error. If the patient is adopting an alternate head position such as a chin up, chin down, face turn or head tilt, they should be placed into a forced primary or straight head position. The single cover test is a test is used to determine if there is a heterotropia or tropia, which is a manifest strabismus or misalignment that is always present. The first eye is covered for approximately 1-2 seconds. As this eye is covered, the uncovered eye is observed for any shift in fixation. The occluder is then removed and any refixation movements are then noted under binocular conditions. If there is no shift in fixation it can mean two things: 1.) The patient is orthotropic or has no misalignment, but this needs to be confirmed by seeing the same thing when the opposite eye is covered; or 2.) The uncovered eye is the fixating or preferred eye in the setting of a heterotropia. Next, the opposite eye is covered in a similar fashion for approximately 1-2 seconds making sure to wait a few seconds from the prior eye as not to suspend fusion and allow for a phoria to manifest. Any shift in fixation of the unoccluded eye is then noted. If the unoccluded eye shifts in, or medially, in a temporal to nasal fashion when the opposite eye is occluded – this means that there is an exotropia, such as in this case. If the unoccluded eye shifts out, or laterally, in a nasal to temporal fashion when the opposite eye is occluded – this means that there is an esotropia. If the unoccluded eye shifts down when the opposite eye is occluded – this means that there is a hypertropia. If the unoccluded eye shifts up when the opposite eye is occluded – this means that there is a hypotropia. If a tropia is present – the angle of deviation can be determined by performing a simultaneous prism cover test. This test is performed by placing a prism of varying strength prism that is oriented in the appropriate direction for the deviation over the non-fixating eye while simultaneously placing an occluder over the fixating or preferred eye until there is no shift in fixation or the deviation is neutralized. This test is typically only used to measure small angle tropias with the idea of not dissociating the patient and bringing out an underlying phoria. It is important that when performing a single cover test that occlusion of each eye is brief as not to suspend binocular fusion and dissociate the patient as this may make the deviation appear larger by superimposing a phoria on top. (see Eyerounds for the conclusion)


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You can view the page at http://www.cruisin.me/forum/news/car...obile-app-237/
You can view the page at http://www.cruisin.me/forum/news/car...obile-app-237/
CRUISIN News - Providing the latest Cruising Industry news headlines for comment and discussion.
I paid 60 for unlimited internet and it was great!
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We were recently on The Breeze, and like the app. Don't have to carry the daily newsletter anymore, it's all on the phone. And it was easy to chat with family members onboard, just have to get their Chat ID. Only problem we had was our cabin was in the back of the ship, it did not work in our room.
We were on the Freedom in November and were not happy with HUB. Messages were delayed hours. Some in our group would get it right away and others much too late. The slow rotated so it had nothing to do with the phone. Very disappointed.
Updates on the app caused it to not work on my Samsung note 3..I'm not buying another phone just to use the app..I sure liked having it though...


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The "pirate" DJ.
The DJ in the Indian Music Industry
The DJ as a figure is often derided in public discourse, the profession being viewed as one that does not require much skill, training or knowledge (as against singers or musicians) and does not produce anything "original"--a profession of "piracy". This tirade against DJs was launched by those who traditionally functioned as musical stars--including singers, music directors/composers and occasionally lyricists--most of these, if not all, well-known because of their work in film music. In 1994, with the rise of Bally Sagoo, one witnesses a change as these categories of performers become secondary to the "music arranger", with the increased presence of the remix. For instance, consider (as one example of many) the cover of a cassette reviewed in the April 28, 1995 issue of Screen Channel, of an album called Bollywood v/s Hollywood (Venus, 1994). The album cover features the name of the music arranger, the person responsible for the remixing--Tabun. The category of music arranger is a traditional category and job within the music industry, and we have yet to encounter the acronym DJ which seems to have different connotations, even if the task is similar to that of the music arranger. Again, Bally Sagoo's name figures on album covers in the place of the artiste, though he is not the singer. What we may infer then is the gradual decline in the importance of the singer and the rise of the figure of the DJ with the remix as a form. After the mid-1990s, individual DJs become star-figures, with names like DJ Aqeel and DJ Suketu, among others, being widely recognized. We may recall certain album covers such as DJ Suketu's 440 Volts (Times Music, 2002) or DJ Aqeel's The Return of Daddy Mix (Universal, 2003). The artiste in each case is the DJ, not the singers or the dancers or others associated with the albums. The appearance of the DJ becomes integral to a new economy that emerges in the context of globalization, and those who are able to command prices of over Rs 50,000 a night for DJ-ing are often referred to as "celebrity DJs" in newspaper and magazine reportage. (1)
For the moment, we may observe that with the singer ceasing to be paramount, voice also seemingly took a backseat, as music, rhythms, and electronic sounds took over. Along with the disappearance of the singer, there was another absence that was gradually becoming noticeable with the greater presence of technologically--driven sounds and beats--the absence of the musician. Of course, this was part of a larger transformation in the industry, which Gregory Booth notes in his book on the musicians of the Bombay film industry. He discusses the case of oboeist Shankar Indorkar who played only once for A.R. Rahman. Rahman recorded all his sounds digitally, and Booth goes on to quote Shankar as saying, "Because he had all my sounds. So you could say he had me." (2) Thus, with electronic technology and sound cards taking over, with the DJ and the remix, instruments and voice were both often left behind. This created a drastic reduction in the work available to musicians, as Booth indicates. It is particularly important to note the value that the DJ's job received toward the end of the 1990s because it coincides with a devaluing of the work of the musician in the industry. With the ability to record music, sounds and samples using computer technology, most studios did not work with the orchestra anymore. The effects and sounds associated with orchestration were rapidly disappearing during this period.
The Mohalla DJ
Another factor to be considered when thinking of the DJ as a figure is the rapid proliferation of sound systems and technologies, especially the non-branded, local varieties of sound systems that emerged in the 1980s and 1990s. (3) Let us consider the story of DJ Ray, one he narrated in 2010 in a personal interview. (4) He came from a lower-middle-class family and trained to become a DJ under different people in the city. There was no institution to learn the tricks of being a turntablist, especially when he started DJ-ing in 1997 at the age of seventeen, with virtually no money; he was lucky enough to have access to sound equipment because his brother dealt in it. Having initially learnt the DJ's art on a turntable, he now uses software to create remixes. A number of small event companies (such as Music Masterzs, a company that he was with) that also deal in sound equipment were a source of employment for him. The rapid rise in the use of sound systems and the appearance of the "DJ" as a desirable presence at events prompted several processes of imitation and neighbourhood {mohalla) DJ-ing.
This mohalla DJ appears in Jeebesh Bagchi's comments on remixes and remixing, which he sees as a "cinema-derived form". The mohalla DJ and his remixes are produced within a largely non-legal city of migrants whose access to material technology and essentials such as electricity and space is created through ad-hoc arrangements. While speaking about the music culture of these spaces Bagchi says, "The amplifiers and recorders are a strand in an extensive web that encompasses diverse music cultures, performative practices and production-distribution networks. These include practices central to the work of neighbourhood DJs who perform at weddings, life-cycle rituals, religious functions and social occasions." (5) Further, he states that traditional markers of leisure, work and everyday life practices are ones that are fluid in this class, due to the intermingling of technology and small entrepreneurial practices, and he indicates how these practices may draw the ire of many, especially with the presence of remixes. (6)
Bagchi urges us not to abandon these sites and spaces in favour of an overwhelming industrialization narrative. What his essay seems to not engage with or talk about is either the knowledge or affective economies that these mohalla DJs or indeed any others participate in. While being unable to track many of the mohalla DJs, I nevertheless attempt to piece together narratives of DJs who in their own words place themselves as coming from the "lower class" or "lower-middle class". While his essay allows us to think through the very crucial infrastructures of piracy and DJ-ing, it does not address that which drives the pirate economy: love for and knowledge of music and movies. Bagchi attempts then to place the figure of the DJ amidst the movement of all kinds of desires and affective regimes: dance, music, community, professional aspirations, knowledge that allows one to choose, and the pirate economy. It is some of these desires, economies and regimes that the essay tracks, concentrating on the narratives that emerged through interviews and ethnographic research with a few DJs who work for the most part in Delhi.
The pirate economy that I sketch is embedded within the structures of aspirations that this pirate culture participates in. These aspirations carry a desire both for upward mobility and for an urban/e sensibility; it may perhaps further be suggested that they are imbricated upon a love for and knowledge of music. The aspirations of DJs arise from the affective and the emotional as well as from the knowledge structures that they participate in while being "pirates". Before moving on to these regimes, perhaps it would be fruitful to locate the economy these DJs belong to, and the social mobility as well as some of the labour practices within this circuit.
Upward Mobility and the Pirate Economy
There is an extraordinary economy that sustains the proliferation of DJ-ing, including a DVD with eighteen different mixing and music-studio-creation softwares (including very popular DJ-ing software such as Ableton, Cubase, Sony ACID base Studio) being sold for as low as Rs 70 in Nehru Place. What the presence and ubiquity of this software does is to heighten the possibility of a studio-less and turntable-less existence. The seller of the software, Rahul insists that he manages to sell at least ten of these DVDs every day and that a number of his customers are DJs. However, while the potential and possibility seems to be created by such a presence it is actually shunned for the most part by those who have been DJ-ing for some years, who say that it is futile to depend only upon laptops and pirated software. The availability of cheap software and its usefulness or lack thereof was explained to me by DJs Vinay and Rishi. They attribute its sales to aspiring DJs at the beginning of their careers who have no knowledge of the worth of the original software, and who are unaware that these pirated copies will stop working in a few days. This simultaneous avowal and disavowal of the pirate economy, in which the DJ participates, is interesting in how it wishes to hold on to the "original" in order to gain legitimacy. Usually, the more a DJ manages to earn, the more money he will actually be able and willing to spend on acquiring software and music; legitimacy and authority go hand in hand with a DJ's money.
This world of piracy has some differences with those described by others who have studied the DJ, such as Amit Rai who speaks of a "new filmi DJ culture" that he sees as having come into being.8 He says that the "new hero of Hindi-Urdu cinema is the cosmopolitan DJ. In keeping with global cultural and economic trends, DJ culture has exploded in India in the past ten years. The DJ has become a ubiquitous figure creating intensive aural timespaces everywhere including music videos, films, art exhibition openings, and wedding receptions." Rai, whose theorization draws upon ethnographies done in Bhopal, concentrates for the most part on the positioning of the body's experience as virtual or affective in these new "ad-hoc media publics" as he terms them. Further, he marks the rise of the DJ and his culture as being part of not only the new media of Bhopal, but also as one that is controlled by the same people/ business families that earlier controlled single-screen theatres in the city. Indeed, the DJ and his economy are not Rais concern, as much as the new media assemblages of DJ equipment and sound equipment/technology are. While he pays some degree of attention to those working alongside the DJ and, as a consequence, does indicate the class and caste structures of those labourers, he seems unconcerned with the details of the labour and industrial economy that the equipment he points to comes along with. For example, for most DJs I spoke with including DJ Rishi, their initial earning was often nil, sometimes for a period as long as a year when they helped other DJs in order to acquire experience. Even as independent DJs they began with as little as Rs 300 per performance (in 2005/06), gradually heading toward Rs 500 and upward. A fellow DJ with whom Rishi works now, DJ Sunny initially earned Rs 3,000 per month. Of the several DJs that were interviewed, only DJ Deepak Mutneja, who moved from Ghaziabad to Delhi, attended an institute. Here he trained under a famous DJ, Sunny Sarid, paying Rs 50,000 in 2005/06 for a three-month programme in order to become a DJ. He started playing at the rather higher fee of Rs 1,000 per performance. He claimed that he was the first DJ from Ghaziabad to come to Delhi and acquire a residency in a five-star hotel, and was extremely concerned about improving his English language skills--a necessity in his world to improve one's social standing. Most of the DJs said they participated in an informal economy of learning music. For the most part, they all worked with one or another DJ or event company for some time, before becoming known for their own work.
Listening and Loving through the Routes of Piracy
Before elaborating upon and thinking through the pedagogic structures, or the lack thereof, a detour through some of the experiences of listening to music that DJs have mixed would be useful, to highlight some of the modes in which the learning of music takes place as well as the vocabulary that is used. For instance, DJs have been placed within a larger discourse of "love" for the songs and singers of the Hindi him music industry. A discussion of DJ Aqeel Ali's music in a newspaper article is a case in point. Ali was described as being "known to be a Kishore Kumar junkie" in an article in Hindustan Times which discussed remix music. (9) Note the term--junkie: Ali is described in the terms of a drug addict. A habit of listening to Kishore Kumar (implying something simultaneously natural and learned); a stoned-out existence on Kishore Kumar; a body suspended between the love of Kishore Kumar and reality. This love for Kishoreda takes on an extraordinary insistence in the case of this listener-creator, making it one wherein the bodily relation with the music and the star is highlighted. The location of the DJ was placed squarely within an affective economy always discussed in terms of excess and their role as listeners was foregrounded.
Other instances within experiences of listening include DJ Vinay's narration. Even while shying away from responding to what he knew of music before he became a DJ or indeed the modes in which he listened to music, he did have this to say: "Main DJ bana kyunki pehli baari jab main club main gay a, Bollywood gaana chal raha tha, gyaaravi/baaravi main tha, toh ek dum se music sun kar accha laga. Us umar main toh vaise bhiyeh sab zyaada pasand aata hail' (I became a DJ because the first time I went to a club, Bollywood music was playing and I immediately felt good listening to it. I was in class 11 or 12, and at that age one always gets very enthusiastic). His response is interesting in relating the immediacy of the relationship established between the music and his desire to be there, be impressed by it and make that listening, with his body, the reason behind why he became a DJ.
When speaking about his experiences of listening, DJ Deepak Mutneja's response was: "Main class 10 main tha, 'perfect age' thi, main cassette recording shop main jaata tha, batata tha kaunse gaane chahiye--us zamane main dus rupaiye lagte the ek gaane ke. Tab se tha ke main music main kuch karoon. Main doston ke systems par, ya unki cassettes se gaane sunta tha, "chartbusters" sunta tha, Chitrahaar dekha, radio par sune ... main jaa kar cassette recording shop par beth jaata tha aur wahaan par sunta rehta tha aur unse poochta tha kaunse gaane loon, kaunse popular hain. (I was in class 10, the perfect age, I used to go to a cassette recording shop and tell them which songs I wanted--then it was Rs 10 per song. Since then I wanted to do something in music. I used to listen to "chartbusters", on friends' systems, watch Bollywood songs on TV, listen to them on the radio ... go and listen at the cassette recording shop and ask them which songs to buy, which were popular [emphasis added].)
This mode of listening to music made Deepak Mutneja already an entrant into the pirate economy. His story may lead us to think about two things: one--that there is to be found in most narratives by DJs this relationship of love with music, and there is a foregrounding of the affective (as also seen in the description of DJ Vinay); two--that the "pirate" (the cassette shop owner/recorder of music) had some knowledge of music that this young boy did not. He not only acquired music from the shop but also knowledge of the "chartbusters", the songs that were most popular at the time. He would sit at the shop and listen to what others were asking for--in other words, much of the knowledge that he gained was through hearsay and potentially incomplete. Songs would exist as songs, sans music directors, composers, singers, lyricists, actors and even actresses, many a time, in these shops that would record songs on cassettes for you. Thus, perhaps it may be suggested that the pirate economy surrounding music, particularly Hindi film music, seems to hinge upon an intimate knowledge that is gained through this hearsay and fragmentary knowledge. This knowledge of music seems to move almost in a rhizomatic manner between listeners and perhaps nowhere more obviously than in the circuits of piracy.
This knowledge is interestingly also related to power, as DJs Vinay and Sunny seem to suggest in their narration. During the course of his being instructed by another DJ in the afternoons, Vinay was told by his bhaiyya (the DJ instructing him), "crowd aapki ungliyon par naachta hai. Jahaan console se aapke ungli uth gayi, wahaan log naachna bandh kardenge" (The crowd dances to the command of your fingers. Where your finger is off the console, the dancing will stop.) Sunny added to this, "You (i.e. the DJ) are ruled by music, aur aap music se hi crowd ko rule karte hain" (The DJ is ruled by music, and he rules the crowd through music.) This vocabulary of control and power indicated by the DJs is interesting, inasmuch as at one level, it is perhaps a way of expressing a control that is unavailable to them, to their class. But, perhaps to understand this relationship only through the prism of class would be reductive. Megan Watkins in a recent essay reminds us of the distinction that Spinoza makes between affectus (force) and affectio (capacity), the force of an affecting body and the impact it leaves on the one affected. (10) Affectio may be fleeting but it may also leave a residue, a lasting impression that produces particular kinds of bodily capacities. Most of the experiences of listening as well as of playing to affect/control the crowd narrated by DJs may perhaps be seen as drawing upon this understanding of affectio. But even more interesting than this vocabulary of control, is the narration of their ways of learning about music from this crowd and from other DJs.
What We Learn: The DJs Education and Ours
Watkins in the same essay highlights the relationship between affect and pedagogy as well. While she uses the relationship between the two to think in terms of classroom teaching techniques, one may perhaps use the connection that she makes in the context of a very different practice, almost entirely informal, of teaching-learning. This culture of "apprenticeship" is perhaps worthy of closer examination, for it is with this that we enter into another node of the knowledge and affective structures that the DJ and the music he plays participate in. It may be productive to consider the apprentice-like structure of the DJ-ing economy through Jean Laves useful phrase/ concept "communities of practice". (11)
Most of the DJs I spoke with referred to those from whom they had learnt as bhaiyya (brother), and DJs like Rishi and Vinay speak of their apprenticeship as being carried out through assisting other more senior DJs at parties, before they could think in terms of working on their own. Thus, the construction of the practitioner's (here the DJ's) identity is, in Laves words, "a collective enterprise and is only partly a matter of an individual's sense of self, biography, and substance". This may be seen alongside the insistence that the DJ's work is a "study of music" (something almost all my informants mentioned). Deepak Mutneja in fact explained step-by-step, in some detail, the process of creating a remix and bringing together two tracks. Now, while of course this is a move to legitimize and create value for the profession of a DJ, it may perhaps also be seen as a move toward consolidating knowledge and pedagogic practices as well, and indeed this "community of practice".
However, in order to understand the relationships within this community of practice, if one accepts the term, one must also look at the even more unstructured modes of learning music that DJs believe they participate in. During the interview DJ Sunny said (and both DJs Rishi and Vinay who were there at the time concurred) that the way they learned about music the most was through being told about a song, which is how for example he heard about "Chamak Chalo"--from a person in the crowd, or over the phone from another DJ, on the internet or through Facebook etc. All one received was the title of the song, or a short bit of the tune. "Updating" oneself, as Sunny put it, is done precisely through this mode, almost like a contagion, where one person's knowledge infects the other; where it is passed on in a random manner, without any further detail. Much like the DJ's experience of listening to songs and gaining knowledge through the pirate economy, the knowledge of the song is passed on, on the basis of the affective force (affectus) it has and the capacity to be affected (affection) it can produce. And, predominantly, it seems this is what forms the basis of a DJ's knowledge. Pedagogy, here, may be seen as being tied to the affective relationship produced by the song itself and to the affective ties of the DJ-ing community.
In conclusion, it appears that the drive of the pirate economy is in fact desire and the affective relationship that exists between the music/song and those who participate in the economy. It may be suggested, therefore, that there is something, in excess of the law, that may even be ungovernable, in this relationship between the DJ and the music he spins. The location of this DJ is perhaps that which will enable a new understanding of the figure of the DJ, different from the Barthesian framework that is often deployed of him inhabiting and embodying the tradition of the musica practica, and perhaps probe instead his labours and loves.
(1) Vinayak Chakravorty, "Shaken, Stirred & Remixes: Sandeep Chowta Unplugged", Hindustan Times (HT City), December 24, 2003, p. 11.
(2) Cited in Gregory Booth, Behind the Curtain: Making Music in Mumbai's Film Studios, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2009, p. 290.
(3) Clinton Hutton makes a strong case for the relationship between sound systems and the DJ in the context of Jamaica and its dancehall traditions. Clinton Hutton, "Forging Identity and Community through Aestheticism and Entertainment: The Sound System and the Rise of the DJ", Caribbean Quarterly, Vol. 53, No. 4, December 2007, pp. 16-31. Accessed at http://www.jstor.org/ stable/40654996. Further, to examine how the networks of pirate infrastructure allowed for the circulation of technology and opened new kinds of configurations within the migrant economy, see Ravi Sundaram, Pirate Modernity: Delhi's Media Urbanism, London/New York: Routledge, 2010.
(4) DJ Ray is a pseudonym, name changed on the informant's request.
(5) Jeebesh Bagchi, "Acceleration and Conflicts: Comments on the Cinematic Object in the 1990s and After", Journal of the Moving Image, December 2006. Accessed at http://www.jmionline.org/ film_journal/jmi_05/article_02.php.
(6) Bagchi says, "This technology-entrepreneurship-performance complex exists within the context of neighbourhood culture that does not constitute separations between the realms of work/home/ leisure. The music system itself could be playing materials of all kind; some of the material would constitute violations of intellectual property law, some would be construed as indecent and immoral provocations by the morality brigade, and sometimes, as in the case of many popular remix numbers, they would be both." Ibid.
(7) As we move to the mohalla DJ, one must remember that many of those DJs that emerge from within this class are not women. The few women who are part of the profession of DJ-ing are those that usually belong to the upper echelons of the middle class. Many such women have been interviewed in interviews in newspapers and magazines; they have been able to release music albums featuring their names. While there is no academic article on women DJs in India, the material available through popular journalistic coverage indicates the above. Also, the conversations I had with most DJs (who were all male and belonging to the lower-middle and middle classes) seemed to indicate a dominantly masculine sociality.
(8) See Amit Rai, Untimely Bollywood: Globalization and India's New Media Assemblage, Durham/ London: Duke University Press, 2009.
(9) Asmita Aggarwal, "Remix Rhythm Gets aTandoori Punch", Hindustan Times (HT City), April 2, 2003, p. 1.
(10) Megan Watkins, "Desiring Recognition, Accumulating Affect", in Melissa Gregg and Gregory J. Seigworth (eds.), The Affect Theory Reader. Durham/London: Duke University Press, 2010, pp. 269-85.
(11) Jean Lave, "Situating Learning in Communities of Practice", available at http://www. ecologyofdesigninhumansystems.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/12/Lave-Situating-learning-incommunities-of-practice.pdf.
Except for figure 1, all illustrations courtesy the writer.
Caption: 1 A DJ at work. Photograph: Shiv Ahuja.
Caption: 2 Poster for The Return of Daddy Mix, a remix album featuring DJ Aqeel.
Caption: 3 Calling card of a Delhi event company.
Caption: 4 Menu card of a DJ remix album, listing Bollywood as well as international "chartbusters".
Please note: Illustration(s) are not available due to copyright restrictions.
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- North America
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Traveling Luck for Brands Airfield North Dakota, United States
The timezone in Brands Airfield is America/Rankin_Inlet
Morning Sunrise at 05:51 and Evening Sunset at 19:46. It's light
Rough GPS position Latitude. 46.8483°, Longitude. -102.4575° , Elevation. 738m
Morning Sunrise at 05:51 and Evening Sunset at 19:46. It's light
Rough GPS position Latitude. 46.8483°, Longitude. -102.4575° , Elevation. 738m
Weather near Brands Airfield Last report from Dickinson, Dickinson Municipal Airport, ND 31.6km awayTemperature: 8°C / 46°F
Wind: 17.3km/h Northeast
Cloud: Few at 5000ft Solid Overcast at 7000ft
Satellite map of Brands Airfield and it's surroudings...
Geographic features & Photographs around Brands Airfield in North Dakota, United States
cemetery a burial place or ground.
- Pioneer Cemetery (4.3km)
- Saint Thomas Cemetery (7.9km)
- Immanuel Cemetery (12km)
- Immanuel Cemetery (12km)
- Evangelical Cemetery (12.4km)
- Pioneer Cemetery (12.5km)
- Saint Marys Cemetery (12.8km)
- Saint Elizabeth Cemetery (23km)
- Dickinson Cemetery (27.8km)
- Saint Wenceslaus Cemetery (28km)
- Saint Patricks Cemetery (28km)
stream a body of running water moving to a lower level in a channel on land.
- Beaver Creek (5.1km)
- Antelope Creek (6km)
- Green River (11.3km)
- Jimmy Creek (15.6km)
- Plum Creek (18.3km)
- Russian Spring Creek (22.4km)
- Dry Creek (25.7km)
- Buffalo Creek (27.7km)
administrative division an administrative division of a country, undifferentiated as to administrative level.
- Taylor, City of (7.5km)
- Gladstone, City of (9.8km)
- East Stark, Unorganized Territory of (12.8km)
- Richardton, City of (13.3km)
- Dickinson North, Unorganized Territory of (25.7km)
- Myran, Township of (27.9km)
school building(s) where instruction in one or more branches of knowledge takes place.
- School Number 4 (16.9km)
- Shipley School Number 4 (17.6km)
- Versippi School (20.7km)
- School Number 1 (21.4km)
- Shipley School Number 3 (23.4km)
- Heart River School Number 4 (27.5km)
Accommodation around Brands Airfield
Quality Inn and Suites Dickinson 71 W Museum Dr, Dickinson
AmericInn Hotel & Suites Dickinson 229 15th Street West, Dickinson
La Quinta Inn & Suites Dickinson 552 12th St W, Dickinson
mountain an elevation standing high above the surrounding area with small summit area, steep slopes and local relief of 300m or more.
- Bratburg Butte (4.3km)
- Young Mans Butte (19km)
- Custer Lookout (25.1km)
- Indian Butte (26.8km)
- Simon Butte (26.9km)
- Long Butte (27.9km)
populated place a city, town, village, or other agglomeration of buildings where people live and work.
range a series of associated ridges or seamounts.
- Davis Buttes (25.4km)
- Dobson Buttes (26km)
- Lime Hills (27.7km)
church a building for public Christian worship.
- Saint Stephens Church (26.5km)
- Christ Church (26.8km)
- Ridgeway Church (27.1km)
dam a barrier constructed across a stream to impound water.
- Assumption Abbey Dam (13.4km)
- Green River Dam (18.2km)
- Pelton Dam (18.5km)
Local Feature A Nearby feature worthy of being marked on a map..
- Boyle (7.2km)
- Sacred Heart Priory (11.5km)
- Assumption Abbey (13.1km)
airport a place where aircraft regularly land and take off, with runways, navigational aids, and major facilities for the commercial handling of passengers and cargo.
- Brands Airfield (0km)
- Richardton Airport (10.5km)
tower a high conspicuous structure, typically much higher than its diameter.
- KRRB-FM (Dickinson) (25.4km)
bridge a structure erected across an obstacle such as a stream, road, etc., in order to carry roads, railroads, and pedestrians across.
- Shipley Bridge (23km)
lake a large inland body of standing water.
- Abbey Lake (14.3km)
second-order administrative division a subdivision of a first-order administrative division.
- Stark County (21.1km)
Wikipedia entries close to Brands Airfield
- Taylor, North Dakota city o city
- Gladstone, North Dakota city o city
- Richardton, North Dakota city o city
- Dickinson, North Dakota city o city
- Dickinson Theodore Roosevelt Regional Airport airport airport
- Hebron, North Dakota city o city
- South Heart, North Dakota city o city
- New England, North Dakota city o city
- Glen Ullin, North Dakota city o city
- Regent, North Dakota city o city
- Manning, North Dakota landmark landmark
- Mott, North Dakota city o city
- Dodge, North Dakota city o city
- Belfield, North Dakota city o city
- Halliday, North Dakota city o city
- Golden Valley, North Dakota city o
Airports close to Brands AirfieldSloulin fld international(ISN), Williston, Usa (197.5km)
Minot international(MOT), Minot, Usa (206km)
Minot afb(MIB), Minot, Usa (220.4km)


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