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A little bit about this print. The Christmas Carol is my husband's favorite Christmas movie/book of all time. Every year around Christmas we are forced asked to watch every version of the movie. Some of my kids like this tradition, others do not (I fall into this category). But it's becoming a tradition and when I saw this book in the digital library I had to use it.
Make sure you save your Word, jpg or Excel files as a pdf. Pdf's are generally easier to print. They can also be secured so that no one can download and change your product. Most programs give you the ability to "save as" to a pdf. If you use an Adobe product like Illustrator, it's part of the program. If you use other art/graphic sites like Canva, Picmonkey you can always convert or print the jpgs to a pdf.


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Avenida Villas
AMCAL Opens Special-Needs Affordable Housing in OC
AMCAL Multi-Housing has opened Avenida Villas. The property is a 29-unit permanent supportive housing facility developed by AMCAL in partnership with the nonprofit A Community of Friends, and was built specifically for underprivileged families and individuals, as well as persons with mental illness.West 30 October 2013 19:32
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Up to [cvs.NetBSD.org] / pkgsrc / devel / glib2
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shop house ideas barn living pole quarter with metal buildings from building.
metal shop with living quarters floor plans barn true, metal houses plans luxury inspirational shop house ideas s, small little coffee shop house ideas planner, shop house ideas the plan awesome craftsman plans,extravagant shop house combination plans ,rustic carriage house plans plan lovely metal shop , shop house ideas,metal shop house ideas unique restored antique barn love the steel , metal building company in buildings are customized a shop, budget home kits steel frame homes metal floor plans for sale.
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The next few months could see the emergence of a new and altogether less predictable Russia. Forthcoming Duma and presidential elections will see gains for nationalistic, anti-western politicians. Having abandoned Marxism, the Russian political class may now be on the verge of exchanging liberal democracy for an ancient form of Muscovite statecraft. Bruce Clark assesses the impact of the new Russia on east-west relationsby Bruce Clark / November 20, 1995 / Leave a comment
Most westerners have come to regard the Russian bear as a mangy and enfeebled creature, but its growl can still command respect, and even fear. When Boris Yeltsin recently held forth against the expansion of Nato, he plainly intended to disturb westerners-and impress his own compatriots-by sounding as blood-curdling as he possibly could. He succeeded quite well. He produced some astonishing statements: one move to bring countries such as Poland, Hungary and the Czech republic into the embrace of the western defence system would "cast Europe into the flames of war" and force Russia to form a new, well-armed military alliance of its own.
The implications of what Yeltsin was saying were spelled out in gory detail by Russian officials to any westerner who cared to listen. The relentless march eastwards of the Atlantic alliance would leave the Russian army no choice but to redeploy tactical nuclear weapons as far westwards as its own sphere of influence would permit-certainly in Belorussia, perhaps even in the Baltic states which Russia might just be forced to reoccupy. The nightmare of a limited nuclear exchange in Europe, which appeared to melt away during the late 1980s under the benign influence of Mikhail Gorbachev, would return to haunt the continent. Russia, in short, could still make the atmosphere very unpleasant if anyone dared to build a new security order which ignored Moscow's interests; and could certainly embarrass western politicians who had cultivated Yeltsin and staked reputations on being able to "manage Russia."
There was a strong element of bluff in these murky hints. Russia's leverage over the policies of its neighbours, having risen sharply in 1992-93, has somewhat waned in recent months, making it harder for Moscow to railroad them into an anti-western military alliance. Nor could Russia itself embark on confrontation with the west without incurring heavy costs: its dependence on western goodwill and credits has eased substantially over the past three years, but it is early days in Russian recovery for the Kremlin to throw down the gauntlet.
Yet the president's words of wrath, artfully backed up by press leaks and sinister messages from middle-ranking officials, still deserve to be taken very seriously: whatever Yeltsin and his entourage are doing, it is more than just tossing a bone to a hungry and disgruntled electorate. The first reason to watch out is that Yeltsin's temper tantrum forms part of an increasingly tough and effective foreign policy in which psychological pressure can be ratcheted up and down very quickly as the moment demands. Within weeks of the presidential outburst the US had taken significant steps towards reassuring Russia that it was something more than a tiresome, irrelevant nuisance: it was soft-pedalling again on Nato expansion, and seeking terms on which to reincorporate Russia into its Bosnian strategy. In return, Yeltsin toned down his rhetoric and made several concessions that bore some domestic cost: for example, he quietly vetoed moves to opt out unilaterally from sanctions against Serbia. If Russia's leadership really was beholden to the whims of an irrationally chauvinist public, it would not be able to switch the psychological pressure on and off in such a sure-footed way.
The other reason to take Yeltsin's angry words seriously is that even if the specific threats he made are illusory, they are a symptom of a tectonic shift in the way Russia's political class, and ordinary Russians, see the world and their country's place in it. The liberalism of Mikhail Gorbachev's "all-human values" is receding further and further into the national memory. As the country's political and ideological masters cast about for some new discourse that would mobilise the nation, and help Russian citizens make sense of their individual and collective circumstances, they are turning increasingly to doctrines with an anti-western flavour. Ideas which were confined until recently to the nationalist extreme of the political spectrum are moving into the mainstream, and winning the support of powerful figures in the Russian establishment. Old-fashioned schools of geopolitics, which place great emphasis on Eurasia as an unbroken space which Russia is destined to dominate, are regaining currency as Gorbachev's utopian humanism and Yeltsin's early flirtation with liberal democracy fade into the background.
Yeltsin's recent show of indignation will not be the last rude shock that Moscow delivers to the west this year. Two years ago the world was horrified by the fact that nearly a quarter of Russia's electorate had voted for Vladimir Zhirinovsky, a fast-talking demagogue who at various times had threatened to subdue the Baltic states by poisoning them with nuclear waste; to subjugate or dismember Iran, Turkey and Afghanistan; and to regain Alaska from the US. In December, the second election to the Duma seems likely to produce an almost equally sensational result, with the revamped Communist Party as the main winner. Under the leadership of a thick-set mathematician from a village deep in central Russia, Gennady Zyuganov, the Party has been toning down the rhetoric of proletarian internationalism and presenting itself as a convert to a form of social democracy. Its power base includes the provincial factory directors who have benefited from Yeltsin's privatisation programme, the class which Zyuganov would call the national bourgeoisie. These are more interested in protectionist trade policies than in full-blooded socialism. But the party's conversion to what westerners would consider a more moderate line should not be exaggerated. Zyuganov shares Zhirinovsky's enthusiasm for the revival of Russia's relationship with old friends such as Serbia and Iraq; the two politicians are variations on a theme.
Zhirinovsky-whose discourse, once stripped of its wilder rantings, is an accurate rendering of at least one strain of Russian establishment thinking-sees no unbridgeable difference of interest between Russia and the main western powers, so long as each acknowledges the other's sphere of influence: Russia's influence in south Asia, America's hegemony in Latin America, and Europe's role in Africa.
Zyuganov's version of communism with a Russian flavour does not propose to restart global confrontation with the west either; but he lays great stress on the deep cultural differences between Russia, with its collectivist tradition, and the cold individualism of the west. Zyuganov's dream is to reconstitute the Soviet Union-and undo the December 1991 agreement under which the leaders of Ukraine, Belorussia and Russia agreed to go their separate ways; this would be accomplished by working with the communist parties in other republics. Zhirinovsky's project, by contrast, is to remake something closer to the Russian empire, with administrative divisions known as gubernii; like all the most hard-nosed Russian nationalists, he believes the Bolsheviks made a mistake in giving too much formal power to the Soviet republics, including the constitutional right to secede.
Zyuganov has done a more convincing job than Zhirinovsky of courting sections of the Russian Orthodox church; but both politicians have entertained the theory that Orthodox Christian Russia has more in common, ideologically and culturally, with the traditional, authoritarian cultures of the Muslim and Turkic world than it has with the Protestants, Catholics, Jews and humanists of the west. A state in which either politician played a significant role would be a disturbing prospect for the Nato allies-and highlight the paradoxical truth (especially difficult for Americans to grasp) that a Christian Russia might turn out at least as suspicious of all things western as atheist Russia was. For the ex-communist nations of central Europe which are urging Nato to take them in, Zyuganov might look marginally less threatening than Zhirinovsky-but only marginally.
Zhirinovsky's personal style-his folksy philistinism, his smutty jokes and his maudlin reminiscences about a poverty-stricken childhood-is a caricature of homo sovieticus, but his political programme belongs to a Tsarist tradition of governance and imperialism. Zyuganov uses the cultural symbols of old-fashioned Slavophile patriotism-the church, the village, the commune, the exploits of the imperial army-while proposing the reconstitution of the Soviet state which ruined Russia's countryside and wrecked its churches. They are plainly fishing in the same ideological waters, at different bends in the river.
The election of a Russian parliament with Zyuganov's communists as the biggest single force would not mean that his party had come to supreme power, any more than Zhirinovsky's electoral success in December 1993 turned his absurdly named Liberal Democrats into Russia's ruling party. The main result of the December 1993 ballot-and one that was obscured by the blaze of publicity over Zhirinovsky-was the approval of a constitution that leaves the president in firm charge of both domestic and foreign policy.
It is just possible that Zyuganov and other critics of the president might win such an overwhelming parliamentary majority that they could start tinkering with the constitution-and ultimately abolish the office of president, as Zyuganov has pledged to do. Any such move would run into strong opposition from Zhirinovsky, who strongly supported Yeltsin's efforts to create a powerful presidency, and whose power base has always overlapped-in a curious way- with that of Yeltsin. In any case, a more likely scenario is that Zyuganov, like Zhirinovsky in 1993, will do well enough to shock the world, and ensure that his ideas have some influence over Russian policy, without seriously challenging the power of Yeltsin and his inner circle of mandarins.
This could set the scene for some high political drama during the first half of next year, in the run-up to presidential elections which are supposed to take place in June. On current indications, it is very hard to imagine Yeltsin winning a fair electoral fight. The polls suggest that he would be trounced by General Aleksandr Lebed, a charismatic paratrooper who sided (conditionally) with the new Russian democracy during the August 1991 events, but has since described Yeltsin as a "minus" and surpassed the president in his choice of extravagant metaphors to describe the consequences of enlarging Nato. (The western allies' bombing raids in Bosnia have caught Russia "with its pants down"-and any move to incorporate Poland into the western bloc would be the trigger for World War Three, the general has declared.)
But in spite of Yeltsin's low popularity rating, the ever-expanding presidential apparatus has such a tight grip on the reins of power-and such a strong vested interest in the incumbent remaining in office, by hook or by crook-that it is becoming harder and harder to imagine anything except nature's course dislodging the present occupant from the Kremlin.
That leaves the president's men two alternatives: either some way must be found to avoid elections and prolong the president's authority, or some stratagem must be devised to ensure that he wins a more-or-less fair electoral contest. The first object could only be achieved by engineering a political crisis; some turn of events which makes it appear that the suspension of the Duma, and/or the extension of Yeltsin's powers, is the only alternative to something much worse. In setting this up, a Duma packed out with communists would be no harm at all-although a parliament dominated by Zhirinovsky's LDP, which has come to the president's aid at all the most critical moments over the last three years, would be even better.
If the Kremlin decides that some constitutional trick is needed to justify the suspension of parliament, the recent experience of other ex-Soviet republics suggests a rich variety of alternatives. Belorussia managed without a parliament for many months, because all legislative elections were declared invalid unless a high quorum of registered voters took part-a condition that was hard to fulfil in conditions of post-Soviet apathy. The parliament of Kazakhstan was dissolved after a court conveniently found irregularities in the elections of a year earlier. In three central Asian republics, the presidents have extended their power to the end of the century by popular plebiscites in which the "yes" vote was predictably close to 99 per cent: these ballots were, of course, judged to be perfectly regular. The latter stratagem might be a little bit too crude for a Russia which is still, on balance, keen to preserve a minimum of democratic credibility in the eyes of the west. But there are certainly plenty of tactics to choose from.
There are some observers of Russia who believe that the presidential entourage has even considered restoring the monarchy-in the person of Georgy Mikhailovich Romanov, a teenage prince who grew up in France and Spain-with Yeltsin as regent. The reburial in St Petersburg next February of the remains of Tsar Nicholas and the slain imperial family will certainly provide the authorities with plenty of opportunity for playing on royalist nostalgia and ascertaining how deep a chord that sentiment can still strike.
It is more likely, however, that Yeltsin or-just conceivably-some other representative of the current ruling circle-will resolve to fight and win presidential elections by stealing some of the ideological clothes worn by Zyuganov, Lebed and all the other politicians who blame the president for toadying to the west and breaking up the Soviet Union. Under one possible outcome, votes in the first round of the presidential election will be scattered between half a dozen candidates, with Zhirinovsky and Yeltsin topping the poll and passing through to a runoff, in which-after some hectic horse-trading-most of the defeated candidates would bequeath their supporter's votes to Yeltsin.
the policies now associated with Yeltsin are no guide to the ones he would follow during a second term, if only because in Russian politics, personalities and policies are rarely correlated in a simple way. Before embarking on his crash programme of industrialisation and collectivisation, Stalin took the precautionary step of neutralising all his associates who had previously favoured that course of action: he wanted that political corner to himself. The coming political showdown is unlikely to be so bloody or dramatic; but it is entirely possible that Yeltsin (or someone else) will simultaneously defeat Zyuganov and his party and adopt a large part of his programme.
In the opposition's platform there are several themes which look likely to be adopted next year, whether the opposition itself succeeds or fails. One is the introduction of policies which explicitly promote the welfare of ethnic Russians, both inside and outside the Russian Federation; and the official acceptance of the principle that the break-up of the Soviet Union has left the (ethnic) Russians a divided nation, in the same way that Germany was divided in the aftermath of the Nazi defeat. It would follow from this that Russians within their own state had a sacred imperative to break down the barriers that divide them from their 25m compatriots living in other ex-Soviet republics-an imperative no less urgent than the German quest for reunification.
In practice, this could mean either forcing the neighbouring republics in question to enter much closer relations with Russia, or at the very least to acknowledge Moscow's role as a protector of ethnic Russians living on their soil. It could also mean the advancement of territorial claims over areas adjacent to Russia-such as northern Kazakhstan or eastern Ukraine-whose population is predominantly of Russian origin.
In fact, this twin-track policy-which might be crudely summarised as "come closer to us or we will break up your territory"-has been practised with some success by the Yeltsin administration, in its dealings with Georgia and Moldova. The governments of both those republics have been forced-by dint of bloody local wars involving Russian and pro-Russian minorities-to accept that they have little hope of regaining control over their territory unless they deal cautiously with Moscow.
General Lebed, as deputy chairman of a Congress of Russian Communities (CRC) which claims 80 branches in Russia and over 40 in other republics, has pledged to help his kinsmen in other republics "to return to the homeland" if they wish, and "to create worthy living conditions for those who prefer to remain outside Russia."
"All means to that end are good," says the general, in a formula which contains a hint of Leninist ruthlessness. As commander of the garrison in Moldova, he was one of the first representatives of Yeltsin's state to say openly that legal niceties-such as the boundaries and sovereignty of internationally recognised states-were less important to him than the higher cause of saving Russian nationhood.
Any explicit proclamation that the Russian Federation belongs first and foremost to its ethnic Russian residents would mark an abrupt change from the principles which were proclaimed by Boris Yeltsin when he nursed the post-Soviet state into existence. He self-consciously rediscovered and redefined an old word-Rossiane-to describe citizens of the Russian Federation regardless of the "nationality" listed on their Soviet identity cards, which might be Jewish, Chechen, Tatar or Yakut. He appeared to be ushering into existence the first modern Russian state-with the possible exception of the provisional government of 1917-which made no distinction between its subjects on grounds of ethnic origin. The Tsarist system -and so far as anyone can tell, the system envisaged by General Lebed-allows and indeed welcomes the presence of non-Russian minorities on the motherland's soil; but they would in some sense be "guests" of the ethnic Russian people, from whom hospitality might be withdrawn abruptly if they misbehaved.
Yuri Skokov, the shadowy technocrat who founded the CRC and recruited General Lebed as its brightest star, has laid out the new principle of "ethnic Russians first" in the following cold-blooded way. In Soviet times, the state was held together by the Marxist principle of proletarian internationalism, and an integrated economy was organised around the needs of heavy, defence-related industries. Now Marxism is dead and heavy industry is in decline; hence there is a vital need for some other glue to hold the state together, some other basis on which to rebuild a mighty state.
"It is obvious that only the (ethnic) Russian people can provide this basis," Skokov believes. "We (therefore) face the need to arouse the national, political and civic consciousness of the ethnic Russians who make up 80 per cent of the population of this country." Skokov describes the ethnic Russians, inside and outside the Russian Federation's current boundaries, as the "state-forming ethnos" who will bind all the other peoples of the post-Soviet space together by their unique culture and sense of historical mission. His use of the word ethnos reflects the influence-possibly unconscious but more likely deliberate-of the Russian philosopher Lev Gumilyov, whose grand, all-embracing theory of history-an intellectual project as ambitious as that of Nietzche or Hegel-has become a kind of semi-secret cult in the upper echelons of the Russian establishment.
Gumilyov-the son of the poet Anna Akhmatova who died in 1992 after spending half his adult life in labour camps-viewed the ethnos or historically established nation as the principal motor of human development. He believed that the eastern Slavs and their Tatar and Mongol "oppressors"-who were really Russia's saviours from a greedy west-had fused to form a "super-ethnos" which was radically different from the older, declining super-ethnos formed by Latins and Teutons. Some of his ideas-in particular the notion of "parasite nations" and "chimera states" which leech off the energy of older, more established civilisations-can easily be read in a spirit of anti-Americanism and anti-Semitism.
Among Gumilyov's most passionate devotees are Anatoly Lukyanov, the Soviet parliamentary chairman who in August 1991 betrayed his old friend Mikhail Gorbachev. His influence is clearly discernible in the thinking of Zyuganov and the neo-communists. Recently, Gumilyov has gained adherents in the political mainstream. A small political party headed by Sergei Shakhrai, a deputy prime minister and adviser to Yeltsin on ethnic and legal affairs, is in the process of publishing Gumilyov's complete works.
When a shrewd, cautious mandarin like Skokov proclaims that Russia is a "state-forming ethnos," what is striking is not his emotional engagement, but his detachment; his decision to play the ethnic Russian card has the feel of something no less studied and deliberate than the leaks to the Russian press which warn of a fresh nuclear stand-off if Nato expands. Skokov and his kind are exponents of Muscovite statecraft in its purest and most ancient form: a tradition which regards no ideology-neither socialism, nationalism, internationalism, religion, atheism nor anything else-as set in stone, and judges every technique or principle by the same litmus: does it help or hurt the cause of Greater Russian statehood?
Throughout the communist period, pure Marxist ideology competed for influence with this older sort of statecraft, whose principle guardian within the Soviet state was the agency variously known as the Cheka, the GPU, the NKVD and the KGB. To see the contrast between these two founts of power, it is only necessary to examine an issue which they approached in radically different ways. For the pure Marxist it is axiomatic that religion should be abolished as soon as possible; to the practitioner of statecraft, the church can be-and in Stalin's time, was-harnessed to the needs of the state, such as galvanising the nation to fight Germany, and "Russifying" Ukraine. The competition between these two traditions-pure Marxism and statecraft-helps to make comprehensible some of the stranger twists and turns of Soviet policy; why, for example, Khrushchev-who revived the Party's influence at the expense of the political police-mounted a furious attack on the church and revived the Marxist notion of "revolutionary justice."
The existence of a tradition whose only guiding principle is infinite flexibility in the service of the state also helps to explain the bewildering pace at which the cleverest representatives of Russia's political class have managed to adapt themselves to the changing requirements of expediency over the past decade: metamorphosing from jaded standard-bearers of an outworn Marxist creed into passionate pro-western idealists, then into caricatures of the grasping western capitalist; and tomorrow perhaps into racially conscious chauvinists with a deep grudge against the west.
Yeltsin himself is too much of a maverick to be a typical exponent of the Russian statecraft tradition, but many of his advisors belong to it, and he has an exceptionally well-tuned grasp of the realities of power, in whatever currency it happens to be defined. In some intuitive way he sensed in 1990-before most of his politburo colleagues-that the sort of power offered by the Soviet Communist party was a dead letter; that Russia's most urgent need was to disengage from unprofitable commitments to allies such as North Korea and Iraq, and to draw on western expertise to rebuild the economy. But there was never anything immutable about his commitment to liberal democracy or western ideals such as equality before the law.
It is entirely possible, therefore, that he will now play the nationalism card, if that is what expediency now demands; and that he will align himself with the policies-with or without the personalities of Skokov and his kind. Skokov's background as the director of a high-technology defence laboratory is in the heart of the Soviet establishment; he has already held high office under Yeltsin and may yet do so again-waving whichever flag is called for by the requirements of the moment.
For all the apparent passion and whimsy of Russian policy in recent years, its hard core has been characterised by hard, unsentimental pragmatism. If Lebed or even Zhirinovsky comes close to real power in Russia-either directly or by proxy-that will not necessarily mean that Russia's foreign policy will be in the grip of the wild uncontrollable hysteria that seems to mark the rhetoric of such politicians. On the contrary, Russia's partners could again find themselves participating in a tough, cleverly played game in which the Kremlin uses every trick at its disposal (including carefully staged displays of wrath) to frighten and cajole its adversaries.
Whatever happens to the old "superpower" relationship in the next few months, the medium-term prognosis for Russia's ties with the US remains murky. If the two countries succeed in amicably co-managing the end of their nuclear stand-off-and it is not yet certain that they will-the relationship looks all too likely to be overshadowed by bitter commercial and geopolitical rivalry in the areas where they developed expertise during the cold war: civil nuclear technology; space; the conventional arms market. The fact that both parties in the nuclear arms race have slashed the amount of hardware they deploy against one another has made their respective arms industries more desperate than ever to sell their wares to third parties, from eastern Europe to the Indian subcontinent.
The brutal war in Chechnya was widely described in the west as not only immoral but irrational-the behaviour of a state which wilfully ignores its own best interests. There are, however, signs that Russia is already capitalising on its precarious control of the Chechen flatlands in a way that presents a direct challenge to the US. It became clear this month that most of the initial output from the oilfields under the Caspian Sea will pass through the heart of Chechyna-despite the ongoing efforts of the US to ensure that its ally Turkey provides the main route for the incipient bonanza.
Furthermore, the medium-term prospects for "decoupling" western Europe from the US-an aim which the Soviet Union pursued relentlessly but with no success during the cold war-now look moderately favourable. Russia's position as an energy supplier to western Europe is growing steadily as the gas pipeline from Siberia puts out more tentacles, and Germany rediscovers its historic role as a supplier of technology and capital to the Russian power industry. This means that if the US ever slides back into confrontation with Russia, it is by no means certain that western Europe would readily follow its American leader.
Already, Russian officials can take satisfaction in the way they have manoeuvred the western nations into forgiving behaviour which they would scarcely condone from anyone else. Russia's meddling in the affairs of its southern neighbours, particularly in the violence-ridden republics of Transcaucasia, has been overlooked. Nato, after some initial grumbling, has devoted much energy to adjusting the treaty on Conventional Forces in Europe in accordance with Russia's latest demands. Most striking of all, the main elements of the Russian-western relationship remained intact despite a war in Chechnya which cost up to 20,000 lives. When Gorbachev's regime had tried to crack down on Lithuania and Latvia in early 1991, claiming about 20 lives, it immediately faced the suspension of credits from the European Community worth more than $400m; Yeltsin's far bloodier campaign, launched in the northern Caucasus last December, did not prevent the International Monetary Fund from granting Russia one of the biggest credits in IMF history, amounting to more than $6bn, in March.
The worst punishment Russia faced because of the Chechnya campaign was the suspension, for about six months, of a trade accord with the European Union; for Moscow, this was a price well worth paying when set against the strategic and economic importance of controlling the pipeline.
By throwing off the shackles of dogmatic communism, with its tiresome insistence on seeing international relations in class terms, and shoring up fraternal parties in distant places where Russia had no real strategic interest, Russian officialdom has been able to refine its prowess in the arts of statecraft and sheer expediency. It has relearned the use of a whole range of instruments through which an objectively weak state can maximise its influence: moral blackmail, furious displays of anger, artificially provoked crises, and the presentation of an enticing image of a Russia where-in return for this or that concession -all would be sweetness and light.
Instead of condescending to Russia, or treating it as a delinquent, half-witted child which requires nothing but feeding and elementary instruction, the western nations will soon need to be honing their own diplomatic skills in the art of seeing through bluff, facing down threats and distinguishing the real from the false. They are dealing with a country whose style of leadership seems at times to have no middle way between doddering incompetence and brilliantly conducted games of make-believe and brinkmanship.
The western policy-makers who thought they could incorporate Moscow's former satellites into Nato, without alienating Russia, have underestimated the bear's intelligence, just as they sometimes overestimate its objective strength. Like it or not, the west faces a hard choice. Should it consolidate its influence in central and eastern Europe by broadening the Atlantic alliance? That would run the risk of accelerating Russia's slide into self-assertive nationalism. It could also plunge those countries excluded from the first wave of Nato expansion into a de facto Russian sphere of influence. Alternatively, should it concentrate on maintaining cordial relations with Russia, in the knowledge that Moscow will exact a higher and higher price? The first course would be a logical one if the west concludes that Moscow itself has opted so firmly for a nationalist, anti-western course that there is no longer any reason to soft-soap the Kremlin in the hope of a coaxing a "good Russia" into existence. But on past form, Russia will never make the mistake of sending such an unequivocal signal; it will do everything in its power to confuse the west and make the risks as difficult as possible to judge. Moscow will keep the west guessing by hinting that if the desired adjustments are made in its strategy, the bear will immediately stop disturbing the forest and revert to a docile, purring slumber.


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PHILADELPHIA, Pa., June 10. -- Three amphibian planes took off from the Philadelphia Navy Yard at 1:25 o'clock this afternoon on the first lap of their journey to the North Pole with the MacMillan expedition. They were manned by six aviators who, judged by their nonchalance, might have been bound on a ten-minute flight to find a cool breeze. View Full Article in Timesmachine »Continue reading the main story
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St. Paul's was partially destroyed in World War II, particularly its interior, which now has a modern appearance. It was quickly and symbolically rebuilt after the war; today it is used mainly for exhibitions and events.
Archäologischer Garten Frankfurt
The Archaeological Garden contains small parts of the oldest recovered buildings: an ancient Roman settlement and the Frankfurt Royal Palace ( Kaiserpfalz Frankfurt ) from the 6th century. The garden is located between the Römerberg and the Cathedral. It was discovered after World War II when the area was heavily bombed and later partly rebuilt. The remains were preserved and are now open to the public. There are plans underway to construct a building on top of the garden but anyhow it is decided that the garden will stay open to the public.
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Yet Brenna offered a Siegfried persuasively young and nimble, both vocally and physically. If his sound sometimes lacked the heft to quite fill the War Memorial, particularly in the lusty Forging Song at the end of Act 1, he more than compensated with the purity of his tone and the delicacy of his phrasing. There was a winning insouciance to his communion with nature in the Act 2 "Forest Murmurs" interlude (even with no forest in sight), and he mustered all his considerable musical eloquence for the enormous love duet with Brünnhilde that concludes the opera.
Perhaps most telling was the climactic Act 3 showdown with the Wanderer (the now-aged Wotan in disguise). This is by some reckonings the heart of the opera — the clash of generations in which the old must give way to the young — and it gained force through the work of both Brenna and bass-baritone Greer Grimsley.
Of all the characters who reappear over the course of the "Ring," Wotan is the one who changes most tellingly. And Grimsley's performance across three nights has been remarkable not only for its individual splendors but for the assurance with which he has traced that long dramatic arc.
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And that in turn made Grimsley's one-on-one interactions with the other performers especially nuanced and poignant. In Act 1, the extended exchange of riddles with Mime (tenor David Cangelosi, in a performance of brilliance and integrity) felt more fraught than usual, a probing of wisdom rather than a simple recap of prior events.
The all-seeing Erda, sung with gleaming intensity by mezzo-soprano Ronnita Miller, seemed to share in the Wanderer's decline; their Act 3 colloquy was an uneasy reunion of long-ago lovers. And in the overweening Alberich of bass-baritone Falk Struckmann — a virtuoso display of robust, glowering malice — Grimsley had an antagonist with whom he could go toe-to-toe.
Soprano Iréne Theorin's Brünnhilde slept patiently atop her rock until it was time to bring the opera to a close in a flood of accurately launched volleys of sound and a deeply affecting vein of emotional turmoil. Raymond Aceto was an imposing Fafner — the dragon here reimagined as a sort of biomorphic steampunk backhoe-cum-lunar-lander — and soprano Stacey Tappan warbled beautifully as the Forest Bird, whom Zambello has conceived as a "bird" in the sense used in mod '60s London.
In the pit, conductor Donald Runnicles embodied both of the evening's themes simultaneously, once again leading the Opera Orchestra through a vibrant performance marked by the drive of an ambitious young go-getter and the sagacity of an elder statesman. Unlike in the drama itself, those qualities found no conflict in his work.
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text: Man I love the way you quote the original email. Does your email client do that and if so what is it? At any rate I find your whole take on the higher power aspect of the steps interesting. My whole problem with 12 step programs for well over a decade was the whole God thing. I didn't believe in it, I had grown up being force fed religion from my father who always liked to speak about God while his actions showed a complete lack of spirituality (or really any Christian ideals even though he claimed to be one). I sort of agreed with Marx that religion was the opiate of the masses, something that would become ironic when I later wished for a belief in God so that I could use the 12 step programs to overcome my opiate addiction. So when I took Ibo the last time I was coming from a place of wanting to clear away whatever resistance I had to the whole God concept. I saw people in NA (including old using buddies) who were staying clean and I wanted that. So I interpreted my last Ibo experience as a 'Matt meets God' kind of thing but I also realized that the interpretation was entirely mine. The truth was that words can never describe it, and indeed it cannot ever be understood in the way I understand what it means to understand. My human brain is not capable of understanding whatever God is. And that new understanding, or perhaps more accurately, that lack of my old understanding about God allowed me to find some value in the steps for the first time in my life. But I too do not believe in an external being with a "will" of it's own for me (at least not the way I understand the concept of will). I don't think God can accurately be described with human terms (other than "love" because we can't really nail down what exactly love means anyway). But I think there are generalities that apply; things that begin to sound Taoist or Zen-like. Things like resistance to what is, is not in accordance with the God's will (you could just as easily say the Tao here). I actually find now that my favorite spiritual readings are Taoist or Zen writings because they most directly and accurately (I feel) approach the mystery of God. They come from an understanding that it can be pointed at, but never actually captured in words. Lao Tzu even says he uses the word Tao because he can't think of a better word for it (paraphrasing). But now-a-days I don't feel like my concept of God is actually very important in terms of putting the steps to use in my life. I can hear people talk about Jeebus (no offense intended to any Christians here I just think it's funny to say Jeebus) without feeling a ton of resistance to it. My sponsor is Jewish, another faith I really don't have any connection to, some of my friends go to church, it's all good. Matt _____ From: UUSEAN at aol.com [mailto:UUSEAN at aol.com] Sent: Thursday, August 04, 2005 11:42 PM To: ibogaine at mindvox.com Subject: Re: [Ibogaine] Why tink flipped -or- an attempt at apologising and explaining... In a message dated 8/4/2005 7:50:43 PM Eastern Standard Time, matt at itsupport.net writes: But there is a sort of psychic damage that occurs when I lie to or steal from my fellow human beings, which to my mind makes honesty more than simply a moral value. But whatever the case, I'll be the first to admit that 12 step programs don't have a monopoly on recovery. Hi Matt, I like your point about psychic damage. From my humanist prospective, I think that this is perhaps where morals and ethics arise from on one level. Stealing and lying hurt. Sex feels good. One reason perhaps stealing and lying hurt is because they hurt the community or perhaps the species perhaps. Of course these are broad generalities. If someone is completely broke and steals a loaf of bread, are they immoral..or just surviving. If someone lied during world two to protect a Jew in the home is there lying immoral? At some point I guess morality and ethics are specific to the situation. If heroin caused great harm in my life and I am dealing them clean, I would feel pain because I am violating my ethical system. Selling to others what causes me great pain. If I have the cash, but steal anyway I am violating my personal ethical system which says that if you should buy not steal. Further, I associate stealing with using, because I only stole while high or to get high, but then I called it boozing so my personal connection is stealing and get high go together. As for the steps, I have friends who have done than over and over and feel they really benefited from them, some who felt that they were kind a neutral or occasionally were harmed form the experience. I go to meeting of folks 20 plus years sober who never touch the steps (sober agnostics). They don't, as I do not, believe in higher powers who remove shortcoming or have a will for me. The sure are not "dry drunks" though. It really is whatever works I guess. Many people on this list practice a form of harm reduction where they remove the most harmful drugs, but continue to smoke weed, other also trip on shrooms or X. they have removed the greatest harm in their lives. There are some also on the list who are in the tough posistion of removing the harm off addiction while still dealing with chronic pain, sometimes still using low doses of opiates. That is tough. So we have the whole spectrum here from 12 step to harm reduction. One amazing thing on this list is that the various views coexist in general peace. Occasional flare ups occur, but for the most part we can exist with our differences. Sorry so long a post! Sean -------------- next part -------------- An HTML attachment was scrubbed... URL: <http://www.mindvox.com/pipermail/ibogaine/attachments/20050805/8415e8e0/attachment.html>


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In Hawaiian, Kailua means "two seas," named because of the two la-goons in the district that run through Kailua Bay. Mainly a residential community, Kailua is just 30 minutes from Honolulu and has a population of about 36,000 residents. The community is accessible from the Pali Highway (Route 61). According to an archaeological excavation report, the earliest settlers in Kailua are believed to have dwelled on the slopes of the Kawainui Marsh as early as 500 AD. In the 16th century, Kailua replaced Waikiki as the residential seat of the Alii Aimoku of Oahu. According to historical accounts, the biggest event in Kailua was in 1795 when King Kamehameha I conquered O'ahu in his mission to unite the Hawaiian Islands. The King granted old Kailua to the chiefs and warriors who had helped him. The land that they received was used for agriculture, such as the cultivation of rice, taro and sugarcane, and eventually to raise cattle. Kailua is home to numerous ancient temple ruins, including the ones at Ulupo Heiau State Historic Site, a temple whose construction was attributed to the legendary Menehuneand which later became a luakini, dedicated to human sacrifice.
Often called Hawaii's best beach, Kailua Beach is about two miles long and crescent-shaped. It's a popular location for surfing and body surfing due to its light to medium waves. Kailua Beach also has steady trade winds that make it one of the world's best kite surfing and windsurfing spots.
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Source:Honolulu Real Estate Book
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TV & Film
Welcome Ladies and Gentlemen to a VERY special episode of the Epic Film Guys podcast... Episode 150!!!! As of recording night, July 2nd, we are also celebrating 3 years of the Epic Film Guys podcast and we want to thank all of you for all of your amazing support along this incredible journey.
This week on the show, we are jumping into a review of Sicario: Day of the Soldado, and we're also checking out the crazy trailer for Mandy in a quick dash of Epic Previews. All this and Justin has seen the Mr. Rogers documentary, Won't You Be My Neighbor? much to Nick's chagrin, since it has yet to open in his market. Thank you all so much for listening! We'll see you at the movies!
Please make a donation to Perry & Lindsay's GoFundMe to help them raise money for medical costs associated with Perry's cancer diagnosis: https://www.gofundme.com/hello-cancer-wtf?member=137506.
Where to Find Us
Apple Podcasts: https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/epic-film-guys-podcast/id1027239734
Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/7HLugZWXbUgT6DlkuVz93R
The Hobster's Dumpster: https://www.facebook.com/groups/epicfilmguys
Feed URL: http://epicfilmguys.podbean.com/feed/
Redbubble: http://www.redbubble.com/people/epicfilmguys
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Wordpress: http://epicfilmguys.wordpress.com
YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/user/epicfilmguysny/live
Twitch: http://www.twitch.tv/epicfilmguys
Discord: https://discord.gg/wMUjrtX
You can also catch us on most every podcatcher under the sun! Search for us on BluBrry, Stitcher, Spreaker, Google Podcasts, Overcast, and many others. Search and you will find us!
Meet the Epic Film Guys
Epic Film Guy Nick lives in upstate NY and graduated from Clarion University of PA in 2010 with a degree in English (writing). While in college he studied film as part of a film studies minor and made a couple short films. He handles the sound production and editing of the show as well as its release and manages the twitter account @EpicFilmGuys.
Epic Film Guy Justin lives in a suburb of Washington D.C. after moving from the Binghamton, NY area with his wife and daughter. He is our resident "encyclopedia of film" and chances are, if you've heard some film news, Justin already heard it before you. A massive fan of the 80s and horror flicks of all shapes and sizes! Catch him on Facebook or our Instagram account @EpicFilmGuys.
Learn the full history of the Epic Film Guys by visiting http://epicfilmguys.wordpress.com/about-us/.
Our Sponsors
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Want free swag for a buck a month? Want your own sound on the soundboard? How about some shirts, stickers, and pint glasses? Access to hours and hours of extended content every single week, from longer cuts of episodes, our patron-only pre-roll, and much much more... for a BUCK! Learn how you can be one of the elites at https://www.patreon.com/epicfilmguys.
Friends of the Show
We've been members of the amazing podcasting community for a long time, and during that time we've run into so many incredible people who have kept us going and inspired us in countless ways, and we want to thank them and, if you're checking out our show, please consider checking them out as well!
Our brothers in Perth, Paul & Wayne on The Countdown Movie & TV reviews, who have been amazing supporters and friends almost since the very beginning. Paul in particular has been amazing in opening us up to an audience halfway around the world and really helped shape the show with his feedback. Find them at http://www.comicconpod.com/countdown/!
The incredible Emily Prokop of The Story Behind, who is also one of our oldest and dearest friends. Her knowledge of podcasting and help throughout our run has helped us in so many ways, especially in the show's developing audio quality. Find her incredible show at http://thestorybehindpodcast.com/!
Get your rundown on all things Netflix with my best friends Caleb and Dan on Netflix 'n Swill at https://www.netflixnswill.com!
Love comedy? Check out Randy and Tommy on the Miserable Retail Slave at https://www.miserableretailslave.com/.
Prepare to laugh with Adam and Bryon from Everyone Has a Podcast at https://www.ehappodcast.com/.
Check out the amazingly talented Mr. X on the Angry Old Man podcast at http://www.angryoldmanpodcast.com/.
Toss the rails out the window with Afterburn 739 at http://afterburn739.com/.
Check out three amazing Nicks and their show Fanthropological at http://thenickscast.com/.
Listen to the amazing stories of Juliette Miranda- produced by her amazing husband David the Producer- at http://theunwritablerant.libsyn.com/.
If you love true crime, you've got to check out the amazing Deana Marie at https://twistedphilly.com/.
Listen to the amazing and inspirational Heather on Sunshine and Power Cuts at http://sunshineandpowercuts.com/.
Give a listen to two of the most wonderful podcasters and people I have ever met, Perry and Lindsay Johnson, at https://www.hellolifewtf.com/ and at https://thepodstuff.podbean.com/.
If you're a fan of role-playing, check out LootQuest by Bryan Shampu! It's an amazing show that you can hear at https://lootquest.podbean.com/.
Listen to my arch-nemesis (and great friend) Justin Winters and his wife Krissy on So I Married a Movie Geek at https://soimarriedamoviegeek.podbean.com.
Movie-mash-ups done beautifully are what you'll get on Who Spiked the Puns? with Fuzzy Dan and John! Listen at http://whospikedthepuns.com/!
Jake and Tom Conquer the World features two amazing podcasters taking over the world one show at a time. Listen at http://drunkendorkpodcast.libsyn.com/!
There are countless others who have positively impacted us along the way as well, and we are deeply indebted to them for their amazing influence on our show and in the community. Check out the hashtags #PodernFamily, #MoviePodSquad, and #WLIPodPeeps for more amazing indie podcasters. We were also members of the Podfix Network, which is a wonderful group of shows you can find at https://www.podfixnetwork.com/.
Recent Appearances & Crossovers
I was thrilled not only to write another short play to be performed on the Angry Old Man Podcast, but I was also Mr. X's very first guest! Please check out this amazing episode at http://angryoldmanpodcast.com/angry-old-man-podcast-episode-195!
I took another trip to the West Coast to visit my arch-nemesis Justin Winters on So I Married a Movie Geek for another movie draft, this one focusing on 2000s Action Movies! It was an amazing show, please check it out at https://soimarriedamoviegeek.podbean.com/e/episode-214-fantasy-movie-draft-2000s-action/!
Allen of I Seen That invited me onto his show to talk about Jurassic World: Fallen Kingdom! Check out the video review at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kGvFOONeNnc!
I had the pleasure of joining Jake and Tom Conquer the World to talk about celebrities and personalities gone too soon. Please check it out at http://drunkendorkpodcast.libsyn.com/episode-106-campfire-chats-vol-ii-gone-too-soon!
Epic Film Guys Intro written by Jordan Greene. Check him out on Instagram @jordangreenemusic and Facebook Jordan Greene Music, and look for Aviera coming soon!
"Black Hole" by Axhom. Find the entire royalty-free album on Youtube at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OQSDFCuLwis.
Outro music "Redemption" by Mattia Cuppeli. Find this and subscribe to him on YouTube at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OVBpKlBveiI.
Episode 190 - Hell Exists, and it stars David Harbour
Livestream for the Cure 2.0 - Lethal Weapon Movie Cocktail
Episode 189 - The Pet Sematary, where Human Character Development goes to Die
Livestream for the Cure 2.0 - Dic Picks w/ Netflix 'n Swill!
Episode 188 - Fake Elephant Out-Acts Colin Farrell
Minisode 027 - Shazam! Spoiler-Free 'till 36:06!
Episode 187 - Jordan Peele Terrifies (with) Us!
Episode 186 - The Top Ten Sylvester Stallone Flicks!
Livestream for the Cure 2.0 - Interrupted Tales reads Harold Ward's The Failure!
Episode 185 - Captain Marvel Sputters, then Soars!
Livestream for the Cure 2.0 - Childhood Favorites & Guilty Pleasure Flicks
Episode 184 - Be Empowered by Nature
Oscars 2019: We Ain't Afraid of No Host!
Livestream for the Cure 2.0 - Quentin Tarantino Retrospective
Episode 182 - Alita: Battle Angel Ain't Half Bad!!
Episode 181 - R-Pat-Man, Genie, and our 2011 Retrospective!
Episode 180 - Velvet Buzzsaw & The Eternally Long Trailer
Episode 179 - Most Anticipated of 2019
Episode 178 - Ghostbusters, Oscars, and Glass
Episode 177 - 2010 Retrospective
More Gooder Than Podcast
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Hi Conor,
This is because the sides are over passing the bottom, a limitation in Polyboard only activates side plinths when the sides are sitting on the bottom.
To get around this select the lower volume and add an upright.
The following users say thank you to Ness for this useful post:Conor Devoy
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The Trade Brokers are what we call the windows to the system. Their role is to assist an existing portfolio of clients in both the buying and selling of products and services. The Trade Brokers are responsible to make sure that the clients they consult with are aware of barter opportunities that may be of interest to them which helps our clients grow thier business!
In his analysis of barter between coastal and inland villages in the Trobriand Islands, Keith Hart highlighted the difference between highly ceremonial gift exchange between community leaders, and the barter that occurs between individual households. The haggling that takes place between strangers is possible because of the larger temporary political order established by the gift exchanges of leaders. From this he concludes that barter is "an atomized interaction predicated upon the presence of society" (i.e. that social order established by gift exchange), and not typical between complete strangers.[13]
Companies may want to barter their products for other products because they do not have the credit or cash to buy those goods. It is an efficient way to trade because the risks of foreign exchange are eliminated. The most common contemporary example of business-to-business barter transactions is an exchange of advertising time or space; it is typical for smaller firms to trade the rights to advertise on each others' business spaces. Bartering also occurs among companies and individuals. For example, an accounting firm can provide an accounting report for an electrician in exchange for having its offices rewired by the electrician.
Price: CAD $240 We are a Toronto based online smoke shop + vape store and an official authorized retailer for multiple brands. We carry 100% authentic original factory products, everything is as advertised and competitively priced. Come check us at www.lazypanda.ca. We ship worldwide and provide same day shipping on all orders placed before 2pm EST. Acceptable forms of payments include PAYPAL, debit, e-transfer and visa. What's in the Kit: - 1x Bolt Pro 2 - 1x Bolt Pro 2 Case - 1x Extra Heating Rod - 1x Spill-Proof Glass Attachment - 1x Quartz Nail - 1x Titanium Nail - 1x Ceramic Nail - 1x USB Charger - 1x Magnetic Dab Tool - 1x Silicon Protector - 1x Silicon Container - 1x 18650 Battery - 1x Magnetic Stand The Bolt Pro 2 Is The Most Advanced Bolt yet. Take your dab experience to the highest level with this all-in-one kit with precise temperature control and industry-leading ceramic heat technology. Features adjustable temperature, XL heating rod and nails and replaceable 18650 battery.
Barter-based economies are one of the earliest, predating monetary systems and even recorded history. People can successfully use barter in many almost any field. Informally, people often participate in barter and other reciprocal systems without really ever thinking about it as such -- for example, providing web design or tech support for a farmer or baker and receiving vegetables or baked goods in return. Strictly Internet-based exchanges are common as well, for example exchanging content creation for research.
Bartering is based on a simple concept: Two individuals negotiate to determine the relative value of their goods and services and offer them to one another in an even exchange. It is the oldest form of commerce, dating back to at time before hard currency even existed. (Learn more about how bartering evolved, read The History of Money: From Barter To Banknotes.)
When the year-long Barter Babes experiment finished at the end of 2011, Simmons discovered she didn't want to go back to Bay Street. Instead, she launched her own financial advice business, the New School of Finance. She rents office space at Queen and Bathurst, and many of her clients are former Barter Babes. Her focus is on easily digestible advice, socially conscious investment and creative solutions like barter. Simmons doesn't recommend that anybody live entirely on swapping: it's too hard. But she still barters. Recently, after getting engaged to Matt, she swapped a full year of tax and business financial advice for a $3,700 wedding photography package. The photographer is a Barter Babe who has, in turn, traded her services for yoga classes and a self-defence class for herself and 20 friends. On the day I met Simmons, she was wearing a shirt and a pair of jeans from a clothing swap, matched with a trendy floral jacket she bought from Coal Miner's Daughter, a boutique co-owned by Barter Babe No. 81.
On paper, this sounds a bit like delayed barter, but it bears some significant differences. For one thing, it's much more efficient than Smith's idea of a barter system, since it doesn't depend on each person simultaneously having what the other wants. It's also not tit for tat: No one ever assigns a specific value to the meat or cake or house-building labor, meaning debts can't be transferred.


text: Disappearing Glasgow July 18, 2018 LESLIE, CHRIS AND RODGER, JOHNNY Author: LESLIE, CHRIS AND RODGER, JOHNNY Publisher: N.A ISBN: 9781911332497 Category: Page: 192 View: 5394 Continue Reading → Glasgow is not just famous for its humor, its shipyards, and its bold Victorian architecture, built in the days when it was the "second city of the Empire." It's also renowned as the home in the UK of the failed experiment with modernist architecture in the 1950s and 1960s--where those cleared from 19th century slums of the Gorbals and Govan were housed in vast tower block estates far from the city center, devoid of facilities and a sense of community. Initially a huge improvement on existing living conditions, a lack of investment and poor build quality meant these bold visions of the future soon fell into neglect. Here acclaimed photographer Chris Leslie and author and Professor of Architecture at Glasgow School of Art Johnny Rodger examine Glasgow's process of demolishing these contentious estates. For some they are blights on the city's international reputation, for some an important attempt to redefine the way we live, and for others they were home. This is a beautiful, highly visual book that is both fascinating and moving in equal measure.


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- Pre-order Kate's new album 'Director's Cut' from Amazon UK: CD | Deluxe 3-Disc Set | Vinyl
BBC Radio 2 world single premiere! Exclusive audio clip!" rel="bookmark" href="http://www.katebushnews.com/index.php/2011/03/bbc-radio2-world-single-premier-exclusive-video-clip/">BBC Radio 2 world single premiere! Exclusive audio clip!Posted on March 30, 2011 by Seán
From the official Facebook page:
Radio 2 will be the first radio station in the world to play the new Kate Bush single, "Deeper Understanding" on Monday 4 April 2011. The song will be played within the Ken Bruce show at approximately 11.10am. Ken Bruce told us 'The listeners to my show are very vocal when it comes to their musical loves, so I know that having the world exclusive of Kate's new single will surpass their extremely high standards. I can't wait to hear it myself.'
The song will be the Record of the Week on Radio2 and will be played each day on the Ken Bruce's Show and Alex Lester's programme. Jeff Smith, Head of Music, Radio 2 and 6 Music - "Kate's music is as influential today as it was when it was first released, so I'm delighted to have this world exclusive.
To celebrate the news from Radio 2… We bring you love and Deeper Understanding…


text:
To whom does this apply: Only partners using client applications with default RushFiles branding.
The appropriate download links to all client applications must be entered in the section "DOWNLOAD LINKS FOR CLIENTS" in the reseller panel.
To do this, simply login to the reseller site, and click the "URLs" tab in the menu.
The download links to the default RushFiles branded clients are:
- Windows desktop client: https://update.rushfiles.com/installer/clientpc/rf_installer.exe
- MAC OSX client: https://update.rushfiles.com/MacClient/CloudDrive_installer.pkg
- iOS client: https://itunes.apple.com/dk/app/clouddrives/id716007009?l=da&mt=8
- Android client: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.rushfiles.clouddrive


text:
News and tips on tackling debt, living on a debt plan and other debt matters
Blog authors
How will starting a debt solution impact your credit score?
Posted 05 March 2018 by Christine Walsh
Starting a debt solution might be the right way for you to take control of your debts, but the knock-on effect could be a badly damaged credit score, right? Come to think of it, if you go on a debt solution, could it stop you from ever borrowing again?
Struggling with your overdraft? There's always a way to beat overdraft debt
Posted 11 May 2017 by Christine Walsh
You might be able to deal with your overdraft by opening a basic bank account or switching to an interest free account.
Is your car finance driving you into a debt problem?
Posted 11 May 2017 by Christine Walsh
More and more of us have car finance. If you are struggling to meet your repayments it's important to know what type of finance you've got and how to tackle it
Debt Arrangement Schemes and how they work
Posted 25 April 2017 by Christine Walsh
DAS lowers your unsecured repayments, freezes interest and charges and protects you from legal action, but there are drawbacks.
EDF price increase: Make sure you're not paying more than you need to for energy
Posted 19 April 2017 by Christine Walsh
EDF raises its prices for the second time in a year. Switching tariff can mean you protect yourself from energy price increases.
Can the FCA get the interest and charges on your credit card written off or frozen?
Posted 18 April 2017 by Christine Walsh
The FCA thinks too many people are in persistent credit card debt and they've proposed new ways for credit card companies to help their customers.
Lenders contacting you for payment? Here's what you need to do to make it stop
Posted 17 April 2017 by Christine Walsh
If your lenders are asking you for payments, you need to stay in touch with them and you might need to get debt help to solve the problem.
To find out more about managing your money and getting free debt advice, visit Money Advice Service, an independent service set up to help people manage their money.


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What does the name Zenetta mean? Find out below.
Z is for zany, the funny side of you!
E is for eager, let's get started!
N is for noteworthy, just like your achievements
E is for excellence, your passion, your drive.
T is for tender, loving nature.
T is for talent, hidden or not.
A is for admirers, and all that you have!
I do not know how you feel about it, but you were a male in your last earthly incarnation. You were born somewhere around the territory of Philippines approximately on 1150. Your profession was writer, dramatist, and organizer of rituals.
As a ruthless character, you carefully weighed your decisions in critical situations, with excellent self-control and strong will. Generally liked, but not always loved. Your lesson - to combat violence and disharmony in our world, to understand its roots and origins. All global problems have similar origins.


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Role of communication in 21st century essay
specifically for you. Communication in the 21st-century overview, there is increased diversity in todays workplace. Despite the age or generation of the leader, it is essential to be open and create a strong team that will support one another so the company will be successful. They cant expand on any of their goals or ambitions in 60 seconds or less. But with the nature of communication technology to be free and open to everyone, some people tend to misuse communication technology for personal gain and interest by affecting other people. Sixth Sense is a wearable gestural interface device by Pranav Mistry, a PhD candidate in the Fluid Interfaces Group at the MIT Media Lab. Perhaps the topics play a role on the difficulty I have. When used effectively, messaging can be a very crucial means of communicating and relaying information between people. The manner in which todays children are being raised and educated will affect the outcome of tomorrows leaders. Users of communication technology should be aware and educated about the dos and donts using communication technology such as social media.
Leadership, team building, the function and process of communication.
Communication Technology in the 21st Century Essay.
Communication technology is improving as we speak and more important sector is depending on.
Tyco scandal essay
Persuasive essay language
Fresh fruit broken bodies essay
Poems different culture essays
While I was reading, I would think of ideas or come across interesting information that would relate to the topic so I would write these ideas or words into the document, sporadically. In private life, the disadvantages are more than the advantages. When used effectively, they are a good way of communicating and relaying information between people. Social media became the most used communication technology in comparison to television, radio, and conventional telephone. The most obvious example is television. Co-workers and employers have to cope with great diversity in age, cultural and gender. Businesses have established branches in the various countries; people are migrating to other countries for settlement and people are intermarrying.
Emerson selected essays lectures poems, Essay of gay marriage of usa states, Racism in the school system essay,


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Dodge Grand Caravan Crew
Discerning drivers will appreciate the 2010 Dodge Grand Caravan. This 7 passenger van provides exceptional value! It features a front-wheel-drive platform, an automatic transmission, and a 4 liter 6 cylinder engine. All of the premium features expected of a Dodge are offered, including: a rear window wiper, a built-in garage door transmitter, front fog lights, removable floor console, an overhead console, a roof rack, and remote keyless entry. Storage solutions are integrated throughout the interior, demonstrating thoughtful attention to detail. Power adjustable pedals allow the driver to optimize his or her driving position, enhancing visibility, comfort and safety. Premium sound drives 6 speakers, providing you and your passengers a sensational audio experience. Dodge ensures the safety and security of its passengers with equipment such as: dual front impact airbags, head curtain airbags, traction control, brake assist, anti-whiplash front head restraints, ignition disabling, and 4 wheel disc brakes with ABS. Electronic stability control ensures solid grip atop the road surface, no matter how challenging the driving conditions. It also arrives with a Carfax history report, providing you peace of mind with detailed information. Our aim is to provide our customers with the best prices and service at all times. Please don't hesitate to give us a call.